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diff --git a/old/50565-0.txt b/old/50565-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 054ca6e..0000000 --- a/old/50565-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,12109 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of Chemistry, Volume 1 (of 2), by -Thomas Thomson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The History of Chemistry, Volume 1 (of 2) - -Author: Thomas Thomson - -Release Date: November 27, 2015 [EBook #50565] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY, VOL 1 *** - - - - -Produced by MWS, Wayne Hammond and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - -[Illustration: - - _Raeburn. pinx^t._ _Dean, sculp^t._ - -JOSEPH BLACK, M.D. F.R.S.E. - -_London. Published by Henry Colburn & Richard Bentley. 1830._] - - - - - THE - - HISTORY - - OF - - CHEMISTRY. - - BY - THOMAS THOMSON, M.D. F.R.S.E. - PROFESSOR OF CHEMISTRY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW. - - - IN TWO VOLUMES. - - VOL. I. - - - LONDON: - HENRY COLBURN, AND RICHARD BENTLEY, - NEW BURLINGTON STREET. - - 1830. - - - - - C. WHITING, BEAUFORT HOUSE, STRAND. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -It may be proper, perhaps, to state here, in a very few words, the -objects which the author had in view in drawing up the following -History of Chemistry. Alchymy, or the art of making gold, with which -the science originated, furnishes too curious a portion of the -aberrations of the human intellect to be passed over in silence. -The writings of the alchymists are so voluminous and so mystical, -that it would have afforded materials for a very long work. But -I was prevented from extending this part of the subject to any -greater length than I have done, by considering the small quantity of -information which could have been gleaned from the reveries of these -fanatics or impostors; I thought it sufficient to give a general view -of the nature of their pursuits: but in order to put it in the power of -those who feel inclined to prosecute such investigations, I have given -a catalogue of the most eminent of the alchymists and a list of their -works, so far as I am acquainted with them. This catalogue might have -been greatly extended. Indeed it would have been possible to have added -several hundred names. But I think the works which I have quoted are -more than almost any reasonable man would think it worth his while to -peruse; and I can state, from experience, that the information gained -by such a perusal will very seldom repay the trouble. - - * * * * * - -The account of the chemical arts, with which the ancients were -acquainted, is necessarily imperfect; because all arts and trades were -held in so much contempt by them that they did not think it worth their -while to make themselves acquainted with the processes. My chief -guide has been Pliny, but many of his descriptions are unintelligible, -obviously from his ignorance of the arts which he attempts to describe. -Thus circumstanced, I thought it better to be short than to waste a -great deal of paper, as some have done, on hypothesis and conjecture. - - * * * * * - -The account of the Chemistry of the Arabians is almost entirely limited -to the works of Geber, which I consider to be the first book on -Chemistry that ever was published, and to constitute, in every point -of view, an exceedingly curious performance. I was much struck with -the vast number of facts with which he was acquainted, and which have -generally been supposed to have been discovered long after his time. -I have, therefore, been at some pains in endeavouring to convey a -notion of Geber’s opinions to the readers of this history; but am not -sure that I have succeeded. I have generally given his own words, as -literally as possible, and, wherever it would answer the purpose, have -employed the English translation of 1678. - -Paracelsus gave origin to so great a revolution in medicine and the -sciences connected with it, that it would have been unpardonable not -to have attempted to lay his opinions and views before the reader; -but, after perusing several of his most important treatises, I found -it almost impossible to form accurate notions on the subject. I -have, therefore, endeavoured to make use of his own words as much -as possible, that the want of consistency and the mysticism of his -opinions may fall upon his own head. Should the reader find any -difficulty in understanding the philosophy of Paracelsus, he will be -in no worse a situation than every one has been who has attempted to -delineate the principles of this prince of quacks and impostors. Van -Helmont’s merits were of a much higher kind, and I have endeavoured to -do him justice; though his weaknesses are so visible that it requires -much candour and patience to discriminate accurately between his -excellencies and his foibles. - - * * * * * - -The history of Iatro-chemistry forms a branch of our subject scarcely -less extraordinary than Alchymy itself. It might have been extended -to a much greater length than I have done. The reason why I did not -enter into longer details was, that I thought the subject more -intimately connected with the history of medicine than of chemistry: -it undoubtedly contributed to the improvement of chemistry; not, -however, by the opinions or the physiology of the iatro-chemists, but -by inducing their contemporaries and successors to apply themselves to -the discovery of chemical medicines. - - * * * * * - -The History of Chemistry, after a theory of combustion had been -introduced by Beccher and Stahl, becomes much more important. It now -shook off the trammels of alchymy, and ventured to claim its station -among the physical sciences. I have found it necessary to treat of its -progress during the eighteenth century rather succinctly, but I hope -so as to be easily intelligible. This made it necessary to omit the -names of many meritorious individuals, who supplied a share of the -contributions which the science was continually receiving from all -quarters. I have confined myself to those who made the most prominent -figure as chemical discoverers. I had no other choice but to follow -this plan, unless I had doubled the size of this little work, which -would have rendered it less agreeable and less valuable to the general -reader. - - * * * * * - -With respect to the History of Chemistry during that portion of the -nineteenth century which is already past, it was beset with several -difficulties. Many of the individuals, of whose labours I had occasion -to speak, are still actively engaged in the prosecution of their -useful works. Others have but just left the arena, and their friends -and relations still remain to appreciate their merits. In treating of -this branch of the science (by far the most important of all) I have -followed the same plan as in the history of the preceding century. I -have found it necessary to omit many names that would undoubtedly have -found a place in a larger work, but which the limited extent to which I -was obliged to confine myself, necessarily compelled me to pass over. I -have been anxious not to injure the character of any one, while I have -rigidly adhered to truth, so far as I was acquainted with it. Should I -have been so unfortunate as to hurt the feelings of any individual by -any remarks of mine in the following pages, it will give me great pain; -and the only alleviation will be the consciousness of the total absence -on my part of any malignant intention. To gratify the wishes of every -individual may, perhaps, be impossible; but I can say, with truth, -that my uniform object has been to do justice to the merits of all, so -far as my own limited knowledge put it in my power to do. - - - - -CONTENTS - -OF - -THE FIRST VOLUME. - - - Page - - Introduction 1 - - - CHAPTER I. - - Of Alchymy 3 - - - CHAPTER II. - - Of the chemical knowledge possessed by the Ancients 49 - - - CHAPTER III. - - Chemistry of the Arabians 110 - - - CHAPTER IV. - - Of the progress of Chemistry under Paracelsus and his disciples 140 - - - CHAPTER V. - - Of Van Helmont and the Iatro-Chemists 179 - - - CHAPTER VI. - - Of Agricola and metallurgy 219 - - - CHAPTER VII. - - Of Glauber, Lemery, and some other chemists of the end of the - seventeenth century 226 - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - Of the attempts to establish a theory in chemistry 246 - - - CHAPTER IX. - - Of the foundation and progress of scientific chemistry in Great - Britain 303 - - - - - -HISTORY OF CHEMISTRY. - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -Chemistry, unlike the other sciences, sprang originally from delusion -and superstition, and was at its commencement exactly on a level -with magic and astrology. Even after it began to be useful to man, -by furnishing him with better and more powerful medicines than the -ancient physicians were acquainted with, it was long before it could -shake off the trammels of alchymy, which hung upon it like a nightmare, -cramping and blunting all its energies, and exposing it to the scorn -and contempt of the enlightened part of mankind. It was not till about -the middle of the eighteenth century that it was able to free itself -from these delusions, and to venture abroad in all the native dignity -of a useful science. It was then that its utility and its importance -began to attract the attention of the world; that it drew within its -vortex some of the greatest and most active men in every country; and -that it advanced towards perfection with an accelerated pace. The field -which it now presents to our view is vast and imposing. Its paramount -utility is universally acknowledged. It has become a necessary part of -education. It has contributed as much to the progress of society, and -has done as much to augment the comforts and conveniences of life, and -to increase the power and the resources of mankind, as all the other -sciences put together. - -It is natural to feel a desire to be acquainted with the origin and the -progress of such a science; and to know something of the history and -character of those numerous votaries to whom it is indebted for its -progress and improvement. The object of this little work is to gratify -these laudable wishes, by taking a rapid view of the progress of -Chemistry, from its first rude and disgraceful beginnings till it has -reached its present state of importance and dignity. I shall divide the -subject into fifteen chapters. In the first I shall treat of Alchymy, -which may be considered as the inauspicious commencement of the -science, and which, in fact, consists of little else than an account of -dupes and impostors; every where so full of fiction and obscurity, that -it is a hopeless and almost impossible task to reach the truth. In the -second chapter I shall endeavour to point out the few small chemical -rills, which were known to the ancients. These I shall follow in their -progress, in the succeeding chapters, till at last, augmented by an -infinite number of streams flowing at once from a thousand different -quarters, they have swelled to the mighty river, which now flows on -majestically, wafting wealth and information to the civilized world. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -OF ALCHYMY. - - -The word _chemistry_ (χημεια, _chemeia_) first occurs in Suidas, -a Greek writer, who is supposed to have lived in the eleventh -century, and to have written his lexicon during the reign of Alexius -Comnenus.[1] Under the word χημεια in his dictionary we find the -following passage: - -“CHEMISTRY, the preparation of silver and gold. The books -on it were sought out by Dioclesian and burnt, on account of the new -attempts made by the Egyptians against him. He treated them with -cruelty and harshness, as he sought out the books written by the -ancients on the chemistry (Περι χημειας) of gold and silver, and burnt -them. His object was to prevent the Egyptians from becoming rich by the -knowledge of this art, lest, emboldened by abundance of wealth, they -might be induced afterwards to resist the Romans.”[2] - -[1] The word χημεια is said to occur in several Greek manuscripts of -a much earlier date. But of this, as I have never had an opportunity -of seeing them, I cannot pretend to judge. So much fiction has been -introduced into the history of Alchymy, and so many ancient names have -been treacherously dragged into the service, that we may be allowed -to hesitate when no evidence is presented sufficient to satisfy a -reasonable man. - -[2] Χημεια, ἡ του αργυρου και χρυσου κατασκευη· ἡς τα βιβλια -διερευνησαμενος ὁ Διοκλητιανος εκαυσε, δια τα νεωτερισθεντα αιγυπτιοις -Διοκλητιανω· τουτοις ανημερως και φονικως εχρησατο ὁτεδη και τα -περι χημειας χρυσου και αργυρου τοις παλαιοις γεγραμμενα βιβλια -διερευνησαμενος εκαυσε, προς το μηκετι πλουτον αιγυπτιοις εκ της -τοιαυτης προσγινεσθαι τεχνης, μηδε χρηματων αυτοις θαρῥονιτας περιουσια -του λοιπου ῥωμαιοις ανταιρειν. - -Under the word Δερας, _deras_ (_a skin_), in the lexicon, occurs the -following passage: “Δερας, the golden fleece, which Jason and the -Argonauts (after a voyage through the Black Sea to Colchis) took, -together with Medea, daughter of Ætes, the king. But this was not -what the poets represent, but a treatise written on skins (δερμασι), -teaching how gold might be prepared by chemistry. Probably, therefore, -it was called by those who lived at that time, _golden_, on account of -its great importance.”[3] - -[3] Δερας, το χρυσομαλλον δερας, ὁπερ ὁ Ιασων δια της ποντικης -θαλασσης συν τοις αργοναυταις εις την κολχιδα παραγενομενοι ελαβον, -και την Μηδειαν την Αιητου του βασιλεως θυγατερα. Τουτο δε ουκ ὡς -ποιητικως φερεται· αλλα βιβλιον ην εν δερμασι γεγραμενον περισχον ὁπως -δειγινεσθαι δια χημειας χρυσον· εικοτως ουν ὁι τοτε χρουσουν ωνομαζον -αυτο δερας δια την ενεργειαν την εξ αυτου. - -From these two passages there can be no doubt that the word _chemistry_ -was known to the Greeks in the eleventh century; and that it signified, -at that time, the art of making gold and silver. It appears, further, -that in Suidas’s opinion, this art was known to the Egyptians in the -time of Dioclesian; that Dioclesian was convinced of its reality; -and that, to put an end to it, he collected and burnt all the -chemical writings to be found in Egypt. Nay, Suidas affirms that a -book, describing the art of making gold, existed at the time of the -Argonauts: and that the object of Jason and his followers was to get -possession of that invaluable treatise, which the poets disguised under -the term _golden fleece_. - -The first meaning, then, of chemistry, was the _art of making gold_. -And this art, in the opinion of Suidas, was understood at least as -early as one thousand two hundred and twenty-five years before -the Christian era: for that is the period at which the Argonautic -expedition is commonly fixed by chronologists. - -Though the lexicon of Suidas be the first printed book in which the -word Chemistry occurs, yet it is said to be found in much earlier -tracts, which still continue in manuscript. Thus Scaliger informs us -that he perused a Greek manuscript of Zosimus, the Panapolite, written -in the fifth century, and deposited in the King of France’s library. -Olaus Borrichius mentions this manuscript; but in such terms that it -is difficult to know whether he had himself read it; though he seems -to insinuate as much.[4] The title of this manuscript is said to be -“A faithful Description of the sacred and divine Art of making Gold -and Silver, by Zosimus, the Panapolite.”[5] In this treatise, Zosimus -distinguishes the art by the name χημια, _chemia_. From a passage -in this manuscript, quoted by Scaliger, and given also by Olaus -Borrichius, it appears that Zosimus carries the antiquity of the art of -making gold and silver, much higher than Suidas has ventured to do. The -following is a literal translation of this curious passage: - -[4] De Ortu et Progressu Chemiæ, p. 12. - -[5] Σωσιμου του παναπολιτου γνησια γραφη, περι της ἱερας, και θειας -τεχνης του χρυσου και αργυριου ποιησιος. Παναπολις was a city in Egypt. - -“The sacred Scriptures inform us that there exists a tribe of genii, -who make use of women. Hermes mentions this circumstance in his -Physics; and almost every writing (λογος), whether sacred (φανερος) or -apocryphal, states the same thing. The ancient and divine Scriptures -inform us, that the angels, captivated by women, taught them all the -operations of nature. Offence being taken at this, they remained out of -heaven, because they had taught mankind all manner of evil, and things -which could not be advantageous to their souls. The Scriptures inform -us that the giants sprang from these embraces. Chema is the first of -their traditions respecting these arts. The book itself they called -Chema; hence the art is called _Chemia_.” - -Zosimus is not the only Greek writer on Chemistry. Olaus Borrichius has -given us a list of thirty-eight treatises, which he says exist in the -libraries of Rome, Venice, and Paris: and Dr. Shaw has increased this -list to eighty-nine.[6] But among these we find the names of Hermes, -Isis, Horus, Democritus, Cleopatra, Porphyry, Plato, &c.--names which -undoubtedly have been affixed to the writings of comparatively modern -and obscure authors. The style of these authors, as Borrichius informs -us, is barbarous. They are chiefly the production of ecclesiastics, -who lived between the fifth and twelfth centuries. In these tracts, -the art of which they treat is sometimes called _chemistry_ (χημεια); -sometimes the _chemical art_ (χημευτικα); sometimes the _holy art_; and -the _philosopher’s stone_. - -[6] Shaw’s Translation of Boerhaave’s Chemistry, i. 20. - -It is evident from this, that between the fifth century and the taking -of Constantinople in the fifteenth century, the Greeks believed in the -possibility of making gold and silver artificially; and that the art -which professed to teach these processes was called by them Chemistry. - -These opinions passed from the Greeks to the Arabians, when, under the -califs of the family of Abassides, they began to turn their attention -to science, about the beginning of the ninth century; and when the -enlightened zeal of the Fatimites in Africa, and the Ommiades in Spain, -encouraged the cultivation of the sciences. From Spain they gradually -made their way into the different Christian kingdoms of Europe. From -the eleventh to the sixteenth century, the art of making gold and -silver was cultivated in Germany, Italy, France, and England, with -considerable assiduity. The cultivators of it were called _Alchymists_; -a name obviously derived from the Greek word _chemia_, but somewhat -altered by the Arabians. Many alchymistical tracts were written during -that period. A considerable number of them were collected by Lazarus -Zetzner, and published at Strasburg in 1602, under the title of -“Theatrum Chemicum, præcipuos selectorum auctorum tractatus de Chemiæ -et Lapidis Philosophici Antiquitate, veritate, jure, præstantia, et -operationibus continens in gratiam veræ Chemiæ et Medicinæ Chemicæ -Studiosorum (ut qui uberrimam unde optimorum remediorum messem facere -poterunt) congestum et in quatuor partes seu volumina digestum.” This -book contains one hundred and five different alchymistical tracts. - -In the year 1610 another collection of alchymistical tracts was -published at Basil, in three volumes, under the title of “Artis -Auriferæ quam Chemiam vocant volumina tria.” It contains forty-seven -different tracts. - -In the year 1702 Mangetus published at Geneva two very large folio -volumes, under the name of “Bibliotheca Chemica Curiosa, seu rerum -ad Alchymiam pertinentium thesaurus instructissimus, quo non tantum -Artis Auriferæ ac scriptorum in ea nobiliorum Historia traditur; -lapidis veritas Argumentis et Experimentis innumeris, immo et Juris -Consultorum Judiciis evincitur; Termini obscuriores explicantur; -Cautiones contra Impostores et Difficultates in Tinctura Universali -conficienda occurrentes declarantur: verum etiam Tractatus omnes -Virorum Celebriorum, qui in Magno sudarunt Elixyre, quique ab ipso -Hermete, ut dicitur, Trismegisto, ad nostra usque tempora de Chrysopoea -scripserunt, cum præcipuis suis Commentariis, concinno ordine dispositi -exhibentur.” This Bibliotheca contains one hundred and twenty-two -alchymistical treatises, many of them of considerable length. - -Two additional volumes of the Theatrum Chemicum were afterwards -published; but these I have never had an opportunity of seeing. - -From these collections, which exhibit a pretty complete view of the -writings of the alchymists, a tolerably accurate notion may be formed -of their opinions. But before attempting to lay open the theories and -notions by which the alchymists were guided, it will be proper to state -the opinions which were gradually adopted respecting the origin of -Alchymy, and the contrivances by which these opinions were supported. - -Zosimus, the Panapolite, in a passage quoted above informs us, that -the art of making gold and silver was not a human invention; but was -communicated to mankind by angels or demons. These angels, he says, -fell in love with women, and were induced by their charms to abandon -heaven altogether, and take up their abode upon earth. Among other -pieces of information which these spiritual beings communicated to -their paramours, was the sublime art of Chemistry, or the fabrication -of gold and silver. - -It is quite unnecessary to refute this extravagant opinion, obviously -founded on a misunderstanding of a passage in the sixth chapter of -Genesis. “And it came to pass, when men began to multiply on the face -of the earth, and daughters were born unto them, that the sons of God -saw the daughters of men, that they were fair; and they took them wives -of all which they chose.--There were giants in the earth in those days; -and also after that, when the sons of God came in unto the daughters -of men, and they bare _children_ to them; the same became mighty men, -which were of old, men of renown.” - -There is no mention whatever of angels, or of any information on -science communicated by them to mankind. - -Nor is it necessary to say much about the opinion advanced by some, -and rather countenanced by Olaus Borrichius, that the art of making -gold was the invention of Tubal-cain, whom they represent as the same -as Vulcan. All the information which we have respecting Tubal-cain, -is simply that he was an instructor of every artificer in brass and -iron.[7] No allusion whatever is made to gold. And that in these early -ages of the world there was no occasion for making gold artificially, -we have the same authority for believing. For in the second chapter -of Genesis, where the garden of Eden is described, it is said, “And -a river went out of Eden to water the garden; and from thence it was -parted, and came into four heads: the name of the first is Pison, -that is it which encompasseth the whole land of Havilah, where there -is gold. And the gold of that land is good: there is bdellium and -onyx-stone.” - -[7] Genesis iv. 22. - -But the most generally-received opinion is, that alchymy originated in -Egypt; and the honour of the invention has been unanimously conferred -upon Hermes Trismegistus. He is by some supposed to be the same person -with Chanaan, the son of Ham, whose son Mizraim first occupied and -peopled Egypt. Plutarch informs us, that Egypt was sometimes called -_Chemia_.[8] This name is supposed to be derived from Chanaan (ןענכ); -thence it was believed that Chanaan was the true inventor of alchymy, -to which he affixed his own name. Whether the Hermes (Ἑρμης) of -the Greeks was the same person with Chanaan or his son Mizraim, it -is impossible at this distance of time to decide; but to Hermes is -assigned the invention of alchymy, or the art of making gold, by almost -the unanimous consent of the adepts. - -[8] De Iside and Osiride, c. 5. - -Albertus Magnus informs us, that “Alexander the Great discovered the -sepulchre of Hermes, in one of his journeys, full of all treasures, -not metallic, but golden, written on a table of _zatadi_, which others -call emerald.” This passage occurs in a tract of Albertus _de secretis -chemicis_, which is considered as supposititious. Nothing is said of -the source whence the information contained in this passage was drawn: -but, from the quotations produced by Kriegsmann, it would appear that -the existence of this emerald table was alluded to by Avicenna and -other Arabian writers. According to them, a woman called Sarah took it -from the hands of the dead body of Hermes, some ages after the flood, -in a cave near Hebron. The inscription on it was in the Phœnician -language. The following is a literal translation of this famous -inscription, from the Latin version of Kriegsmann:[9] - -[9] There are two Latin translations of these tables (unless we are -rather to consider them as originals, for no Phœnician nor Greek -original exists). I shall insert them both here. - - -I.--VERBA SECRETORUM HERMETIS TRISMEGISTI. - - 1. Verum sine mendacio certum et verissimum. - - 2. Quod est inferius, est sicut quod est superius, et quod est - superius est sicut quod est inferius ad perpetranda miracula rei - unius. - - 3. Et sicut omnes res fuerant ab uno meditatione unius: sic - omnes res natæ fuerunt ab hac una re adaptatione. - - 4. Pater ejus est Sol, mater ejus Luna, portavit illud ventus - in ventre suo, nutrix ejus terra est. - - 5. Pater omnis thelesmi totius mundi est hic. - - 6. Vis ejus integra est, si versa fuerit in terram. - - 7. Separabis terram ab igne, subtile a spisso suaviter cum - magno ingenio. - - 8. Ascendit a terra in cœlum, iterumque descendit in terram, - et recipit vim superiorum et inferiorum, sic habebis gloriam - totius mundi. Ideo fugiat a te omnis obscuritas. - - 9. Hic est totius fortitudinis fortitudo fortis; quia vincit - omnem rem subtilem, omnemque solidam penetrabit. - - 10. Sic mundus creatus est. - - 11. Hinc adaptationes erunt mirabiles, quarum modus est - hic. - - 12. Itaque vocatus sum Hermes Trismegistus, habens tres - partes philosophiæ totius mundi. - - 13. Completum est quod dixi de operatione solis. - - -II.--DESCRIPTIO ARCANORUM HERMETIS TRISMEGISTI. - - 1. Vere non ficte, certo verissime aio. - - 2. Inferiora hæc cum superioribus illis, istaque cum iis vicissim - vires sociant, ut producant rem unam omnium mirificissimam. - - 3. Ac quemadmodum cuncta educta ex uno fuere verbo Dei - unius: sic omnes quoque res perpetuo ex hac una re generantur - dispositione Naturæ. - - 4. Patrem ea habet Solem, matrem Lunam: ab aëre in utero - quasi gestatur, nutritur a terra. - - 5. Causa omnis perfectionis rerum ea est per univerum hoc. - - 6. Ad summam ipsa perfectionem virium pervenit si redierit - in humum. - - 7. In partes tribuite humum ignem passam, attenuans densitatem - ejus re omnium suavissima. - - 8. Summa ascende ingenii sagacitate a terra in cœlum, indeque - rursum in terram descende, ac vires superiorum inferiorumque - coge in unum: sic potiere gloria totius mundi atque ita abjectæ - sortis homo amplius non habere. - - 9. Isthæc jam res ipsa fortitudine fortior existet; corpora - quippe tam tenuia quam solida penetrando subige. - - 10. Atque sic quidem quæcunque mundus continet creata fuere. - - 11. Hinc admiranda evadunt opera, quæ ad eundum modum - instituantur. - - 12. Mihi vero ideo nomen Hermetis Trismegisti impositum - fuit, quod trium mundi sapientiæ partium doctor deprehensus - sum. - - 13. Hæc sunt quæ de chemicæ artis prestantissimo opere - consignanda esse duxi. - - - 1. I speak not fictitious things, but what is true and - most certain. - - 2. What is below is like that which is above, and - what is above is similar to that which is below, to accomplish - the miracles of one thing. - - 3. And as all things were produced by the meditation - of one Being, so all things were produced from - this one thing by adaptation. - - 4. Its father is _Sol_, its mother _Luna_; the wind - carried it in its belly, the earth is its nurse. - - 5. It is the cause of all perfection throughout the - whole world. - - 6. Its power is perfect, if it be changed into earth. - - 7. Separate the earth from the fire, the subtile - from the gross, acting prudently and with judgment. - - 8. Ascend with the greatest sagacity from the earth - to heaven, and then again descend to the earth, and - unite together the powers of things superior and things - inferior. Thus you will possess the glory of the whole - world; and all obscurity will fly far away from you. - - 9. This thing has more fortitude than fortitude itself; - because it will overcome every subtile thing, and - penetrate every solid thing. - - 10. By it this world was formed. - - 11. Hence proceed wonderful things, which in this - wise were established. - - 12. For this reason I am called Hermes Trismegistus, - because I possess three parts of the philosophy of - the whole world. - - 13. What I had to say about the operation of _Sol_ - is completed. - -Such is a literal translation of the celebrated inscription of Hermes -Trismegistus upon the emerald tablet. It is sufficiently obscure to -put it in the power of commentators to affix almost any explanation to -it that they choose. The two individuals who have devoted most time -to illustrate this tablet, are Kriegsmann and Gerard Dorneus, whose -commentaries may be seen in the first volume of Mangetus’s Bibliotheca -Chemica. They both agree that it refers to the _universal medicine_, -which began to acquire celebrity about the time of Paracelsus, or a -little earlier. - -This exposition, which appears as probable as any other, betrays -the time when this celebrated inscription seems to have been really -written. Had it been taken out of the hands of the dead body of Hermes -by Sarah (obviously intended for the wife of Abraham) as is affirmed -by Avicenna, it is not possible that Herodotus, and all the writers of -antiquity, both Pagan and Christian, should have entirely overlooked -it; or how could Avicenna have learned what was unknown to all those -who lived nearest the time when the discovery was supposed to have been -made? Had it been discovered in Egypt by Alexander the Great, would -it have been unknown to Aristotle, and to all the numerous tribe of -writers whom the Alexandrian school produced, not one of whom, however, -make the least allusion to it? In short, it bears all the marks of -a forgery of the fifteenth century. And even the tract ascribed to -Albertus Magnus, in which the tablet of Hermes is mentioned, and the -discovery related, is probably also a forgery; and doubtless a forgery -of the same individual who fabricated the tablet itself, in order to -throw a greater air of probability upon a story which he wished to palm -upon the world as true. His object was in some measure accomplished; -for the authenticity of the tablet was supported with much zeal by -Kriegsmann, and afterwards by Olaus Borrichius. - -There is another tract of Hermes Trismegistus, entitled “Tractatus -Aureus de Lapidis Physici Secreto;” on which no less elaborate -commentaries have been written. It professes to teach the process of -making the _philosopher’s stone_; and, from the allusions in it, to the -use of this stone, as a universal medicine, was probably a forgery of -the same date as the emerald tablet. It would be in vain to attempt to -extract any thing intelligible out of this Tractatus Aureus: it may be -worth while to give a single specimen, that the reader may be able to -form some idea of the nature of the style. - -“Take of moisture an ounce and a half; of meridional redness, that is -the soul of the sun, a fourth part, that is half an ounce; of yellow -seyr, likewise half an ounce; and of auripigmentum, a half ounce, -making in all three ounces. Know that the vine of wise men is extracted -in threes, and its wine at last is completed in thirty.”[10] - -[10] “Accipe de humore unciam unam et mediam, et de rubore meridionali, -id est anima solis, quartam partem, id est, unciam mediam, et de Seyre -citrino, similiter unciam mediam, et de auripigmenti dimidium, quæ -sunt octo, id est unciæ tres. Scitote quod vitis sapientum in tribus -extrahitur, ejusque vinum in fine triginta peragitur.” - -Had the opinion, that gold and silver could be artificially formed -originated with Hermes Trismegistus, or had it prevailed among -the ancient Egyptians, it would certainly have been alluded to by -Herodotus, who spent so many years in Egypt, and was instructed by -the priests in all the science of the Egyptians. Had _chemistry_ been -the name of a science, real or fictitious, which existed as early as -the expedition of the Argonauts, and had so many treatises on it, as -Suidas alleges existed in Egypt before the reign of Dioclesian, it -could hardly have escaped the notice of Pliny, who was so curious -and so indefatigable in his researches, and who has collected in his -natural history a kind of digest of all the knowledge of the ancients -in every department of practical science. The fact that the term -chemistry (χημεια) never occurs in any Greek or Roman writer prior to -Suidas, who wrote so late as the eleventh century, seems to overturn -all idea of the existence of that pretended science among the ancients, -notwithstanding the elaborate attempts of Olaus Borrichius to prove the -contrary. - -I am disposed to believe, that chemistry or alchymy, understanding -by the term the _art of making gold and silver_, originated among -the Arabians, when they began to turn their attention to medicine, -after the establishment of the caliphs; or if it had previously been -cultivated by Greeks (as the writings of Zosimus, the Panapolite, -if genuine, would lead us to suppose), that it was taken up by the -Arabians, and reduced by them into regular form and order. If the works -of Geber be genuine, they leave little doubt on this point. Geber is -supposed to have been a physician, and to have written in the seventh -century. He admits, as a first principle, that metals are compounds of -mercury and sulphur. He talks of the philosopher’s stone; professes -to give the mode of preparing it; and teaches the way of converting -the different metals, known in his time, into medicines, on whose -efficacy he bestows the most ample panegyrics. Thus the principles -which lie at the bottom of alchymy were implicitly adopted by him. -Yet I can nowhere find in him any attempt to make gold artificially. -His chemistry was entirely devoted to the improvement of medicine. -The subsequent pretensions of the alchymists to convert the baser -metals into gold are no where avowed by him. I am disposed from this -to suspect, that the theory of gold-making was started after Geber’s -time, or at least that it was after the seventh century, before any -alchymist ventured to affirm that he himself was in possession of the -secret, and could fabricate gold artificially at pleasure. For there is -a wide distance between the opinion that gold may be made artificially -and the affirmation that we are in possession of a method by which this -transmutation of the baser metals into gold can be accomplished. The -first may be adopted and defended with much plausibility and perfect -honesty; but the second would require a degree of skill far exceeding -that of the most scientific votary of chemistry at present existing. - -The opinion of the alchymists was, that all the metals are compounds; -that the baser metals contain the same constituents as gold, -contaminated, indeed, with various impurities, but capable, when their -impurities are removed or remedied, of assuming all the properties and -characters of gold. The substance possessing this wonderful power they -distinguish by the name of _lapis philosophorum_, or, philosopher’s -stone, and they usually describe it as a red powder, having a peculiar -smell. Few of the alchymists who have left writings behind them boast -of being possessed of the philosopher’s stone. Paracelsus, indeed, -affirms, that he was acquainted with the method of making it, and -gives several processes, which, however, are not intelligible. But -many affirm that they had seen the philosopher’s stone; that they had -portions of it in their possession; and that they had seen several of -the inferior metals, especially lead and quicksilver, converted by -means of it into gold. Many stories of this kind are upon record, and -so well authenticated, that we need not be surprised at their having -been generally credited. It will be sufficient if we state one or two -of those which depend upon the most unexceptionable evidence. The -following relation is given by Mangetus, on the authority of M. Gros, a -clergyman of Geneva, of the most unexceptionable character, and at the -same time a skilful physician and expert chemist: - -“About the year 1650 an unknown Italian came to Geneva, and took -lodgings at the sign of the _Green Cross_. After remaining there a -day or two, he requested De Luc, the landlord, to procure him a man -acquainted with Italian, to accompany him through the town and point -out those things which deserved to be examined. De Luc was acquainted -with M. Gros, at that time about twenty years of age, and a student -in Geneva, and knowing his proficiency in the Italian language, -requested him to accompany the stranger. To this proposition he -willingly acceded, and attended the Italian every where for the space -of a fortnight. The stranger now began to complain of want of money, -which alarmed M. Gros not a little--for at that time he was very -poor--and he became apprehensive, from the tenour of the stranger’s -conversation, that he intended to ask the loan of money from him. But -instead of this, the Italian asked him if he was acquainted with any -goldsmith, whose bellows and other utensils they might be permitted -to use, and who would not refuse to supply them with the different -articles requisite for a particular process which he wanted to perform. -M. Gros named a M. Bureau, to whom the Italian immediately repaired. -He readily furnished crucibles, pure tin, quicksilver, and the other -things required by the Italian. The goldsmith left his workshop, that -the Italian might be under the less restraint, leaving M. Gros, with -one of his own workmen, as an attendant. The Italian put a quantity -of tin into one crucible, and a quantity of quicksilver into another. -The tin was melted in the fire and the mercury heated. It was then -poured into the melted tin, and at the same time a red powder enclosed -in wax was projected into the amalgam. An agitation took place, -and a great deal of smoke was exhaled from the crucible; but this -speedily subsided, and the whole being poured out, formed six heavy -ingots, having the colour of gold. The goldsmith was called in by the -Italian, and requested to make a rigid examination of the smallest of -these ingots. The goldsmith, not content with the touchstone and the -application of aqua fortis, exposed the metal on the cupel with lead, -and fused it with antimony, but it sustained no loss. He found it -possessed of the ductility and specific gravity of gold; and full of -admiration, he exclaimed that he had never worked before upon gold so -perfectly pure. The Italian made him a present of the smallest ingot -as a recompence, and then, accompanied by M. Gros, he repaired to the -Mint, where he received from M. Bacuet, the mintmaster, a quantity of -Spanish gold coin, equal in weight to the ingots which he had brought. -To M. Gros he made a present of twenty pieces, on account of the -attention that he had paid to him; and, after paying his bill at the -inn, he added fifteen pieces more, to serve to entertain M. Gros and -M. Bureau for some days, and in the mean time he ordered a supper, -that he might, on his return, have the pleasure of supping with these -two gentlemen. He went out, but never returned, leaving behind him the -greatest regret and admiration. It is needless to add, that M. Gros and -M. Bureau continued to enjoy themselves at the inn till the fifteen -pieces, which the stranger had left, were exhausted.”[11] - -[11] Preface to Mangetus’s Bibliotheca Chemica Curiosa. - -Mangetus gives also the following relation, which he states upon the -authority of an English bishop, who communicated it to him in the year -1685, and at the same time gave him about half an ounce of the gold -which the alchymist had made: - -A stranger, meanly dressed, went to Mr. Boyle, and after conversing -for some time about chemical processes, requested him to furnish him -with antimony, and some other common metallic substances, which then -fortunately happened to be in Mr. Boyle’s laboratory. These were -put into a crucible, which was then placed in a melting-furnace. As -soon as these metals were fused, the stranger showed a powder to the -attendants, which he projected into the crucible, and instantly went -out, directing the servants to allow the crucible to remain in the -furnace till the fire went out of its own accord, and promising at the -same time to return in a few hours. But, as he never fulfilled this -promise, Boyle ordered the cover to be taken off the crucible, and -found that it contained a yellow-coloured metal, possessing all the -properties of pure gold, and only a little lighter than the weight of -the materials originally put into the crucible.[12] - -[12] Ibid. - -The following strange story is related by Helvetius, physician to the -Prince of Orange, in his Vitulus Aureus: Helvetius was a disbeliever of -the philosopher’s stone, and the universal medicine, and even turned -Sir Kenelm Digby’s sympathetic powder into ridicule. On the 27th of -December, 1666, a stranger called upon him, and after conversing for -some time about a universal medicine, showed a yellow powder, which -he affirmed to be the philosopher’s stone, and at the same time five -large plates of gold, which had been made by means of it. Helvetius -earnestly entreated that he would give him a little of this powder, -or at least that he would make a trial of its power; but the stranger -refused, promising however to return in six weeks. He returned -accordingly, and after much entreaty he gave to Helvetius a piece of -the stone, not larger than the size of a rape-seed. When Helvetius -expressed his doubt whether so small a portion would be sufficient to -convert four grains of lead into gold, the adept broke off one half of -it, and assured him that what remained was more than sufficient for the -purpose. Helvetius, during the first conference, had concealed a little -of the stone below his nail. This he threw into melted lead, but it was -almost all driven off in smoke, leaving only a vitreous earth. When he -mentioned this circumstance, the stranger informed him that the powder -must be enclosed in wax, before it be thrown into the melted lead, lest -it should be injured by the smoke of the lead. The stranger promised -to return next day, and show him the method of making the projection; -but having failed to make his appearance, Helvetius, in the presence -of his wife and son, put six drachms of lead into a crucible, and as -soon as it was melted he threw into it the fragment of philosopher’s -stone in his possession, previously covered over with wax. The crucible -was now covered with its lid, and left for a quarter of an hour in the -fire, at the end of which time he found the whole lead converted into -gold. The colour was at first a deep green; being poured into a conical -vessel, it assumed a blood-red colour; but when cold, it acquired the -true tint of gold. Being examined by a goldsmith, he considered it as -pure gold. He requested Porelius, who had the charge of the Dutch mint, -to try its value. Two drachms of it being subjected to quartation, and -solution in aqua fortis, were found to have increased in weight by two -scruples. This increase was doubtless owing to the silver, which still -remained enveloped in the gold, after the action of the aqua fortis. -To endeavour to separate the silver more completely, the gold was again -fused with seven times its weight of antimony, and treated in the usual -manner; but no alteration took place in the weight.[13] - -[13] Bergmann, Opusc. iv. 121. - -It would be easy to relate many other similar narratives; but the -three which I have given are the best authenticated of any that I am -acquainted with. The reader will observe, that they are all stated on -the authority, not of the persons who were the actors, but of others -to whom they related them; and some of these, as the English bishop, -perhaps not very familiar with chemical processes, and therefore liable -to leave out or misstate some essential particulars. The evidence, -therefore, though the best that can be got, is not sufficient to -authenticate these wonderful stories. A little latent vanity might -easily induce the narrators to suppress or alter some particulars, -which, if known, would have stripped the statements of every thing -marvellous which they contain, and let us into the secret of the -origin of the gold, which these alchymists boasted that they had -fabricated. Whoever will read the statements of Paracelsus, respecting -his knowledge of the philosopher’s stone, which he applied not to the -formation of gold but to medicine, or whoever will examine his formulas -for making the stone, will easily satisfy himself that Paracelsus -possessed no real knowledge on the subject.[14] - -[14] I allude to his _Manuale sive de Lapide Philosophico Medicinali_. -Opera Paracelsi, ii. 133. Folio edition. Geneva, 1658. - -But to convey as precise ideas on this subject as possible, it may -be worth while to state a few of the methods by which the alchymists -persuaded themselves that they could convert the baser metals into gold. - -In the year 1694 an old gentleman called upon Mr. Wilson, at that time -a chemist in London, and informed him that at last, after forty years’ -search, he had met with an ample recompence for all his trouble and -expenses. This he confirmed with some oaths and imprecations; but, -considering his great weakness and age, he looked upon himself as -incapable to undergo the fatigues of the process. “I have here,” says -he, “a piece of sol (_gold_) that I made from silver, about four years -ago, and I cannot trust any man but you with so rare a secret. We will -share equally the charges and profit, which will render us wealthy -enough to command the world.” The nature of the process being stated, -Mr. Wilson thought it not unreasonable, especially as he aimed at no -peculiar advantage for himself. He accordingly put it to the trial in -the following manner: - -1. Twelve ounces of Japan copper were beat into thin plates, and laid -_stratum super stratum_ with three ounces of flowers of sulphur, in a -crucible. It was exposed in a melting-furnace to a gentle heat, till -the sulphureous flames expired. When cold, the æs ustum (_sulphuret -of copper_) was pounded, and stratified again; and this process was -repeated five times. Mr. Wilson does not inform us whether the powder -was mixed with flowers of sulphur every time that it was heated; but -this must have been the case, otherwise the sulphuret would have been -again converted into metallic copper, which would have melted into a -mass. By this first process, then, bisulphuret of copper was formed, -composed of equal weights of sulphur and copper. - -2. Six pounds of iron wire were put into a large glass body, and twelve -pounds of muriatic acid poured upon it. Six days elapsed (during which -it stood in a gentle heat) before the acid was saturated with the iron. -The solution was then decanted off, and filtered, and six pounds of new -muriatic acid poured on the undissolved iron. This acid, after standing -a sufficient time, was decanted off, and filtered. Both liquids were -put into a large retort, and distilled by a sand-heat. Towards the -end, when the drops from the retort became yellow, the receiver was -changed, and the fire increased to the highest degree, in which the -retort was kept between four and six hours. When all was cold, the -receiver was taken off, and a quantity of flowers was found in the neck -of the retort, variously coloured, like the rainbow. The yellow liquor -in the receiver weighed ten ounces and a half; the flowers (_chloride -of iron_), two ounces and three drams. The liquid and flowers were put -into a clean bottle. - -3. Half a pound of sal enixum (_sulphate of potash_) and a pound and a -half of nitric acid were put into a retort. When the salt had dissolved -in the acid, ten ounces of mercury (previously distilled through -quicklime and salt of tartar) were added. The whole being distilled to -dryness, a fine yellow mass (_pernitrate of mercury_) remained in the -bottom of the retort. The liquor was returned, with half a pound of -fresh nitric acid, and the distillation repeated. The distillation was -repeated a third time, urging this last cohobation with the highest -degree of fire. When all was cold, a various-coloured mass was found in -the bottom of the retort: this mass was doubtless a mixture of sulphate -of potash, and pernitrate of mercury, with some oxide of mercury. - -4. Four ounces of fine silver were dissolved in a pound of aqua fortis; -to the solution was added, of the bisulphuret of copper four ounces; -of the mixture of sulphate of potash, pernitrate of mercury, and oxide -of mercury one ounce and a half, and of the solution of perchloride -of iron two ounces and a half. When these had stood in a retort -twenty-four hours, the liquor was decanted off, and four ounces of -nitric acid were poured upon the little matter that was not dissolved. -Next morning a total dissolution was obtained. The whole of this -dissolution was put into a retort and distilled almost to dryness. The -liquid was poured back, and the distillation repeated three times; the -last time the retort being urged by a very strong fire till no fumes -appeared, and not a drop fell. - -5. The matter left in the bottom of the retort was now put into a -crucible, all the corrosive fumes were gently evaporated, and the -residue melted down with a fluxing powder. - -This process was expected to yield five ounces of pure gold; but -on examination the silver was the same (except the loss of half a -pennyweight) as when dissolved in the aqua fortis: there were indeed -some grains among the scoria, which appeared like gold, and would not -dissolve in aqua fortis. No doubt they consisted of peroxide of iron, -or, perhaps, persulphuret of iron.[15] - -[15] Wilson’s Chemistry, p. 375. - -Mr. Wilson’s alchymistical friend, not satisfied with this first -failure, insisted upon a repetition of the process, with some -alteration in the method and the addition of a certain quantity -of gold. The whole was accordingly gone through again; but it is -unnecessary to say that no gold was obtained, or at least, the two -drams of gold employed had increased in weight by only two scruples and -thirteen grains; this addition was doubtless owing to a little silver -from which it had not been freed.[16] - -[16] Ibid., p. 379. - -I shall now give a process for making the philosopher’s stone, which -was considered by Mangetus as of great value, and on that account was -given by him in the preface to his Bibliotheca Chemica. - -1. Prepare a quantity of spirit of wine, so free from water that it is -wholly combustible, and so volatile that when a drop of it is let fall -it evaporates before it reaches the ground;--this constitutes the first -menstruum. - -2. Take pure mercury, revived in the usual manner from cinnabar, put -it into a glass vessel with common salt and distilled vinegar; agitate -violently, and when the vinegar acquires a black colour pour it off and -add new vinegar; agitate again, and continue these repeated agitations -and additions till the vinegar ceases to acquire a black colour from -the mercury: the mercury is now quite pure and very brilliant. - -3. Take of this mercury four parts; of sublimed mercury[17] (_mercurii -meteoresati_), prepared with your own hands, eight parts; triturate -them together in a wooden mortar with a wooden pestle, till all the -grains of running mercury disappear. This process is tedious and rather -difficult. - -[17] Probably corrosive sublimate. - -4. The mixture thus prepared is to be put into an aludel, or a -sand-bath, and exposed to a subliming heat, which is to be gradually -raised till the whole sublimes. Collect the sublimed matter, put it -again into the aludel, and sublime a second time; this process must be -repeated five times. Thus a very sweet and crystallized sublimate is -obtained: it constitutes the salt of wise men (_sal sapientum_), and -possesses wonderful properties.[18] - -[18] Probably calomel. - -5. Grind it in a wooden mortar, and reduce it to powder; put it into -a glass retort, and pour upon it the spirit of wine (No. 1) till it -stands about three finger-breadths above the powder; seal the retort -hermetically, and expose it to a very gentle heat for seventy-four -hours, shaking it several times a-day; then distil with a gentle heat -and the spirit of wine will pass over, together with spirit of mercury. -Keep this liquid in a well-stopped bottle, lest it should evaporate. -More spirit of wine is to be poured upon the residual salt, and after -digestion it must be distilled off as before; and this process must -be repeated till the whole salt is dissolved, and distilled over with -the spirit of wine. You have now performed a great work. The mercury -is now rendered in some measure volatile, and it will gradually become -fit to receive the tincture of gold and silver. Now return thanks to -God, who has hitherto crowned your wonderful work with success; nor -is this great work involved in Cimmerian darkness, but clearer than -the sun; though preceding writers have imposed upon us with parables, -hieroglyphics, fables, and enigmas. - -6. Take this mercurial spirit, which contains our magical steel in its -belly, put it into a glass retort, to which a receiver must be well and -carefully luted: draw off the spirit by a very gentle heat, there will -remain in the bottom of the retort the quintessence or soul of mercury; -this is to be sublimed by applying a stronger heat to the retort that -it may become volatile, as all the philosophers express themselves-- - - Si fixum solvas faciesque volare solutum, - Et volucrum figas faciet te vivere tutum. - -This is our luna, our fountain, in which the king and queen may bathe. -Preserve this precious quintessence of mercury, which is very volatile, -in a well-shut vessel for further use. - -8. Let us now proceed to the operation of common gold, which we shall -communicate clearly and distinctly, without digression or obscurity; -that from vulgar gold we may obtain our philosophical gold, just -as from common mercury we obtained, by the preceding processes, -philosophical mercury. - -In the name of God, then, take common gold, purified in the usual -way by antimony, convert it into small grains, which must be washed -with salt and vinegar, till it be quite pure. Take one part of this -gold, and pour on it three parts of the quintessence of mercury; as -philosophers reckon from seven to ten, so we also reckon our number as -philosophical, and we begin with three and one; let them be married -together like husband and wife, to produce children of their own kind, -and you will see the common gold sink and plainly dissolve. Now the -marriage is consummated; now two things are converted into one: thus -the philosophical sulphur is at hand, as the philosophers say, _the -sulphur being dissolved the stone is at hand_. Take then, in the name -of God, our philosophical vessel, in which the king and queen embrace -each other as in a bedchamber, and leave it till the water is converted -into earth, then peace is concluded between the water and fire, then -the elements have no longer any thing contrary to each other; because, -when the elements are converted into earth they no longer oppose each -other; for in earth all elements are at rest. For the philosophers say, -“When you shall have seen the water coagulate itself, think that your -knowledge is true, and that your operations are truly philosophical.” -The gold is now no longer common, but ours is philosophical, on -account of our processes: at first exceedingly fixed; then exceedingly -volatile, and finally exceedingly fixed; and the whole science depends -upon the change of the elements. The gold at first was a metal, now it -is a sulphur, capable of converting all metals into its own sulphur. -Now our tincture is wholly converted into sulphur, which possesses the -energy of curing all diseases: this is our universal medicine against -all the most deplorable diseases of the human body; therefore, return -infinite thanks to Almighty God for all the good things which he has -bestowed upon us. - -9. In this great work of ours, two modes of fermenting and projecting -are wanting, without which the uninitiated will not easily follow our -process. The mode of fermenting is as follows: Take of our sulphur -above described one part, and project it upon three parts of very -pure gold fused in a furnace; in a moment you will see the gold, by -the force of the sulphur, converted into a red sulphur of an inferior -quality to the first sulphur; take one part of this, and project it -upon three parts of fused gold, the whole will be again converted -into a sulphur, or a friable mass; mixing one part of this with three -parts of gold, you will have a malleable and extensible metal. If -you find it so, well; if not add other sulphur and it will again pass -into sulphur. Now the sulphur will be sufficiently fermented, or our -medicine will be brought into a metallic nature. - -10. The mode of projecting is this: Take of the fermented sulphur one -part, and project it upon ten parts of mercury, heated in a crucible, -and you will have a perfect metal; if its colour is not sufficiently -deep, fuse it again, and add more fermented sulphur, and thus it will -acquire colour. If it becomes frangible, add a sufficient quantity of -mercury and it will be perfect. - -Thus, friend, you have a description of the universal medicine, not -only for curing diseases and prolonging life, but also for transmuting -all metals into gold. Give therefore thanks to Almighty God, who, -taking pity on human calamities, has at last revealed this inestimable -treasure, and made it known for the common benefit of all.[19] - -[19] Mangeti Bibliothecæ Chemicæ Præfatio. - -Such is the formula (slightly abridged) of Carolus Musitanus, by which -the philosopher’s stone, according to him, may be formed. Compared with -the formulas of most of the alchymists, it is sufficiently plain. What -the _sublimed mercury_ is does not appear; from the process described -we should be apt to consider it as _corrosive sublimate_; on that -supposition, the sal sapientum formed in No. 5, would be calomel: the -only objection to this supposition is the process described in No. 5; -for calomel is not soluble in alcohol. The philosopher’s stone prepared -by this elaborate process could hardly have been any thing else than -an _amalgam of gold_; it could not have contained chloride of gold, -because such a preparation, instead of acting medicinally, would have -proved a most virulent poison. There is no doubt that amalgam of gold, -if projected into melted lead or tin, and afterwards cupellated, would -leave a portion of gold--all the gold of course that existed previously -in the amalgam. It might therefore have been employed by impostors to -persuade the ignorant that it was really the philosopher’s stone; but -the alchymists who prepared the amalgam could not be ignorant that it -contained gold. - -There is another process given in the same preface of a very different -nature, but too long to be transcribed here, and the nature of the -process is not sufficiently intelligible to render an account of it of -much consequence.[20] - -[20] Whoever wishes to enter more particularly into the processes for -making the philosopher’s stone contrived by the alchymists, will find a -good deal of information on the subject in Stahl’s Fundamenta Chemiæ, -vol. i. p. 219, in his chapter _De lapide philosophorum_: and Junker’s -Conspectus Chemiæ, vol. i. p. 604, in his tabula 28, _De transmutatione -metallorum universali_: and tabula 29, _De transmutatione metallorum -particulari_. - -The preceding observations will give the reader some notion of the -nature of the pursuits which occupied the alchymists: their sole -object was the preparation of a substance to which they gave the name -of the philosopher’s stone, which possessed the double property of -converting the baser metals into gold, and of curing all diseases, and -of preserving human life to an indefinite extent. The experiments of -Wilson, and the formula of Musitanus, which have been just inserted, -will give the reader some notion of the way in which they attempted -to manufacture this most precious substance. Being quite ignorant of -the properties of bodies, and of their action on each other, their -processes were guided by no scientific analogies, and one part of the -labour not unfrequently counteracted another; it would be a waste of -time, therefore, to attempt to analyze their numerous processes, even -though such an attempt could be attended with success. But in most -cases, from the unintelligible terms in which their books are written, -it is impossible to divine the nature of the processes by which they -endeavoured to manufacture the philosopher’s stone, or the nature of -the substances which they obtained.[21] - -[21] Kircher, in his Mundus Subterraneus, has an article on the -philosopher’s stone, in which he examines the processes of the -alchymists, points out their absurdity, and proves by irrefragable -arguments that no such substance had ever been obtained. Those who are -curious about alchymistical processes may consult that work. - -In consequence of the universality of the opinion that gold could be -made by art, there was a set of impostors who went about pretending -that they were in possession of the philosopher’s stone, and offering -to communicate the secret of making it for a suitable reward. Nothing -is more astonishing than that persons should be found credulous enough -to be the dupes of such impostors. The very circumstance of their -claiming a reward was a sufficient proof that they were ignorant of -the secret which they pretended to reveal; for what motive could a -man have for asking a reward who was in possession of a method of -creating gold at pleasure? To such a person money could be no object, -as he could procure it in any quantity. Yet, strange as it may appear, -they met with abundance of dupes credulous enough to believe their -asseverations, and to supply them with money to enable them to perform -the wished-for processes. The object of these impostors was either to -pocket the money thus furnished, or they made use of it to purchase -various substances from which they extracted oils, acids, or similar -products, which they were enabled to sell at a profit. To keep the -dupes, who thus supplied them with the means of carrying on these -processes, in good spirits, it was necessary to show them occasionally -small quantities of the baser metals converted into gold; this they -performed in various ways. M. Geoffroy, senior, who had an opportunity -of witnessing many of their performances, has given us an account of a -number of their tricks. It may be worth while to state a few by way of -specimen. - -Sometimes they made use of crucibles with a false bottom; at the real -bottom they put a quantity of oxide of gold or silver, this was covered -with a portion of powdered crucible, glued together by a little gummed -water or a little wax; the materials being put into this crucible, and -heat applied, the false bottom disappears, the oxide of gold or silver -is reduced, and at the end of the process is found at the bottom of the -crucible, and considered as the product of the operation. - -Sometimes they make a hole in a piece of charcoal and fill it with -oxide of gold or silver, and stop up the mouth with a little wax; or -they soak charcoal in solutions of these metals; or they stir the -mixtures in the crucible with hollow rods containing oxide of gold or -silver within, and the bottom shut with wax: by these means the gold -or silver wanted is introduced during the process, and considered as a -product of the operation. - -Sometimes they have a solution of silver in nitric acid, or of gold -in aqua regia, or an amalgam of gold or silver, which being adroitly -introduced, furnishes the requisite quantity of metal. A common -exhibition was to dip nails into a liquid, and take them out half -converted into gold. The nails consisted of one-half gold, neatly -soldered to the iron, and covered with something to conceal the colour, -which the liquid removed. Sometimes they had metals one-half gold the -other half silver, soldered together, and the gold side whitened with -mercury; the gold half was dipped into the transmuting liquid and then -the metal heated; the mercury was dissipated, and the gold half of the -metal appeared.[22] - -[22] Mem. Paris, 1722, p. 61. - -As the alchymists were assiduous workmen--as they mixed all the metals, -salts, &c. with which they were acquainted, in various ways with each -other, and subjected such mixtures to the action of heat in close -vessels, their labours were occasionally repaid by the discovery of new -substances, possessed of much greater activity than any with which they -were previously acquainted. In this way they were led to the discovery -of sulphuric, nitric, and muriatic acids. These, when known, were made -to act upon the metals; solutions of the metals were obtained, and -this gradually led to the knowledge of various metalline salts and -preparations, which were introduced with considerable advantage into -medicine. Thus the alchymists, by their absurd pursuits, gradually -formed a collection of facts, which led ultimately to the establishment -of scientific chemistry. On this account it will be proper to notice, -in this place, such of them as appeared in Europe during the darker -ages, and acquired the highest reputation either on account of their -skill as physicians, or their celebrity as chemists.[23] - -[23] The original author, whom all who have given any account of the -alchymists have followed, is Olaus Borrichius, in his Conspectus -Scriptorum Chemicorum Celebriorum. He does not inform us from what -sources his information was derived. - -1. The first alchymist who deserves notice is Albertus Magnus, or -Albert Groot, a German, who was born, it is supposed, in the year -1193, at Bollstaedt, and died in the year 1282.[24] When very young -he is said to have been so remarkable for his dulness, that he became -the jest of his acquaintances. He studied the sciences at Padua, and -afterwards taught at Cologne, and finally in Paris. He travelled -through all Germany as Provincial of the order of Dominican Monks, -visited Rome, and was made bishop of Ratisbon: but his passion for -science induced him to give up his bishopric, and return to a cloister -at Cologne, where he continued till his death. - -[24] Sprengel’s History of Medicine, iv. 368. - -Albertus was acquainted with all the sciences cultivated in his time. -He was at once a theologian, a physician, and a man of the world: he -was an astronomer and an alchymist, and even dipped into magic and -necromancy. His works are very voluminous. They were collected by Petr. -Jammy, and published at Leyden in twenty-one folio volumes, in 1651. -His principal alchymistical tracts are the following: - - 1. De Rebus Metallicis et Mineralibus. - - 2. De Alchymia. - - 3. Secretorum Tractatus. - - 4. Breve Compendium de Ortu Metallorum. - - 5. Concordantia Philosophorum de Lapide. - - 6. Compositum de Compositis. - - 7. Liber octo Capitum de Philosophorum Lapide. - -Most of these tracts have been inserted in the Theatrum Chemicum. They -are in general plain and intelligible. In his treatise De Alchymia, for -example, he gives a distinct account of all the chemical substances -known in his time, and of the manner of obtaining them. He mentions -also the apparatus then employed by chemists, and the various processes -which they had occasion to perform. I may notice the most remarkable -facts and opinions which I have observed in turning over these -treatises. - -He was of opinion that all metals are composed of sulphur and mercury; -and endeavoured to account for the diversity of metals partly by -the difference in the purity, and partly by the difference in the -proportions of the sulphur and mercury of which they are composed. He -thought that water existed also as a constituent of all metals. - -He was acquainted with the water-bath, employed alembics for -distillation, and aludels for sublimation; and he was in the habit of -employing various lutes, the composition of which he describes. - -He mentions alum and caustic alkali, and seems to have known the -alkaline basis of cream of tartar. He knew the method of purifying the -precious metals by means of lead and of gold, by cementation; and -likewise the method of trying the purity of gold, and of distinguishing -pure from impure gold. - -He mentions red lead, metallic arsenic, and liver of sulphur. He was -acquainted with green vitriol and iron pyrites. He knew that arsenic -renders copper white, and that sulphur attacks all the metals except -gold. - -It is said by some that he was acquainted with gunpowder; but nothing -indicating any such knowledge occurs in any of his writings that I have -had an opportunity of perusing.[25] - -[25] It is curious that Olaus Borrichius omits Albertus Magnus in the -list of alchymistical writers that he has given. - -2. Albertus is said to have had for a pupil, while he taught in Paris, -the celebrated Thomas Aquinas, a Dominican, who studied at Bologna, -Rome, and Naples, and distinguished himself still more in divinity and -scholastic philosophy than in alchymy. He wrote, - - 1. Thesaurum Alchymiæ Secretissimum. - - 2. Secreta Alchymiæ Magnalia. - - 3. De Esse et Essentia Mineralium; and perhaps some other - works, which I have not seen. - -These works, so far as I have perused them, are exceedingly obscure, -and in various places unintelligible. Some of the terms still employed -by modern chemists occur, for the first time, in the writings of Thomas -Aquinas. Thus the term _amalgam_, still employed to denote a compound -of mercury with another metal, occurs in them, and I have not observed -it in any earlier author. - -3. Soon after Albertus Magnus, flourished Roger Bacon, by far the most -illustrious, the best informed, and the most philosophical of all the -alchymists. He was born in 1214, in the county of Somerset. After -studying in Oxford, and afterwards in Paris, he became a cordelier -friar; and, devoting himself to philosophical investigations, his -discoveries, notwithstanding the pains which he took to conceal them, -made such a noise, that he was accused of magic, and his brethren in -consequence threw him into prison. He died, it is said, in the year -1284, though Sprengel fixes the year of his death to be 1285. - -His writings display a degree of knowledge and extent of thought -scarcely credible, if we consider the time when he wrote, the darkest -period of the dark ages. In his small treatise De Mirabili Potestate -Artis et Naturæ, he begins by pointing out the absurdity of believing -in magic, necromancy, charms, or any of those similar opinions which -were at that time universally prevalent. He points out the various -ways in which mankind are deceived by jugglers, ventriloquists, &c.; -mentions the advantages which physicians may derive from acting on -the imaginations of their patients by means of charms, amulets, and -infallible remedies: he affirms that many of those things which are -considered as supernatural, are merely so because mankind in general -are unacquainted with natural philosophy. To illustrate this he -mentions a great number of natural phenomena, which had been reckoned -miraculous; and concludes with several secrets of his own, which he -affirms to be still more extraordinary imitations of some of the most -singular processes of nature. These he delivers in the enigmatical -style of the times; induced, as he tells us, partly by the conduct of -other philosophers, partly by the propriety of the thing, and partly by -the danger of speaking too plainly. - -From an attentive perusal of his works, many of which have been -printed, it will be seen that Bacon was a great linguist, being -familiar with Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic; and that he had perused -the most important books at that time existing in all these languages. -He was also a grammarian; he was well versed in the theory and practice -of perspective; he understood the use of convex and concave glasses, -and the art of making them. The camera obscura, burning-glasses, and -the powers of the telescope, were known to him. He was well versed -in geography and astronomy. He knew the great error in the Julian -calendar, assigned the cause, and proposed the remedy. He understood -chronology well; he was a skilful physician, and an able mathematician, -logician, metaphysician, and theologist; but it is as a chemist that -he claims our attention here. The following is a list of his chemical -writings, as given by Gmelin, the whole of which I have never had an -opportunity of seeing: - - 1. Speculum Alchymiæ.[26] - - 2. Epistola de Secretis Operibus Artis et Naturæ et - de Nullitate Magiæ. - - 3. De Mirabili Potestate Artis et Naturæ. - - 4. Medulla Alchymiæ. - - 5. De Arte Chemiæ. - - 6. Breviorium Alchymiæ. - - 7. Documenta Alchymiæ. - - 8. De Alchymistarum Artibus. - - 9. De Secretis. - - 10. De Rebus Metallicis. - - 11. De Sculpturis Lapidum. - - 12. De Philosophorum Lapide. - - 13. Opus Majus, _or_ Alchymia Major. - - 14. Breviarium de Dono Dei. - - 15. Verbum abbreviatum de Leone Viridi. - - 16. Secretum Secretorum. - - 17. Tractatus Trium Verborum. - - 18. Speculum Secretorum. - -[26] This tract and the next, which is of considerable length, will be -found in Mangetus’s Bibliotheca Chemica Curiosa, i. 613. - -A number of these were collected together, and published at Frankfort -in 1603, under the title of “Rogeri Baconis Angli de Arte Chemiæ -Scripta,” in a small duodecimo volume. The Opus Majus was published in -London in 1733, by Dr. Jebb, in a folio volume. Several of his tracts -still continue in manuscript in the Harleian and Bodleian libraries at -Oxford. He considered the metals as compound of mercury and sulphur. -Gmelin affirms that he was aware of the peculiar nature of manganese, -and that he was acquainted with bismuth; but after perusing the whole -of the Speculum Alchymiæ, the third chapter of which he quotes as -containing the facts on which he founds his opinion, I cannot find any -certain allusion either to manganese or bismuth. The term _magnesia_ -indeed occurs, but nothing is said respecting its nature: and long -after the time of Paracelsus, bismuth (_bisematum_) was considered as -an impure kind of _lead_. That he was acquainted with the composition -and properties of _gunpowder_ admits of no doubt. In the sixth chapter -of his epistle De Secretis Operibus Artis et Naturæ et de Nullitate -Magiæ, the following passage occurs: - -“For sounds like thunder, and coruscations like lightning, may be made -in the air, and they may be rendered even more horrible than those of -nature herself. A small quantity of matter, properly manufactured, not -larger than the human thumb, may be made to produce a horrible noise -and coruscation. And this may be done many ways, by which a city or an -army may be destroyed, as was the case when Gideon and his men broke -their pitchers and exhibited their lamps, fire issuing out of them with -inestimable noise, destroyed an infinite number of the army of the -Midianites.” And in the eleventh chapter of the same epistle occurs -the following passage: “Mix together saltpetre, luru vopo vir con -utriet, and sulphur, and you will make thunder and lightning, if you -know the method of mixing them.” Here all the ingredients of gunpowder -are mentioned except charcoal, which is doubtless concealed under the -barbarous terms _luru vopo vir con utriet_. - -But though Bacon was acquainted with gunpowder, we have no evidence -that he was the inventor. How far the celebrated Greek fire, -concerning which so much has been written, was connected with -gunpowder, it is impossible to say; but there is good evidence to prove -that gunpowder was known and used in China before the commencement of -the Christian era; and Lord Bacon is of opinion that the thunder and -lightning and magic stated by the Macedonians to have been exhibited -in Oxydrakes, when it was besieged by Alexander the Great, was nothing -else than gunpowder. Now as there is pretty good evidence that the use -of gunpowder had been introduced into Spain by the Moors, at least as -early as the year 1343, and as Roger Bacon was acquainted with Arabic, -it is by no means unlikely that he might have become acquainted with -the mode of making the composition, and with its most remarkable -properties, by perusing some Arabian writer, with whom we are at -present unacquainted. Barbour, in his life of Bruce, informs us that -guns were first employed by the English at the battle of Werewater, -which was fought in 1327, about forty years after the death of Bacon. - - Two novelties that day they saw, - That forouth in Scotland had been nene; - Timbers for helmes was the ane - That they thought then of great beautie, - And also wonder for to see. - The other _crakys_ were of war - That they before heard never air. - -In another part of the same book we have the phrase _gynnys for -crakys_, showing that the term crakys was used to denote a gun or -musket of some form or other. It is curious that the English would -seem to have been the first European nation that employed gunpowder -in war; they used it in the battle of Crecy, fought in 1346, when it -was unknown to the French, and it is supposed to have contributed -materially to the brilliant victory which was obtained. - -4. Raymond Lully is said to have been a scholar and a friend of -Roger Bacon. He was a most voluminous writer, and acquired as high a -reputation as any of the alchymists. According to Mutius he was born -in Majorca in the year 1235. His father was seneschal to King James -the First of Arragon. In his younger days he went into the army; but -afterwards held a situation in the court of his sovereign. Devoting -himself to science he soon acquired a competent knowledge of Latin and -Arabic. After studying in Paris he got the degree of doctor conferred -upon him. He entered into the order of Minorites, and induced King -James to establish a cloister of that order in Minorca. He afterwards -travelled through Italy, Germany, England, Portugal, Cyprus, Armenia -and Palestine. He is said by Mutius to have died in the year 1315, and -to have been buried in Majorca. The following epitaph is given by Olaus -Borrichius as engraven on his tomb: - - Raymundus Lulli, cujus pia dogmata nulli - Sunt odiosa viro, jacet hic in marmore miro - Hic M. et CC. Cum P. cœpit sine sensibus esse. - -M C C C in these lines denote 1300, and P which is the 15th letter of -the alphabet denotes 15, so that if this epitaph be genuine it follows -that his death took place in the year 1315. - -It seems scarcely necessary to notice the story that Raymond Lully -made a present to Edward, King of England, of six millions of pieces -of gold, to enable him to make war on the Saracens, which sum that -monarch employed, contrary to the intentions of the donor, in his -French wars. This story cannot apply to Edward III., because in 1315, -at the time of Raymond’s death, that monarch was only three years of -age. It can scarcely apply to Edward II., who ascended the throne in -1305: but who had no opportunity of making war, either on the Saracens -or French, being totally occupied in opposing the intrigues of his -queen and rebellious subjects, to whom he ultimately fell a sacrifice. -Edward the First made war both upon the Saracens and the French, and -lived during the time of Raymond: but his wars with the Saracens were -finished before he ascended the throne, and during the whole of his -reign he was too much occupied with his projected conquest of Scotland, -to pay much serious attention to any French war whatever. The story, -therefore, cannot apply to any of the three Edwards, and cannot be -true. Raymond Lully is said to have been stoned to death in Africa for -preaching Christianity in the year 1315. Others will have it that he -was alive in England in the year 1332, at which time his age would have -been 97. - -The following table exhibits a list of his numerous writings, most of -which are to be found in the Theatrum Chemicum, the Artis Auriferæ, or -the Biblotheca Chemica. - - 1. Praxis Universalis Magni Operis. - - 2. Clavicula. - - 3. Theoria et Practica. - - 4. Compendium Animæ Transmutationis Artis Metallorum. - - 5. Ultimum Testamentum. Of this work, which - professes to give the whole doctrine of alchymy, there - is an English translation. - - 6. Elucidatio Testamenti. - - 7. Potestas Divitiorum cum Expositione Testamenti - Hermetis. - - 8. Compendium Artis Magicæ, quoad Compositionem - Lapidis. - - 9. De Lapide et Oleo Philosophorum. - - 10. Modus accipiendi Aurum Potabile. - - 11. Compendium Alchymiæ et Naturalis Philosophiæ. - - 12. Lapidarium. - - 13. Lux Mercuriorum. - - 14. Experimenta. - - 15. Ars Compendiosa vel Vademecum. - - 16. De Accurtatione Lapidis. - -Several other tracts besides these are named by Gmelin; but I have -never seen any of them. I have attempted several times to read over -the works of Raymond Lully, particularly his Last Will and Testament, -which is considered the most important of them all. But they are all so -obscure, and filled with such unintelligible jargon, that I have found -it impossible to understand them. In this respect they form a wonderful -contrast with the works of Albertus Magnus and Roger Bacon, which are -comparatively plain and intelligible. For an account, therefore, of -the chemical substances with which he was acquainted, I am obliged to -depend on Gmelin; though I put no great confidence in his accuracy. - -Like his predecessors, he was of opinion that all the metals are -compounds of sulphur and mercury. But he seems first to have introduced -those hieroglyphical figures or symbols, which appear in such profusion -in the English translation of his Last Will and Testament, and which -he doubtless intended to illustrate his positions. Though what other -purpose they could serve, than to induce the reader to consider his -statements as allegorical, it is not easy to conjecture. Perhaps they -may have been designed to impose upon his contemporaries by an air of -something very profound and inexplicable. For that he possessed a good -deal of charlatanry is pretty evident, from the slightest glance at his -performances. - -He was acquainted with cream of tartar, which he distilled: the -residue he burnt, and observed that the alkali extracted deliquesced -when exposed to the air. He was acquainted with nitric acid, which he -obtained by distilling a mixture of saltpetre and green vitriol. He -mentions its power of dissolving, not merely mercury, but likewise -other metals. He could form aqua regia by adding sal ammoniac or -common salt to nitric acid, and he was aware of the property which it -had of dissolving gold. - -Spirit of wine was well known to him, and distinguished by him by -the names of aqua vitæ ardens and argentum vivum vegetabile. He knew -the method of rendering it stronger by an admixture of dry carbonate -of potash, and of preparing vegetable tinctures by means of it. -He mentions alum from Rocca, marcasite, white and red mercurial -precipitate. He knew the volatile alkali and its coagulations by -means of alcohol. He was acquainted with cupellated silver, and first -obtained rosemary oil by distilling the plant with water. He employed a -mixture of flour and white of egg spread upon a linen cloth to cement -cracked glass vessels, and used other lutes for similar purposes.[27] - -[27] Gmelin’s Geschitte der Chemie, i. 74. - -5. Arnoldus de Villa Nova is said to have been born at Villeneuve, a -village of Provence, about the year 1240. Olaus Borrichius assures us, -that in his time his posterity lived in the neighbourhood of Avignon; -that he was acquainted with them, and that they were by no means -destitute of chemical knowledge. He is said to have been educated at -Barcelona, under John Casamila, a celebrated professor of medicine. -This place he was obliged to leave, in consequence of foretelling the -death of Peter of Arragon. He went to Paris, and likewise travelled -through Italy. He afterwards taught publicly in the University of -Montpelier. His reputation as a physician became so great, that his -attendance was solicited in dangerous cases by several kings, and -even by the pope himself. He was skilled in all the sciences of his -time, and was besides a proficient in Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic. When -at Paris he studied astrology, and calculating the age of the world, -he found that it was to terminate in the year 1335. The theologians -of Paris exclaimed against this and several other of his opinions, -and condemned our astrologer as a heretic. This obliged him to leave -France; but the pope protected him. He died in the year 1313, on his -way to visit Pope Clement V. who lay sick at Avignon. The following -table exhibits a pretty full list of his works: - - 1. Antidotorium - - 2. De Vinis. - - 3. De Aquis Laxativis. - - 4. Rosarius Philosophorum. - - 5. Lumen Novum. - - 6. De Sigillis. - - 7. Flos Florum. - - 8. Epistolæ super Alchymia ad Regem Neapolitanum. - - 9. Liber Perfectionis Magisterii. - - 10. Succosa Carmina. - - 11. Questiones de Arte Transmutationis Metallorum. - - 12. Testamentum. - - 13. Lumen Luminum. - - 14. Practica. - - 15. Speculum Alchymiæ. - - 16. Carmen. - - 17. Questiones ad Bonifacium. - - 18. Semita Semitæ. - - 19. De Lapide Philosophorum. - - 20. De Sanguine Humano. - - 21. De Spiritu Vini, Vino Antimonii et Gemmorum Viribus. - -Perhaps the most curious of all these works is the _Rosarium_, which -is intended as a complete compend of all the alchymy of his time. -The first part of it on the theory of the art is plain enough; but -the second part on the practice, which is subdivided into thirty-two -chapters, and which professes to teach the art of making the -philosopher’s stone, is in many places quite unintelligible to me. - -He considered, like his predecessors, mercury as a constituent of -metals, and he professed a knowledge of the philosopher’s stone, -which he could increase at pleasure. Gold and gold-water was, in his -opinion, one of the most precious of medicines. He employed mercury in -medicine. He seems to designate bismuth under the name _marcasite_. He -was in the habit of preparing oil of turpentine, oil of rosemary, and -spirit of rosemary, which afterwards became famous under the name of -Hungary-water. These distillations were made in a glazed earthen vessel -with a glass top and helm. - -His works were published at Venice in a single folio volume, in the -year 1505. There were seven subsequent editions, the last of which -appeared at Strasburg in 1613. - -6. John Isaac Hollandus and his countryman of the same name, were -either two brothers or a father and son; it is uncertain which. For -very few circumstances respecting these two laborious and meritorious -men have been handed down to posterity. They were born in the -village of Stolk in Holland, it is supposed in the 13th century. -They certainly were after Arnoldus de Villa Nova, because they refer -to him in their writings. They wrote many treatises on chemistry, -remarkable, considering the time when they wrote, for clearness and -precision, describing their processes with accuracy, and even giving -figures of the instruments which they employed. This makes their books -intelligible, and they deserve attention because they show that various -processes, generally supposed of a more modern date were known to them. -Their treatises are written partly in Latin and partly in German. The -following list contains the names of most of them: - - 1. Opera Vegetabilia ad ejus alia Opera Intelligenda - Necessaria. - - 2. Opera Mineralia seu de Lapide Philosophico - Libri duo. - - 3. Tractat vom stein der Weisen. - - 4. Fragmenta Quædam Chemica. - - 5. De Triplice Ordine Elixiris et Lapidis Theorea. - - 6. Tractatus de Salibus et Oleis Metallorum. - - 7. Fragmentum de Opere Philosophorum. - - 8. Rariores Chemiæ Operationes. - - 9. Opus Saturni. - - 10. De Spiritu Urinæ. - - 11. Hand der Philosopher. - -Olaus Borrichius complains that their _opera mineralia_ abound with -processes; but that they are ambiguous, and such that nothing certain -can be deduced from them even after much labour. Hence they draw on -the unwary tyro from labour to labour. I am disposed myself to draw a -different conclusion, from what I have read of that elaborate work. -It is true that the processes which profess to make the philosopher’s -stone, are fallacious, and do not lead to the manufacture of gold, -as the author intended, and expected: but it is a great deal when -alchymistical processes are delivered in such intelligible language -that you know the substances employed. This enables us easily to see -the results in almost every case, and to know the new compounds which -were formed during a vain search for the philosopher’s stone. Had the -other alchymists written as plainly, the absurdity of their researches -would have been sooner discovered, and thus a useless or pernicious -investigation would have sooner terminated. - -7. Basil Valentine is said to have been born about the year 1394, and -is, perhaps, the most celebrated of all the alchymists, if we except -Paracelsus. He was a Benedictine monk, at Erford, in Saxony. If we -believe Olaus Borrichius, his writings were enclosed in the wall of -a church at Erford, and were discovered long after his death, in -consequence of the wall having been driven down by a thunderbolt. But -this story is not well authenticated, and is utterly improbable. Much -of his time seems to have been taken up in the preparation of chemical -medicines. It was he that first introduced antimony into medicine; -and it is said, though on no good authority, that he first tried the -effects of antimonial medicines upon the monks of his convent, upon -whom it acted with such violence that he was induced to distinguish the -mineral from which these medicines had been extracted, by the name of -_antimoine_ (hostile to monks). What shows the improbability of this -story is, that the works of Basil Valentine, and in particular his -Currus triumphalis Antimonii, were written in the German language. Now -the German name for antimony is not _antimoine_, but _speissglass_. The -Currus triumphalis Antimonii was translated into Latin by Kerkringius, -who published it, with an excellent commentary, at Amsterdam, in 1671. - -Basil Valentine writes with almost as much virulence against the -physicians of his time, as Paracelsus himself did afterwards. As no -particulars of his life have been handed down to posterity, I shall -satisfy myself with giving a catalogue of his writings, and then -pointing out the most striking chemical substances with which he was -acquainted. - -The books which have appeared under the name of Basil Valentine, are -very numerous; but how many of them were really written by him, and how -many are supposititious, is extremely doubtful. The following are the -principal: - - 1. Philosophia Occulta. - - 2. Tractat von naturlichen und ubernaturlichen - Dingen; auch von der ersten tinctur, Wurzel und - Geiste der Metallen. - - 3. Von dern grossen stein der Uhralten. - - 4. Vier tractatlein vom stein der Weisen. - - 5. Kurzer anhang und klare repetition oder Wiederholunge - vom grosen stein der Uhralten. - - 6. De prima Materia Lapidis Philosophici. - - 7. Azoth Philosophorum seu Aureliæ occultæ de - Materia Lapidis Philosophorum. - - 8. Apocalypsis Chemica. - - 9. Claves 12 Philosophiæ. - - 10. Practica. - - 11. Opus præclarum ad utrumque, quod pro Testamento - dedit Filio suo adoptivo. - - 12. Letztes Testament. - - 13. De Microcosmo. - - 14. Von der grosen Heimlichkeit der Welt und ihrer - Arzney. - - 15. Von der Wissenschaft der sieben Planeten. - - 16. Offenbahrung der verborgenen Handgriffe. - - 17. Conclusiones or Schlussreden. - - 18. Dialogus Fratris Alberti cum Spiritu. - - 19. De Sulphure et fermento Philosophorum. - - 20. Haliographia. - - 21. Triumph wagen Antimonii. - - 22. Einiger Weg zur Wahrheit. - - 23. Licht der Natur. - -The only one of these works that I have read with care, is -Kerkringius’s translation and commentary on the Currus triumphalis -Antimonii. It is an excellent book, written with clearness and -precision, and contains every thing respecting antimony that was known -before the commencement of the 19th century. How much of this is owing -to Kerkringius I cannot say, as I have never had an opportunity of -seeing a copy of the original German work of Basil Valentine. - -Basil Valentine, like Isaac Hollandus, was of opinion that the metals -are compounds of salt, sulphur, and mercury. The philosopher’s stone -was composed of the same ingredients. He affirmed, that there exists -a great similarity between the mode of purifying gold and curing the -diseases of men, and that antimony answers best for both. He was -acquainted with arsenic, knew many of its properties, and mentions the -red compound which it forms with sulphur. Zinc seems to have been known -to him, and he mentions bismuth, both under its own name, and under -that of _marcasite_. He was aware that manganese was employed to render -glass colourless. He mentions nitrate of mercury, alludes to corrosive -sublimate, and seems to have known the red oxide of mercury. It would -be needless to specify the preparations of antimony with which he was -acquainted; scarcely one was unknown to him which, even at present, -exists in the European Pharmacopœias. Many of the preparations of lead -were also familiar to him. He was aware that lead gives a sweet taste -to vinegar. He knew sugar of lead, litharge, yellow oxide of lead, -white carbonate of lead; and mentions that this last preparation was -often adulterated in his time. He knew the method of making green -vitriol, and the double chloride of iron and ammonia. He was aware -that iron could be precipitated from its solution by potash, and that -iron has the property of throwing down copper. He was aware that tin -sometimes contains iron, and ascribed the brittleness of Hungarian -iron to copper. He knew that oxides of copper gave a green colour to -glass; that Hungarian silver contained gold; that gold is precipitated -from aqua regia by mercury, in the state of an amalgam. He mentions -fulminating gold. But the important facts contained in his works are -so numerous, while we are so uncertain about the genuineness of the -writings themselves, that it will scarcely be worth while to proceed -further with the catalogue. - -Thus I have brought the history of alchymy to the time of Paracelsus, -when it was doomed to undergo a new and important change. It will be -better, therefore, not to pursue the history of alchymy further, but -to take up the history of true chemistry; and in the first place to -endeavour to determine what chemical facts were known to the Ancients, -and how far the science had proceeded to develop itself before the time -of Paracelsus. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -OF THE CHEMICAL KNOWLEDGE POSSESSED BY THE ANCIENTS. - - -Notwithstanding the assertions of Olaus Borrichius, and various other -writers who followed him on the same side, nothing is more certain -than that the ancients have left no chemical writings behind them, -and that no evidence whatever exists to prove that the science of -chemistry was known to them. Scientific chemistry, on the contrary, -took its origin from the collection and comparison of the chemical -facts, made known by the practice and improvement of those branches -of manufactures which can only be conducted by chemical processes. -Thus the smelting of ores, and the reduction of the metals which -they contain, is a chemical process; because it requires, for its -success, the separation of certain bodies which exist in the ore -chemically combined with the metals; and it cannot be done, except -by the application or mixture of a new substance, having an affinity -for these substances, and capable, in consequence, of separating them -from the metal, and thus reducing the metal to a state of purity. The -manufacture of glass, of soap, of leather, are all chemical, because -they consist of processes, by means of which bodies, having an affinity -for each other, are made to unite in chemical combination. Now I shall -in this chapter point out the principal chemical manufactures that -were known to the ancients, that we may see how much they contributed -towards laying the foundation of the science. The chief sources of our -information on this subject are the writings of the Greeks and Romans. -Unfortunately the arts and manufactures stood in a very different -degree of estimation among the ancients from what they do among the -moderns. Their artists and manufacturers were chiefly slaves. The -citizens of Greece and Rome devoted themselves to politics or war. Such -of them as turned their attention to learning confined themselves to -_oratory_, which was the most fashionable and the most important study, -or to history, or poetry. The only scientific pursuits which ever -engaged their attention, were politics, ethics, and mathematics. For, -unless Archimedes is to be considered as an exception, scarcely any -of the numerous branches of physics and mechanical philosophy, which -constitute so great a portion of modern science, even attracted the -attention of the ancients. - -In consequence of the contemptible light in which all mechanical -employments were viewed by the ancients, we look in vain in any of -their writings for accurate details respecting the processes which -they followed. The only exception to this general neglect and contempt -for all the arts and trades, is Pliny the Elder, whose object, in -his natural history, was to collect into one focus, every thing that -was known at the period when he lived. His work displays prodigious -reading, and a vast fund of erudition. It is to him that we are chiefly -indebted for the knowledge of the chemical arts which were practised -by the ancients. But the low estimation in which these arts were held, -appears evident from the wonderful want of information which Pliny so -frequently displays, and the erroneous statements which he has recorded -respecting these processes. Still a great deal may be drawn from the -information which has been collected and transmitted to us by this -indefatigable natural historian. - -I.--The ancients were acquainted with SEVEN METALS; -namely, gold, silver, mercury, copper, iron, tin, and lead. They knew -and employed various preparations of zinc, and antimony, and arsenic; -though we have no evidence that these bodies were known to them in the -metallic state. - -1. Gold is spoken of in the second chapter of Genesis as existing and -familiarly known before the flood. - -“The name of the first is Pison; that is it which encompasseth the -whole land of Havilah, where there is gold. And the gold of that -land is good: there is bdellium and the onyx-stone.” The Hebrew word -for gold, בהז (_zahav_) signifies to be clear, to shine; alluding, -doubtless, to the brilliancy of that metal. The term _gold_ occurs -frequently in the writings of Moses, and the metal must have been in -common use among the Egyptians, when that legislator led the children -of Israel out of Egypt.[28] Gold is found in the earth almost always in -a native state. There can be no doubt that it was much more abundant -on the surface of the earth, and in the beds of rivers in the early -periods of society, than it is at present: indeed this is obvious, -from the account which Pliny gives of the numerous places in Asia and -Greece, and other European countries, where gold was found in his time. - -[28] Exodus xi. 2--xxv. 11, 12, 13, 17, 18, 24, 25, 26--xxviii. -8--xxxii. 2, &c. - -Gold, therefore, could hardly fail to attract the attention of the -very first inhabitants of the globe; its beauty, its malleability, its -indestructibility, would give it value: accident would soon discover -the possibility of melting it by heat, and thus of reducing the grains -or small pieces of it found on the surface of the earth into one large -mass. It would be speedily made into ornaments and utensils of various -kinds, and thus gradually would come into common use. This we find -to have occurred in America, when it was discovered by Columbus. -The inhabitants of the tropical parts of that vast continent were -familiarly acquainted with gold; and in Mexico and Peru it existed in -great abundance; indeed the natives of these countries seem to have -been acquainted with no other metal, or at least no other metal was -brought into such general use, except silver, which in Peru was, it is -true, still more common than gold. - -Gold, then, was probably the first metal with which man became -acquainted; and that knowledge must have preceded the commencement of -history, since it is mentioned as a common and familiar substance in -the Book of Genesis, the oldest book in existence, of the authenticity -of which we possess sufficient evidence. The period of leading the -children of Israel out of Egypt by Moses, is generally fixed to -have been one thousand six hundred and forty-eight years before the -commencement of the Christian era. So early, then, we are certain, -that not only gold, but the other six malleable metals known to the -ancients, were familiar to the inhabitants of Egypt. The Greeks ascribe -the discovery of gold to the earliest of their heroes. According to -Pliny, it was discovered on Mount Pangæus by Cadmus, the Phœnician: -but Cadmus’s voyage into Greece was nearly coeval with the exit of -the Israelites out of Egypt, at which time we learn from Moses that -gold was in common use in Egypt. All that can be meant, then, is, that -Cadmus first discovered gold in Greece; not that he made mankind first -acquainted with it. Others say that Thoas and Eaclis, or Sol, the son -of Oceanus, first found gold in Panchaia. Thoas was a contemporary -of the heroes of the Trojan war, or at least was posterior to the -Argonautic expedition, and consequently long posterior to Moses and the -departure of the children of Israel from Egypt. - -2. Silver also was not only familiarly known to the Egyptians in -the time of Moses, but, as we learn from Genesis, was coined into -money before Joseph was set over the land of Egypt by Pharaoh, which -happened one thousand eight hundred and seventy-two years before the -commencement of the Christian era, and consequently two hundred and -twenty-four years before the departure of the children of Israel out of -Egypt. - -“And Joseph gathered up all the money that was found in the land of -Egypt, and in the land of Canaan, for the corn which they bought; and -Joseph brought the money into Pharaoh’s house.”[29] The Hebrew word ףםכ -(_keseph_), translated _money_, signifies silver, and was so called -from its pale colour. Silver occurs in many other passages of the -writings of Moses.[30] The Greeks inform us, that Erichthonius the -Athenian, or Ceacus, were the discoverers of silver; but both of these -individuals were long posterior to the time of Joseph. - -[29] Genesis xlvii. 14. - -[30] For example, Exodus xi. 2--xxvi. 19, 21--xxvii. 10, 11, 17, &c. - -Silver, like gold, occurs very frequently in the metallic state. This, -no doubt, was a still more frequent occurrence in the early ages of the -world; it would therefore attract the attention of mankind as early as -gold, and for the same reason. It is very ductile, very beautiful, and -much more easily fused than gold: it would be therefore more easily -reduced into masses, and formed into different utensils and ornaments -than even gold itself. The ores of it which occur in the earth are -heavy, and would therefore draw the attention of even rude men to them: -they have, most of them at least, the appearance of being metallic, and -the most common of them may be reduced to the state of metallic silver, -simply by keeping them a sufficient time in fusion. Accordingly we find -that the Peruvians, before they were overrun by the Spaniards, had made -themselves acquainted with the mode of digging out and smelting the -ores of silver which occur in their country, and that many of their -most common utensils were made of that metal. - -Silver and gold approached each other nearer in value among the -ancients than at present: an ounce of fine gold was worth from ten -to twelve ounces of fine silver, the variation depending upon the -accidental relation of the supply of both metals. But after the -discovery of America, the quantity of silver found in that continent, -especially in Mexico, was so great, compared with that of the gold -found, that silver became considerably cheaper; so that an ounce of -fine gold came to be equivalent to about fourteen ounces and a half -of fine silver. Of course these relative values have fluctuated a -little according to the abundance of the supply of silver. Though the -revolution in the Spanish American colonies has considerably diminished -the supply of silver from the mines, that deficiency seems to have been -supplied by other ways, and thus the relative proportion between the -value of gold and silver has continued nearly unaltered. - -3. That copper must have been known in the earliest ages of society, -is sufficiently evident. It occurs frequently native, and could not -fail to attract the attention of mankind, from its colour, weight, and -malleability. It would not be difficult to fuse it even in the rudest -ages: and when melted into masses, as it is malleable and ductile, it -would not require much skill to convert it into useful and ornamental -utensils. The Hebrew word תשחנ (_nechooshat_) translated _brass_, -obviously means _copper_. We have the authority of the Book of Genesis -to satisfy us that copper was known before the flood, and probably as -early as either silver or gold. - -“And Zillah, she also bore Tubal-cain, an instructor of every artificer -in brass (_copper_) and iron.”[31] - -[31] Genesis iv. 22. - -The word _copper_ occurs in many other passages of the writings of -Moses.[32] That the Hebrew word translated _brass_ must have meant -copper is obvious, from the following passage: “Out of whose hills -thou mayest dig brass.”[33] Brass does not exist in the earth, nor any -ore of it, it is always made artificially; it must therefore have been -copper, or an ore of copper, that was alluded to by Moses. - -[32] For example, Exodus xxvii. 2, 3, 4, 6, 10, 11, 17, 18, 19--xxx. -18, &c. Numbers xxi. 9. - -[33] Deut. viii. 9. - -Copper must have been discovered and brought into common use long -before iron or steel; for Homer represents his heroes of the Trojan war -as armed with swords, &c. of copper. Copper itself is too soft to be -made into cutting instruments; but the addition of a little tin gives -it the requisite hardness. Now we learn from the analyses of Klaproth, -that the copper swords of the ancients were actually hardened by the -addition of tin.[34] - -[34] Beitrage, vi. 81. - -Copper was the metal in common use in the early part of the Roman -commonwealth. Romulus coined copper money alone. Numa established a -college of workers in copper (_ærariorum fabrum_).[35] - -[35] Plinii Hist. Nat. xxxiv. 1. - -The Latin word _æs_ sometimes signifies copper, and sometimes brass. -It is plain from what Pliny says on the subject, that he did not know -the difference between copper and brass; he says, that an ore of _æs_ -occurs in Cyprus, called _chalcitis_, where _æs_ was first discovered. -Here _æs_ obviously means copper. In another place he says, that _æs_ -is obtained from a mineral called _cadmia_. Now from the account of -cadmia by Pliny and Dioscorides, there cannot be a doubt that it is -the ore to which the moderns have given the name of _calamine_, by -means of which brass is made. It is sometimes a silicate and sometimes -a carbonate of zinc; for both of these ores are confounded together -under the name of cadmia, and both are employed in the manufacture of -brass. - -Solinus says, that _æs_ was first made at Chalcis, a town in Eubœa. -Hence the Greek name, χαλκος (_chalkos_), by which copper was -distinguished. - -The proper name for brass, by which is meant an alloy of copper and -zinc, was _aurichalcum_, or golden, or yellow copper. Pliny says, -that long before his time, the ore of aurichalcum was exhausted, so -that no more of that beautiful alloy was made. Are we to conclude -from this, that there once existed an ore consisting of calamine and -ore of copper, mixed or united together? After the exhaustion of the -aurichalcum mine, the _salustianum_ became the most famous; but it soon -gave place to the _livianum_, a copper-mine in Gaul, named after Livia, -the wife of Augustus. Both these mines were exhausted in the time of -Pliny. The _æs marianum_, or copper of Cordova, was the most celebrated -in his time. This last _æs_, he says, absorbs most cadmia, and acquires -the greatest resemblance to aurichalcum. We see from this, that in -Pliny’s time brass was made artificially, and by a process similar to -that still followed by the moderns. - -The most celebrated alloy of copper among the ancients, was the _æs -corinthium_, or Corinthian copper, formed accidentally, as Pliny -informs us, during the burning of Corinth by Mummius in the year 608, -after the building of Rome, or one hundred and forty-five years before -the commencement of the Christian era. There were four kinds of it, -of which Pliny gives the following description; not, however, very -intelligible: - - 1. White. It resembled silver much in its lustre, - and contained an excess of that metal. - - 2. Red. In this kind there is an excess of gold. - - 3. In the third kind, gold, silver, and copper are - mixed in equal proportions. - - 4. The fourth kind is called _hepatizon_, from its - having a liver colour. It is this colour which gives it - its value.[36] - -[36] Plinii Hist. Nat. xxxiv. 2. - -Copper was put by the ancients to almost all the uses to which it is -put by the moderns. One of the great sources of consumption was bronze -statues, which were first introduced into Rome after the conquest of -Asia Minor. Before that time, the statues of the Romans were made of -wood or stoneware. Pliny gives various formulas for making bronze for -statues. Of these it may be worth while to put down the most material. - -1. To new copper add a third part of old copper. To every hundred -pounds of this mixture, twelve pounds and a half of tin[37] are added, -and the whole melted together. - -[37] Pliny’s phrase is _plumbum argentorium_. But that the addition was -tin, and consequently that plumbum argentorium meant tin, we have the -evidence of Klaproth, who analyzed several of these bronze statues, and -found them composed of copper, lead, and tin. - -2. Another kind of bronze for statues was formed, by melting together - - 100lbs. copper, - 10lbs. lead, - 5lbs. tin. - -3. Their copper-pots for boiling consisted of 100lbs. of copper, melted -with three or four pounds of tin. - -The four celebrated statues of horses which, during the reign of -Theodosius II. were transported from Chio to Constantinople; and, when -Constantinople was taken and plundered by the Crusaders and Venetians -in 1204, were sent by Martin Zeno and set up by the doge, Peter Ziani, -in the portal of St. Mark; were in 1798, transported by the French -to Paris; and finally, after the overthrow of Buonaparte, and the -restoration of the Bourbons in 1815, returned to Venice and placed -upon their ancient pedestals. The metal of which these horses had been -made was examined by Klaproth, and found by him composed of - - Copper, 993 - Tin, 7 - ---- - 1000[38] - -[38] Beitrage, vi. 89. - -Klaproth also analyzed an ancient bronze statue in one of the German -cabinets, and found it composed of - - Copper, 916 - Tin, 75 - Lead, 9 - ---- - 1000[39] - -[39] Beitrage, vi. 118. The statue in question was known by the name of -“The Statue of Püstrichs,” at Sondershausen. - -Several other old brass and bronze pieces of metal, very ancient, but -found in Germany, were also analyzed by Klaproth. The result of his -analyses was as follows: - -The metal of which the altar of Krodo was made consisted of - - Copper, 69 - Zinc, 18 - Lead, 13 - ---- - 100[40] - -[40] Ibid., p. 127. - -The emperor’s chair, which had in the eleventh century been transported -from Harzburg to Goslar, where it still remains, was found to be -composed of - - Copper, 92·5 - Tin, 5 - Lead, 2·5 - ---- - 100[41] - -[41] Ibid., p. 132. - -Another piece of metal, which enclosed the high altar in a church in -Germany, was composed of - - Copper, 75 - Tin, 12·5 - Lead, 12·5 - ---- - 100[42] - -[42] Ibid., p. 134. - -These analyses, though none of them corresponds exactly with the -proportions given by Pliny, confirms sufficiently his general -statement, that the bronze of the ancients employed for statues was -copper, alloyed with lead and tin. - -Some of the bronze statues cast by the ancients were of enormous -dimensions, and show decisively the great progress which had been made -by them in the art of working and casting metals. The addition of the -lead and tin would not only add greatly to the hardness of the alloy, -but would at the same time render it more easily fusible. The bronze -statue of Apollo, placed in the capitol at the time of Pliny, was -forty-five feet high, and cost 500 talents, equivalent to about £50,000 -of our money. It was brought from Apollonia, in Pontus, by Lucullus. -The famous statue of the sun at Rhodes was the work of Chares, a -disciple of Lysippus; it was ninety feet high, was twelve years in -making, and cost 300 talents (about £30,000). It was made out of the -engines of war left by Demetrius when he raised the siege of Rhodes. -After standing fifty-six years, it was overthrown by an earthquake. -It lay on the ground 900 years, and was sold by Mauvia, king of the -Saracens, to a merchant, who loaded 900 camels with the fragments of it. - -Copper was introduced into medicine at rather an early period of -society, and various medicinal preparations of it are described by -Dioscorides and Pliny. It remains for us to notice the most remarkable -of these. Pliny mentions an institution, to which he gives the name -of _Seplasia_; the object of which was, to prepare medicines for the -use of medical men. It seems, therefore, to have been similar to our -apothecaries’ shops of the present day. Pliny reprobates the conduct of -the persons who had the charge of these Seplasiæ in his time. They were -in the habit of adulterating medicines to such a degree, that nothing -good or genuine could be procured from them.[43] - -[43] Plinii Hist. Nat. xxxiv. 11. - -Both the oxides of copper were known to the ancients, though they were -not very accurately distinguished from each other: they were known by -the names _flos æris_ and _scoria æris_, or _squama æris_. They were -obtained by heating bars of copper red-hot and letting them cool, -exposed to the air. What fell off during the cooling was the _flos_, -what was driven off by blows of a hammer was the _squama_ or _scoria -æris_. It is obvious, that all these substances were nearly of the same -nature, and that they were in reality mixtures of the black and red -oxides of copper. - -_Stomoma_ seems also to have been an oxide of copper, which was -gradually formed upon the surface of the metal, when it was kept in a -state of fusion. - -These oxides of copper were used as external applications in cases of -polypi of the nose, diseases of the anus, ear, mouth, &c., seemingly as -escharotics. - -_Ærugo_, verdigris, was a subacetate of copper, doubtless often mixed -with subacetate of zinc, as not only copper but brass also was used for -preparing it. The mode of preparing this substance was similar to the -process still followed. Whether verdigris was employed as a paint by -the ancients does not appear; for Pliny takes no notice of any such use -of it. - -_Chalcantum_, called also _atramentum sutorium_, was probably a mixture -of sulphate of copper and sulphate of iron. Pliny’s account of the -mode of procuring it is too imperfect to enable us to form precise -ideas concerning it; but it was crystallized on strings, which were -extended for the purpose in the solution: its colour was blue, and it -was transparent like glass. This description might apply to sulphate of -copper; but as the substance was used for blackening leather, and on -that account was called _atramentum sutorium_, it is obvious that it -must have contained also _sulphate of iron_. - -_Chalcitis_ was the name for an ore of copper. The account given of it -by Pliny agrees best with copper pyrites, which is now known to be a -_sulphur salt_, composed of one atom of sulphide of copper (the acid) -united to one atom of sulphide of iron (the base). Pliny informs us, -that it is a mixture of _copper_, _misy_, and _sory_: its colour is -that of honey. By age, he says, it changes into sory. I think it most -probable that native sory, of which Pliny speaks, was sulphuret of -copper, and artificial sory sulphate of copper. The native sory is said -to constitute black veins in chalcitis. Pliny’s description of misy -(μισυ) best agrees with copper pyrites. Dioscorides describes it as -hard, as having the colour of gold, and as shining like a star.[44] All -this agrees pretty well with copper pyrites. - -[44] Lib. v. c. 117. - -_Scoleca_ (so called because it assumed the shape of a worm) was formed -by triturating alumen, carbonate of soda, and white vinegar, till the -matter became green. It was probably a mixture of sulphate of soda, -acetate of soda, acetate of alumina, and acetate of copper, probably -with more or less oxide of copper, &c., depending upon the proportions -of the respective constituents employed. - -Such are the preparations of copper, employed by the ancients. They -were only used as external applications, partly as escharotics, and -partly to induce ulcers to put on a healthy appearance. It does not -appear that copper was ever used by the ancients as an internal remedy. - -4. Though _zinc_ in the metallic state was unknown to the ancients, -yet as they knew some of its ores, and employed preparations of it -in medicine, and were in the habit of alloying copper with it, and -converting it into brass, it will be proper to state here what was -known to them concerning it. - -Pliny nowhere makes us acquainted with the process by which copper was -converted into brass, nor does he seem to have been acquainted with it; -but from several facts incidentally mentioned by him, it is obvious -that their process was similar to that which is followed at present -by modern brass-makers. The copper in grains is mixed with a certain -quantity of calamine (cadmia) and charcoal, and exposed for some time -to a moderate heat in a covered crucible. The calamine is reduced to -the metallic state, and imbibed by the copper grains. When the copper -is thus converted into brass, the temperature is raised sufficiently -high to melt the whole: it is then poured out and cast into a slab or -ingot. - -The cadmia employed by the ancients in medicine was not calamine, -but oxide of zinc, which sublimed during the fusion of brass in an -open vessel. It was distinguished by a variety of names, according to -the state in which it was obtained: the lighter portion was called -_capnitis_. _Botryitis_ was the name of the portion in the interior of -the chimney: the name was derived from some resemblance which it was -supposed to have to a bunch of grapes. It had two colours, ash and red. -The red variety was reckoned best. This red colour it might derive from -some copper mixed with it, but more probably from iron; for a small -quantity of oxide of iron is sufficient to give oxide of zinc a rather -beautiful red colour. The portion collected on the sides of the furnace -was called _placitis_: it constituted a crust, and was distinguished by -different names, according to its colour; _onychitis_ when it was blue -externally, but spotted internally: _ostracitis_, when it was black -and dirty-looking. This last variety was considered as an excellent -application to wounds. The best cadmia in Pliny’s time was furnished -by the furnaces of the Isle of Cyprus: it was used as an external -application in ulcers, inflammations, eruptions, &c., so that its -use in medicine was pretty much the same as at present. Sulphate and -acetate of zinc were unknown to the ancients. No attempt seems to have -been made by them to introduce any preparations of zinc as internal -medicines. - -_Pompholyx_ was the name given to oxide of zinc, sublimed by the -combustion of the zinc which exists in brass. _Spodos_ seems to have -been a mixture of oxides of zinc and copper. There were different -varieties of it distinguished by various names.[45] - -[45] See Plinii Hist. Nat. xxxiv. 13. - -5. Iron exists very rarely in the earth in a metallic state, but most -commonly in the state of an oxide; and the processes necessary to -extract metallic iron from these ores are much more complicated, and -require much greater skill, than the reduction of gold, silver, or -copper from their respective ores. This would lead us to expect that -iron would have been much longer in being discovered than the three -metals whose names have been just given. But we learn from the Book of -Genesis that iron, like copper and gold, was known before the flood, -Tubal-cain being represented as an artificer in copper and iron.[46] -The Hebrew word for iron, לזרב (_barzel_), is said to be derived from -רב (_bar_), bright, לזנ (_nazal_), to melt; and would lead one to the -suspicion, that it referred to _cast_ iron rather than _malleable_ -iron. It is possible that in these early times native iron may have -existed as well as native gold, silver, and copper; and in this way -Tubal-cain may have become acquainted with the existence and properties -of this metal. In the time of Moses, who was learned in all the wisdom -of the Egyptians, iron must have been in common use in Egypt: for -he mentions furnaces for working iron;[47] ores from which it was -extracted;[48] and tells us that swords,[49] knives,[50] axes,[51] -and tools for cutting stones,[52] were then made of that metal. Now -iron in its pure metallic state is too soft to be applied to these -uses: it is obvious, therefore, that in Moses’s time, not only iron -but steel also must have been in common use in Egypt. From this we see -how much further advanced the Egyptians were than the Greeks in the -knowledge of the manufacture of this most important metal: for during -the Trojan war, which was several centuries after the time of Moses, -Homer represents his heroes as armed with swords of copper, hardened -by tin, and as never using any weapons of iron whatever. Nay, in -such estimation was it held, that Achilles, when he celebrated games -in honour of Patrocles, proposes a ball of iron as one of his most -valuable prizes.[53] - -[46] Genesis iv. 22. - -[47] Deut. iv. 20. - -[48] Deut. viii. 9. - -[49] Numbers xxxv. 16. - -[50] Levit. i. 17. - -[51] Deut. xviii. 5. - -[52] Deut. xxvii. 5. - -[53] Iliad, lib. xxiii. l. 826. - - “Then hurl’d the hero, thundering on the ground, - A mass of iron (an enormous round), - Whose weight and size the circling Greeks admire, - Rude from the furnace and but shaped by fire. - This mighty quoit Ætion wont to rear, - And from his whirling arm dismiss’d in air; - The giant by Achilles slain, he stow’d - Among his spoils this memorable load. - For this he bids those nervous artists vie - That teach the disk to sound along the sky. - Let him whose might can hurl this bowl, arise; - Who farthest hurls it, takes it as his prize: - If he be one enrich’d with large domain - Of downs for flocks and arable for grain, - Small stock of iron needs that man provide, - His hinds and swains whole years shall be supplied - From hence: nor ask the neighbouring city’s aid - For ploughshares, wheels, and all the rural trade.” - -The mass of iron was large enough to supply a shepherd or a ploughman -with iron for five years. This circumstance is a sufficient proof of -the high estimation in which iron was held during the time of Homer. -Were a modern poet to represent his hero as holding out a large lump -of iron as a prize, and were he to represent this prize as eagerly -contended for by kings and princes, it would appear to us perfectly -ridiculous. - -Hesiod informs us, that the knowledge of iron was brought over from -Phrygia to Greece by the Dactyli, who settled in Crete during the reign -of Minos I., about 1431 years before the commencement of the Christian -era, and consequently about sixty years before the departure of the -children of Israel from Egypt: and it does not appear, that in Homer’s -time, which was about five hundred years later, the art of smelting -iron had been so much improved, as to enable men to apply it to the -common purposes of life, as had long before been done by the Egyptians. -The general opinion of the ancients was, that the method of smelting -iron ore had been brought to perfection by the Chalybes, a small -nation situated near the Black Sea,[54] and that the name _chalybs_, -occasionally used for steel, was derived from that people. - -[54] Xenophon’s Anabasis, v. 5. - -Pliny informs us, that the ores of iron are scattered very profusely -almost every where: that they exist in Elba; that there was a mountain -in Cantabria composed entirely of iron ore; and that the earth in -Cappadocia, when watered from a certain river, is converted into -iron.[55] He gives no account of the mode of smelting iron ores; nor -does he appear to have been acquainted with the processes; for he says -that iron is reduced from its ore precisely in the same way as copper -is. Now we know, that the processes for smelting copper and iron are -quite different, and founded upon different principles. He says, -that in his time many different kinds of iron existed, and they were -_stricturæ_, in Latin _a stringenda acie_. - -[55] Plinii Hist. Nat. xxxiv. 14. - -That steel was well known and in common use when Pliny wrote is obvious -from many considerations; but he seems to have had no notion of what -constituted the difference between iron and steel, or of the method -employed to convert iron into steel. In his opinion it depended upon -the nature of the water, and consisted in heating iron red-hot, and -plunging it, while in that state, into certain waters. The waters at -Bilbilis and Turiasso, in Spain, and at Comum, in Italy, possessed this -extraordinary virtue. The best steel in Pliny’s time came from China; -the next best, in point of quality, was manufactured in Parthia. - -It would appear, that at Noricum steel was manufactured directly from -the ore of iron. This process was perfectly practicable, and it is said -still to be practised in certain cases. - -The ancients were acquainted with the method of rendering iron, or -rather steel, magnetic; as appears from a passage in the fourteenth -chapter of the thirty-fourth book of Pliny. Magnetic iron was -distinguished by the name of _ferrum vivum_. - -When iron is dabbed over with alumen and vinegar it becomes like -copper, according to Pliny. Cerussa, gypsum, and liquid pitch, keep it -from rusting. Pliny was of opinion that a method of preventing iron -from rusting had been once known, but had been lost before his time. -The iron chains of an old bridge over the Euphrates had not rusted in -Pliny’s time; but a few new links, which had been added to supply the -place of some that had decayed, were become rusty. - -It would appear from Pliny, that the ancients made use of something -very like _tractors_; for he says that pain in the side is relieved by -holding near it the point of a dagger that has wounded a man. Water in -which red-hot iron had been plunged was recommended as a cure for the -dysentery; and the actual cautery with red-hot iron, Pliny informs us, -prevents hydrophobia, when a person has been bitten by a mad dog. - -Rust of iron and scales of iron were used by the ancients as astringent -medicines. - -6. Tin, also, must have been in common use in the time of Moses; for it -is mentioned without any observation as one of the common metals.[56] -And from the way in which it is spoken of by Isaiah and Ezekiel, it is -obvious that it was considered as of far inferior value to silver and -gold. Now tin, though the ores of it where it does occur are usually -abundant, is rather a scarce metal: that is to say, there are but few -spots on the face of the earth where it is known to exist. Cornwall, -Spain, in the mountains of Gallicia, and the mountains which separate -Saxony and Bohemia, are the only countries in Europe where tin occurs -abundantly. The last of these localities has not been known for five -centuries. It was from Spain and from Britain that the ancients were -supplied with tin; for no mines of tin exist, or have ever been known -to exist, in Africa or Asia, except in the East Indies. The Phœnicians -were the first nation which carried on a great trade by sea. There -is evidence that at a very early period they traded with Spain and -with Britain, and that from these countries they drew their supplies -of tin. It was doubtless the Phœnicians that supplied the Egyptians -with this metal. They had imbibed strongly a spirit of monopoly; and -to secure the whole trade of tin they carefully concealed the source -from which they drew that metal. Hence, doubtless, the reason why the -Grecian geographers, who derived their information from the Phœnicians, -represented the Insulæ Cassiterides, or tin islands, as a set of -islands lying off the north coast of Spain. We know that in fact the -Scilly islands, in these early ages, yielded tin, though doubtless the -great supply was drawn from the neighbouring province of Cornwall. -It was probably from these islands that the Greek name for _tin_ was -derived (κασσιτερος). Even Pliny informs us, that in his time tin was -obtained from the Cassiterides, and from Lusitania and Gallicia. It -occurs, he says, in grains in alluvial soil, from which it is obtained -by washing. It is in black grains, the metallic nature of which is only -recognisable by the great weight. This is a pretty accurate description -of _stream tin_, which we know formerly constituted the only ore of -that metal wrought in Cornwall. He says that the ore occurs also along -with grains of gold; that it is separated from the soil by washing -along with the grains of gold, and afterwards smelted separately. - -[56] Numbers xxxi. 22. - -Pliny gives no particulars about the mode of reducing the ore of tin to -the metallic state; nor is it at all likely that he was acquainted with -the process. - -The Latin term for tin was _plumbum album_. _Stannum_ is also used by -Pliny; but it is impossible to understand the account which he gives -of it. There is, he says, an ore consisting of lead, united to silver. -When this ore is smelted, the first metal that flows out is _stannum_. -What flows next is _silver_. What remains in the furnace is _galena_. -This being smelted, yields _lead_. - -Were we to admit the existence of an ore composed of lead and silver, -it is obvious that no such products could be obtained by simply -smelting it. - -Cassiteros, or tin, is mentioned by Homer; and, from the way in which -the metal is said by him to have been used, it is obvious that in his -time it bore a much higher price, and, consequently, was more valued -than at present. In his description of the breastplate of Agamemnon, he -says that it contained ten bands of steel, twelve of gold, and twenty -of tin (κασσιτεροιο).[57] And in the twenty-third book of the Iliad -(line 561), Achilles describes a copper breastplate surrounded with -shining tin (φαεινου κασσιτεροιο). Pliny informs us, that in his time -tin was adulterated by adding to it about one-third of white copper. A -pound of tin, when Pliny lived, cost ten denarii. Now, if we reckon a -denarius at 7¾_d._, with Dr. Arbuthnot, this would make a Roman pound -of tin to cost 6_s._ 5½_d._ But, as the Roman pound was only equal to -three-fourths of our avoirdupois pound, it is plain that in the time -of Pliny an avoirdupois pound of tin was worth 8_s._ 7¼_d._, which is -almost seven times the price of tin in the present day. - -[57] Iliad xi. 25. - -Tin, in the time of Pliny, was used for covering the inside of copper -vessels, as it is at this day. And, no doubt, the process still -followed is of the same nature as the process used by the ancients for -tinning copper. Pliny remarks, with surprise, that copper thus tinned -does not increase in weight. Now Bayen ascertained that a copper pan, -nine inches in diameter, and three inches three lines in depth, when -tinned, only acquired an additional weight of twenty-one grains. These -measures and weights are French. When we convert them into English, we -have a copper pan 9·59 inches in diameter, and 3·46 inches deep, which, -when tinned, increased in weight 17·23 troy grains. Now the surface -of the copper pan, thus tinned, was 176·468 square inches. Hence it -follows, that a square inch of copper, when tinned, increases in weight -only 0·097 grains. This increase is so small, that we may excuse Pliny, -who probably had never seen the increase of weight determined, except -by means of a rude Roman statera, for concluding that there was no -increase of weight whatever. - -Tin was employed by the ancients for mirrors: but mirrors of silver -were gradually substituted; and these in Pliny’s time had become so -common, that they were even employed by female servants or slaves. - -That Pliny’s knowledge of the properties of tin was very limited, and -far from accurate, is obvious from his assertion that _tin_ is less -fusible than silver.[58] It is true that the ancients had no measure -to determine the different degrees of heat; but as tin melts at a heat -under redness, while silver requires a bright red heat to bring it into -fusion, a single comparative trial would have shown him which was most -fusible. This trial, it is obvious, had never been made by him. - -[58] Lib. xxxiv. c. 17. - -The ancients seem to have been ignorant of the method of tinning iron. -At least, no reference to _tin plate_ is made by Pliny, or by any other -ancient author, that I have had an opportunity of consulting. - -It would appear from Pliny, that both copper and brass were tinned by -the Gauls at an early period. Tinned brass was called _æra coctilia_, -and was so beautiful that it almost passed for silver. _Plating_ (or -covering the metal with plates of silver), was gradually substituted -for tinning; and finally _gilding_ took the place of plating. The -trappings of horses, chariots, &c., were thus ornamented. Pliny nowhere -gives a description of the process of plating; but there can be little -doubt that it was similar to that at present practised. Gilding was -accomplished by laying an amalgam of gold on the copper or brass, as at -present. - -7. Lead appears also to have been in common use among the Egyptians, -at the time of Moses.[59] It was distinguished among the Romans by -the name of _plumbum nigrum_. In Pliny’s time the lead-mines existed -chiefly in Spain and Britain. In Britain lead was so abundant, that it -was prohibited to extract above a certain quantity in a year. The mines -lay on the surface of the earth. Derbyshire was the county in which -lead ores were chiefly wrought by the Romans. The rich mines in the -north of England seem to have been unknown to them. - -[59] Numbers xxxi. 22. - -Pliny was of opinion that if a lead-mine, after being exhausted, be -shut up for some time, the ore will be again renewed. - -In the time of Pliny leaden pipes were commonly used for conveying -water. The vulgar notion that the ancients did not know that water will -always rise in pipes as high as the source from which it proceeds, and -that it was this ignorance which led to the formation of aqueducts, -is quite unfounded. Nobody can read Pliny without seeing that this -important fact was well known in his time. - -Sheet lead was also used in the time of Pliny, and applied to the same -purposes as at present. But lead was much higher priced among the -ancients than it is at present. Pliny informs us that its price was to -that of tin as 7 to 10. Hence it must have sold at the rate of 6_s._ -0¼_d._ per pound. The present price of lead does not much exceed three -halfpence the pound. It is therefore only 1-48th part of the price -which it bore in the time of Pliny. This difference must be chiefly -owing to the improvements made by the moderns in working the mines and -smelting the ores of lead. - -Tin, in Pliny’s time, was used as a solder for lead. For this purpose -it is well adapted, as it is so much easier smelted than lead. But when -he says that lead is used also as a solder for tin, his meaning is not -so clear. Probably he means an alloy of lead and tin, which, fusing at -a lower point than tin, may be used to solder that metal. The addition -of some bismuth reduces the fusing point materially; but that metal was -unknown to the ancients. - -_Argentarium_ is an alloy of equal parts of lead and tin. _Tertiarium_, -of two parts lead and one part tin. It was used as a solder. - -Some preparations of lead were used by the ancients in medicine, as we -know from the description of them given us by Dioscorides and Pliny. -These preparations consisted chiefly of protoxide of lead and lead -reduced to powder, and partially oxidized by triturating it with water -in a mortar. They were applied to ulcers, and employed externally as -astringents. - -_Molybdena_ was also employed in medicine. Pliny says it was the same -as galena. From his description it is obvious that it was _litharge_; -for it was in scales, and was more valued the nearer its colour -approached to that of gold. It was employed, as it still is, for making -plasters. Pliny gives us the process for making the plaster employed by -the Roman surgeons. It was made by heating together - - 3 lbs. molybdena or litharge, - 1 lb. wax, - 3 heminæ, or 1½ pint, of olive oil. - -This process is very nearly the same as the one at present followed by -apothecaries for making adhesive plaster. - -_Psimmythium_, or _cerussa_, was the same as our _white lead_. It was -made by exposing lead in sheets to the fumes of vinegar. It would seem -probable from Pliny’s account, though it is confused and inaccurate, -that the ancients were in the habit of dissolving cerussa in vinegar, -and thus making an impure acetate of lead. - -Cerussa was used in medicine. It constituted also a common white paint. -At one time, Pliny says, it was found native; but in his time all that -was used was prepared artificially. - -_Cerussa usta_ seems to have been nearly the same as our _red lead_. It -was formed accidentally from cerussa during the burning of the Pyræus. -The colour was purple. It was imitated at Rome by burning _silis_ -_marmarosus_, which was probably a variety of some of our ochres. - -8. Besides the metals above enumerated, the ancients were also -acquainted with quicksilver. Nothing is known about the first discovery -of this metal; though it obviously precedes the commencement of -history. I am not aware that the term occurs in the writings of Moses. -We have therefore no evidence that it was known to the Egyptians at -that early period; nor do I find any allusion to it in the works of -Herodotus. But this is not surprising, as that author confines himself -chiefly to subjects connected with history. Dioscorides and Pliny both -mention it as common in their time. Dioscorides gives a method of -obtaining it by sublimation from cinnabar. It is remarkable, because -it constitutes the first example of a process which ultimately led to -distillation.[60] - -[60] Dioscorides, lib. v. c. 110. - -Cinnabar is also described by Theophrastus. The term _minium_ was -applied to it also, till in consequence of the adulteration of cinnabar -with _red lead_, the term minium came at last to be restricted to -that preparation of lead. Theophrastus describes an artificial -cinnabar, which came from the country above Ephesus. It was a shining -red-coloured sand, which was collected and reduced to a fine powder -by pounding it in vessels of stone. We do not know what it was. The -native cinnabar was found in Spain, and was used chiefly as a paint. -Dioscorides employs _minium_ as the name for what we at present call -cinnabar, or bisulphuret of mercury. His cinnabar was a red paint from -Africa, produced in such small quantity that painters could scarcely -procure enough of it to answer their purposes. - -Mercury is described by Pliny as existing native in the mines of Spain, -and Dioscorides gives the process for extracting it from cinnabar. It -was employed in gilding precisely as it is by the moderns. Pliny was -aware of its great specific gravity, and of the readiness with which -it dissolves gold. The amalgam was squeezed through leather, which -separated most of the quicksilver. When the solid amalgam remaining was -heated, the mercury was driven off and pure gold remained. - -It is obvious from what Dioscorides says, that the properties of -mercury were very imperfectly known to him. He says that it may be -kept in vessels of glass, or of lead, or of tin, or of silver.[61] Now -it is well known that it dissolves lead, tin, and silver with so much -rapidity, that vessels of these metals, were mercury put into them, -would be speedily destroyed. Pliny’s account of quicksilver is rather -obscure. It seems doubtful whether he was aware that native _argentum -vivum_ and the _hydrargyrum_ extracted from cinnabar were the same. - -[61] Lib. v. c. 110. - -Cinnabar was occasionally used as an external medicine; but Pliny -disapproves of it, assuring his readers that quicksilver and all its -preparations are virulent poisons. No other mercurial preparations -except cinnabar and the amalgam of mercury seem to have been known to -the ancients.[62] - -[62] The ancients were in the habit of extracting mercury from -cinnabar, by a kind of imperfect distillation. The native mercury they -called _argentum vivum_, that from cinnabar _hydrargyrus_. See Plinii -Hist. Nat. xxxiii. 8. - -9. The ancients were unacquainted with the metal to which we at present -give the name of _antimony_; but several of the ores of that metal, and -of the products of these ores were not altogether unknown to them. From -the account of stimmi and stibium, by Dioscorides[63] and Pliny,[64] -there can be little doubt that these names were applied to the mineral -now called _sulphuret of antimony_ or crude antimony. It is found most -commonly, Pliny says, among the ores of silver, and consists of two -kinds, the male and the female; the latter of which is most valued. - -[63] Lib. v. c. 99. - -[64] Lib. xxxiii. c. 6. - -This pigment was known at a very early period, and employed by the -Asiatic ladies in painting their eyelashes, or rather the insides of -their eyelashes, black. Thus it is said of Jezebel, that when Jehu came -to Jezreel she painted her face. The original is, _she put her eyes in -sulphuret of antimony_.[65] A similar expression occurs in Ezekiel, -“For whom thou didst wash thyself, paintedst thy eyes”--literally, -put thy eyes in sulphuret of antimony.[66] This custom of painting -the eyes black with antimony was transferred from Asia to Greece, and -while the Moors occupied Spain it was employed by the Spanish ladies -also. It is curious that the term _alcohol_, at present confined to -_spirit of wine_, was originally applied to the powder of sulphuret of -antimony.[67] The ancients were in the habit of roasting sulphuret of -antimony, and thus converting it into an impure oxide. This preparation -was also called stimmi and stibium. It was employed in medicine as -an external application, and was conceived to act chiefly as an -astringent; Dioscorides describes the method of preparing it. We see, -from Pliny’s account of stibium, that he did not distinguish between -sulphuret of antimony and oxide of antimony.[68] - -[65] 2 Kings ix. 30. - -[66] Chap. 23. v. 40, the Vulgate has it εστιβιζω τους οφθαλμους σουo. - -[67] Hartmanni Praxis Chemiatrica, p. 598. - -[68] Plinii Hist. Nat. xxxiii. 6. - -9. Some of the compounds of arsenic were also known to the ancients; -though they were neither acquainted with this substance in the metallic -state, nor with its oxide; the nature of which is so violent that had -it been known to them it could not have been omitted by Dioscorides and -Pliny. - -The word σανδαραχη (_sandarache_) occurs in Aristotle, and the -term αρῥενιχον (_arrhenichon_) in Theophrastus.[69] Dioscorides -uses likewise the same name with Aristotle. It was applied to a -scarlet-coloured mineral, which occurs native, and is now known by the -name of _realgar_. It is a compound of arsenic and sulphur. It was -employed in medicine both externally and internally, and is recommended -by Dioscorides, as an excellent remedy for an inveterate cough. - -[69] Περι των λιθων, c. 71. - -_Auripigmentum_ and _arsenicum_ were names given to the native yellow -sulphuret of arsenic. It was used in the same way, and considered by -Dioscorides and Pliny as of the same nature with realgar. But there -is no reason for supposing that the ancients were acquainted with the -compositions of either of these bodies; far less that they had any -suspicion of the existence of the metal to which we at present give the -name of arsenic. - -Such is a sketch of the facts known to the ancients respecting metals. -They knew the six malleable metals which are still in common use, and -applied them to most of the purposes to which the moderns apply them. -Scarcely any information has been left us of the methods employed by -them to reduce these metals from their ores. But unless the ores were -of a much simpler nature than the modern ores of these metals, of which -we have no evidence, the smelting processes with which the ancients -were familiar, could scarcely have been contrived without a knowledge -of the substances united with the different metals in their ores, and -of the means by which these foreign bodies could be separated, and the -metals isolated from all impurities. This doubtless implied a certain -quantity of chemical knowledge, which having been handed down to the -moderns, served as a foundation upon which the modern science of -chemistry was gradually reared: at the same time it will be admitted -that this foundation was very slender, and would of itself have led to -little. Most of the oxides, sulphurets, &c., and almost all the salts -into which these metallic bodies enter, were unknown to the ancients. - -Besides the working in metals there were some other branches of -industry practised by the ancients, so intimately connected with -chemical science, that it would be improper to pass them over in -silence. The most important of these are the following: - - -II.--COLOURS USED BY PAINTERS. - -It is well known that the ancient Grecian artists carried the art of -painting to the highest degree of perfection, and that their paintings -were admired and sought after by the most eminent and accomplished -men of antiquity; and Pliny gives us a catalogue of a great number of -first-rate pictures, and a historical account of a vast many celebrated -painters of antiquity. In his own time, he says, the art of painting -had lost its importance, statues and tablets having came in place of -pictures. - -Two kinds of colours were employed by the ancients; namely, the florid -and the austere. The florid colours, as enumerated by Pliny, were -_minium_, _armenium_, _cinnaberis_, _chrysocolla_, _purpurissum_, and -_indicum purpurissum_. - -The word _minium_ as used by Pliny means _red lead_; though Dioscorides -employs it for bisulphuret of mercury or cinnabar. - -_Armenium_ was obviously an ochre, probably of a yellow or orange -colour. - -_Cinnaberis_ was bisulphuret of mercury, which is known to have a -scarlet colour. Dioscorides employs it to denote a vegetable red -colour, probably similar to the resin at present called _dragon’s -blood_. - -_Chrysocolla_ was a green-coloured paint, and from Pliny’s description -of it, could have been nothing else than carbonate of copper or -malachite. - -_Purpurissum_ was a _lake_, as is obvious from the account of its -formation given by Pliny. The colouring matter is not specified, but -from the term used there can be little doubt that it was the liquor -from the shellfish that yielded the celebrated purple dye of the -Tyrians. - -_Indicum purpurissum_ was probably _indigo_. This might be implied from -the account of it given by Pliny. - -The austere colours used by the ancient painters were of two kinds, -native and artificial. The native were _sinopis_, _rubrica_, -_parætonium_, _melinum_, _eretria_, _auripigmentum_. The artificial -were, _ochra_, _cerussa usta_, _sandaracha_, _sandyx_, _syricum_, -_atramentum_. - -_Sinopis_ is the red substance now known by the name of reddle, and -used for marking. On that account it is sometimes called _red chalk_. -It was found in Pontus, in the Balearian islands, and in Egypt. The -price was three denarii, or 1_s._ 11¼_d._ the pound weight. The most -famous variety of _sinopis_ was from the isle of Lemnos; it was sold -sealed and stamped: hence it was called _sphragis_. It was employed to -adulterate minium. In medicine it was used to appease inflammation, and -as an antidote to poison. - -_Ochre_ is merely sinopis heated in a covered vessel. The higher the -temperature to which it has been exposed the better it is. - -_Leucophorum_ is a compound of - - 6 lbs. sinopis of Pontus, - 10 lbs. siris, - 2 lbs. melinum, - -triturated together for thirty days. It was used to make gold adhere to -wood. - -_Rubrica_ from the name, was probably a red ochre. - -_Parætonium_ was a white colour, so called from a place in Egypt, -where it was found. It was obtained also in the island of Crete, and -in Cyrene. It was said to be a combination of the froth of the sea -consolidated with mud. It consisted probably of carbonate of lime. Six -pounds of it cost only one denarius. - -_Melinum_ was also a white-coloured powder found in Melos and Samos in -veins. It was most probably a carbonate of lime. - -_Eretria_ was named from the place where it was found. Pliny gives -its medical properties, but does not inform us of its colour. It is -impossible to say what it was. - -_Auripigmentum_ was yellow sulphuret of arsenic. It was probably but -little used as a pigment by the ancient painters. - -_Cerussa usta_ was red lead. - -_Sandaracha_ was red sulphuret of arsenic. The pound of sandaracha cost -5 as.: it was imitated by red lead. Both it and _ochra_ were found in -the island Topazos in the Red Sea. - -_Sandyx_ was made by torrefying equal parts of true sandaracha and -sinopis. It cost half the price of sandaracha. Virgil mistook this -pigment for a plant, as is obvious from the following line: - - Sponte sua sandix, pascentes vestiet agnos.[70] - -[70] Bucol. iv. 1. 45. - -_Siricum_ is made by mixing sinopis and sandyx. - -_Atramentum_ was obviously from Pliny’s account of it _lamp-black_. -He mentions ivory-black as an invention of Apelles: it was called -_elephantinum_. There was a native atramentum, which had the colour of -sulphur, and got a black colour artificially. It is not unlikely that -it contained sulphate of iron, and that it got its black colour from -the admixture of some astringent substance. - -The ink of the ancients was lamp-black mixed with water, containing -gum or glue dissolved in it. _Atramentum indicum_ was the same as our -_China ink_. - -The _purpurissum_ was a high-priced pigment. It was made by putting -_creta argentaria_ (a species of white clay) into the caldrons -containing the ingredients for dying purple. The creta imbibed the -purple colour and became _purpurissum_. The first portion of _creta_ -put in constituted the finest and highest-priced pigment. The portions -put in afterwards became successively worse, and were, of consequence -lower priced. We see, from this description, that it was a lake similar -to our modern cochineal lakes.[71] - -[71] Plinii Hist. Nat. xxxv. 6. - -That the purpurissum indicum was indigo is obvious from the statement -of Pliny, that when thrown upon hot coals it gives out a beautiful -purple flame. This constitutes the character of indigo. Its price in -Pliny’s time was ten denarii, or six shillings and five-pence halfpenny -the Roman pound; which is equivalent to 8_s._ 7⅓_d._ the avoirdupois. - -Though few or none of the ancient pictures have been preserved, yet -several specimens of the colours used by them still remain in Rome and -in the ruins of Herculaneum. Among others the fresco paintings, in -the baths of Titus, still remain; and as these were made for a Roman -emperor, we might expect to find the most beautiful and costly colours -employed in them. These paints, and some others, were examined by Sir -Humphrey Davy, in 1813, while he was in Rome. From his researches we -derive some pretty accurate information respecting the colours employed -by the painters of Greece and Rome. - -1. _Red paints._ Three different kinds of red were found in a chamber -opened in 1811, in the baths of Titus, namely, a bright orange red, -a dull red, and a brown red. The bright orange red was _minium_, or -_red lead_; the other two were merely two varieties of iron ochres. -Another still brighter red was observed on the walls; it proved, on -examination, to be _vermilion_ or _cinnabar_. - -2. _Yellow paints._ All the _yellows_ examined by Davy proved to be -_iron ochres_, sometimes mixed with a little _red lead_. Orpiment -was undoubtedly employed, as is obvious from what Pliny says on the -subject: but Davy found no traces of it among the yellow colours which -he examined. A very deep yellow, approaching orange, which covered a -piece of stucco in the ruins near the monument of Caius Cestius, proved -to be protoxide of lead, or massicot, mixed with some red lead. The -yellows in the Aldobrandini pictures were all ochres, and so were those -in the pictures on the walls of the houses at Pompeii. - -3. _Blue paints._ Different shades of blues are used in the different -apartments of the baths of Titus, which are darker or lighter, as they -contain more or less carbonate of lime with which the blue pigment -had been mixed by the painter. This blue pigment turned out, on -examination, to be a frit composed of alkali and silica, fused together -with a certain quantity of oxide of copper. This was the colour -called χυανος (_kyanos_) by the Greeks, and _cæruleum_ by the Romans. -Vitruvius gives the method of preparing it by heating strongly together -sand, carbonate of soda, and filings of copper. Davy found that -fifteen parts by weight of anhydrous carbonate of soda, twenty parts -of powdered opaque flints, and three parts of copper filings, strongly -heated together for two hours, gave a substance exactly similar to -the blue pigment of the ancients, and which, when powdered, produced -a fine deep blue colour. This cæruleum has the advantage of remaining -unaltered even when the painting is exposed to the actions of the air -and sun. - -There is reason to suspect, from what Vitruvius and Pliny say, that -glass rendered blue by means of cobalt constituted the basis of some -of the blue pigments of the ancients; but all those examined by Davy -consisted of glass tinged blue by copper, without any trace of cobalt -whatever. - -4. _Green paints._ All the green paints examined by Davy proved to be -carbonates of copper, more or less mixed with carbonate of lime. I have -already mentioned that verdigris was known to the ancients. It was no -doubt employed by them as a pigment, though it is not probable that the -acetic acid would be able to withstand the action of the atmosphere for -a couple of thousand years. - -5. _Purple paints._ Davy ascertained that the colouring matter of -the ancient purple was combustible. It did not give out the smell of -ammonia, at least perceptibly. There is little doubt that it was the -_purpurissum_ of the ancients, or a clay coloured by means of the -purple of the buccinum employed by the Syrians in the celebrated purple -dye. - -6. _Black and brown paints._ The black paints were lamp-black: the -browns were some of them ochres and some of them oxides of manganese. - -7. _White paints._ All the ancient white paints examined by Davy were -carbonates of lime.[72] We know from Pliny that white lead was employed -by the ancients as a pigment; but it might probably become altered in -its nature by long-continued exposure to the weather. - -[72] Phil. Trans. 1814, p. 97. - - -III.--GLASS. - -It is admitted by some that the word which in our English Bible is -translated crystal, means glass, in the following passage of Job: “The -gold and the crystal cannot equal it.”[73] Now although the exact time -when Job was written is not known, it is admitted on all hands to be -one of the oldest of the books contained in the Old Testament. There -are strong reasons for believing that it existed before the time of -Moses; and some go so far as to affirm that there are several allusions -to it in the writings of Moses. If therefore glass were known when -the Book of Job was written, it is obvious that the discovery of it -preceded the commencement of history. But even though the word used -in Job should not refer to glass, there can be no doubt that it was -known at a very early period; for glass beads are frequently found -on the Egyptian mummies, and they are known to have been embalmed at -a very remote period. The first Greek author who uses the word glass -(ὑαλος, _hyalos_) is Aristophanes. In his comedy of The Clouds, act ii. -scene 1, in the ridiculous dialogue between Socrates and Strepsiades, -the latter announces a method which had occurred to him to pay his -debts. “You know,” says he, “the beautiful transparent stone used for -kindling fire.” “Do you mean glass (τον ὕαλον, _ton hyalon_)?” replied -Socrates. “I do,” was the answer. He then describes how he would -destroy the writings by means of it, and thus defraud his creditors. -Now this comedy was acted about four hundred and twenty-three years -before the beginning of the Christian era. The story related by Pliny, -respecting the discovery of this beautiful and important substance, is -well known. Some Phœnician merchants, in a ship loaded with carbonate -of soda from Egypt, stopped, and went ashore on the banks of the river -Belus: having nothing to support their kettles while they were dressing -their food, they employed lumps of carbonate of soda for that purpose. -The fire was strong enough to fuse some of this soda, and to unite it -with the fine sand of the river Belus: the consequence of this was -the formation of glass.[74] Whether this story be entitled to credit -or not, it is clear that the discovery must have originated in some -such accident. Pliny’s account of the manufacture of glass, like his -account of every other manufacture, is very imperfect: but we see from -it that in his time they were in the habit of making coloured glasses; -that colourless glasses were most highly prized, and that glass was -rendered colourless then as it is at present, by the addition of a -certain quantity of oxide of manganese. Colourless glass was very -high priced in Pliny’s time. He relates, that for two moderate-sized -colourless drinking-glasses the Emperor Nero paid 6000 sistertii, which -is equivalent to 25_l._ of our money. - -[73] Job xxviii. 17. - -[74] Plinii Hist. Nat. xxxvi. 26. - -Pliny relates the story of the man who brought a vessel of malleable -glass to the Emperor Tiberius, and who, after dimpling it by dashing -it against the floor, restored it to its original shape and beauty by -means of a hammer; Tiberius, as a reward for this important discovery, -ordered the artist to be executed, in order, as he alleged, to prevent -gold and silver from becoming useless. But though Pliny relates this -story, it is evident that he does not give credit to it; nor does it -deserve credit. We can assign no reason why malleable substances may -not be transparent; but all of them hitherto known are opaque. Chloride -of silver, chloride of lead and iron constitute no exception, for -they are not malleable, though by peculiar contrivances they may be -extended; and their transparency is very imperfect. - -Many specimens of the coloured glasses made by the ancients still -remain, particularly the beads employed as ornaments to the Egyptian -mummies. Of these ancient glasses several have been examined chemically -by Klaproth, Hatchett, and some other individuals, in order to -ascertain the substances employed to give colour to the glass. The -following are the facts that have been ascertained: - -1. _Red glass._ This glass was opaque, and of a lively copper-red -colour. It was probably the kind of red glass to which Pliny gave the -name of hæmatinon. Klaproth analyzed it, and obtained from 100 grains -of it the following constituents: - - Silica 71 - Oxide of lead 10 - Oxide of copper 7·5 - Oxide of iron 1 - Alumina 2·5 - Lime 1·5 - ----- - 93·5[75] - -[75] Beitrage, vi. 140. - -No doubt the deficiency was owing to the presence of an alkali. From -this analysis we see that the colouring matter of this glass was _red -oxide of copper_. - -2. _Green glass._ The colour was light verdigris-green, and the glass, -like the preceding, was opaque. The constituents from 100 grains were, - - Silica 65 - Black oxide of copper 10 - Oxide of lead 7·5 - Oxide of iron 3·5 - Lime 6·5 - Alumina 5·5 - ----- - 98·0[76] - -[76] Ibid., p. 142. - -Thus it appears that both the red and green glass are composed of the -same ingredients, though in different proportions. Both owe their -colour to copper. The red glass is coloured by the red oxide of that -metal; the green by the black oxide, which forms green-coloured -compounds, with various acids, particularly with carbonic acid and with -silica. - -3. _Blue glass._ The variety analyzed by Klaproth had a sapphire-blue -colour, and was only translucent on the edges. The constituents from -100 grains of it were, - - Silica 81·5 - Oxide of iron 9·5 - Alumina 1·5 - Oxide of copper 0·5 - Lime 0·25 - ----- - 93·25[77] - -[77] Beitrage, p. 144. - -From this analysis it appears that the colouring matter of this glass -was oxide of iron: it was therefore analogous to the lapis lazuli, or -ultramarine, in its nature. - -Davy, as has been formerly noticed, found another blue glass, or frit, -coloured by means of copper; and he showed that the blue paint of the -ancients was often made from this glass, simply by grinding it to -powder. - -Klaproth could find no cobalt in the blue glass which he examined; but -Davy found the transparent blue glass vessels, which are along with -the vases, in the tombs of Magna Græcia, tinged with cobalt; and he -found cobalt in all the transparent ancient blue glasses with which -Mr. Millingen supplied him. The mere fusion of these glasses with -alkali, and subsequent digestion of the product with muriatic acid, was -sufficient to produce a sympathetic ink from them.[78] The transparent -blue beads which occasionally adorn the Egyptian mummies have also been -examined, and found coloured by cobalt. The opaque glass beads are all -tinged by means of oxide of copper. It is probable from this that all -the transparent blue glasses of the ancients were coloured by cobalt; -yet we find no allusion to cobalt in any of the ancient authors. -Theophrastus says that copper (χαλκος, _chalcos_) was used to give -glass a fine colour. Is it not likely that the impure oxide of cobalt, -in the state in which they used it, was confounded by them with χαλκος -(_chalcos_)? - -[78] Phil. Trans. 1815, p. 108. - - -IV.--VASA MURRHINA. - -The Romans obtained from the east, and particularly from Egypt, a set -of vessels which they distinguished by the name of _vasa murrhina_, -and which were held by them in very high estimation. They were never -larger than to be capable of containing from about thirty-six to forty -cubic inches. One of the largest size cost, in the time of Pliny, about -7000_l._ Nero actually gave for one 3000_l._ They began to be known in -Rome about the latter days of the republic. The first six ever seen in -Rome were sent by Pompey from the treasures of Mithridates. They were -deposited in the temple of Jupiter in the capitol. Augustus, after -the battle of Actium, brought one of these vessels from Egypt, and -dedicated it also to the gods. In Nero’s time they began to be used by -private persons; and were so much coveted that Petronius, the favourite -of that tyrant, being ordered for execution, and conceiving that his -death was owing to a wish of Nero to get possession of a vessel of this -kind which he had, broke the vessel in pieces in order to prevent Nero -from gaining his object. - -There appear to have been two kinds of these vasa murrhina; those that -came from Asia, and those that were made in Egypt. The latter were much -more common, and much lower priced than the former, as appears from -various passages in Martial and Propertius. - -Many attempts have been made, and much learning displayed by the -moderns to determine the nature of these celebrated vessels; but in -general these attempts were made by individuals too little acquainted -with chemistry and with natural history in general to qualify them -for researches of so difficult a nature. Some will have it that they -consisted of a kind of gum; others that they were made of glass; -others, of a particular kind of shell. Cardan and Scaliger assure -us that they were _porcelain_ vessels; and this opinion was adopted -likewise by Whitaker, who supported it with his usual violence and -arrogance. Many conceive them to have been made of some precious stone, -some that they were of _obsidian_; Count de Veltheim thinks that -they were made of the Chinese _agalmatolite_, or _figure stone_; and -Dr. Hager conceives that they were made from the Chinese stone _yu_. -Bruckmann was of opinion that these vessels were made of sardonyx, and -the Abbé Winckelmann joins him in the same conclusion. - -Pliny informs us that these vasa murrhina were formed from a species -of stone dug out of the earth in Parthia, and especially in Carimania, -and also in other places but little known.[79] They must have been very -abundant at Rome in the time of Nero; for Pliny informs us that a man -of consular rank, famous for his collection of vasa murrhina, having -died, Nero forcibly deprived his children of these vessels, and they -were so numerous that they filled the whole inside of a theatre, which -Nero hoped to have seen filled with Romans when he came to it to sing -in public. - -[79] Plinii Hist. Nat. xxxvii. 2. - -It is clear that the value of these vessels depended on their size. -Small vessels bore but a small price, while that of large vessels was -very high; this shows us that it must have been difficult to procure a -block of the stone out of which they were cut, of a size sufficiently -great to make a large vessel. - -These vessels were so soft that an impression might be made upon them -with the teeth; for Pliny relates the story of a man of consular rank, -who drank out of one, and was so enamoured with it that he bit pieces -out of the lip of the cup: “Potavit ex eo ante hos annos consularis, ob -amorem abraso ejus margine.” And what is singular, the value of the -cup, so far from being injured by this abrasure, was augmented: “ut -tamen injuria ilia pretium augeret; neque est hodie murrhini alterius -præstantior indicatura.”[80] It is clear from this that the matter of -these vessels was neither rock crystal, agate, nor any precious stone -whatever, all of which are too hard to admit of an impression from the -teeth of a man. - -[80] Plinii Hist. Nat. xxxvii. 2. - -The lustre was vitreous to such a degree that the name _vitrum -murrhinum_ was given to the artificial fabric, in Egypt. - -The splendour was not very great, for Pliny observes, “Splendor his -sine viribus nitorque verius quam splendor.” - -The colours, from their depth and richness, were what gave these -vessels their value and excited admiration. The principal colours were -purple and white, disposed in undulating bands, and usually separated -by a third band, in which the two colours being mixed, assumed the tint -of flame: “Sed in pretio varietas colorum, subinde circumagentibus se -maculis in purpuram candoremque, et tertium ex utroque ignescentem, -velut per transitum coloris, purpura rubescente, aut lacte candescente.” - -Perfect transparency was considered as a defect, they were merely -translucent; this we learn not merely from Pliny, but from the -following epigram of Martial: - - Nos bibimus vitro, tu murra, Pontice: quare? - Prodat perspicuus ne duo vina calix. - -Some specimens, and they were the most valued, exhibited a play of -colour like the rainbow: Pliny says they were very commonly spotted -with “sales, verrucæque non eminentes, sed ut in corpore etiam -plerumque sessiles.” This, no doubt, refers to foreign bodies, such as -grains of pyrites, antimony, galena, &c., which were often scattered -through the substances of which the vessels were made. - -Such are all the facts respecting the vasa murrhina to be found in the -writings of the ancients; they all apply to fluor spar, and to nothing -else; but to it they apply so accurately as to leave little doubt that -they were in reality vessels of fluor spar, similar to those at present -made in Derbyshire.[81] - -[81] This opinion was first formed by Baron Born, and stated in -his Catalogue of Minerals in M. E. Raab’s collection, i. 356. But -the evidences in favour of it have been brought forward with great -clearness and force by M. Roziere. See Jour. de Min. xxxvi. 193. - -The artificial vasa murrhina made at Thebes, in Egypt, were doubtless -of glass, coloured to imitate fluor spar as much as possible, and -having the semi-transparency which distinguishes that mineral. The -imitations being imperfect, these factitious vessels were not much -prized nor sought after by the Romans, they were rather distributed -among the Arabians and Ethiopians, who were supplied with glass from -Egypt. - -Rock crystal is compared by Pliny with the stone from which the vasa -murrhina were made; the former, in his opinion, had been coagulated -by cold, the latter by heat. Though the ancients, as we have seen, -were acquainted with the method of colouring glass, yet they prized -colourless glass highest on account of its resemblance to rock crystal; -cups of it, in Pliny’s time, had supplanted those of silver and gold; -Nero gave for a crystal cup 150,000 sistertii, or 625_l._ - - -V.--DYEING AND CALICO-PRINTING. - -Very little has been handed down by the ancients respecting the -processes of dyeing. It is evident, from Pliny, that they were -acquainted with madder, and that preparations of iron were used in -the black dyes. The most celebrated dye of all, the _purple_, was -discovered by the Tyrians about fifteen centuries before the Christian -era. This colour was given by various kinds of shellfish which inhabit -the Mediterranean. Pliny divides them into two genera; the first, -comprehending the smaller species, he called _buccinum_, from their -resemblance to a hunting-horn; the second, included those called -_purpura_: Fabius Columna thinks that these were distinguished also by -the name of _murex_. - -These shellfish yielded liquor of different shades of colour; they -were often mixed in various proportions to produce particular shades -of colour. One, or at most two drops of this liquor were obtained from -each fish, by extracting and opening a little reservoir placed in the -throat. To avoid this trouble, the smaller species were generally -bruised whole, in a mortar; this was also frequently done with the -large, though the other liquids of the fish must have in some degree -injured the colour. The liquor, when extracted, was mixed with a -considerable quantity of salt to keep it from putrifying; it was then -diluted with five or six times as much water, and kept moderately hot -in leaden or tin vessels, for eight or ten days, during which the -liquor was often skimmed to separate all the impurities. After this, -the wool to be dyed, being first well washed, was immersed and kept -therein for five hours; then taken out, cooled, and again immersed, and -continued in the liquor till all the colour was exhausted.[82] - -[82] Plinii Hist. Nat. ix. 38. - -To produce particular shades of colour, carbonate of soda, urine, -and a marine plant called _fucus_, were occasionally added: one of -these colours was a very dark reddish violet--“Nigrantis rosæ colore -sublucens.”[83] But the most esteemed, and that in which the Tyrians -particularly excelled, resembled coagulated blood--“laus ei summa -in colore sanguinis concreti, nigricans aspectu, idemque suspectu -refulgens.”[84] - -[83] Ibid., ix. 36. - -[84] Plinii Hist. Nat. ix. c. 38. - -Pliny says that the Tyrians first dyed their wool in the liquor of the -purpura, and afterwards in that of the buccinum; and it is obvious from -Moses that this purple was known to the Egyptians in his time.[85] -Wool which had received this double Tyrian dye (_dia bapha_) was so -very costly that, in the reign of Augustus, it sold for about 36_l._ -the pound. But lest this should not be sufficient to exclude all from -the use of it but those invested with the very highest dignities -of the state, laws were made inflicting severe penalties, and even -death, upon all who should presume to wear it under the dignity -of an emperor. The art of dyeing this colour came at length to be -practised by a few individuals only, appointed by the emperors, and -having been interrupted about the beginning of the twelfth century all -knowledge of it died away, and during several ages this celebrated -dye was considered and lamented as an irrecoverable loss.[86] How it -was afterwards recovered and made known by Mr. Cole, of Bristol, M. -Jussieu, M. Reaumur, and M. Duhamel, would lead us too far from our -present object, were we to relate it: those who are interested in the -subject will find an historical detail in Bancroft’s work on Permanent -Colours, just referred to. - -[85] Exodus xxv. 4. - -[86] See Bancroft on Permanent Colours, i. 79. - -There is reason to suspect that the Hebrew word translated _fine linen_ -in the Old Testament, and so celebrated as a production of Egypt, was -in reality _cotton_, and not linen. From a curious passage in Pliny, -there is reason to believe that the Egyptians in his time, and probably -long before, were acquainted with the method of calico-printing, such -as is still practised in India and the east. The following is a -literal translation of the passage in question: - -“There exists in Egypt a wonderful method of dyeing. The white cloth -is stained in various places, not with dye stuffs, but with substances -which have the property of absorbing (_fixing_) colours, these -applications are not visible upon the cloth; but when they are dipped -into a hot caldron of the dye they are drawn out an instant after dyed. -The remarkable circumstance is, that though there be only one dye in -the vat, yet different colours appear upon the cloth; nor can the -colour be afterwards removed.”[87] - -[87] Plinii Hist. Nat. xxxv. 11. - -It is evident enough that these substances applied were different -mordants which served to fix the dye upon the cloth; the nature of -these mordants cannot be discovered, as nothing specific seems to have -been known to Pliny. The modern mordants are solutions of alumina; of -the oxide of tin, oxide of iron, oxide of lead, &c.: and doubtless -these, or something equivalent to these, were the substances employed -by the ancients. The purple dye required no mordant, it fixed itself to -the cloth in consequence of the chemical affinity which existed between -them. Whether indigo was used by the ancients as a dye does not appear, -but there can be no doubt, at least, that its use was known to the -Indians at a very remote period. - -From these facts, few as they are, there can be little doubt that -dyeing, and even calico-printing, had made considerable progress -among the ancients; and this could not have taken place without a -considerable knowledge of colouring matters, and of the mordants by -which these colouring matters were fixed. These facts, however, were -probably but imperfectly understood, and could not be the means of -furnishing the ancients with any accurate chemical knowledge. - - -VI.--SOAP. - -Soap, which constitutes so important and indispensable an article in -the domestic economy of the moderns, was quite unknown to the ancient -inhabitants of Asia, and even of Greece. No allusion to it occurs in -the Old Testament. In Homer, we find Nausicaa, the daughter of the King -of the Phæacians, using nothing but water to wash her nuptial garments: - - They seek the cisterns where Phæacian dames - Wash their fair garments in the limped streams; - Where gathering into depth from falling rills, - The lucid wave a spacious bason fills. - The mules unharness’d range beside the main, - Or crop the verdant herbage of the plain. - Then emulous the royal robes they lave, - And plunge the vestures in the cleansing wave. - _Odyssey_, vi. 1. 99. - -We find, in some of the comic poets, that the Greeks were in the habit -of adding wood-ashes to water to make it a better detergent. Wood-ashes -contain a certain portion of carbonate of potash, which of course would -answer as a detergent; though, from its caustic qualities, it would be -injurious to the hands of the washerwomen. There is no evidence that -carbonate of soda, the _nitrum_ of the ancients, was ever used as a -detergent; this is the more surprising, because we know from Pliny that -it was employed in dyeing, and one cannot see how a solution of it -could be employed by the dyers in their processes without discovering -that it acted powerfully as a detergent. - -The word _soap_ (_sapo_) occurs first in Pliny. He informs us that it -was an invention of the Gauls, who employed it to render their hair -shining; that it was a compound of wood-ashes and tallow, that there -were two kinds of it, _hard_ and _soft_ (_spissus et liquidus_); and -that the best kind was made of the ashes of the beech and the fat of -goats. Among the Germans it was more employed by the men than the -women.[88] It is curious that no allusion whatever is made by Pliny to -the use of soap as a detergent; shall we conclude from this that the -most important of all the uses of soap was unknown to the ancients? - -[88] Plinii Hist. Nat. xxviii. 12. The passage of Pliny is as follows: -“Prodest et sapo; Gallorum hoc inventum rutilandis capillis ex sevo et -cinere. Optimus fagino et caprino, duobus modis, spissus et liquidus: -uterque apud Germanos majore in usu viris quam feminis.” - -It was employed by the ancients as a pomatum; and, during the early -part of the government of the emperors, it was imported into Rome from -Germany, as a pomatum for the young Roman beaus. Beckmann is of opinion -that the Latin word _sapo_ is derived from the old German word _sepe_, -a word still employed by the common people of Scotland.[89] - -[89] Hist. of Inventions, iii. 239. - -It is well known that the state of soap depends upon the alkali -employed in making it. _Soda_ constitutes a _hard_ soap, and _potash_ a -_soft_ soap. The ancients being ignorant of the difference between the -two alkalies, and using wood-ashes in the preparation of it, doubtless -formed soft soap. The addition of some common salt, during the boiling -of the soap, would convert the soft into hard soap. As Pliny informs us -that the ancients were acquainted both with hard and soft soap, it is -clear that they must have followed some such process. - - -VII.--STARCH. - -The manufacture of starch was known to the ancients. Pliny informs us -that it was made from wheat and from _siligo_, which was probably a -variety or sub-species of wheat. The invention of starch is ascribed -by Pliny to the inhabitants of the island of Chio, where in his time -the best starch was still made. Pliny’s description of the method -employed by the ancients of making starch is tolerably exact. Next to -the China starch that of Crete was most celebrated; and next to it was -the Egyptian. The qualities of starch were judged of by the weight; the -lightest being always reckoned the best. - - -VIII.--BEER. - -That the ancients were acquainted with wine is universally known. This -knowledge must have been nearly coeval with the origin of society; -for we are informed in Genesis that Noah, after the flood, planted a -vineyard, and made wine, and got intoxicated by drinking the liquid -which he had manufactured.[90] Beer also is a very old manufacture. -It was in common use among the Egyptians in the time of Herodotus, -who informs us that they made use of a kind of wine made from barley, -because no vines grew in their country.[91] Tacitus informs us, that -in his time it was the drink of the Germans.[92] Pliny informs us that -it was made by the Gauls, and by other nations. He gives it the name -of _cerevisia_ or _cervisia_; the name obviously alluding to the grain -from which it was made. - -[90] Genesis ix. 20. - -[91] “Oinô d’ ek kritheôn pepoiêmenô diachreontai; ou gar sphi eisi en -tê chôrê ampeloi.” Euterpe chap. 77. - -[92] De Moribus Germanorum, c. 23. “Potui humor ex hordeo aut frumento -in quandam similitudinem vini corruptus.” - -But though the ancients seem acquainted with both wine and beer, -there is no evidence of their having ever subjected these liquids -to distillation, and of having collected the products. This would -have furnished them with ardent spirits or alcohol, of which there -is every reason to believe they were entirely ignorant. Indeed, the -method employed by Dioscorides to obtain mercury from cinnabar, is a -sufficient proof that the true process of distillation was unknown to -them. He mixed cinnabar with iron filings, put the mixture into a pot, -to the top of which a cover of stoneware was luted. Heat was applied -to the pot, and when the process was at an end, the mercury was found -adhering to the inside of the cover. Had they been aware of the method -of distilling the quicksilver ore into a receiver, this imperfect mode -of collecting only a small portion of the quicksilver, separated from -the cinnabar, would never have been practised. Besides, there is not -the smallest allusion to ardent spirits, either in the writings of the -poets, historians, naturalists, or medical men of ancient Greece; a -circumstance not to be accounted for had ardent spirits been known, -and applied even to one-tenth of the uses to which they are put by the -moderns. - - -IX.--STONEWARE. - -The manufacture of stoneware vessels was known at a very early period -of society. Frequent allusions to the potter’s wheel occur in the Old -Testament, showing that the manufacture must have been familiar to -the Jewish nation. The porcelain of the Chinese boasts of a very high -antiquity indeed. We cannot doubt that the processes of the ancients -were similar to those of the moderns, though I am not aware of any -tolerably accurate account of them in any ancient author whatever. - -Moulds of plaster of Paris were used by the ancients to take casts -precisely as at present.[93] - -[93] Plinii Hist. Nat. xxxv. 12. - -The sand of Puzzoli was used by the Romans, as it is by the moderns, to -form a mortar capable of hardening under water. - -Pliny gives us some idea of the Roman bricks, which are known to have -been of an excellent quality. There were three sizes of bricks used by -the Romans. - -1. Lydian, which were 1½ foot long and 1 foot broad. - -2. Tetradoron, which was a square of 16 inches each side. - -3. Pentadoron, which was a square, each side of which was 20 inches -long. - -Doron signifies the palm of the hand: of course it was equivalent to 4 -inches. - - -X.--PRECIOUS STONES AND MINERALS. - -Pliny has given a pretty detailed description of the precious stones -of the ancients; but it is not very easy to determine the specific -minerals to which he alludes. - -1. The description of the diamond is tolerably precise. It was found in -Ethiopia, India, Arabia, and Macedonia. But the Macedonian diamond, as -well as the adamas cyprius and siderites, were obviously not diamonds, -but soft stones. - -2. The _emerald_ of the ancients (_smaragdus_) must have varied in its -nature. It was a green, transparent, hard stone; and, as colour was -the criterion by which the ancients distinguished minerals and divided -them into species, it is obvious that very different minerals must -have been confounded together, under the name of emerald. Sapphire, -beryl, doubtless fluor spar when green, and probably even serpentine, -nephrite, and some ores of copper, seem to have occasionally got the -same name. There is no reason to believe that the _emerald_ of the -moderns was known before the discovery of America. At least it has been -only found in modern times in America. Some of the emeralds described -by Pliny as losing their colour by exposure to the sun, must have been -fluor spars. There is a remarkably deep and beautiful green fluor spar, -met with some years ago in the county of Durham, in one of the Weredale -mines that possesses this property. The emeralds of the ancients were -of such a size (13½ feet, large enough to be cut into a pillar), that -we can consider them in no other light than as a species of rock. - -3. Topaz of the ancients had a green colour, which is never the case -with the modern topaz. It was found in the island Topazios, in the -Red Sea.[94] It is generally supposed to have been the _chrysolite_ -of the moderns. But Pliny mentions a statue of it six feet long. Now -chrysolite never occurs in such large masses. Bruce mentions a green -substance in an emerald island in the Red Sea, not harder than glass. -Might not this be the emerald of the ancients? - -[94] The word topazo is said by Pliny to signify, in the language of -the Troglodytes, _to seek_. - -4. _Calais_, from the locality and colour was probably the Persian -turquoise, as it is generally supposed to be. - -5. Whether the _prasius_ and _chrysoprasius_ of Pliny were the modern -stones to which these names are given, we have no means of determining. -It is generally supposed that they are, and we have no evidence to the -contrary. - -6. The _chrysolite_ of Pliny is supposed to be our _topaz_: but we have -no other evidence of this than the opinion of M. Du Tems. - -7. _Asteria_ of Pliny is supposed by Saussure to be our sapphire. The -lustre described by Pliny agrees with this opinion. The stone is said -to have been very hard and colourless. - -8. _Opalus_ seems to have been our _opal_. It is called, Pliny says, -_pæderos_ by many, on account of its beauty. The Indians called it -_sangenon_. - -9. _Obsidian_ was the same as the mineral to which we give that name. -It was so called because a Roman named Obsidianus first brought it from -Egypt. I have a piece of obsidian, which the late Mr. Salt brought from -the locality specified by Pliny, and which possesses all the characters -of that mineral in its purest state. - -10. _Sarda_ was the name of _carnelian_, so called because it was first -found near Sardis. The _sardonyx_ was also another name for _carnelian_. - -11. Onyx was a name sometimes given to a rock, _gypsum_; sometimes it -was a light-coloured _chalcedony_. The Latin name for chalcedony was -_carchedonius_, so called because Carthage was the place where this -mineral was exposed to sale. The Greek name for Carthage was Καρχηδων -(_carchedon_). - -12. _Carbunculus_ was the garnet; and _anthrax_ was a name for another -variety of the same mineral. - -13. The _oriental amethyst_ of Pliny was probably a sapphire. The -fourth species of amethyst described by Pliny, seems to have been our -amethyst. Pliny derives the name from α (_a_) and μυθη (_mythe_), -_wine_, because it has not quite the colour of wine. But the common -derivation is from α and μυθυω, _to intoxicate_, because it was used as -an amulet to prevent intoxication. - -14. The _sapphire_ is described by Pliny as always opaque, and as unfit -for engraving on. We do not know what it was. - -15. The _hyacinth_ of Pliny is equally unknown. From its name it was -obviously of a blue colour. Our hyacinth has a reddish-brown colour, -and a great deal of hardness and lustre. - -16. The _cyanus_ of Pliny may have been our _cyanite_. - -17. _Astrios_ agrees very well, as far as the description of Pliny -goes, with the variety of felspar called _adularia_. - -18. _Belioculus_ seems to have been our _catseye_. - -19. _Lychnites_ was a violet-coloured stone, which became electric by -heat. Unless it was a _blue tourmalin_, I do not know what it could be. - -20. The _jasper_ of the ancients was probably the same as ours. - -21. _Molochites_ may have been our _malachite_. The name comes from the -Greek word μολοχη, _mallow_, or _marshmallow_. - -22. Pliny considers _amber_ as the juice of a tree concreted into a -solid form. The largest piece of it that he had ever seen weighed 13 -lbs. Roman weight, which is nearly equivalent to 9¾ lbs. avoirdupois. -_Indian amber_, of which he speaks, was probably _copal_, or some -transparent resin. It may be dyed, he says, by means of _anchusa_ and -the _fat of kids_. - -23. _Lapis specularis_ was foliated sulphate of lime, or selenite. - -24. _Pyrites_ had the same meaning among the ancients that it has among -the moderns; at least as far as iron pyrites or bisulphuret of iron is -concerned. Pliny describes two kind of pyrites; namely, the _white_ -(_arsenical pyrites_), and the _yellow_ (iron pyrites). It was used for -striking fire with steel, in order to kindle tinder. Hence the name -_pyrites_ or _firestone_. - -25. _Gagates_, from the account given of it by Pliny, was obviously -pit-coal or jet. - -26. _Marble_ had the same meaning among the ancients that it has among -the moderns. It was sawed by the ancients into slabs, and the action of -the saw was facilitated by a sand brought for the purpose from Ethiopia -and the isle of Naxos. It is obvious that this sand was powdered -corundum, or emery. - -27. _Creta_ was a name applied by the ancients not only to chalk, but -to _white clay_. - -28. _Melinum_ was an _oxide of iron_. Pliny gives a list of one hundred -and fifty-one species of stones in the order of the alphabet. Very few -of the minerals contained in this list can be made out. He gives also -a list of fifty-two species of stones, whose names are derived from a -fancied resemblance which the stones are supposed to bear to certain -parts of animals. Of these, also, very few can be made out. - - -XI.--MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS. - -The ancients seem to have been ignorant of the nature and properties -of air, and of all gaseous bodies. Pliny’s account of air consists -of a single sentence: “Aër densatur nubibus; furit procellis.” “Air -is condensed in clouds, it rages in storms.” Nor is his description -of water much more complete, since it consists only of the following -phrases: “Aquæ subeunt in imbres, rigescunt in grandines, tumescunt -in fluctus, præcipitantur in torrentes.”[95] “Water falls in showers, -congeals in hail, swells in waves, and rushes down in torrents.” In -the thirty-eighth chapter of the second book, indeed, he professes -to treat of _air_; but the chapter contains merely an enumeration of -meteorological phenomena, without once touching upon the nature and -properties of air. - -[95] Plinii Hist. Nat. ii. 63. - -Pliny, with all the philosophers of antiquity, admitted the existence -of the four elements, fire, air, water, and earth; but though he -enumerates these in the fifth chapter of his first book, he never -attempts to explain their nature or properties. Earth, among the -ancients, had two meanings, namely, the planet on which we live, and -the soil upon which vegetables grow. These two meanings still exist in -common language. The meaning afterwards given to the _term_, earth, -by the chemists, did not exist in the days of Pliny, or, at least, -was unknown to him; a sufficient proof that chemistry, in his time, -had made no progress as a science; for some notions respecting the -properties and constituents of those supposed four elements must have -constituted the very foundation of scientific chemistry. - -The ancients were acquainted with none of the acids which at present -constitute so numerous a tribe, except _vinegar_, or _acetic acid_; -and even this acid was not known to them in a state of purity. They -knew none of the saline bases, except lime, soda, and potash, and these -very imperfectly. Of course the whole tribe of salts was unknown to -them, except a very few, which they found ready formed in the earth, -or which they succeeded in forming by the action of vinegar on lead -and copper. Hence all that extensive and most important branch of -chemistry, consisting of the combinations of the acids and bases, on -which scientific chemistry mainly depends, must have been unknown to -them. - -Sulphur occurring native in large quantities, and being remarkable for -its easy combustibility, and its disagreeable smell when burning, was -known in the very earliest ages. Pliny describes four kinds of sulphur, -differing from each other, probably, merely in their purity. These were - -1. Sulphur vivum, or apyron. It was dug out of the earth solid, and was -doubtless pure, or nearly so. It alone was used in medicine. - -2. Gleba--used only by fullers. - -3. Egula--used also by fullers. - -Pliny says, it renders woollen stuffs white and soft. It is obvious -from this, that the ancients knew the method of bleaching flannel by -the fumes of sulphur, as practised by the moderns. - -4. The fourth kind was used only for sulphuring matches. - -Sulphur, in Pliny’s time, was found native in the Æolian islands, and -in Campania. It is curious that he never mentions Sicily, whence the -great supply is drawn for modern manufacture. - -In medicine, it seems to have been only used externally by the -ancients. It was considered as excellent for removing eruptions. It was -used also for fumigating. - -The word _alumen_, which we translate _alum_, occurs often in Pliny; -and is the same substance which the Greeks distinguished by the -name of στυπτηρια (_stypteria_). It is described pretty minutely by -Dioscorides, and also by Pliny. It was obviously a natural production, -dug out of the earth, and consequently quite different from our alum, -with which the ancients were unacquainted. Dioscorides says that it -was found abundantly in Egypt; that it was of various kinds, but that -the slaty variety was the best. He mentions also many other localities. -He says that, for medical purposes, the most valued of all the -varieties of alumen were the _slaty_, the _round_, and the _liquid_. -The slaty alumen is very white, has an exceedingly astringent taste, a -strong smell, is free from stony concretions, and gradually cracks and -emits long capillary crystals from these rifts; on which account it is -sometimes called _trichites_. This description obviously applies to a -kind of slate-clay, which probably contained pyrites mixed with it of -the decomposing kind. The capillary crystals were probably similar to -those crystals at present called _hair-salt_ by mineralogists, which -exude pretty abundantly from the shale of the coal-beds, when it has -been long exposed to the air. _Hair-salt_ differs very much in its -nature. Klaproth ascertained by analysis, that the _hair-salt_ from the -quicksilver-mines in Idria is sulphate of magnesia, mixed with a small -quantity of sulphate of iron.[96] The _hair-salt_ from the abandoned -coal-pits in the neighbourhood of Glasgow is a double salt, composed of -sulphate of alumina, and sulphate of iron, in definite proportions; the -composition being - -[96] Beitrage, iii. 104. - - 1 atom protosulphate of iron, - 1½ atom sulphate of alumina, - 15 atoms water. - -I suspect strongly that the capillary crystals from the schistose -alumen of Dioscorides were nearly of the same nature. - -From Pliny’s account of the uses to which alumen was applied, it is -quite obvious that it must have varied very much in its nature. _Alumen -nigrum_ was used to strike a black colour, and must therefore have -contained iron. It was doubtless an impure native sulphate of iron, -similar to many native productions of the same nature still met with -in various parts of the world, but not employed; their use having been -superseded by various artificial salts, more definite in their nature, -and consequently more certain in their application, and at the same -time cheaper and more abundant than the native. - -The alumen employed as a mordant by the dyers, must have been a -sulphate of alumina more or less pure; at least it must have been free -from all sulphate of iron, which would have affected the colour of the -cloth, and prevented the dyer from accomplishing his object.[97] - -[97] “Quoniam inficiendis claro colore lanis candidum liquidumque -utilissimum est, contraque fuscis et obscuris nigrum.”--_Plinii_, xxxv. -15. - -What the _alumen rotundum_ was, is not easily conjectured. Dioscorides -says, that it was sometimes made artificially; but that the artificial -alumen rotundum was not much valued. The best, he says, was full of -air-bubbles, nearly white, and of a very astringent taste. It had a -slaty appearance, and was found in Egypt or the Island of Melos. - -The _liquid alumen_ was limpid, milky, of an equal colour, free from -hard concretions, and having a fiery shade of colour.[98] In its -nature, it was similar to the alumen candidum; it must therefore have -consisted chiefly, at least, of sulphate of alumina. - -[98] See Dioscorides, lib. v. c. 123. Plinii Hist. Nat. xxxv. 18. - -Bitumen and naphtha were known to the ancients, and used by them -to give light instead of oil; they were employed also as external -applications in cases of disease, and were considered as having -the same virtues as sulphur. It is said, that the word translated -_salt_ in the New Testament--“Ye are the salt of the earth: but if -the salt have lost his savour, wherewith shall it be salted? It is -henceforth good for nothing, but to be cast out, and to be trodden -under foot of men”[99]--it is said, that the word salt in this passage -refers to asphalt, or bitumen, which was used by the Jews in their -sacrifices, and called _salt_ by them. But I have not been able to find -satisfactory evidence of the truth of this opinion. It is obvious from -the context, that the word translated _salt_ could not have had that -meaning among the Jews; because salt never can be supposed to lose its -savour. Bitumen, while liquid, has a strong taste and smell, which it -loses gradually by exposure to the air, as it approaches more and more -to a solid form. - -[99] Matthew v. 13.--“Ὑμεις εστε το ἁλας της γης· εαν δε το ἁλας -μωρανθη, εν τινι ἁλισθησεται· εις ουδεν ισχωει ετι ει μη βληθηναι εξω, -και καταπατεισθαι ὑπο των ανθρωπων.” - -Asphalt was one of the great constituents of the Greek fire. A great -bed of it still existing in Albania, supplied the Greeks with this -substance. Concerning the nature of the Greek fire, it is clear that -many exaggerated and even fabulous statements have been published. -The obvious intention of the Greeks being, probably, to make their -invention as much dreaded as possible by their enemies. Nitre was -undoubtedly one of the most important of its constituents; though -no allusion whatever is ever made. We do not know when _nitrate of -potash_, the nitre of the moderns, became known in Europe. It was -discovered in the east; and was undoubtedly known in China and India -before the commencement of the Christian era. The property of nitre, -as a supporter of combustion, could not have remained long unknown -after the discovery of the salt. The first person who threw a piece of -it upon a red-hot coal would observe it. Accordingly we find that its -use in fireworks was known very early in China and India; though its -prodigious expansive power, by which it propels bullets with so great -and destructive velocity, is a European invention, posterior to the -time of Roger Bacon. - -The word _nitre_ (רתנ) had been applied by the ancients to _carbonate -of soda_, a production of Egypt, where it is still formed from -sea-water, by some unknown process of nature in the marshes near -Alexandria. This is evident, not merely from the account given of it -by Dioscorides and Pliny; for the following passage, from the Old -Testament, shows that it had the same meaning among the Jews: “As he -that taketh away a garment in cold weather, is as vinegar upon nitre: -so is he that singeth songs to a heavy heart.”[100] Vinegar poured upon -saltpetre produces no sensible effect whatever, but when poured upon -carbonate of soda, it occasions an _effervescence_. When saltpetre -came to be imported to Europe, it was natural to give it the same -name as that applied to carbonate of soda, to which both in taste and -appearance it bore some faint resemblance. Saltpetre possessing much -more striking properties than carbonate of soda much more attention -was drawn to it, and it gradually fixed upon itself the term _nitre_, -at first applied to a different salt. When this change of nomenclature -took place does not appear; but it was completed before the time of -Roger Bacon, who always applies the term _nitrum_ to our nitrate of -potash and never to carbonate of soda. - -[100] Proverbs xxv. 20. - -In the preceding history of the chemical facts known to the ancients, -I have taken no notice of a well-known story related of Cleopatra. -This magnificent and profligate queen boasted to Antony that she would -herself consume a million of sistertii at a supper. Antony smiled at -the proposal, and doubted the possibility of her performing it. Next -evening a magnificent entertainment was provided, at which Antony, as -usual, was present, and expressed his opinion that the cost of the -feast, magnificent as it was, fell far short of the sum specified by -the queen. She requested him to defer computing till the dessert -was finished. A vessel filled with vinegar was placed before her, in -which she threw two pearls, the finest in the world, and which were -valued at ten millions of sistertii; these pearls were dissolved by -the vinegar,[101] and the liquid was immediately drunk by the queen. -Thus she made good her boast, and destroyed the two finest pearls in -the world.[102] This story, supposing it true, shows that Cleopatra -was aware that vinegar has the property of dissolving pearls. But not -that she knew the nature of these beautiful productions of nature. We -now know that pearls consist essentially of carbonate of lime, and that -the beauty is owing to the thin concentric laminæ, of which they are -composed. - -[101] “Cujus asperitas visque in tabem margeritas resolvit.” - -[102] Plinii Hist. Nat. ix. 35. - -Nor have I taken any notice of lime with which the ancients were well -acquainted, and which they applied to most of the uses to which the -moderns put it. Thus it constituted the base of the Roman mortar, which -is known to have been excellent. They employed it also as a manure -for the fields, as the moderns do. It was known to have a corrosive -nature when taken internally; but was much employed by the ancients -externally, and in various ways as an application to ulcers. Whether -they knew its solubility in water does not appear; though, from the -circumstance of its being used for making mortar, this fact could -hardly escape them. These facts, though of great importance, could -scarcely be applied to the rearing of a chemical structure, as the -ancients could have no notion of the action of acids upon lime, or of -the numerous salts which it is capable of forming. Phenomena which -must have remained unknown till the discovery of the acids enabled -experimenters to try their effects upon limestone and quicklime. Not -even a conjecture appears in any ancient writer that I have looked -into, about the difference between quicklime and limestone. This -difference is so great that it must have been remarked by them, yet -nobody seems ever to have thought of attempting to account for it. Even -the method of burning or calcining lime is not described by Pliny; -though there can be no doubt that the ancients were acquainted with it. - -Nor have I taken any notice of leather or the method of tanning it. -There are so many allusions to leather and its uses by the ancient -poets and historians, that the acquaintance of the ancients with it is -put out of doubt. But so far as I know, there is no description of the -process of tanning in any ancient author whatever. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -CHEMISTRY OF THE ARABIANS. - - -Hitherto I have spoken of Alchymy, or of the chemical manufactures -of the ancients. The people to whom scientific chemistry owes its -origin are the Arabians. Not that they prosecuted scientific chemistry -themselves; but they were the first persons who attempted to form -chemical medicines. This they did by mixing various bodies with each -other, and applying heat to the mixture in various ways. This led to -the discovery of some of the mineral acids. These they applied to -the metals, &c., and ascertained the effects produced upon that most -important class of bodies. Thus the Arabians began those researches -which led gradually to the formation of scientific chemistry. We must -therefore endeavour to ascertain the chemical facts for which we are -indebted to the Arabians. - -When Mahomet first delivered his dogmas to his countrymen they were not -altogether barbarous. Possessed of a copious and expressive language, -and inhabiting a burning climate, their imaginations were lively and -their passions violent. Poetry and fiction were cultivated by them -with ardour, and with considerable success. But science and inductive -philosophy, had made little or no progress among them. The fatalism -introduced by Mahomet, and the blind enthusiasm which he inculcated, -rendered them furious bigots and determined enemies to every kind of -intellectual improvement. The rapidity with which they overran Asia, -Africa, and even a portion of Europe, is universally known. At that -period the western world, was sunk into extreme barbarism, and the -Greeks, with whom the remains of civilization still lingered, were -sadly degenerated from those sages who graced the classic ages. Bent -to the earth under the most grinding but turbulent despotism that -ever disgraced mankind, and having their understandings sealed up by -the most subtle and absurd, and uncompromising superstition, all the -energy of mind, all the powers of invention, all the industry and -talent, which distinguished their ancestors, had completely forsaken -them. Their writers aimed at nothing new or great, and were satisfied -with repeating the scientific facts determined by their ancestors. The -lamp of science fluttered in its socket, and was on the eve of being -extinguished. - -Nothing good or great could be expected from such a state of society. -It was, therefore, wisely determined by Providence that the Mussulman -conquerors, should overrun the earth, sweep out those miserable -governors, and free the wretched inhabitants from the trammels of -despotism and superstition. As a despotism not less severe, and a -superstition still more gloomy and uncompromising, was substituted in -their place, it may seem at first sight, that the conquests of the -Mahometans brought things into a worse state than they found them. But -the listless inactivity, the almost deathlike torpor which had frozen -the minds of mankind, were effectually roused. The Mussulmans displayed -a degree of energy and activity which have few parallels in the history -of the world: and after the conquests of the Mahometans were completed, -and the Califs quietly seated upon the greatest and most powerful -throne that the world had ever seen; after Almanzor, about the middle -of the eighth century, had founded the city of Bagdad, and settled a -permanent and flourishing peace, the arts and sciences, which usually -accompany such a state of society, began to make their appearance. - -That calif founded an academy at Bagdad, which acquired much celebrity, -and gradually raised itself above all the other academies in his -dominions. A medical college was established there with powers to -examine all those persons who intended to devote themselves to the -medical profession. So many professors and pupils flocked to this -celebrated college, from all parts of the world, that at one time their -number amounted to no fewer than six thousand. Public hospitals and -laboratories were established to facilitate a knowledge of diseases, -and to make the students acquainted with the method of preparing -medicines. It was this last establishment which originated with the -califs that gave a first beginning to the science of chemistry. - -In the thirteenth century the calif Mostanser re-established the -academy and the medical college at Bagdad: for both had fallen -into decay, and had been replaced by an infinite number of Jewish -seminaries. Mostanser gave large salaries to the professors, collected -a magnificent library, and established a new school of pharmacy. He was -himself often present at the public lectures. - -The successor of Mostanser was the calif Haroun-Al-Raschid, the -perpetual hero of the Arabian tales. He not only carried his love for -the sciences further than his predecessors, but displayed a liberality -and a tolerance for religious opinions, which was not quite consistent -with Mahometan bigotry and superstition. He drew round him the -Syrian Christians, who translated the Greek classics, rewarded them -liberally, and appointed them instructors of his Mahometan subjects, -especially in medicine and pharmacy. He protected the Christian school -of Dschondisabour, founded by the Nestorian Christians, before the -time of Mahomet, and still continuing in a flourishing state: always -surrounded by literary men, he frequently condescended to take a part -in their discussions, and not unfrequently, as might have been expected -from his rank, came off victorious. - -The most enlightened of all the califs was Almamon, who has rendered -his name immortal by his exertions in favour of the sciences. It -was during his reign that the Arabian schools came to be thoroughly -acquainted with Greek science; he procured the translation of a great -number of important works. This conduct inflamed the religious zeal -of the faithful, who devoted him to destruction, and to the divine -wrath, for favouring philosophy, and in that way diminishing the -authority of the Koran. Almamon purchased the ancient classics, from -all quarters, and recommended the care of doing so in a particular -manner to his ambassadors at the court of the Greek emperors. To Leo, -the philosopher, he made the most advantageous offers, to induce -him to come to Bagdad; but that philosopher would not listen to his -invitation. It was under the auspices of this enlightened prince, that -the celebrated attempt was made to determine the size of the earth by -measuring a degree of the meridian. The result of this attempt it does -not belong to this work to relate. - -Almotassem and Motawakkel, who succeeded Almamon, followed his example, -favoured the sciences, and extended their protection to men of science -who were Christians. Motawakkel re-established the celebrated academy -and library of Alexandria. But he acted with more severity than his -predecessors with regard to the Christians, who may perhaps have abused -the tolerance which they enjoyed. - -The other vicars of the prophet, in the different Mahometan states, -followed the fine example set them by Almamon. Already in the eighth -century the sovereigns of Mogreb and the western provinces of -Africa showed themselves the zealous friends of the sciences. One of -them called Abdallah-Ebn-Ibadschab rendered commerce and industry -flourishing at Tunis. He himself cultivated poetry and drew numerous -artists and men of science into his state. At Fez and in Morocco the -sciences flourished, especially during the reign of the Edrisites, -the last of whom, Jahiah, a prince possessed of genius, sweetness, -and goodness, changed his court into an academy, and paid attention -to those only who had distinguished themselves by their scientific -knowledge. - -But Spain was the most fortunate of all the Mahometan states, and had -arrived at such a degree of prosperity both in commerce, manufactures, -population, and wealth, as is hardly to be credited. The three -Abdalrahmans and Alhakem carried, from the eighth to the tenth century, -the country subject to the Calif of Cordova to the highest degree of -splendour. They protected the sciences, and governed with so much -mildness, that Spain was probably never so happy under the dominion -of any Christian prince. Alhakem established at Cordova an academy, -which for several ages was the most celebrated in the whole world. All -the Christians of Western Europe repaired to this academy in search of -information. It contained, in the tenth century, a library of 280,000 -volumes. The catalogue of this library filled no less than forty-four -volumes. Seville, Toledo, and Murcia, had likewise their schools of -science and their libraries, which retained their celebrity as long as -the dominion of the Moors lasted. In the twelfth century there were -seventy public libraries in that part of Spain which belonged to the -Mahometans. Cordova had produced one hundred and fifty authors, Almeria -fifty-two, and Murcia sixty-two. - -The Mahometan states of the east continued also to favour the sciences. -An emir of Irak, Adad-El-Daula by name, distinguished himself towards -the end of the tenth century by the protection which he afforded -to men of science. To him almost all the philosophers of the age -dedicated their works. Another emir of Irak, Saif-Ed-Daula, established -schools at Kufa and at Bussora, which soon acquired great celebrity. -Abou-Mansor-Baharam, established a public library at Firuzabad in -Curdistan, which at its very commencement contained 7000 volumes. In -the thirteenth century there existed a celebrated school of medicine in -Damascus. The calif Malek-Adel endowed it richly, and was often present -at the lectures with a book under his arm. - -Had the progress of the sciences among the Arabians been proportional -to the number of those who cultivated them, we might hail the Saracens -as the saviours of literature during the dark and benighted ages of -Christianity; but we must acknowledge with regret, that notwithstanding -the enlightened views of the califs, notwithstanding the multiplicity -of academies and libraries, and the prodigious number of writers, the -sciences received but little improvement from the Arabians. There are -very few Arabian writers in whose works we find either philosophical -ideas, successful researches, new facts, or great and new and important -truths. How, indeed, could such things be expected from a people -naturally hostile to mental exertion; professing a religion which -stigmatizes all exercise of the judgment as a crime, and weighed down -by the heavy yoke of despotism? It was the religion of the Arabians, -and the despotism of their princes, that opposed the greatest obstacles -to the progress of the sciences, even during the most flourishing -period of their civilization.[103] Fortunately chemistry was the -branch of science least obnoxious to the religious prejudices of the -Mahometans. It was in it, therefore, that the greatest improvements -were made: of these improvements it will be requisite now to endeavour -to give the reader some idea. Astrology and alchymy, they both derived -from the Greeks: neither of them were inconsistent with the taste of -the nation--neither of them were anathematized by the Mahometan creed, -though Islamism prohibited magic and all the arts of divination. -Alchymy may have suggested the chemical processes--but the Arabians -applied them to the preparation of medicines, and thus opened a new and -most copious source of investigation. - -[103] For a fuller account of the progress of science among the -Arabians than would be consistent with this work, the reader is -referred to Mortucla’s Hist. des Mathématiques, i. 351; Sprengel’s -Hist. de la Médecine, ii. 246. - -The chemical writings of the Arabians which I have had an opportunity -of seeing and perusing in a Latin dress, being ignorant of the original -language in which they were written, are those of Geber and Avicenna. - -Geber, whose real name was Abou-Moussah-Dschafar-Al-Soli, was a Sabean -of Harran, in Mesopotamia, and lived during the eighth century. Very -little is known respecting the history of this writer, who must be -considered as the patriarch of chemistry. Golius, professor of the -oriental languages in the University of Leyden, made a present of -Geber’s work in manuscript to the public library. He translated -it into Latin, and published it in the same city in folio, and -afterwards in quarto, under the title of “Lapis Philosophorum.”[104] -It was translated into English by Richard Russel in 1678, under the -title of, “The Works of Geber, the most famous Arabian Prince and -Philosopher.”[105] The works of Geber, so far as they appeared in -Latin or English, consist of four tracts. The first is entitled, “Of -the Investigation or Search of Perfection.” The second is entitled, “Of -the Sum of Perfection, or of the perfect Magistery.” The third, “Of the -Invention of Verity or Perfection.” And the last, “Of Furnaces, &c.; -with a Recapitulation of the Author’s Experiments.” - -[104] Boerhaave’s Chemistry (Shaw’s translation), i. 26. _Note._ - -[105] Golius was not, however, the first translator of Geber. A -translation of the longest and most important of his tracts into Latin -appeared in Strasburg, in 1529. There was another translation published -in Italy, from a manuscript in the Vatican. There probably might be -other translations. I have compared four different copies of Geber’s -works, and found some differences, though not very material. I have -followed Russel’s English translation most commonly, as upon the whole -the most accurate that I have seen. - -The object of Geber’s work is to teach the method of making the -philosopher’s stone, which he distinguishes usually by the name of -_medicine of the third class_. The whole is in general written with so -much plainness, that we can understand the nature of the substances -which he employed, the processes which he followed, and the greater -number of the products which he obtained. It is, therefore, a book -of some importance, because it is the oldest chemical treatise in -existence,[106] and because it makes us acquainted with the processes -followed by the Arabians, and the progress which they had made in -chemical investigations. I shall therefore lay before the reader the -most important facts contained in Geber’s work. - -[106] Of course I exclude the writings of the Greek ecclesiastics -mentioned in a previous part of this work, which still continue in -manuscript; because, I am ignorant of what they contain. - -1. He considered all the metals as compounds of mercury and sulphur: -this opinion did not originate with him. It is evident from what he -says, that the same notion had been adopted by his predecessors--men -whom he speaks of under the title of the _ancients_. - -2. The metals with which he was acquainted were _gold_, _silver_, -_copper_, _iron_, _tin_, and _lead_. These are usually distinguished -by him under the names of _Sol_, _Luna_, _Venus_, _Mars_, _Jupiter_, -and _Saturn_. Whether these names of the planets were applied to the -metals by Geber, or only by his translators, I cannot say; but they -were always employed by the alchymists, who never designated the metals -by any other appellations. - -3. Gold and silver he considered as perfect metals; but the other four -were imperfect metals. The difference between them depends, in his -opinion, partly upon the proportions of mercury and sulphur in each, -and partly upon the purity or impurity of the mercury and sulphur which -enters into the composition of each. - -Gold, according to him, is created of the most subtile substance of -mercury and of most clear fixture, and of a small substance of sulphur, -clean and of pure redness, fixed, clear, and changed from its own -nature, tinging that; and because there happens a diversity in the -colours of that sulphur, the yellowness of gold must needs have a like -diversity.[107] His evidence that gold consisted chiefly of mercury, is -the great ease with which mercury dissolves gold. For mercury, in his -opinion, dissolves nothing that is not of its own nature. The lustre -and splendour of gold is another proof of the great proportion of -mercury which it contains. That it is a fixed substance, void of all -burning sulphur, he thinks evident by every operation in the fire, for -it is neither diminished nor inflamed. His other reasons are not so -intelligible.[108] - -[107] Sum of Perfection, book ii. part i. chap. 5. - -[108] Ibid. - -Silver, like gold, is composed of much mercury and a little sulphur; -but in the gold the sulphur is red; whereas the sulphur that goes to -the formation of silver is white. The sulphur in silver is also clean, -fixed, and clear. Silver has a purity short of that of gold, and a -more gross inspissation. The proof of this is, that its parts are not -so condensed, nor is it so fixed as gold; for it may be diminished by -fire, which is not the case with gold.[109] - -[109] Ibid., chap. 6. - -Iron is composed of earthy mercury and earthy sulphur, highly fixed, -the latter in by far the greatest quantity. Sulphur, by the work of -fixation, more easily destroys the easiness of liquefaction than -mercury. Hence the reason why iron is not fusible, as is the case with -the other metals.[110] - -[110] Sum of Perfection, book ii. part i. chap. 7. - -Sulphur not fixed melts sooner than mercury; but fixed sulphur opposes -fusion. What contains more fixed sulphur, more slowly admits of fusion -than what partakes of burning sulphur, which more easily and sooner -flows.[111] - -[111] Ibid. - -Copper is composed of sulphur unclean, gross and fixed as to its -greater part; but as to its lesser part not fixed, red, and livid, -in relation to the whole not overcoming nor overcome and of gross -mercury.[112] - -[112] Ibid., chap. 8. - -When copper is exposed to ignition, you may discern a sulphureous flame -to arise from it, which is a sign of sulphur not fixed; and the loss -of the quantity of it by exhalation through the frequent combustion -of it, shows that it has fixed sulphur. This last being in abundance, -occasions the slowness of its fusion and the hardness of its substance. -That copper contains red and unclean sulphur, united to unclean -mercury, is, he thinks, evident, from its sensible qualities.[113] - -[113] Ibid. - -Tin consists of sulphur of small fixation, white with a whiteness not -pure, not overcoming but overcome, mixed with mercury partly fixed and -partly not fixed, white and impure.[114] That this is the constitution -of tin he thinks evident; for when calcined, it emits a sulphureous -stench, which is a sign of sulphur not fixed: it yields no flame, not -because the sulphur is fixed, but because it contains a great portion -of mercury. In tin there is a twofold sulphur and also a twofold -mercury. One sulphur is less fixed, because in calcining it gives out -a stench as sulphur. The fixed sulphur continues in the tin after it -is calcined. He thinks that the twofold mercury in tin is evident, from -this, that before calcination it makes a crashing noise when bent, but -after it has been thrice calcined, that crashing noise can no longer -be perceived.[115] Geber says, that if lead be washed with mercury, -and after its washing melted in a fire not exceeding the fire of its -fusion, a portion of the mercury will remain combined with the lead, -and will give it the crashing noise and all the qualities of tin. On -the other hand, you may convert tin into lead. By manifold repetition -of its calcination, and the administration of fire convenient for its -reduction, it is turned into lead.[116] - -[114] Ibid., chap. 9. - -[115] Sum of Perfection, book ii. part i. chap. 9. - -[116] Ibid. - -Lead, in Geber’s opinion, differs from tin only in having a more -unclean substance commixed of the two more gross substances, sulphur -and mercury. The sulphur in it is burning and more adhesive to the -substance of its own mercury, and it has more of the substance of fixed -sulphur in its composition than tin has.[117] - -[117] Ibid., chap. 10. - -Such are the opinions which Geber entertained respecting the -composition of the metals. I have been induced to state them as nearly -in his own words as possible, and to give the reasons which he has -assigned for them, even when his facts were not quite correct, because -I thought that this was the most likely way of conveying to the reader -an accurate notion of the sentiments of this father of the alchymists, -upon the very foundation of the whole doctrine of the transmutation -of metals. He was of opinion that all the imperfect metals might be -transformed into gold and silver, by altering the proportions of the -mercury and sulphur of which they are composed, and by changing the -nature of the mercury and sulphur so as to make them the same with the -mercury and sulphur which constitute gold and silver. The substance -capable of producing these important changes he calls sometimes the -_philosopher’s stone_, but generally the _medicine_. He gives the -method of preparing this important _magistery_, as he calls it. But it -is not worth while to state his process, because he leaves out several -particulars, in order to prevent the foolish from reaping any benefit -from his writings, while at the same time those readers who possess the -proper degree of sagacity will be able, by studying the different parts -of his writings, to divine the nature of the steps which he omits, and -thus profit by his researches and explanations. But it will be worth -while to notice the most important of his processes, because this will -enable us to judge of the state of chemistry in his time. - -4. In his book on furnaces, he gives a description of a furnace proper -for calcining metals, and from the fourteenth chapter of the fourth -part of the first book of his Sum of Perfection, it is obvious that the -method of calcining or oxidizing iron, copper, tin, and lead, and also -mercury and arsenic were familiarly known to him. - -He gives a description of a furnace for distilling, and a pretty minute -account of the glass or stoneware, or metallic aludel and alembic, -by means of which the process was conducted. He was in the habit of -distilling by surrounding his aludel with hot ashes, to prevent it -from being broken. He was acquainted also with the water-bath. These -processes were familiar to him. The description of the distillation of -many bodies occurs in his work; but there is not the least evidence -that he was acquainted with ardent spirits. The term _spirit_ occurs -frequently in his writings, but it was applied to volatile bodies in -general, and in particular to sulphur and white arsenic, which he -considered as substances very similar in their properties. Mercury also -he considered as a spirit. - -The method of distilling _per descensum_, as is practised in the -smelting of zinc, was also known to him. He describes an apparatus for -the purpose, and gives several examples of such distillations in his -writings. - -He gives also a description of a furnace for melting metals, and -mentions the vessels in which such processes were conducted. He was -acquainted with crucibles; and even describes the mode of making -cupels, nearly similar to those used at present. The process of -cupellating gold and silver, and purifying them by means of lead, is -given by him pretty minutely and accurately: he calls it _cineritium_, -or at least that is the term used by his Latin translator. - -He was in the habit of dissolving salts in water and acetic acid, and -even the metals in different menstrua. Of these menstrua he nowhere -gives any account; but from our knowledge of the properties of the -different metals, and from some processes which he notices, it is easy -to perceive what his solvents must have been; namely, the mineral acids -which were known to him, and to which there is no allusion whatever -in any preceding writer that I have had an opportunity of consulting. -Whether Geber was the discoverer of these acids cannot be known, as -he nowhere claims the discovery: indeed his object was to slur over -these acids, as much as possible, that their existence, or at least -their remarkable properties, might not be suspected by the uninitiated. -It was this affectation of secrecy and mystery that has deprived the -earliest chemists of that credit and reputation to which they would -have been justly entitled, had their discoveries been made known to the -public in a plain and intelligible manner. - -The mode of purifying liquids by filtration, and of separating -precipitates from liquids by the same means, was known to Geber. He -called the process _distillation through a filter_. - -Thus the greater number of chemical processes, such as they were -practised almost to the end of the eighteenth century, were known to -Geber. If we compare his works with those of Dioscorides and Pliny, we -shall perceive the great progress which chemistry or rather pharmacy -had made. It is more than probable that these improvements were made -by the Arabian physicians, or at least by the physicians who filled -the chairs in the medical schools, which were under the protection of -the califs: for as no notice is taken of these processes by any of the -Greek or Roman writers that have come down to us, and as we find them -minutely described by the earliest chemical writers among the Arabians, -we have no other alternative than to admit that they originated in the -east. - -I shall now state the different chemical substances or preparations -which were known to Geber, or which he describes the method of -preparing in his works. - -1. Common salt. This substance occurring in such abundance in the -earth, and being indispensable as a seasoner of food, was known from -the earliest ages. But Geber describes the method which he adopted to -free it from impurities. It was exposed to a red heat, then dissolved -in water, filtered, crystallized by evaporation, and the crystals being -exposed to a red heat, were put into a close vessel, and kept for -use.[118] Whether the identity of sal-gem (_native salt_) and common -salt was known to Geber is nowhere said. Probably not, as he gives -separate directions for purifying each. - -[118] Investigation and Search of Perfection, chap. 3. - -2. Geber gives an account of the two fixed alkalies, _potash_ and -_soda_, and gives processes for obtaining them. Potash was obtained by -burning cream of tartar in a crucible, dissolving the residue in water, -filtering the solution, and evaporating to dryness.[119] This would -yield a pure carbonate of potash. - -[119] Invention of Verity, chap. 4. - -Carbonate of soda he calls _sagimen vitri_, and salt of soda. He -mentions plants which yield it when burnt, points out the method of -purifying it, and even describes the method of rendering it caustic by -means of quicklime.[120] - -[120] Search of Perfection, chap. 3. - -3. Saltpetre, or nitrate of potash, was known to him; and Geber is the -first writer in whom we find an account of this salt. Nothing is said -respecting its origin; but there can be little doubt that it came from -India, where it was collected, and known long before Europeans were -acquainted with it. The knowledge of this salt was probably one great -cause of the superiority of the Arabians over Europeans in chemical -knowledge; for it enabled them to procure _nitric acid_, by means of -which they dissolved all the metals known in their time, and thus -acquired a knowledge of various important saline compounds, which were -of considerable importance. - -There is a process for preparing saltpetre artificially, in several of -the Latin copies of Geber, though it does not appear in our English -translation. The method was to dissolve sagimen vitri, or carbonate of -soda, in aqua fortis, to filter and crystallize by evaporation.[121] -If this process be genuine, it is obvious that Geber must have been -acquainted with nitrate of soda; but I have some doubts about the -genuineness of the passage, because the term _aqua fortis_ occurs in -it. Now this term occurs nowhere else in Geber’s work: even when he -gives the process for procuring nitric acid, he calls it simply water; -but observes, that it is a water possessed of much virtue, and that it -constitutes a precious instrument in the hands of the man who possesses -sagacity to use it aright. - -[121] De Investigatione Perfect. chap. 4. - -4. Sal ammoniac was known to Geber, and seems to have been quite common -in his time. There is no evidence that it was known to the Greeks or -Romans, as neither Dioscorides nor Pliny make any allusion to it. -The word in old books is sometimes _sal armoniac_, sometimes _sal -ammoniac_. It is supposed to have been brought originally from the -neighbourhood of the temple of Jupiter Ammon: but had this been the -case, and had it occurred native, it could scarcely have been unknown -to the Romans, under whose dominions that part of Africa fell. In -the writings of the alchymists, sal ammoniac is mentioned under the -following whimsical names: - - Anima sensibilis, - Aqua duorum fratrum ex sorore, - Aquila, - Lapis aquilinis, - Cancer, - Lapis angeli conjungentis, - Sal lapidum, - Sal alocoph. - -Geber not only knew sal ammoniac, but he was aware of its volatility; -and gives various processes for subliming it, and uses it frequently -to promote the sublimation of other bodies, as of oxides of iron -and copper. He gives also a method of procuring it from urine, a -liquid which, when allowed to run into putrefaction, is known to -yield it in abundance. Sal ammoniac was much used by Geber, in his -various processes to bring the inferior metals to a state of greater -perfection. By adding it or common salt to aqua fortis, he was enabled -to dissolve gold, which certainly could not be accomplished in the -time of Dioscorides or Pliny. The description, indeed, of Geber’s -process for dissolving gold is left on purpose in a defective state; -but an attentive reader will find no great difficulty in supplying the -defects, and thus understanding the whole of the process. - -5. Alum, precisely the same as the alum of the moderns, was familiarly -known to Geber, and employed by him in his processes. The manufacture -of this salt, therefore, had been discovered between the time when -Pliny composed his Natural History and the eighth century, when Geber -wrote; unless we admit that the mode of making it had been known to -the Tyrian dyers, but that they had kept the secret so well, that no -suspicion of its existence was entertained by the Greeks and Romans. -That they employed _alumina_ as a mordant in some of their dyes, is -evident; but there is no proof whatever that _alum_, in the modern -sense of the word, was known to them. - -Geber mentions three alums which he was in the habit of using; namely, -icy alum, or Rocca alum; Jamenous alum, or alum of Jameni, and feather -alum. _Rocca_, or _Edessa_, in Syria, is admitted to have been the -place where the first manufactory of alum was established; but at what -time, or by whom, is quite unknown: we know only that it must have -been posterior to the commencement of the Christian era, and prior to -the eighth century, when Geber wrote. Jameni must have been another -locality where, at the time of Geber, a manufactory of alum existed. -_Feather alum_ was undoubtedly one of the native impure varieties of -_alum_, known to the Greeks and Romans. Geber was in the habit of -distilling alum by a strong heat, and of preserving the water which -came over as a valuable menstruum. If alum be exposed to a red heat -in glass vessels, it will give out a portion of sulphuric acid: hence -water distilled from alum by Geber was probably a weak solution of -sulphuric acid, which would undoubtedly act powerfully as a solvent of -iron, and of the alkaline carbonates. It was probably in this way that -he used it. - -6. Sulphate of iron or copperas, as it is called (_cuperosa_), in the -state of a crystalline salt, was well known to Geber, and appears in -his time to have been manufactured. - -7. Baurach, or borax, is mentioned by him, but without any description -by which we can know whether or not it was our borax: the probability -is that it was. Both glass and borax were used by him when the oxides -of metals were reduced by him to the metallic state. - -8. Vinegar was purified by him by distilling it over, and it was used -as a solvent in many of his processes. - -9. Nitric acid was known to him by the name of _dissolving water_. He -prepared it by putting into an alembic one pound of sulphate of iron of -Cyprus, half a pound of saltpetre, and a quarter of a pound of alum of -Jameni: this mixture was distilled till every thing liquid was driven -over. He mentions the red fumes which make their appearance in the -alembic during the process.[122] This process, though not an economical -one, would certainly yield nitric acid; and it is remarkable, because -it is here that we find the first hint of the knowledge of chemists of -this most important acid, without which many chemical processes of the -utmost importance could not be performed at all. - -[122] Invention of Verity, chap. 23. - -10. This acid, thus prepared, he made use of to dissolve silver: the -solution was concentrated till the nitrate of silver was obtained by -him in a crystallized state. This process is thus described by him: -“Dissolve silver calcined in solutive water (_nitric acid_), as before; -which being done, coct it in a phial with a long neck, the orifice of -which must be left unstopped, for one day only, until a third part of -the water be consumed. This being effected, set it with its vessel in -a cold place, and then it is converted into small fusible stones, like -crystal.”[123] - -[123] Ibid., chap. 21. - -11. He was in the habit also of dissolving sal ammoniac in this nitric -acid, and employing the solution, which was the aqua regia of the old -chemists, to dissolve gold.[124] He assures us that this aqua regia -would dissolve likewise sulphur and silver. The latter assertion is -erroneous. But sulphur is easily converted into sulphuric acid by the -action of aqua regia, and of course it disappears or dissolves. - -[124] Ibid., chap. 23. - -12. Corrosive sublimate is likewise described by Geber in a very -intelligible manner. His method of preparing it was as follows: “Take -of mercury one pound, of dried sulphate of iron two pounds, of alum -calcined one pound, of common salt half a pound, and of saltpetre a -quarter of a pound: incorporate altogether by trituration and sublime; -gather the white, dense, and ponderous portions which shall be found -about the sides of the vessel. If in the first sublimation you find it -turbid or unclean (which may happen by reason of your own negligence), -sublime a second time with the same fuses.”[125] Still more minute -directions are given in other parts of the work: we have even some -imperfect account of the properties of corrosive sublimate. - -[125] Invention of Verity, chap. 8. - -13. Corrosive sublimate is not the only preparation of mercury -mentioned by Geber. He informs us that when mercury is combined -with sulphur it assumes a red colour, and becomes cinnabar.[126] He -describes the affinities of mercury for the different metals. It -adheres easily to three metals; namely, lead, tin, and gold; to silver -with more difficulty. To copper with still more difficulty than to -silver; but to iron it unites in nowise unless by artifice.[127] This -is a tolerably accurate account of the matter. He says, that mercury is -the heaviest body in nature except gold, which is the only metal that -will sink in it.[128] Now this was true, applied to all the substances -known when Geber lived. - -[126] Sum of Perfection, book i. part iii. chap. 4. - -[127] Ibid., chap. 6. - -[128] Ibid. - -He gives an account of the method of forming the peroxide of mercury -by heat; that variety of it formerly distinguished by the name of _red -precipitati per se_. “Mercury,” he says, “is also coagulated by long -and constant retention in fire, in a glass vessel with a very long -neck and round belly; the orifice of the neck being kept open, that -the humidity may vanish thereby.”[129] He gives another process for -preparing this oxide, possible, perhaps, though certainly requiring -very cautious regulation of the fire. “Take,” says he, “of mercury -one pound, of vitriol (sulphate of iron) rubified two pounds, and of -saltpetre one pound. Mortify the mercury with these, and then sublime -it from rock alum and saltpetre in equal weights.”[130] - -[129] Sum of Perfection, book i. part iv. chap. 16. - -[130] Invention of Verity, chap. 10. - -14. Geber was acquainted with several of the compounds of metals with -sulphur. He remarks that sulphur when fused with metals increases their -weight.[131] Copper combined with sulphur becomes yellow, and mercury -red.[132] He knew the method of dissolving sulphur in caustic potash, -and again precipitating it by the addition of an acid. His process is -as follows: “Grind clear and gummose sulphur to a most subtile powder, -which boil in a lixivium made of ashes of _heartsease_ and quicklime, -gathering from off the surface its oleaginous combustibility, until it -be discerned to be clear. This being done, stir the whole with a stick, -and then warily take off that which passeth out with the lixivium, -leaving the more gross parts in the bottom. Permit that extract to -cool a little, and upon it pour a fourth part of its own quantity of -distilled vinegar, and then will the whole suddenly be congealed as -milk. Remove as much of the clear lixivium as you can; but dry the -residue with a gentle fire and keep it.”[133] - -[131] Sum of Perfection, book i. part iii. chap. 4. - -[132] Ibid. - -[133] Invention of Verity, chap. 6. - -15. It would appear from various passages in Geber’s works that he was -acquainted with arsenic in the metallic state. He frequently mentions -its combustibility, and considers it as the _compeer_ of sulphur. -And in his book on _Furnaces_, chapter 25 (or 28 in some copies), he -expressly mentions _metallic arsenic_ (_arsenicum metallinum_), in a -preparation not very intelligible, but which he considered of great -importance. The white oxide of arsenic or arsenious acid, was obviously -well known to him. He gives more than one process for obtaining it by -sublimation.[134] He observes in his Sum of Perfection, book i. part -iv. chap. 2, which treats of sublimation, “Arsenic, which before its -sublimation was evil and prone to adustion, after its sublimation, -suffers not itself to be inflamed; but only resides without -inflammation.” - -[134] Invention of Verity, chap. 7. - -Geber states the fact, that when arsenic is heated with copper that -metal becomes white.[135] He gives also a process by which the white -arseniate of iron is obviously made. “Grind one pound of iron filings -with half a pound of sublimed arsenic (arsenious acid). Imbibe the -mixture with the water of saltpetre, and salt-alkali, repeating this -imbibation thrice. Then make it flow with a violent fire, and you will -have your iron white. Repeat this labour till it flow sufficiently with -peculiar dealbation.”[136] - -[135] Sum of Perfection, book ii. part. ii. chap. 11. - -[136] Invention of Verity, chap. 14. - -16. He mentions oxide of copper under the name of _æs ustum_, the red -oxide of iron under the name of _crocus_ of iron. He mentions also -litharge and red lead.[137] But as all these substances were known to -the Greeks and Romans, it is needless to enter into any particular -details. - -[137] Ibid., chap. 4 and 12. - -17. I am not sure what substance Geber understood by the word -_marchasite_. It was a substance which must have been abundant, and in -common use, for he refers to it frequently, and uses it in many of his -processes; but he nowhere informs us what it is. I suspect it may have -been sulphuret of antimony, which was certainly in common use in Asia -long before the time of Geber. But he also makes mention of antimony -by name, or at least the Latin translator has made use of the word -_antimonium_. When speaking of the reduction of metals after heating -them with sulphur, he says, “The reduction of tin is converted into -clear antimony; but of lead, into a dark-coloured antimony, as we have -found by proper experience.”[138] It is not easy to conjecture what -meaning the word antimony is intended to convey in this passage. In -another passage he says, “Antimony is calcined, dissolved, clarified, -congealed, and ground to powder, so it is prepared.”[139] - -[138] Sum of Perfection, book ii. part iii. chap. 10. - -[139] Invention of Verity, chap. 4. - -18. Geber’s description of the metals is tolerably accurate, -considering the time when he wrote. As an example I shall subjoin his -account of gold. “Gold is a metallic body, yellow, ponderous, mute, -fulged, equally digested in the bowels of the earth, and very long -washed with mineral water; under the hammer extensible, fusible, and -sustaining the trial of the cupel and cementation.”[140] He gives an -example of copper being changed into gold. “In copper-mines,” he says, -“we see a certain water which flows out, and carries with it thin -scales of copper, which (by a continual and long-continued course) it -washes and cleanses. But after such water ceases to flow, we find these -thin scales with the dry sand, in three years time to be digested with -the heat of the sun; and among these scales the purest gold is found: -therefore we judge those scales were cleansed by the benefit of the -water, but were equally digested by heat of the sun, in the dryness of -the sand, and so brought to equality.”[141] Here we have an example of -plausible reasoning from defective premises. The gold grains doubtless -existed in the sand before, while the scales of copper in the course of -three years would be oxidized and converted into powder, and disappear, -or at least lose all their metallic lustre. - -[140] Sum of Perfection, book i. part iii. chap. 8. - -[141] Ibid., book i. part iii. chap. 8. - -Such are the most remarkable chemical facts which I have observed in -the works of Geber. They are so numerous and important, as to entitle -him with some justice to the appellation of the father and founder of -chemistry. Besides the metals, sulphur and salt, with which the Greeks -and Romans were acquainted, he knew the method of preparing sulphuric -acid, nitric acid, and aqua regia. He knew the method of dissolving -the metals by means of these acids, and actually prepared nitrate of -silver and corrosive sublimate. He was acquainted with potash and -soda, both in the state of carbonates and caustic. He was aware that -these alkalies dissolve sulphur, and he employed the process to obtain -sulphur in a state of purity. - -But notwithstanding the experimental merit of Geber, his spirit of -philosophy did not much exceed that of his countrymen. He satisfied -himself with accounting for phenomena by occult causes, as was the -universal custom of the Arabians; a practice quite inconsistent with -real scientific progress. That this was the case will appear from the -following passage, in which Geber attempts to give an explanation -of the properties of the _great elixir_ or _philosopher’s stone_: -“Therefore, let him attend to the properties and ways of action of -the composition of the greater elixir. For we endeavour to make one -substance, yet compounded and composed of many, so permanently fixed, -that being put upon the fire, the fire cannot injure; and that it may -be mixed with metals in flux and flow with them, and enter with that -which in them is of an ingressible substance, and be fermented with -that which in them is of a permixable substance; and be consolidated -with that which in them is of a consolidable substance; and be -fixed with that which in them is of a fixable substance; and not be -burnt by those things which burn not gold and silver; and take away -consolidation and weights with due ignition.”[142] - -[142] Investigation of Perfections, chap. 11. - -The next Arabian whose name I shall introduce into this history, is -Al-Hassain-Abou-Ali-Ben-Abdallah-Ebn-Sina, surnamed Scheik Reyes, or -prince of physicians, vulgarly known by the name of _Avicenna_. Next to -Aristotle and Galen, his reputation was the highest, and his authority -the greatest of all medical practitioners; and he reigned paramount, or -at least shared the medical sceptre till he was hurled from his throne -by the rude hands of Paracelsus. - -Avicenna was born in the year 978, at Bokhara, to which place his -father had retired during the emirate of the calif Nuhh, one of the -sons of the celebrated Almansor. Ali, his father, had dwelt in Balkh, -in the Chorazan. After the birth of Avicenna he went to Asschena in -Bucharia, where he continued to live till his son had reached his -fifteenth year. No labour nor expense was spared on the education of -Avicenna, whose abilities were so extraordinary that he is said to -have been able to repeat the whole Koran by heart at the age of ten -years. Ali gave him for a master Abou-Abdallah-Annatholi, who taught -him grammar, dialectics, the geometry of Euclid, and the astronomy of -Ptolemy. But Avicenna quitted his tuition because he could not give him -the solution of a problem in logic. He attached himself to a merchant, -who taught him arithmetic, and made him acquainted with the Indian -numerals from which our own are derived. He then undertook a journey -to Bagdad, where he studied philosophy under the great Peripatician, -Abou-Nasr-Alfarabi, a disciple of Mesue the elder. At the same time -he applied himself to medicine, under the tuition of the Nestorian, -Abou-Sahel-Masichi. He informs us himself that he applied with an -extraordinary ardour to the study of the sciences. He was in the habit -of drinking great quantities of liquids during the night, to prevent -him from sleeping; and he often obtained in a dream a solution of those -problems at which he had laboured in vain while he was awake. When the -difficulties to be surmounted appeared to him too great, he prayed to -God to communicate to him a share of his wisdom; and these prayers, he -assures us, were never offered in vain. The metaphysics of Aristotle -was the only book which he could not comprehend, and after reading them -over forty times, he threw them aside with great anger at himself. - -Already, at the age of sixteen, he was a physician of eminence; and at -eighteen he performed a brilliant cure on the calif Nuhh, which gave -him such celebrity that Mohammed, Calif of Chorazan, invited him to his -palace; but Avicenna rather chose to reside at Dschordschan, where he -cured the nephew of the calif Kabus of a grievous distemper. - -Afterwards he went to Ray, where he was appointed physician to Prince -Magd-Oddaula. Here he composed a dictionary of the sciences. Sometime -after this he was raised to the dignity of vizier at Hamdan; but he -was speedily deprived of his office and thrown into prison for having -favoured a sedition. While incarcerated he wrote many works on medicine -and philosophy. By-and-by he was set at liberty, and restored to his -dignity; but after the death of his protector, Schems-Oddaula, being -afraid of a new attempt to deprive him of his liberty, he took refuge -in the house of an apothecary, where he remained long concealed and -completely occupied with his literary labours. Being at last discovered -he was thrown into the castle of Berdawa, where he was confined for -four months. At the end of that time a fortunate accident enabled -him to make his escape, in the disguise of a monk. He repaired to -Ispahan, where he lived much respected at the court of the calif -Ola-Oddaula. He did not live to a great age, because he had worn out -his constitution by too free an indulgence of women and wine. Having -been attacked by a violent colic, he caused eight injections, prepared -from long pepper, to be thrown up in one day. This excessive use of so -irritating a remedy, occasioned an excoriation of the intestines, which -was followed by an attack of epilepsy. A journey to Hamdan, in company -with the calif, and the use of mithridate, into which his servant by -mistake had put too much opium, contributed still further to put an end -to his life. He had scarcely arrived at the town when he died in the -fifty-eighth year of his age, in the year 1036. - -Avicenna was the author of the immense work entitled “Canon,” which -was translated into Latin, and for five centuries constituted the -great standard, the infallible guide, the confession of faith of the -medical world. All medical knowledge was contained in it; and nothing -except what was contained in it was considered by medical men as of any -importance. When we take a view of the Canon, and compare it with the -writings of the Greeks, and even of the Arabians, that preceded it, we -shall find some difficulty in accounting for the unbounded authority -which he acquired over the medical world, and for the length of time -during which that authority continued. - -But it must be remembered, that Avicenna’s reign occupies the darkest -and most dreary period of the history of the human mind. The human -race seems to have been asleep, and the mental faculties in a state -of complete torpor. Mankind, accustomed in their religious opinions -to obey blindly the infallible decisions of the church, and to think -precisely as the church enjoined them to think, would naturally -look for some means to save them the trouble of thinking on medical -subjects; and this means they found fortunately in the canons of -Avicenna. These canons, in their opinion, were equally infallible with -the decisions of the holy father, and required to be as implicitly -obeyed. The whole science of medicine was reduced to a simple perusal -of Avicenna’s Canon, and an implicit adherence to his rules and -directions. - -When we compare this celebrated work with the medical writings of the -Greeks, and even of the Arabians, the predecessors of Avicenna, we -shall be surprised that it contains little or nothing which can be -considered as original; the whole is borrowed from the writings of -Galen, or Ætius, or Rhazes: scarcely ever does he venture to trust his -own wings, but rests entirely on the sagacity of his Greek and Arabian -predecessors. Galen is his great guide; or, if he ever forsake him, it -is to place himself under the direction of Aristotle. - -The Canon contains a collection of most of the valuable information -contained in the writings of the ancient Greek physicians, arranged, -it must be allowed, with great clearness. The Hhawi of Razes is almost -as complete; but it wants the _lucidus ordo_ which distinguishes the -Canon of Avicenna. I conceive that the high reputation which Avicenna -acquired, was owing to the care which he bestowed upon his arrangement. -He was undoubtedly a man of abilities, but not of inventive genius. -There is little original matter in the Canon. But the physicians in the -west, while Avicenna occupied the medical sceptre, had no opportunity -of judging of the originality of their oracle, because they were -unacquainted with the Greek language, and could not therefore consult -the writings of Galen or Ætius, except through the corrupt medium of an -Arabian version. - -But it is not the medical reputation of Avicenna that induced me to -mention his name here. Like all the Arabian physicians, he was also a -chemist; and his chemical tracts having been translated into Latin, and -published in Western Europe, we are enabled to judge of their merit, -and to estimate the effect which they may have had upon the progress -of chemistry. The first Latin translation of the chemical writings of -Avicenna was published at Basil in 1572; they consist of two separate -books; the first, under the name of “Porta Elementorum,” consists of a -dialogue between a master and his pupil, respecting the mysteries of -Alchymy. He gives an account of the four elements, fire, air, water, -earth, and gives them their usual qualities of dry, moist, hot, and -cold. He then treats of air, which, he says, is the food of fire, of -water, of honey, of the mutual conversion of the elements into each -other; of milk and cheese, of the mixture of fire and water, and that -all things are composed of the four elements. There is nothing in -this tract which has any pretension to novelty; he merely retails the -opinions of the Greek philosophers. - -The other treatise is much larger, and professes to teach the whole -art of alchymy; it is divided into ten parts, entitled “Dictiones.” -The first diction treats of the philosopher’s stone in general; the -second diction treats of the method of converting light things into -heavy, hard things into soft; of the mutation of the elements; and of -some other particulars of a nature not very intelligible. The third -diction treats of the formation of the elixir; and the same subject is -continued in the fourth. - -The fifth diction is one of the most important in the whole treatise; -it is in general intelligible, which is more than can be said of those -that precede it. This diction is divided into twenty-eight chapters: -the first chapter treats of copper, which, he says, is of three kinds; -permenian copper, natural copper, and Navarre copper. But of these -three varieties he gives no account whatever; though he enlarges a good -deal on the qualities of copper--not its properties, but its supposed -medicinal action. It is hot and dry, he says, but in the calx of it -there is humidity. His account of the composition of copper is the same -with that of Geber. - -The second chapter treats of lead, the third of tin, and in the -remaining chapters he treats successively of brass, iron, gold, silver, -marcasite, sulphuret of antimony, which is distinguished by the name of -alcohol; of soda, which he says is the juice of a plant called _sosa_. -And he gives an unintelligible process by which it is extracted from -that plant, without mentioning a syllable about the combustion to which -it is obvious that it must have been subjected. - -In the twelfth chapter he treats of saltpetre, which, he says, is -brought from Sicily, from India, from Egypt, and from Herminia. He -describes several varieties of it, but mentions nothing about its -characteristic property of deflagrating upon burning coals. He then -treats successively of common salt, of sal-gem, of vitriol, of sulphur, -of orpiment, and of sal ammoniac, which, he says, comes from Egypt, -from India, and from Forperia. In the nineteenth and subsequent -chapters he treats of aurum vivum, of hair, of urine, of eggs, of -blood, of glass, of white linen, of horse-dung, and of vinegar. - -The sixth diction, in thirty-three chapters, treats of the calcination -of the metals, of sublimation, and of some other processes. I think it -unnecessary to be more particular, because I cannot perceive any thing -in it that had not been previously treated of by Geber. - -The seventh diction treats of the preparation of blood and eggs, and -the method of dividing them into their four elements. It treats also -of the elixir of silver, and the elixir of gold; but it contains no -chemical fact of any importance. - -The eighth diction treats of the preparation of the ferment of silver, -and of gold. The ninth diction treats of the whole magistery, and of -the nuptials of the sun and moon; that is, of gold and silver. The -tenth diction treats of weights. - -The chemical writings of Avicenna are of little value, and apply -chemistry rather to the supposed medical qualities of the different -substances treated of, than to the advancement of the science. All -the chemical knowledge which he possesses is obviously drawn from -Geber. Geber, then, may be looked upon as the only chemist among the -Arabians to whom we are indebted for any real improvements and new -facts. It is true that the Arabian physicians improved considerably the -materia medica of the Greeks, and introduced many valuable medicines -into common use which were unknown before their time. It is enough -to mention corrosive sublimate, manna, opium, asafœtida. It would -be difficult to make out many of the vegetable substances used by -the Arabian chemists; because the plants which they designated by -particular names, can very seldom be identified. Botany at that time -had made so little progress, that no method was known of describing -plants so as to enable other persons to determine what they were. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -OF THE PROGRESS OF CHEMISTRY UNDER PARACELSUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. - - -Hitherto we have witnessed only the first rude beginnings, or, as -it were, the early dawn of the chemical day. It is from the time of -Paracelsus that the true commencement of chemical investigations is to -be dated. Not that Paracelsus or his followers understood the nature -of the science, or undertook any regular or successful investigation. -But Paracelsus shook the medical throne of Galen and Avicenna to its -very foundation; he roused the latent energies of the human mind, which -had for so long a period lain torpid; he freed medical men from those -trammels, and put an end to that despotism which had existed for five -centuries. He pointed out the importance of chemical medicines, and -of chemical investigations, to the physician. This led many laborious -men to turn their attention to the subject. Those metals which were -considered as likely to afford useful medicines, mercury for example, -and antimony, were exposed to the action of an infinite number of -reagents, and a prodigious collection of new products obtained and -introduced into medicine. Some of these were better, and some worse, -than the preparations formerly employed; but all of them led to an -increase of the stock of chemical knowledge, which now began to -accumulate with considerable rapidity. It will be proper, therefore, -to give a somewhat particular account of the life and opinions -of Paracelsus, so far as they can be made out from his writings, -because, though he was not himself a scientific chemist, he may be -truly considered as the man through whose means the stock of chemical -knowledge was accumulated, which was afterwards, by the ingenuity of -Beccher, and Stahl, moulded into a scientific form. - -Philippus Aureolus Theophrastus Paracelsus Bombast ab Hohenheim (as -he denominates himself) was born at Einsideln, two German miles from -Zurich. His father was called William Bombast von Hohenheim. He was -a very near relation of George Bombast von Hohenheim, who became -afterwards grand master of the order of Johannites. William Bombast -von Hohenheim practised medicine at Einsideln.[143] After receiving -the first rudiments of his education in his native city, he became -a wandering scholastic, as was then the custom with poor scholars. -He wandered from province to province, predicting the future by the -position of the stars, and the lines on the hand, and exhibiting -all the chemical processes which he had learned from founders and -alchymists. For his initiation in alchymy, astrology, and medicine, -he was indebted to his father, who was much devoted to these three -sciences. Paracelsus mentions also the names of several ecclesiastics -from whom he received chemical information; among others, Tritheimius, -abbot of Spanheim; Bishop Scheit, of Stettbach; Bishop Erhart, of -Laventall; Bishop Nicolas, of Hippon; and Bishop Matthew Schacht. -He seems also to have served some years as an army surgeon, for he -mentions many cures which he performed in the Low Countries, in the -States of the Church, in the kingdom of Naples, and during the wars -against the Venetians, the Danes, and the Dutch. - -[143] See Testamentum Paracelsi, passim. - -There is some uncertainty whether he received a regular college -education, as was then the practice with all medical men. He -acknowledges himself that his medical antagonists reproached him with -never having frequented their schools; and he is perpetually affirming, -that a physician should receive all his knowledge from God, and not -from man. But if we can trust his own assertions, there can be no doubt -that he took a regular medical degree, which implies a regular college -education. He tells us, in his preface to his Chirurgia Magna, that he -visited the universities of Germany, France, and Italy. He assures his -readers, that he was the ornament of the schools where he studied. He -even speaks of the oath which he was obliged to take when he received -his medical degree; but where he studied, or where and when he received -his medical degree, are questions which neither Paracelsus nor his -disciples, nor his biographers, have enabled us to solve. If he ever -attended a university, he must have neglected his studies, otherwise he -could not have been ignorant, as he confessedly was, of the very first -elements of the most common kinds of knowledge. But if he neglected the -universities, he laboured long and assiduously with the rich Sigismond -Fuggerus, of Schwartz, in order to learn the true secret of forming the -philosopher’s stone. - -He gives us some details of the numerous journeys that he made, as -was customary with the alchymists of the time, into the mountains of -Bohemia, the East, and Sweden, to inspect the mines, to get himself -initiated into the mysteries of the eastern adepts, to inspect the -wonders of nature, and to view the celebrated diamond mountain, the -position of which, however, he unfortunately forgets to specify. - -In the preface to his Chirurgia Magna, he informs us that he traversed -Spain, Portugal, England, Prussia, Poland, and Transylvania; where he -not only profited by the information of the medical men with whom he -became acquainted, but that he drew much precious information from -old women, gipsies, conjurors, and chemists.[144] He spent several -years in Hungary; and informs us that at Weissenburg, in Croatia, and -in Stockholm, he was taught by several old women to prepare drinks -capable of curing ulcers. He is said also to have made a voyage into -Egypt, and even into Tartary; and he accompanied the son of the Kan -of the Tartars to Constantinople, in order to learn the secret of the -philosopher’s stone from Trismogin, who inhabited that capital. This -prodigious activity, this constant motion from place to place, left -him but little leisure for reading: accordingly he informs us himself, -that during the space of ten years he never opened a book, and that his -whole library consisted only of six sheets. The inventory of his books, -drawn up after his death, confirms this recital; for they consisted -only of the Bible, the Concordance to the Bible, the New Testament, and -the Commentaries of St. Jerome on the Evangelists. - -[144] “Hispania, Portugallia, Anglia, Borussia, Lithuania, Polonia, -Pannonia, Valachia, Transylvania, Croatia, Illyrico, immo omnibus -totius Europæ nationibus peragratis, undeque non solum apud medicos, -sed et chirurgos, tonsores, aniculas, magos, chymistas, nobiles ac -ignobiles, optima, selectiora ac secretiora, quæ uspiam extarent -remedia, inquisivi acriter.”--_Præfatio Chirurgiæ Magnæ._ Opera -Paracelsi, tom. iii. - -We know not at what period he returned back to Germany; but at the -age of thirty-three the great number of fortunate cures which he had -performed rendered him an object of admiration to the people, and -of jealousy to the rival physicians of the time. He assures us that -he cured eighteen princes whose diseases had been aggravated by the -practitioners devoted to the system of Galen. Among others he cured -Philip, Margrave of Baden, of a dysentery, who promised him a great -reward, but did not keep his promise, and even treated him in a way -unworthy of that prince. This cure, however, and others of a similar -nature, added greatly to his celebrity; and in order to raise his -reputation to the highest possible pitch, he announced publicly that he -was able to cure all the diseases hitherto reckoned incurable; and that -he had discovered an elixir, by means of which the life of man might be -prolonged at pleasure to any extent whatever. He began the practice, -which has since been so successfully followed in this country, of -dispensing medicines gratuitously to the poor, in order to induce the -rich to apply to him for assistance when they were overtaken with -diseases. - -In the year 1526 Paracelsus was appointed professor of physic and -surgery in the University of Basil. This appointment was given him, -it is said, by the recommendation of Œcolampadius. He introduced the -custom of lecturing in the common language of the country, as is at -present the universal practice: but during the time of Paracelsus, and -long after indeed, all lectures were delivered in Latin. The new method -which he followed in explaining the theory and practice of the art; -the numerous fortunate cures which he stated in confirmation of his -method of treatment; the emphasis with which he spoke of his secrets -for prolonging life, and for curing every kind of disease without -distinction, but still more his lecturing in a language which was -understood by the whole population, drew to Bâle an immense crowd of -idle, enthusiastic, and credulous hearers. - -The lectures which he delivered on Practical Medicine still remain, -written in a confused mixture of German and barbarous Latin, and -containing little or nothing except a farrago of empirical remedies, -advanced with the greatest confidence. They have a much greater -resemblance to a collection of quack advertisements than to the sober -lectures of a professor in a university. In the month of November, -1526, he wrote to Christopher Clauser, a physician in Zurich, that -as Hippocrates was the first physician among the Greeks, Avicenna -among the Arabians, Galen among the Pergamenians, and Marsilius among -the Italians, so he was beyond dispute the greatest physician among -the Germans. Every country produces an illustrious physician, whose -medicines are adapted to the climate in which he lived, but not suited -to other countries. The remedies of Hippocrates were good to the -Greeks, but not suitable to the Germans; thus it was necessary that -an inspired physician should spring up in every country, and that he -was the person destined to teach the Germans the art of curing all -diseases.[145] - -[145] See the dedication to his treatise _De Gradibus et -Compositionibus Receptorum et Naturalium_. Opera Paracelsi, vol. ii. -p. 144. I always refer to the folio edition of Paracelsus’s works, in -three volumes, published at Geneva in 1658, by M. de Tournes, which is -the edition in my possession. - -Paracelsus began his professorial career by burning publicly, in his -class-room, and in the presence of his pupils, the works of Galen -and Avicenna, assuring his hearers that the strings of his shoes -possessed more knowledge than those two celebrated physicians. All the -universities united had not, he assured them, as much knowledge as was -contained in his own beard, and the hairs upon his neck were better -informed than all the writers that ever existed put together. To give -the reader an idea of the arrogant absurdity of his pretensions, I -shall translate a few sentences of the preface to his tract, entitled -“Paragranum,” where he indulges in his usual strain of rodomontade: -“Me, me you shall follow, you Avicenna, you Galen, you Rhazes, you -Montagnana, you Mesue. I shall not follow you, but you shall follow me. -You, I say, you inhabitants of Paris, you inhabitants of Montpelier, -you Suevi, you Misnians, you inhabitants of Cologne, you inhabitants of -Vienna; all you whom the Rhine and the Danube nourish, you who inhabit -the islands of the sea; you also Italy, you Dalmatia, you Athens, you -Greek, you Arabian, you Israelite--I shall not follow you, but you -shall follow me. Nor shall any one lurk in the darkest and most remote -corner whom the dogs shall not piss upon. I shall be the monarch, the -monarchy shall be mine. If I administer, and I bind up your loins, is -he with whom you are at present delighted a Cacophrastus? This ordure -must be eaten by you.” - -“What will your opinion be when you see your Cacophrastus constituted -the chief of the monarchy? What will you think when you see the sect -of Theophrastus leading on a solemn triumph, if I make you pass under -the yoke of my philosophy? your Pliny will you call Cacopliny, and your -Aristotle, Cacoaristotle? If I plunge them together with your Porphyry, -Albertus, &c., and the whole of their compatriots into my _necessary_.” -But the terms become now so coarse and indelicate, that I cannot bring -myself to proceed further with the translation. Enough has been given -to show the extreme arrogance and folly of Paracelsus. - -So far, however, was this impudence and grossness from injuring the -interest of Paracelsus, that we are assured by Ramus and Urstisius -that it contributed still further to increase it. The coarseness -of his language was well suited to the vulgarity of the age; and -his arrogance and boasting were considered, as usual, as a proof of -superior merit. The cure which he performed on Frobenius, drew the -attention of Erasmus himself, who consulted him about the diseases -with which he was afflicted; and the letters that passed between them -are still preserved. The epistle of Paracelsus is short, enigmatical, -and unintelligible; that of Erasmus is distinguished by that clearness -and elegance which characterize his writings.[146] But Frobenius died -in the month of October, 1527, and the antagonists of Paracelsus -attributed his death (and probably with justice) to the violent -remedies which had been administered to a man whose constitution had -been destroyed by the gout. - -[146] Opera Paracelsi, i. 485. - -His death contributed not a little to tarnish the glory of Paracelsus: -but he suffered the greatest injury from the habits of intoxication -in which he indulged, and from the vulgarity of the way in which he -spent his time. He hardly ever went into his class-room to deliver -a lecture till he was half intoxicated, and scarcely ever dictated -to his secretaries till he had lost the use of his reason by a too -liberal indulgence in wine. If he was summoned to visit a patient, he -scarcely ever went but in a state of intoxication. Not unfrequently he -passed the whole night in the alehouse, in the company of peasants, -and when morning came, was quite incapable of performing the duties -of his station. On one occasion, after a debauch, which lasted the -whole night, he was called next morning to visit a patient; on -entering the room, he inquired if the sick person had taken any thing: -“Nothing,” was the answer, “except the body of our Lord.” “Since you -have already,” says he, “provided yourself with another physician, my -presence here is unnecessary,” and he left the apartment instantly. -When Albertus Basa, physician to the king of Poland, visited Paracelsus -in the city of Basel, he carried him to see a patient whose strength -was completely exhausted, and which, in his opinion, it was impossible -to restore; but Paracelsus, wishing to make a parade of his skill, -administered to him three drops of his laudanum, and invited him to -dine with him next day.[147] The invitation was accepted, and the sick -man dined next day with his physician. - -[147] There were two laudanums of Paracelsus; one was _red oxide of -mercury_, the other consisted of the following substances: Chloride -of antimony, 1 ounce; hepatic aloes, 1 ounce; rose-water, ½ ounce; -saffron, 3 ounces; ambergris, 2 drams. All these well mixed. - -Towards the end of the year 1527 a disgraceful dispute into which he -entered brought his career, as a professor, to a sudden termination. -The canon Cornelius, of Lichtenfels, who had been long a martyr to -the gout, employed him as his physician, and promised him one hundred -florins if he could cure him. Paracelsus made him take three pills of -laudanum, and having thus freed him from pain, demanded the sum agreed -upon; but Lichtenfels refused to pay him the whole of it. Paracelsus -summoned him before the court, and the magistrate of Basle decided -that the canon was bound to pay only the regular price of the medicine -administered. Irritated at this decision, our intoxicated professor -uttered a most violent invective against the magistrate, who threatened -to punish him for his outrageous conduct. His friends advised him to -save himself by flight. He took their advice, and thus abdicated his -professorship. But, by this time, his celebrity as a teacher had been -so completely destroyed by his foolish and immoral conduct, that he -had lost all his hearers. In consequence of this state of things, his -flight from Basle produced no sensation whatever in that university. - -Paracelsus betook himself, in the first place, to Alsace, and sent -for his faithful follower, the bookseller, Operinus, together with -the whole of his chemical apparatus. In 1528 we find him at Colmar, -where he recommenced his ambulating life of a theosophist, which he -had led during his youth. His book upon syphilis, known at that time -by the name of Morbus Gallicus, was dedicated at Colmar, to the chief -magistrate of Colmar, Hieronymus Bonerus.[148] In 1531 he was at -Saint-Gallen; in 1535, at Pfeffersbade, and in 1536, at Augsburg, where -he dedicated his Chirurgia Magna to Malhausen. At the request of John -de Leippa, Marshal of Bohemia, he undertook a journey into Moravia; -as that nobleman, having been informed that Paracelsus understood -the method of curing the gout radically, was anxious to put himself -under his care. Paracelsus lived for a long time at Kroman, and its -environs. John de Leippa, instead of receiving any benefit from the -medicines administered to him, became daily worse, and at last died. -This was the fate also of the lady of Zerotin, in whom the remedies of -Paracelsus produced no fewer than twenty-four epileptic fits in one -day. Paracelsus, instead of waiting the disgrace with which the death -of this lady would have overwhelmed him, announced his intention of -going to Vienna, that he might see how they would treat him in that -capital. - -[148] Opera Paracelsi, iii, 101. - -It is said, that from Vienna he went into Hungary; but in 1538, we find -him in Villach, where he dedicated his Chronica et Origo Carinthiæ -to the states of Carinthia.[149] His book, De Natura Rerum, had -been dedicated to Winkelstein, and the dedication is dated also at -Villach, in the year 1537.[150] In 1540 he was at Mindelheim, and in -1541, at Strasburg, where he died, in St. Stephen’s hospital, in the -forty-eighth year of his age. - -[149] Opera Paracelsi, i. 243. - -[150] Ibid., ii. 84. - -To form an accurate idea of this most extraordinary man, we must attend -to his habits, and to the situation in which he was placed. He had -acquired such a habit of moving about, that he assures us himself he -found it impossible for him to continue for any length of time in one -place. He was always surrounded by a number of followers, whom neither -his habits of intoxication, nor the foolish and immoral conduct in -which he was accustomed to indulge, could induce to forsake him. The -most celebrated of these was Operinus, a printer at Basle, on whom -Paracelsus lavishes the most excessive praises, in his book De Morbo -Gallico. But Operinus loaded his master with obloquy, being provoked -at him because he had not made him acquainted with the secret of the -philosopher’s stone, as he had promised to do. We must therefore be -cautious in believing the stories that he relates to the discredit of -his master. We know the names of two others of his followers; Francis, -who assures us that Paracelsus was devoted to the transmutation of -metals; and George Vetter, who considered him as a magician; as was the -opinion also of Operinus. Paracelsus himself, speaks of Dr. Cornelius, -whom he calls his secretary, and in honour of whom he wrote several -of his libels. Other libels are dedicated to Doctors Peter, Andrew, -and Ursinus, to the licentiate Pancrace, and to Mr. Raphael. On this -occasion he complains bitterly of the infidelity of his servants, who, -he says, had succeeded in stealing from him several of his secrets; -and had by this means been enabled to establish their reputation. He -accuses equally the barbers and bathers that followed him, and is no -less severe upon the physicians of every country through which he -travelled. - -When we attempt to form an accurate conception of the medical and -philosophical opinions of this singular man, we find ourselves beset -with almost insurmountable difficulties. His statements are so much -at variance with each other, in his different pieces, and so much -confusion reigns with respect to the order of publication, that we know -not what to fix on as his last and maturest opinions. His style is -execrable; filled with new words of his own coining, and of mysticisms -either introduced to excite the admiration of the ignorant, or from -the fanaticism and credulity of the writer, who was undoubtedly, to a -considerable extent, the dupe of his own impostures. That he was in -possession of the philosopher’s stone, or of a medicine capable of -prolonging life to an indefinite length, as he all along asserted, he -could not himself believe; but he had boasted so long and so loudly of -his wonderful cures, and of the efficacy of his medicines, that there -can be no doubt that he ultimately placed implicit faith in them. The -blunders of the transcribers whom he employed to copy his works, may -perhaps account for some of the contradictions which they contain. -But how can we look for a regular system of opinions from a man who -generally dictated his works when in a state of intoxication, and thus -laboured under an almost constant deprivation of reason. - -His obscurity was partly the effect of design, and no doubt was -intended to exalt the notions entertained of his profundity. He uses -common words in new significations, without giving any indication -of the change which he introduced. Thus _anatomy_, in the writings -of Paracelsus, signifies not the dissection of dead animals to -determine their structure, but it means the nature, force, and -magical designation of a thing. And as, according to the Platonic and -Cabalistic theory, every earthly body is formed after the model of a -heavenly body, Paracelsus calls _anatomy_ the knowledge of that model, -of that ideal, or of that paradigm after which all things are created. -He terms the fundamental force of a thing _a star_, and defines alchymy -the art of drawing out the stars of metals. The star is the source of -all knowledge. When we eat, we introduce into our bodies _the star_, -which is then modified, and favours nutrition. - -It is probable that many of his obscure and unintelligible expressions -are the fruit of ignorance. Thus he uses the term _pagoyus_, instead -of _paganus_. He gives the name of _pagoyæ_ to the four _entities_, -or causes of diseases, founded on the influence of the stars, to the -elementary qualities; to the occult qualities, and to the influence -of spirits; because these had been already admitted by the _Pagans_. -But the fifth _entity_, or cause of disease, which has God immediately -for its author, is _non pagoya_. The _undimia_ of Paracelsus is our -_œdema_; only he applies the name to every kind of dropsy. The Latin -word _tonitru_, we find is declined by Paracelsus. Thus he says, _lapis -tonitrui_. The well-known line of Ovid, - - Tollere nodosam nescit medicina podagram, - -He travestied into - - Nescit tartaream Roades curare podagram.[151] - -[151] Opera Paracelsi, i. 328. - -_Roades_, he says, means medicines for horses; and if any person wishes -a more elegant verse, he may make it for himself.[152] He employs, -also, a great number of words to which no meaning whatever can be -attached; and to which, in all probability, he himself had affixed none. - -[152] “Qui elegantiorem optat, ille eum condat.”--_Ibid._ - -As is the case with all fanatics, he treated with contempt every -kind of knowledge acquired by labour and application; and boasted -that his wisdom was communicated to him directly by God Almighty. -The theosophist who is worthy of partaking of the divine light, has -no occasion for adopting a positive religion, nor of subjecting -himself to any kind of religious ceremony. The divine light within, -which assimilates him to the Deity, more than compensates for all -these vulgar usages, and raises the illuminated votary far above the -beggarly elements of external worship. Accordingly, Paracelsus has been -accused of treating the public worship of the Deity with contempt. Not -satisfied with the plain sense of the book, he attempted to explain -in a mystical manner the words and syllables of the Bible. He accused -Luther of not going far enough. “Luther,” says he, “is not worthy of -untying the strings of my shoes: should I undertake a reformation, -I would begin by sending the pope and the reformers themselves to -school.” God, says Paracelsus, is the first and most excellent of -writers. The Holy Scripture conducts us to all truth, and teaches us -all things. But medicine, philosophy, and astronomy, are among the -number of things. Therefore, when we want to know what magical medicine -is, we must consult the Apocalypse. The Bible, with its paraphrases, -is the key to the theory of diseases. It puts it in our power to -understand St. John, who, like Daniel, Ezekiel, Moses, &c., was a -magician, a cabalist, a diviner. The first duty of a physician is to -study the Cabala, without which he must every moment commit a thousand -blunders. “Learn,” says he, “the cabalistic art, which includes under -it all the others.” “Man invents nothing, the devil invents nothing; -it is God alone who unveils to us the light of nature.” “God honoured -at first with his illumination the blind pagans, Apollo, Æsculapius, -Machaon, Podalirius, and Hippocrates, and imparted to them the genius -of medicine; their successors were the sophists.” One would suppose, -from this passage, that Paracelsus had read and studied Hippocrates, -and that he held him in high estimation. But the commentaries which -he has left on some of the aphorisms, show evidently that he did not -even understand the Greek physician. “The compassion of God,” says he, -“is the only foundation of medical science, and not a knowledge of the -great masters, or of the writings which they have left in Greek and -Latin.” “God often acts in dreams by the light of nature, and points -out to man the manner of curing diseases.” “This knowledge renders -all those objects visible which would otherwise escape the sight; -and when faith is joined with it, nothing is then impossible to the -theosophist, who may transport the ocean to the top of Mount Ætna, and -Olympus into the Red Sea.” Paracelsus predicts that by the year 1590 -Christian theosophy would be generally spread over the world, and that -the Galenical schools would be almost or entirely overthrown. - -We find in Paracelsus some traces of the opinions of the Gnostics and -Arians, who considered Christ as the first emanation of the Deity. He -calls the first man _parens hominis_; and makes all spirits emanate -from him. He is the _limbus minor_, or the last creature, into whom -enters the great _limbus_, or the seed of all the creatures, the -infinite being. All the sciences, and all the arts of man, are derived -from this great _limbus_; and he who can sink himself in the little -_limbus_, that is to say, in Adam, and who can communicate by faith -with Jesus Christ, may invoke all _spirits_. Those who owe their -science to this _limbus_, are the best informed; those who derive it -from the stars, occupy the last rank; and those who owe it to the light -of nature, are intermediate between the preceding. Jesus Christ, in his -capacity of _limbus minor_ and first man, being always an emanation of -the Divinity; and, consequently, a subordinate personage. These ideas -explain to us why Paracelsus passed for an Arian, and was supposed not -to believe in the Divinity of Jesus Christ. He was of opinion that the -faithful performed miracles, and operated magical cures by their simple -confidence in God the Father, and not by their faith in Christ; but he -adds, however, that we ought to pray to Jesus, in order to obtain his -intercession. - -From the preceding attempt to explain the opinions of Paracelsus, it -will be evident to the reader that he was both a fanatic and impostor, -and that his theory (if such a name can be given to the reveries of -a drunkard), consisted in uniting medicine with the doctrines of the -Cabala. A few more observations will be necessary to develop his dogmas -still further. - -Every body, in his opinion, and man in particular, is double, -consisting of a material and spiritual substance.[153] The -spiritual, which may be called the _sideric_, results from the -celestial influences; and we may trace after it a figure capable of -producing all kinds of magical effects. When we can act upon the -body itself, we act at the same time upon the spiritual form by -characters and conjurations.[154] Yet, in another passage, he blames -all magical ceremonies, and ascribes them to want of faith. The -celestial intelligences impress upon material bodies certain signs, -which manifest their influence. The perfection of art consists in -understanding the meaning of these signs, and in determining from them -the nature, qualities, and essence of a body. Adam, the first man, had -a perfect knowledge of the Cabala; he could interpret the signatures -of all things. It was this which enabled him to assign to the animals -names which suited them best. A man who renounces all sensuality, and -is blindly obedient to the will of God, is capable of taking a share -in the actions which celestial intelligences perform; and consequently -is possessed of the philosopher’s stone. Never does he want any thing; -all creatures in earth and in heaven are obedient to him; he can cure -all diseases, and prolong his life as long as he pleases; because he -possesses the tincture which Adam and the patriarch’s before the flood -employed to prolong the term of their existence.[155] Beelzebub, the -chief of the demons, is also subject to the power of magic: and who can -blame the theosophist for believing in the devil? He ought, however, -to take care to prevent this malignant spirit from commanding him. -Paracelsus was often wont to say, “If God does not aid me, the devil -will help me.” - -[153] Archidoxorum, lib. i. Opera Paracelsi, ii. 4. - -[154] De longa Vita. Opera Paracelsi, ii. 46. - -[155] Archidoxorum, lib. viii. Opera Paracelsi, ii. 29. In this book -he gives the method of preparing the elixir of life. It seems to have -been nothing else than a solution of _common salt_ in water; for the -quintessence of gold, with which this solution was to be mixed, was -doubtless an imaginary substance. - -Pantheism was one of the principal dogmas of the Cabala; and Paracelsus -adopts it in all its grossness. He affirms perpetually that every thing -is animated in the universe; that every thing which exists, eats, -drinks, and voids excrements: even minerals and liquids take food and -void the digested remains of their nourishment.[156] This opinion -leads necessarily to the admission of a great number of spiritual -substances, intermediate between material and immaterial in every part -of the sublunary world, in water, air, earth, and fire; who, as well -as man, eat, drink, converse, beget children; but which approach pure -spirits in this, that they are more transparent, and infinitely more -agile than all other animal bodies. Man possesses a soul, of which -these pure spirits are destitute. Hence it happens that these spiritual -substances are at once body and spirit without a soul. When they die -(for like the human race they are subject to death), no soul remains. -Like us they are exposed to diseases. Their names vary according to the -places that they occupy. When they inhabit the air, they are called -_sylphs_; when the water, _nymphs_; when the earth, _pigmies_; when the -fire, _salamanders_.[157] The inhabitants of the waters are also called -_undinæ_, and those of the fire _vulcani_. The sylphs approach nearest -to our nature, as they live in the air like us. The sylphs, nymphs, -and pigmies, sometimes obtain permission from God to make themselves -visible, to converse with men, to indulge in carnal pleasures, and -to produce children. But the salamanders have no relation to man. -These spiritual beings are acquainted with the future, and capable of -revealing it to man. They appear under the form of _ignes fatui_. We -have also the history of the fairies and the giants; and are told how -these spiritual beings are the guardians of concealed treasures; and -how these sylphs, nymphs, pigmies, and salamanders, may be charmed, and -their treasures taken from them. - -[156] Modus Pharmacandi. Opera Paracelsi, i. 811. - -[157] Liber de Nymphis, Sylphis, Pygmæis, et Salamandris, et de ceteris -Spiritibus. Opera Paracelsi, ii. 388. If the reader can understand this -singular book, his sagacity will be greater than mine. - -This division of man into body and spirit, and of the things of nature -into visible and invisible, has in all ages of the world, been adopted -by fanatics, because it enabled them to explain the history of ghosts, -and a thousand similar prejudices. Hence the distinction between soul -and spirit, which is so very ancient; and hence the three following -harmonies to which the successors of Paracelsus paid a particular -attention: - - _Soul_, _Spirit_, _Body_, - _Mercury_, _Sulphur_, _Salt_, - _Water_, _Air_, _Earth_. - -The will and the imagination of man acts principally by means of the -spirit. Hence the reason of the efficacy of sorcery and magic. The -_nævi materni_ are the impressions of these _vice-men_, and Paracelsus -calls them _cocomica signa_. The _sideric_ body of man draws to him, -by imagination, all that surrounds him, and particularly the stars, -on which it acts like a magnet. In this manner, women with child, and -during the regular period of monthly evacuation, having a diseased -imagination, are not only capable of poisoning a mirror by their -breath, but of injuring the infants in their wombs, and even also of -poisoning the moon. But it seems needless to continue this disagreeable -detail of the absurd and ridiculous opinions which Paracelsus has -consigned to us in his different tracts. - -The Physiology of Paracelsus (if such a name can be applied to his -reveries) is nothing else than an application of the laws of the -Cabala to the explanation of the functions of the body. There exists, -he assures us, an intimate connexion between the sun and the heart, -the moon and the brain, Jupiter and the liver, Saturn and the spleen, -Mercury and the lungs, Mars and the bile, Venus and the kidneys. In -another part of his works, he informs us that the sun acts on the -umbilicus and the middle parts of the abdomen, the moon on the spine, -Mercury on the bowels, Venus on the organs of generation, Mars on the -face, Jupiter on the head, and Saturn on the extremities. The pulse is -nothing else than the measure of the temperature of the body, according -to the space of the six places which are in relation to the planets. -Two pulses under the sole of the feet belong to Saturn and Jupiter, -two at the elbow to Mars and Venus, two in the temples to the moon and -mercury. The pulse of the sun is found under the heart. The _macrocosm_ -has also seven pulses, which are the revolutions of the seven planets, -and the irregularity or intermittence of these pulses, is represented -by the eclipses. The moon and Saturn are charged in the macrocosm with -thickening the water, which causes it to congeal. In like manner the -moon of the microcosm, that is to say the brain, coagulates the blood. -Hence _melancholy persons_, whom Paracelsus calls _lunatics_, have a -thick blood. We ought not to say of a man that he has such and such -a complexion; but that it is Mars, Venus, &c., so that a physician -ought to know the planets of the microcosm, the arctic and antarctic -pole, the meridian, the zodiac, the east and the west, before trying -to explain the functions or cure the diseases.[158] This knowledge is -acquired by a continual comparison of the macrocosm with the microcosm. -What must have been the state of medicine at the time when Paracelsus -wrote, when the propagator of such opinions could be reckoned one of -the greatest of its reformers? - -[158] Paragrani Alterius, tract. ii. Opera Paracelsi, i. 235. The -reader who has the curiosity to consult this tract, will find abundance -of similar stuff, which I did not think worth translating. - -The system of Galen had for its principal basis the doctrine of -the four elements, _fire_, _air_, _water_, and _earth_. Paracelsus -neglected these elements, and multiplied the substances of the -disease itself. He admits, strictly speaking, three or four elements; -namely, the _star_, the _root_, the _element_, the _sperm_, which -he distinguishes by the name of the _true seed_. All these elements -were originally confounded together in the _chaos_ or _yliados_. The -_star_ is the active force which gives form to matter. The _stars_ -are reasonable beings addicted to sodomy and adultery, like other -creatures. Each of them draws at pleasure out of the _chaos_, the -plant and the metal to which it has an affinity, and gives a _sideric_ -form to their _root_. There are two kinds of _seed_; the _sperm_ -is the vehicle of the true seed. It is engendered by speculation, -by imagination, by the power of the _star_. The occult, invisible, -_sideric_ body produces the _true seed_, and the Adamic man secretes -only the visible envelope of it. Putrefaction cannot give birth to -a new body: the seed must pre-exist, and it is developed during -putrefaction by the power of the stars. The generation of animals is -produced by the concourse of the infinite number of seeds which detach -themselves from all parts of the body. Thus the seed of the nose -reproduces a nose, that of the eye the eye, and so on. - -With respect to the elements themselves, Paracelsus admits occasionally -their influence on the functions of the body, and the theory of -diseases; but he deduces the faculties which they possess from the -_stars_. It was he that first shook the doctrine of the four elements, -originally contrived by Empedocles. Alchymy had introduced another set -of elements, and the alchymists maintained that salt, sulphur, and -mercury, were the true elements of things. Paracelsus endeavoured to -reconcile these chemical elements with his cabalistic ideas, and to -show more clearly their utility in the theory of medicine. He invented -a _sideric salt_, which can only be perceived by the exquisite senses -of a theosophist, elevated by the abnegation of all gross sensuality -to a level with pure and spiritual demons. This _salt_ is the cause of -the consistence of bodies, and it is it which gives them the faculty of -being reproduced from their ashes. - -Paracelsus imagined also a _sideric sulphur_, which being vivified -by the influence of the stars, gives bodies the property of growing, -and of being combustible. He admits also a _sideric mercury_, the -foundation of fluidity and volatilization. The concourse of these three -substances forms the body. In different parts of his works, Paracelsus -says, that the _elements_ are composed of these three principles. -In plants he calls the salt _balsam_, the sulphur _resin_ and the -mercury _gotaronium_. In other passages he opposes the assertion of -the Galenists, that _fire_ is _dry_ and _hot_, _air cold_ and _moist_, -_earth dry_ and _cold_, _water moist_ and _cold_. Each of these -elements, he says, is capable of admitting all qualities, so that in -reality there exists a _dry water_, a _cold fire_, &c. - -I must not omit another remarkable physiological doctrine of -Paracelsus, namely, that there exists in the stomach a demon called -_Archæus_, who presides over the chemical operations which take place -in it, separating the poisonous from the nutritive part of food, and -furnishing the alimentary substances with the tincture, in consequence -of which they become capable of being assimilated. This _ruler of the -stomach_, who changes bread into blood, is the type of the physician, -who ought to keep up a good understanding with him, and lend him his -assistance. To produce a change in the humours ought never to be the -object of the true physician, he should endeavour to concentrate all -his operations on the stomach and the ruler who reigns in it. This -Archæus to whom the name of _Nature_ may also be given, produces all -the changes by his own power. It is he alone who cures diseases. He has -a _head_ and _hands_, and is nothing else than the _spirit of life_, -the _sideric body_ of man, and no other spirit besides exists in the -body. Each part of the body has also a peculiar stomach in which the -secretions are elaborated. - -There are, he informs us, five different causes of diseases. The first -is the _ens astrorum_. The constellations do not immediately induce -diseases, but they alter and infect the air. This is what, properly -speaking constitutes the _entity of the stars_. Some constellations -_sulphurize_ the atmosphere, others communicate to it _arsenical_, -_saline_, or _mercurial_ qualities. The arsenical astral entities -injure the blood, the mercurial the head, the saline the bones and -the vessels. Orpiment occasions tumours and dropsies, and the _bitter -stars_ induce fever. - -The second morbific cause is the _ens veneni_, which proceeds from -alimentary substances: when the archeus is languid putrefaction -ensues, either _localiter_ or _emuncturaliter_. This last takes place -when those evacuations, which ought to be expelled by the nose, the -intestines, or the bladder, are retained in the body. Dissolved mercury -escapes through the pores of the skin, white sulphur by the nose, -arsenic by the ears, sulphur diluted with water by the eyes, salt in -solution by the urine, and sulphur deliquesced by the intestines. - -The third morbific cause of disease is the _ens naturale_; but -Paracelsus subjects to the ens astrorum the principles which the -schools are in the habit of arranging among the number of natural -causes. The _ens spirituale_ forms the fourth species and the _ens -deale_ or _Christian entity_ the fifth. This last class comprehends all -the immediate effects of divine predestination. - -It would lead us too far if I were to point out the strange methods -which he takes to discover the cause of diseases. But his doctrine -concerning _tartar_ is too important, and does our fanatic too much -credit to be omitted. It is without doubt the most useful of all the -innovations which he introduced. _Tartar_ according to him, is the -principle of all the maladies proceeding from the thickening of the -humours, the rigidity of the solids, or the accumulation of earthy -matter. Paracelsus thought the term _stone_ not suitable to indicate -that matter, because it applies only to one species of it. Frequently -the principle proceeds from mucilage, and mucilage is tartar. He calls -this principle _tartar_ (_tartarus_) because it burns like hellfire, -and occasions the most dreadful diseases. As _tartar_ (_bitartrate of -potash_) is deposited at the bottom of the wine-cask, in the same way -_tartar_ in the living body is deposited on the surface of the teeth. -It is deposited on the internal parts of the body when the archæus acts -with too great impetuosity and in an irregular manner, and when it -separates the nutritive principle with too much impetuosity. Then the -saline spirit unites itself to it and coagulates the earthy principle, -which is always present, but often in the state of _materia prima_ -without being coagulated. - -In this manner tartar, in the state of _materia prima_, may be -transmitted from father to son. But it is not hereditary and -transmittable when it has already assumed the form of gout, of renal -calculus, or of obstruction. The saline spirit which gives it its form, -and causes its coagulation, is seldom pure and free from mixture; -usually it contains alum, vitriol, or common salt; and this mixture -contributes also to modify the tartarous diseases. The tartar may be -likewise distinguished according as it comes from the blood itself, -or from foreign matters accumulated in the humours. The great number -of calculi which have been found in every part of the body, and the -obstructions, confirm the generality of this morbific cause, to which -are due most of the diseases of the liver. When the tartarous matter -is increased by certain articles of food, renal calculi are engendered, -a calculous paroxysm is induced, and violent pain is occasioned. It -acts as an emetic, and may even give occasion to death, when the saline -spirit becomes corrosive; and when the tartar coagulated by it becomes -too irritating. - -Tartar, then, is always an excrementitious substance, which in many -cases results from the too great activity of the digestive forces. It -may make its appearance in all parts of the body, from the irregularity -and the activity, too energetic or too indolent, of the archeus; -and then it occasions particular accidents relative to each of the -functions. Paracelsus enumerates a great number of diseases of the -organs, which may be explained by that one cause; and affirms, that the -profession of medicine would be infinitely more useful, if medical men -would endeavour to discover the tartar before they tried to explain the -affections. - -Paracelsus points out, also, the means by which we can distinguish -the presence of tartar in urine. For this it is necessary, not merely -to inspect the urine, but to subject it to a chemical analysis. He -declaims violently against the ordinary ouroscopy. He divides urine -into internal and external; the internal comes from the blood, and the -external announces the nature of the food and drink which has been -employed. To the sediment of urine he gives the new name of _alcola_, -and admits three species of it, namely, _hypostasis_, _divulsio_, and -_sedimen_. The first is connected with the stomach, the second with the -liver, and the third with the kidneys; and tartar predominates in all -the three. - -The Cabala constantly directs Paracelsus in his therapeutics and -materia medica. As all terrestrial things have their image in the -region of the stars, and as diseases depend also on the influence of -the stars, we have nothing more to do, in order to obtain a certain -cure for these diseases, than to discover, by means of the Cabala, -the harmony of the constellations. _Gold_ is a specific against all -diseases of the _heart_, because, in the mystic scale, it is in -harmony with that viscus. The _liquor of the moon_ and crystal cure -the diseases of the _brain_. The liquor _alkahest_ and _cheiri_ are -efficacious against those of the _liver_. When we employ vegetable -substances, we must consider their harmony with the constellations, -and their magical harmony with the parts of the body and the diseases, -each star drawing, by a sort of magical virtue, the plant for which it -has an affinity, and imparting to it its activity. So that plants are -a kind of sublunary stars. To discover the virtues of plants, we must -study their anatomy and cheiromancy; for the leaves are their hands, -and the lines observable on them enable us to appreciate the virtues -which they possess. Thus the anatomy of the _chelidonium_ shows us that -it is a remedy for jaundice. These are the celebrated _signatures_ by -means of which we deduce the virtues of vegetables, and the medicines -of analogy which they present in relation to their form. Medicines, -like women, are known by the forms which they affect. He who calls -in question this principle, accuses the Divinity of falsehood, the -infinite wisdom of whom has contrived these external characters to -bring the study of them more upon a level with the weakness of the -human understanding. On the corolla of the euphrasia there is a black -dot; from this we may conclude that it furnishes an excellent remedy -against all diseases of the eye. The lizard has the colour of malignant -ulcers, and of the carbuncle; this points out the efficacy which that -animal possesses as a remedy. - -These signatures were exceedingly convenient for the fanatics, since -they saved them the trouble of studying the medical virtues of plants, -but enabled them to decide the subject _à priori_. Paracelsus acted -very considerately, when he ascribed these virtues principally to the -stars, and affirmed that the observation of favourable constellations -is an indispensable condition in the employment of these medicines. -“The remedies are subjected to the will of the stars, and directed by -them; you ought therefore to wait till heaven is favourable, before -ordering a medicine.” - -Paracelsus considered all the effects of plants as specifics, and the -use of them as secrets. The same notions explain the eulogy which he -bestowed on the _elixir of long life_, and upon all the means which -he employed to prolong the term of existence. He believed that these -methods, which contained the _materia prima_, served to repair the -constant waste of that matter in the human body. He was acquainted, -he says, with four of these arcana, to which he applied the mystic -terms, _mercury of life_, _philosopher’s stone_, &c. The _polygonum -persicaria_ was an infallible specific against all the effects of -magic. The method of using it is, to apply it to the suffering part, -and then to bury it in the earth. It draws out the malignant spirits -like a magnet, and it is buried to prevent these malignant spirits from -making their escape. - -The reformation of Paracelsus had the great advantage of representing -_chemistry_ as an indispensable art in the preparation of medicines. -The disgusting decoctions and useless syrups gave place to _tinctures_, -_essences_, and _extracts_. Paracelsus says, expressly, that the true -use of chemistry is to prepare medicines, and not to make gold. He -takes that opportunity of declaiming against cooks and innkeepers, who -drown medicines in soup, and thus destroy all their properties. He -blames medical men for prescribing simples, or mixtures of simples, and -affirms that the object should always be to extract the quintessence -of each substance; and he describes at length the method of extracting -this quintessence. But he was very little scrupulous about the -substances from which this quintessence was to be extracted. The -heart of a hare, the bones of a hare, the bone of the heart of a stag, -mother-of-pearl, coral, and various other bodies may, he says, be used -indiscriminately to furnish a quintessence capable of curing some of -the most grievous diseases. - -Paracelsus combats with peculiar energy the method of cure employed -by the disciples of Galen, directed solely against the predominating -humours, and the elementary qualities. He blames them for attempting -to correct the action of their medicines, by the addition of useless -ingredients. Fire and chemistry, he affirmed, are the sole correctives. -It was Paracelsus that first introduced _tin_ as a remedy for worms, -though his mode of employing it was not good. - -I have been thus particular in pointing out the philosophical and -medical opinions of Paracelsus, because they were productive of such -important consequences, by setting medical men free from the slavish -deference which they had been accustomed to pay to the dogmas of Galen -and Avicenna. But it was the high rank to which he raised chemistry, -by making a knowledge of it indispensable to all medical men; and by -insisting that the great importance of chemistry did not consist in the -formation of gold, but in the preparation of medicines, that rendered -the era of Paracelsus so important in the history of chemistry; for -after his time the art of chemistry was cultivated by medical men in -general--it became a necessary part of their education, and began to -be taught in colleges and medical schools. The object of chemistry -came to be, not to discover the philosopher’s stone, but to prepare -medicines; and a great number of new medicines, both from the mineral -and vegetable kingdom--some of more, some of less, consequence, soon -issued from the laboratories of the chemical physicians. - -There can be little doubt that many chemical preparations were either -first introduced into medicine by Paracelsus, or at least were first -openly prescribed by him: though from the nature of his writings, and -the secrecy in which he endeavoured to keep his most valuable remedies, -it is not easy to point out what these remedies were. Mercury is said -to have been employed in medicine by Basil Valentine; but it was -Paracelsus who first used it openly as a cure for the venereal disease, -and who drew general attention to it by his encomiums on its medical -virtues, and by the eclat of the cures which he performed by means of -it, after all the Galenical prescriptions of the schools had been tried -in vain. - -He ascertained that alum contains, united to an acid, not a metallic -oxide, but an earth. He mentions metallic arsenic; but there is some -reason for believing that this metal was known to Geber and the -Arabian physicians. Zinc is mentioned by him, and likewise bismuth, -as substances not truly metallic, but approaching to metals in their -properties: for malleability and ductility were considered by him as -essential to the metals.[159] I cannot be sure of any other chemical -fact which appears in Paracelsus, and which was not known before his -time. The use of sal ammoniac in subliming several metallic calces, -was familiar to him, but it had long ago been explained by Geber. It -is clear also that Geber was acquainted with aqua regia, and that he -employed it to dissolve gold. Paracelsus’s reputation as a chemist, -therefore, depends not upon any discoveries which he actually made, -but upon the great importance which he attached to the knowledge of -it, and to his making an acquaintance with chemistry an indispensable -requisite of a medical education. - -[159] Philosophiæ, tract. iv. De Mineralibus. Opera Paracelsi, ii. -282. “Quando ergo hoc modo metalla fiunt et producuntur, dum scilicet -verus metallicus fluxus et ductilitas aufertur et in septem metalla -distribuitur; residentia quædam manet in Ares, instar fœtûm trium -primorum. Ex hac nescitur zinetum, quod et metallum est et non est. -Sic et bisemutum et huic similia alia partim fluida, partim ductilia -sunt--Zinetum maxima ex parte spuria soboles est ex cupro et bisemutum -de stanno. Ex hisce duobus omnium plurimæ fæces et remanentiæ in Ares -fiunt.” - -Paracelsus, as the founder of a new system of medicine, the object -of which was to draw chemistry out of that state of obscurity and -degradation into which it had been plunged, and to give it the charge -of the preparation of medicine, and presiding over the whole healing -art, deserved a particular notice; and I have even endeavoured, at -some length, to lay his system of opinions, absurd as it is, before -the reader. But the same attention is not due to the herd of followers -who adopted his absurdities, and even carried them, if possible, -still further than their master: at the same time there are one or -two particulars connected with the Paracelsian sect which it would be -improper to omit. - -The most celebrated of his followers was Leonhard -Thurneysser-zum-Thurn, who was born in 1530, at Basle, where his father -was a goldsmith. His life, like that of his master, was checkered with -very extraordinary vicissitudes. In 1560 he was sent to Scotland to -examine the lead-mines in that country. In 1558 he commenced miner and -sulphur extractor at Tarenz on the Inn, and was so successful, that he -acquired a great reputation. He had turned his attention to medicine -on the Paracelsian plan, and in 1568 made himself distinguished by -several important cures which he performed. In 1570 he published his -Quinta Essentia, with wooden cuts, in Munster; from thence he went to -Frankfort on the Oder, and published his Piso, a work which treats of -_waters_, _rivers_, and _springs_. John George, Elector of Brandenburg, -was at that time in Frankfort, and was informed that the treatise -of Thurneysser pointed out the existence of a great deal of riches -in the March of Brandenburg, till that time unknown. His courtiers, -who were anxious to establish mines in their possessions, united in -recommending the author. He was consulted about a disease under which -the wife of the elector was labouring, and having performed a cure, he -was immediately named physician to this prince. - -He turned this situation to the best account. He sold Spanish white, -and other cosmetics, to the ladies of the court; and instead of the -disgusting decoctions of the Galenists, he administered the remedies of -Paracelsus under the pompous titles of _tincture of gold_, _magistery -of the sun_, _potable gold_, &c. By these methods he succeeded in -amassing a prodigious fortune, but was not fortunate enough to be able -to keep it. Gaspard Hoffmann, professor at Frankfort, a well-informed -and enlightened man, published a treatise, the object of which was -to expose the extravagant pretensions and ridiculous ignorance of -Thurneysser. This book drew the attention of the courtiers, and opened -the eyes of the elector. Thurneysser lost much of his reputation; and -the methods by which he attempted to bolster himself up, served only -to sink him still lower in the estimation of men of sense. Among other -things, he gave out that he was the possessor of a devil, which he -carried about with him in a bottle. This pretended devil was nothing -else than a scorpion, preserved in a phial of oil. The trick was -discovered, and the usual consequences followed. He lost a process with -his wife, from whom he was separated; this deprived him of the greatest -part of his fortune. In 1584 he fled to Italy, where he occupied -himself with the transmutation of metals, and he died at Cologne in -1595. - -Thurneysser extols Paracelsus as the only true physician that ever -existed. His Quintessence is written in verse. In the first book -_The Secret_ is the speaker. He is represented with a padlock in his -mouth, a key in his hand, and seated on a coffer in a chamber, the -windows of which are shut. This personage teaches that all things -are composed of salt, sulphur, and mercury, or of earth, air, and -water; and consequently that _fire_ is excluded from the number of the -elements. We must search for the secret in the _Bible_, and then in -the _stars_ and the _spirits_. In the second book, _Alchymy_ is the -speaker. She points out the mode of performing the processes; and says -that to endeavour to fix volatile substances, is the same thing as to -endeavour to trace white letters on a wall with a piece of charcoal. -She prohibits all long processes, because God created the world in six -days. - -His method of judging of the diseases from the urine of the patient -deserves to be mentioned. He distilled the urine, and fixed to the -receiver a tube furnished with a scale, the degrees of which consisted -of all the parts of the body. The phenomena which he observed during -the distillation of the urine, enabled him to draw inferences -respecting the state of all these different organs. - -I pass over Bodenstein, Taxites, and Dorn, who distinguished themselves -as partisans of Paracelsus. Dorn derived the whole of chemistry from -the first chapter of Genesis, the words of which he explained in an -alchymistical sense. These words in particular, “And God made the -firmament, and divided the waters which were under the firmament -from the waters which were above the firmament,” appeared to him to -be an account of the _great work_. Severinus, physician to the King -of Denmark, and canon of Roskild, was also a celebrated partisan of -Paracelsus; but his writings do not show either that knowledge or -stretch of thought which would enable us to account for the reputation -which he acquired and enjoyed. - -There were very few partisans of Paracelsus out of Germany. The most -celebrated of his followers among the French, was Joseph du Chesne, -better known by the name of Quercitanus, who was physician to Henry -IV. He was a native of Gascony, and drew many enemies upon himself by -his arrogant and overbearing conduct. He pretended to be acquainted -with the method of making gold. He was a thorough-going Paracelsian. -He affirmed that diseases, like plants, spring from seeds. The word -alchymy, according to him, is composed of the two Greek words ἁλς -(salt) and χημεια, because the _great secret_ is concealed in salt. All -bodies are composed of three principles, as God is of three substances. -These principles are contained in saltpetre, the salts of sulphur solid -and volatile, and the volatile mercurial salt. He who possesses _sal -generalis_ may easily produce philosophical gold, and draw potable -gold from the three kingdoms of nature. To prove the possibility of -this transmutation, he cites an experiment very often repeated after -him, and which some theologians have even employed as analogous to the -resurrection of the dead; namely, the faculty which plants have of -being produced from their ashes. His materia medica is founded on the -_signatures_ of plants, which he carries so far as to assert that male -plants are more suitable to men, and female plants to women. Sulphuric -acid, he says, has a magnetic virtue, in consequence of which it is -capable of curing the epilepsy. He recommends the _magisterium cranii -humani_ as an excellent medicine, and boasts much of the virtues of -antimony. - -Du Chesne was opposed by Riolanus, who attacked chemical remedies with -much bitterness. The medical faculty of Paris took up the cause of the -Galenists with much zeal, and prohibited their fellows and licentiates -from using any chemical medicines whatever. He had to sustain a -dispute with Aubert relative to the origin and the transmutation of -metals. Fenot came to the assistance of Aubert, and affirmed that gold -possesses no medical properties whatever, that _crabs’ eyes_ are of -no use when administered in intermittents, and that the laudanum of -Paracelsus (being an opiate) is in reality hurtful instead of being -beneficial. - -The decree of the medical faculty of Paris which placed antimony among -the poisons, and which occasioned that of the Parliament of Paris, was -composed by Simon Pietre, the elder, a man of great erudition and the -most unimpeachable probity. Had it been literally obeyed it would have -occasioned very violent proceedings; because chemical remedies, as they -act more promptly and with greater energy, were getting daily into -more general use. In 1603 the celebrated Theodore Turquet de Mayenne -was prosecuted, because, in spite of the prohibition, he had sold -antimonial preparations. The decree of the faculty against him exhibits -a remarkable proof of the bigotry and intolerance of the times.[160] -However Turquet does not seem to have been molested notwithstanding -this decree. He ceased indeed to be professor of chemistry, but -continued to practise medicine as formerly; and two members of the -faculty, Seguin and Akakia, even wrote an apology for him. At last he -went to England, whither he had been invited, to accept an honourable -appointment. - -[160] It was as follows: “Collegium medicorum in Academia Parisiensi -legitime congregatum, audita renunciatione sensorum, quibus demandata -erat provincia examinandi apologiam sub nomine Mayerni Turqueti editam, -ipsam unanimi consensu damnat, tanquam famosum libellum, mendacibus -conviciis et impudentibus calumniis refertum, quæ nonnisi ab homine -imperito, impudenti, temulento et furioso profiteri potuerunt. Ipsum -Turquetum indignum judicat, qui usquam medicinam faciat, propter -temeritatem, impudentiam et veræ medicinæ ignorantiam. Omnes vero -medicos, qui ubique gentium et locorum medicinam exercent, hortatur -ut ipsum Turquetum similiaque hominum et opinionum portenta, a se -suisque finibus arceant et in Hippocratis ac Galeni doctrina constantes -permaneant: et prohibuit ne quis ex hoc medicorum Parisiensium ordine -cum Turqueto eique similibus medica consilia ineat. Qui secus fecerit, -scholæ ornamentis et academiæ privilegiis privabitur, et de regentium -numero expungetur.--Datum Lutetiæ in scholis superioribus, die 5 -Decembris, anno salutis, 1603.” - -The mystical doctrines of Paracelsus are supposed to have given -origin to the sect of Rosecrucians, concerning which so much has been -written and so little certain is known. It is not at all unlikely -that the greatest part, if not the whole that has been stated about -the antiquity, and extent, and importance of this sect, is mere -fiction, and that the origin of the whole was nothing else than a -ludicrous performance of Valentine Andreæ, an ecclesiastic of Calwe, -in the country of Wirtemburg, a man of much learning, genius, and -philanthropy. From his life, written by himself, and preserved in -the library of Wolfenbuttel, we learn that in the year 1603 he drew -up the celebrated Noce Chimique of Christian Rosenkreuz, in order to -counteract the alchymistical and the theosophistical dogmas so common -at that period. He was unable to restrain his risible faculties when -he saw this _ludibrium juvenilis ingenii_ adopted as a true history, -while he meant it merely as a satire. It is believed that the Fama -Fraternitatis is a production of this ecclesiastic, and that he -published it in order to correct the chemists and enthusiasts of the -time. He himself was called Andreæ, Knight of the Rose-cross (_rosæ -crucis_) because he had engraven on his seal a cross with four roses. - -It is true that Andreæ instituted, in 1620, a _fraternitas christiana_, -but with quite other views than those which are supposed to have -actuated the Rosecrucians. His object was to correct the religious -opinions of the times, and to separate Christian theology from -scholastic controversies, with which it had been unhappily intermixed. -He himself, in different parts of his writings, distinguishes carefully -between the Rosecrucians and his own society, and amuses himself with -the credulity of the German theosophists, who adopted so readily his -fiction for a series of truths. It would appear, therefore, that this -secret order of Rosecrucians, notwithstanding the brilliant origin -assigned to it, really owes its birth to the pleasantry of a clergyman -of Wirtemburg, who endeavoured by that means to set bounds to the -chimeras of theosophy, but who unfortunately only increased still more -the adherents of this absurd science. - -A crowd of enthusiasts found it too advantageous to propagate the -principles of the _rosa crux_ not to endeavour to unite them into -a sect. Valentine Weigel, a fanatical preacher at Tschoppau, near -Chemnitz, left at his death a prodigious number of followers, who -were already Rosecrucians, without bearing the name. Egidius Gutmann, -of Suabia, was equally a Rosecrucian, without bearing the name; he -condemned all pagan medicines, and affirmed that he possessed the -universal remedy which ennobles man, cures all diseases, and gives man -the power of fabricating gold. “To fly in the air, to transmute metals, -and to know all the sciences,” says he, “nothing more is requisite than -faith.” - -Oswald Crollius, of Hesse, must also take his station in this -honourable fraternity of enthusiasts. He was physician to the Prince -of Anhalt, and afterwards a counsellor of the Emperor Rodolphus II. -The introduction to his Basilica Chymica, contains a short but exact -epitome of the opinions of Paracelsus. It is not worth while to give -the reader a notion of his own opinions, which are quite as absurd -and unintelligible as those of Paracelsus and his followers. As a -preparer of chemical medicines he deserves more credit; _antimonium -diaphoreticum_ was a favourite preparation of his, and so was sulphate -of potash, which was known at the time by the name of _specificum -purgans Paracelsi_: he knew chloride of silver well, and first gave it -the name of _luna cornea_, or _horn silver_: fulminating gold was known -to him, and called by him _aurum volatile_. - -This is the place to mention Andrew Libavius, of Halle, in Saxony, -where he was a physician, and a professor in the gymnasium of -Coburg, who was one of the most successful opponents of the school -of Paracelsus, and whose writings do him much credit. As a chemist, -he deserves perhaps to occupy a higher rank than any of his -contemporaries: he was, it is true, a believer in the possibility of -transmuting metals, and boasted of the wonderful powers of _aurum -potabile_; but he always distinguishes between rational alchymy and -the _mental_ alchymy of Paracelsus. He separated, with great care, -_chemistry_ from the reveries of the theosophists, and stands at -the head of those who opposed most successfully the progress of -superstition and fanaticism, which was making such an overwhelming -progress in his time. His writings are very numerous and various, and -were collected and published at Frankfort, in 1615, in three folio -volumes, under the title of “Opera omnia Medico-chymica.” Libavius -himself died in 1616. It would occupy more space than we have room -for, to attempt an abstract of his very multifarious works. A few -observations will be sufficient: he wrote no fewer than five different -tracts to expose the quackery of George Amwald, who had boasted that -he was in possession of a panacea, by means of which he was enabled -to perform the most wonderful cures, and which he was in the habit of -selling to his patients at an enormous price; Libavius showed that -this boasted panacea was nothing else than _cinnabar_, which neither -possessed the virtues ascribed to it by Amwald, nor deserved to be -purchased at so high a price. He entered also into a controversy -with Crollius, and exposed his fanatical and absurd opinions. He -engaged likewise in a dispute with Henning Scheunemann, a physician in -Bamberg, who was a Rosecrucian, and, like the rest of his brethren, -profoundly ignorant not merely of all science, but even of philology. -The expressions of Scheunemann are so obscure, that we learn more of -his opinions from Libavius than from his own writings. He divides the -internal nature of man into seven different degrees, from the seven -changes it undergoes: these are, combustion, sublimation, dissolution, -putrefaction, distillation, coagulation, and tincture. He gives us -likewise an account of ten modifications which the three elements -undergo; but as they are quite unintelligible, it is not worth while to -state them. Libavius had the patience to analyze and expose all these -gallimatias. - -Libavius’s system of chemistry, entitled “Alchymia è dispersis passim -optimorum auctorum, veterum et recentiorum exemplis potissimum, tum -etiam preceptis quibusdam operose collecta, adhibitisque ratione -et experientia quanta potuit esse methodo accurate explicata et in -integrum corpus redacta. Accesserunt tractati nonnulli physici chymici -item methodistici.” Frankfort, 1595, folio, 1597, 4to.--is really an -excellent book, considering the period in which it was written, and -deserves the attention of every person who is interested in the history -of chemistry. I shall notice some of the most remarkable chemical facts -which occur in Libavius, and which I have not observed in any preceding -writer; who the actual discoverer of these facts really was, it is -impossible to say, in consequence of the secrecy which at that time was -affected, and the obscure terms in which chemical facts are in general -stated. - -He was aware that the fumes of sulphur have the property of blackening -white lead. He was in the habit of purifying cinnabar by means of -arsenic and oxide of lead. He knew the method of giving glass a red -colour by means of gold or its oxide, and was aware of the method -of making artificial gems, such as ruby, topaz, hyacinth, garnet, -balass, by tinging glass by means of metallic oxides. He points out -fluor spar as an excellent flux for various metals and their oxides. -He knew that when metals were fused along with alkaline bodies, a -certain portion of them was converted into slags, and this portion -he endeavoured to recover by the addition of iron filings. He was -aware of the mode of acidifying sulphur by means of nitric acid. He -knew that camphor is soluble in nitric acid, and forms with it a kind -of oil. Of the perchloride of tin he was undoubtedly the discoverer, -as it has continued ever since his time to pass by his name; namely, -_fuming liquor of Libavius_. He was aware, that alcohol or spirits -could be obtained by distilling the fermented juice of a great variety -of sweet fruits. He procured sulphuric acid by the distillation of alum -and sulphate of iron, as Geber had done long before his time; but he -determined the nature of the acid with more care than had been done, -and showed, that it was the same as that obtained by the combustion of -sulphur along with saltpetre. To him, therefore, in some measure, are -we indebted for the process of preparing sulphuric acid which is at -present practised by manufacturers. - -Libavius found a successor in Angelus Sala, of Vicenza, physician to -the Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, worthy of his enlightened views and -indefatigable exertions to oppose the torrent of fanaticism which -threatened to overwhelm all Europe. Sala was still more addicted to -chemical remedies than Libavius himself; but he had abjured a multitude -of prejudices which had distinguished the school of Paracelsus. He -discarded _aurum potabile_, and considered fulminating gold as the -only remedy of that metal that deserved to be prescribed by medical -men. He treated the notion of the existence of a universal remedy with -contempt. He described sulphuret of gold and glass of antimony with a -good deal of precision. He recommended sulphuric acid as an excellent -remedy, and showed that it might be formed indifferently from sulphur, -or by distilling blue vitriol or green vitriol. He affirmed, that the -essential salts obtained from plants had not the same virtues as the -plants from which they are obtained. He showed that sal ammoniac is -a compound of muriatic acid and ammonia. To him, therefore, we are -indebted for the first accurate mention of ammonia. It could not but -have been noticed before by chemists, as it is procured with so much -ease by the distillation of animal substances; but Sala is the first -person who seems to have examined it with attention, and to have -recognised its peculiar properties, and the readiness with which it -saturates the different acids. He showed that iron has the property -of precipitating copper from acid solutions: he pointed out also -various precipitations of metals by other metals. He seems to have -been acquainted with calomel, and to have been aware of at least some -of its medical properties. He says, that fulminating gold loses its -fulminating property when mixed with its own weight of sulphur, and -the sulphur is burnt off it. Many other curious chemical facts occur -in his writings, which it would be too tedious to particularize here. -His works were collected and published in a quarto volume at Frankfort, -in 1647, under the title of “Opera Medico-chymica, quæ extant omnia.” -There was another edition in the same place in 1682, and an edition was -published at Rome in 1650. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -OF VAN HELMONT AND THE IATRO-CHEMISTS. - - -Paracelsus first raised the dignity of chemistry, by pointing out the -necessity of it for medical men, and by showing the superiority of -chemical medicines over the disgusting decoctions of the Galenists. -Libavius and Angelus Sala had carefully separated chemistry from the -fanatical opinions of the followers of Paracelsus and the Rosecrucians. -But matters were not doomed to remain in this state. Chemistry -underwent a new revolution at this period, which shook the Spagirical -system to its foundation; substituted other principles, and gave to -medicine an aspect entirely new. This revolution was in a great measure -due to the labours of Van Helmont. - -John Baptist Van Helmont was a gentleman of Brabant, and Lord of -Merode, of Royenboch, of Oorschot, and of Pellines. He was born in -Brussels in 1577, and studied scholastic philosophy in Louvain till -the age of seventeen. After having finished his _humanity_ (as it was -termed), he ought, according to the usage of the place, to have taken -his degree of master of arts; but, having reflected on the futility of -these ceremonies, he resolved never to solicit any academical honour. -He next associated himself to the Jesuits, who then delivered courses -of philosophy at Louvain, to the great displeasure of the professors -of that city. One of the most celebrated of the Jesuits, Martin del -Rio, even taught him magic. But Van Helmont was disappointed in his -expectations: instead of that true wisdom which he hoped to acquire, -he met with nothing but scholastic dialectics, with all its usual -subtilties. He was no better satisfied with the doctrines of the -Stoics, who taught him his own weakness and misery. - -At last the works of Thomas à Kempis, and John Taulerus fell into -his hands. These sacred books of mysticism attracted his attention: -he thought that he perceived that wisdom is the gift of the Supreme -Being; that it must be obtained by prayer; and that we must renounce -our own will, if we wish to participate in the influence of the divine -grace. From this moment he imitated Jesus Christ, in his humility. He -abandoned all his property to his sister, renouncing the privileges -of his birth, and laying aside the rank which he had hitherto -occupied in society. It was not long before he reaped the fruit of -these abnegations. A genius appeared to him in all the important -circumstances of his life. In the year 1633 his own soul appeared to -him under the figure of a resplendent crystal. - -The desire which he had of imitating in every respect the conduct of -Christ, suggested to him the idea of practising medicine as a work of -charity and benevolence. He began, as was then the custom of the time, -by studying the art of healing in the writings of the ancients. He -read the works of Hippocrates and Galen with avidity; and made himself -so well acquainted with their opinions, that he astonished all the -medical men by the profundity of his knowledge. But as his taste for -mysticism was insatiable, he soon became disgusted with the writings -of the Greeks; an accident led him to abandon them for ever. Happening -to take up the glove of a young girl afflicted with the _itch_, he -caught that disagreeable disease. The Galenists whom he consulted, -attributed it to the combustion of the bile, and the saline state of -the phlegm. They prescribed a course of purgatives which weakened him -considerably, without effecting a cure. This circumstance disgusted him -with the system of the humorists, and led him to form the resolution of -reforming medicine, as Paracelsus had done. The works of this reformer, -which he read with attention, awakened in him a spirit of reformation, -but did not satisfy him; because his knowledge, being much greater -than that of Paracelsus, he could not avoid despising the disgusting -egotism, and the ridiculous ignorance of that fanatic. Though he had -already refused a canonicate, he took the degree of doctor of medicine, -in 1599, and afterwards travelled through the greatest part of France -and Italy; and he assures us, that during his travels, he performed -a great number of cures. On his return, he married a rich Brabantine -lady, by whom he had several children; among others a son, afterwards -celebrated under the name of Francis Mercurius, who edited his father’s -works, and who went a good deal further than his father had done, in -all the branches of theosophy. Van Helmont passed the rest of his -life on his estate at Vilvorde, almost constantly occupied with the -processes of his laboratory. He died in the year 1644, on the 13th of -December, at six o’clock in the evening, after having nearly reached -the age of sixty-seven years. - -The system of Van Helmont has for its basis the opinions of the -spiritualists. He arranged even the influence of evil genii, the -efforts of sorcerers, and the power of magicians among the causes which -produce diseases. The archeus of Paracelsus constituted one of the -capital points of his theory; but he ascribed to it a more substantial -nature than Paracelsus had done. This archeus is independent of -the elements; it has no form; for form constitutes the object of -generation, or of production. These ideas are obviously borrowed -from the ancients. The _form_ of Aristotle is not the μορφη, but the -ενεργεια (_the power of acting_) which matter does not possess. - -The archeus draws all the corpuscles of matter to the aid of -_fermentation_. There are, properly speaking, only two causes of -things; the cause _ex qua_, and the cause _per quam_. The first of -these causes is _water_. Van Helmont considered water as the true -principle of every thing which exists; and he brought forward very -specious arguments in favour of his opinion, drawn both from the -animal and vegetable kingdom. The reader will find his arguments on -the subject, in his treatise entitled “Complexionum atque Mistionum -elementalium Figmentum.”[161] The only one of his experiments that, -in the present state of our knowledge, possesses much plausibility, -is the following: He took a large earthen vessel, and put into it 200 -lbs. of earth, previously dried in an oven. This earth he moistened -with rain-water, and planted in it a willow which weighed five pounds. -After an interval of five years, he pulled up his willow and found -that its weight amounted to 169 pounds, and about three ounces. During -these five years, the earth in the pot was duly watered with rain -or distilled water. To prevent the earth in which the willow grew -from being mixed with new earth blown upon it by the winds, the pot -was covered with tin plate, pierced with a great number of holes to -admit the air freely. The leaves which fell every autumn during the -vegetation of the willow in the pot, were not reckoned in the 169 lbs. -3 oz. The earth in the pot being again dried in the oven, was found to -have lost about two ounces of its original weight. Thus 164 lbs. of -wood, bark, roots, &c., were produced from water alone.[162] This, -and several other experiments which it is needless to state, satisfied -him that all vegetable substances are produced from water alone. He -takes it for granted that fish live (ultimately at least) on water -alone; but they contain almost all the peculiar animal substances that -exist in the animal kingdom. Hence he concludes that animal substances -are derived also from pure water.[163] His reasoning with respect -to sulphur, glass, stone, metals, &c., all of which he thinks may -ultimately be resolved into water, is not so satisfactory. - -[161] J. B. Van Helmont, Opera Omnia, p. 100. The edition which I quote -from was printed at Frankfort, in 1682, at the expense of John Justus -Erythropilus, in a very thick quarto volume. - -[162] Van Helmont, Opera Omnia, p. 104. - -[163] Ibid., p. 105. - -Water produces elementary earth, or pure quartz; but this elementary -earth does not enter into the composition of organic bodies. Van -Helmont excludes _fire_ from the number of elements, because it is not -a substance, nor even the essential form of a substance. The matter of -fire is compound, and differs entirely from the matter of light. Water -gives origin also to the three chemical principles, salt, sulphur, and -mercury, which cannot be considered as elements or active principles. I -do not see clearly how he gets rid of _air_; for he says, that though -water may be elevated in the form of vapour, yet that these vapours are -no more air than the dust of marble is water. - -According to Van Helmont, a particular disposition of matter, or a -particular mixture of that matter is not necessary for the formation of -a body. The archeus, by its sole power, draws all bodies from water, -when the _ferment_ exists. This _ferment_, in its quality of a mean -which determines the action of the archeus, is not a formal being; it -can neither be called a _substance_, nor an _accident_. It pre-exists -in the seed which is developed by it, and which contains in itself -a second ferment of the seed, the product of the first. The ferment -exhales an odour, which attracts the generating spirit of the archeus. -This spirit consists in an _aura vitalis_, and it creates the bodies -of nature in its own image, after its own _idea_. It is the true -foundation of life, and of all the functions of organized bodies; it -disappears only at the instant of death to produce a new creation of -the body, which enters then, for the second time, into fermentation. -The seed, then, is not indispensable to enable an animal to propagate -its species; it is merely necessary that the archeus should act upon -a suitable ferment. Animals produced in this manner are as perfect as -those which spring from eggs. - -When water, as an element, ferments, it develops a vapour, to which Van -Helmont gave the name of _gas_, and which he endeavours to distinguish -from _air_. This gas contains the chemical principles of the body from -which it escapes in an aerial form by the impulse of the archeus. It -is a substance intermediate between spirit and matter, the principle -of action of life, and of generation of all bodies; for its production -is the first result of the action of the vital spirit on the torpid -ferment, and it may be compared to the _chaos_ of the ancients. - -The term _gas_, now in common use among chemists, and applied by them -to all elastic fluids which differ in their properties from common air, -was first employed by Van Helmont: and it is evident, from different -parts of his writings, that he was aware that different species of gas -exist. His _gas sylvestre_ was evidently our _carbonic acid gas_, for -he says, that it is evolved during the fermentation of wine and beer; -that it is formed when charcoal is burnt in air; and that it exists -in the Grotto del Cane. He was aware that this gas extinguishes a -lighted candle. But he says that the gases from dung, and those formed -in the large intestines, when passed through a candle, catch fire, -and exhibit a variety of colours, like the rainbow.[164] To these -combustible gases he gave the names of _gas pingue_, _gas siccum_, _gas -fuliginosum_, or _endimicum_. - -[164] De Flatibus, sect. 49. Opera Van Helmont, p. 405. - -Sal ammoniac, he says, may be distilled alone, without danger, and so -may aqua fortis (_aqua chrysulca_), but if they be mixed together so -much gas sylvestre is produced, that the vessels employed, however -strong, will burst asunder, unless an opening be left for the escape -of this gas.[165] In the same way cream of tartar cannot be distilled -in close vessels without breaking them in pieces, an opening must be -left for the escape of the _gas sylvestre_, which is generated in -such abundance.[166] He says, also, that when carbonate of lime is -dissolved in distilled vinegar, or silver in nitric acid, abundance -of gas sylvestre is extricated. From these, and many other passages -which might be quoted, it is evident that Van Helmont was aware of the -evolution of gas during the solution of carbonates and metals in acids, -and during the distillation of various animal and vegetable substances, -that he had anticipated the experiments made so many years after by -Dr. Hales, and for which that philosopher got so much credit. But it -would be going too far to say, as some have done, that Van Helmont -knew accurately the differences which characterize the different gases -which he produced, or indeed that he distinguished accurately between -them. For it is evident, from the passages quoted and from many others -which occur in his treatise, De Flatibus, that carbonic acid, protoxide -of azote, and deutoxide of azote, and probably also muriatic acid gas -were all considered by him as constituting one and the same gas. How, -indeed, could he distinguish between different gases when he was not -acquainted with the method of collecting them, or of determining their -properties? These observations of Van Helmont, then, though they do him -much credit, and show how far his chemical knowledge was superior to -that of the age in which he lived, take nothing from the merit or the -credit of those illustrious chemists who, in the latter half of the -eighteenth century, devoted themselves to the investigation of this -part of chemistry, at that time attended with much difficulty, but -intimately connected with the subsequent progress which the science has -made. - -[165] Ibid., p. 408. - -[166] Ibid., p. 409. - -Van Helmont was aware, also, that the bulk of air is diminished when -bodies are burnt in it. He considered respiration to be necessary in -this way: the air was drawn into the blood by the pulmonary arteries -and veins, and occasioned a fermentation in it requisite for the -continuance of life. - -Gas, according to Van Helmont, has an affinity with the principle of -the movement of the stars, to which he gave the name of _blas_. It had, -he supposed, much influence on all sublunary bodies. He admitted in -the ferment which gives birth to plants, a substance which, after the -example of Paracelsus, he called _pessas_, and to the metallic ferment -he gave the name of _bur_.[167] - -[167] In his Magnum Oportet, sect. 39, p. 151, he gives an account -of the origin of metals in the earth, and in that section there is a -description of _bur_, which those who are anxious to understand the -ideas of the author on this subject may consult. - -The archeus of Van Helmont, like that of Paracelsus, has its seat in -the stomach. It is the same thing as the sentient soul. This notion -of the nature and seat of the archeus was founded on the following -experiment: He swallowed a quantity of _aconitum_ (_henbane_). In two -hours he experienced the most disagreeable sensation in his stomach. -His feeling and understanding seemed to be concentrated in that -organ, for he had no longer the free use of his mental faculties. -This feeling induced him to place the seat of understanding in the -stomach, of volition in the heart, and of memory in the brain. The -faculty of desire, to which the ancients had assigned the liver as its -organ, he placed in the spleen. What confirmed him still more in the -idea that the stomach is the seat of the soul, is the fact, that life -sometimes continues after the destruction of the brain, but never, he -alleges, after that of the stomach. The sentient soul acts constantly -by means of the _vital spirits_, which are of a resplendent nature, -and the nerves serve merely to moisten these spirits which constitute -the mediums of sensation. By virtue of the archeus man is much nearer -to the realm of spirits and the father of all the genii, than to the -world. He thinks that Paracelsus’s constant comparison of the human -body with the world is absurd. Yet Van Helmont, at least in his -youth, was a believer in magnetism, which he employed as a method of -explaining the effect of sympathy. - -The archeus exercises the greatest influence on digestion, and he -has chiefly the stomach and spleen under his superintendence. These -two organs form a duumvirate in the body; for the stomach cannot -act alone and without the concurrence of the spleen. Digestion is -produced by means of an acid liquor, which dissolves the food, under -the superintendence of the archeus. Van Helmont assures us that he -had himself tasted this acid liquor in the stomach of birds. Heat, -strictly speaking, does not favour digestion; for we see no increase of -the digestive powers during the most ardent fever. Nor are the powers -of digestion wanting in fishes, although they want the animal heat -which is requisite for mammiferous animals. Certain birds even digest -fragments of glass, which, certainly, simple heat would not enable them -to do. The pylorus is, in some measure, the director of digestion. It -acts by a peculiar and immaterial power, in virtue of a _blas_, and not -as a muscle. It opens and shuts the stomach according to the orders of -the archeus. It is in it, therefore, that the causes of derangement of -digestion must be sought for. - -The duumvirate just spoken of is the cause of natural sleep, which does -not belong to the soul, as far as it resides in the stomach. Sleep is -a natural action, and one of the first vital actions. Hence the reason -why the embryo sleeps without ceasing. At any rate it is not true that -sleep is owing to vapours which mount to the brain. During sleep the -soul is naturally occupied, and it is then that the deity approaches -most intimately to man. Accordingly, Van Helmont informs us, that he -received in dreams the revelation of several secrets, which he could -not have learnt otherwise. - -The duumvirate operates the _first_ digestion, of which, Van Helmont -enumerates six different species. When the acid, which is prepared for -digestion, passes into the duodenum it is neutralized by the bile of -the gall-bladder. This constitutes the second digestion. To the bile of -the gall-bladder, Van Helmont gave the name of _fel_, and he carefully -distinguished it from the biliary principle in the mass of the blood. -This last he called _bile_. The _fel_ is not an excrementitious matter, -but a humour necessary to life, a true vital balsam. Van Helmont -endeavoured to show by various experiments that it is not _bitter_. - -The _third_ digestion takes place in the vessels of the mesentery, -into which the gall-bladder sends the prepared fluid. The _fourth_ -digestion is operated in the heart, where the red blood becomes more -yellow and more volatile by the addition of the vital spirits. This -is owing to the passage of the vital spirit from the posterior to the -anterior ventricle, through the pores of the septum. At the same time -the pulse is produced, which of itself develops heat; but does not -regulate it in any manner, as the ancients pretended that it did. The -_fifth_ digestion consists in the conversion of the arterial blood -into vital spirit. It takes place principally in the brain, but is -produced also throughout all the body. The _sixth_ digestion consists -in the elaboration of the nutritive principle in each member, where the -archeus prepares its own nourishment by means of the vital spirits. -Thus, there are six digestions: the number seven has been chosen by -nature for a state of repose. - -From the preceding sketch of the physiology of Van Helmont, it is -evident that he paid little or no regard to the structure of the parts -in explaining the functions. In his pathology we find the same passion -for spiritualism. He admitted, indeed, the importance of anatomy, but -he regretted that the pathological part of that science had been so -little cultivated. As the archeus is the foundation of life and of all -the functions, it is plain that the diseases can neither be derived -from the four cardinal humours, nor from the disposition or the action -of opposite things; the proximate cause of diseases must be sought for -in the sufferings, the anger, the fear, and the other affections of the -archeus, and their remote cause may be considered as the ideal seed -of the archeus. Disease, in his opinion, is not a negative state or a -mere absence of health, it is a substantial and active thing as well -as a state of health. Most of the diseases which attack certain parts -or members of the body result from an error in the archeus, who sends -his ferment from the stomach in which he resides into the other parts -of the body. Van Helmont explained in this way not only the epilepsy -and madness, but likewise the _gout_, which does not proceed from a -flux, and has not its seat in the limb in which the pain resides, but -is always owing to an error in the vital spirit. It is true that the -character of the gout acts upon the semen in which the vital spirit -principally manifests its action, and that in this way diseases are -propagated in the act of generation; but if, during life instead of -altering the semen it is carried to the liquid of the articulations, -this is a proof of the prudence of nature, which lavishes all her -cares on the preservation of the species, and loves better to alter -the humours of the articulations than the semen itself. The gout -acidifies the liquors of the articulations, which is then coagulated -by the acids. The duumvirate is the cause of apoplexy, vertigo, and -particularly of a species of asthma, which Van Helmont calls _caducus -pulmonalis_. Pleurisy is produced in a similar way. The archeus, in a -movement of rage, sends acrid acids to the lungs, which occasion an -inflammation. Dropsy is also owing to the anger of the archeus, who -prevents the secretions of the kidneys from going on in the usual way. - -Of all the diseases, fever appeared to him most conformable to his -notions of the unlimited power of the archeus. The causes of fever are -all much more proper to offend the archeus, than to alter the structure -of parts and the mixture of humours. The cold fit is owing to a state -of fear and consternation, into which the archeus is thrown, and the -hot stage results from his disordered movements. All fevers have their -peculiar seat in the duumvirate. - -Van Helmont was in general much more successful in refuting the -scholastic opinions by which the practice of medicine was regulated in -his time, than in establishing his own. We are struck with the force -of his arguments against the Galenical doctrine of fever, and against -the influence of the cardinal humours on the different kinds of fever. -He refuted no less vehemently the idea of the putridity of the blood, -while that liquid circulates in the vessels. Perhaps he carried the -opposite doctrine too far; but his opinions have had a good effect upon -subsequent medical theory, and medical men learned from them to make -less use of the term putridity. The phrase _mixture of humours_, not -more intelligible, however, came to be substituted for it. - -Van Helmont’s theory of urinary calculi deserves peculiar attention, -because it exhibits the germ of a more rational explanation of these -concretions than had been previously attempted by physiologists. Van -Helmont was aware that Paracelsus, who ascribed these concretions to -tartar, had formed an idea of their nature, which a careful chemical -analysis would immediately refute. He satisfied himself that urinary -calculi differ completely from common stones, and that they do not -exist in the food or drink which the calculous person had taken. -Tartar, he says, precipitates from wine, not as an earth, but as -a crystallized salt. In like manner, the natural salt of urine -precipitates from that liquid, and gives origin to calculi. We may -imitate this natural process by mixing spirit of urine with rectified -alcohol. Immediately an _offa alba_ is precipitated. - -It is needless to observe that Van Helmont was mistaken, in supposing -that this _offa_ was the matter of calculus. Spirit of urine was a -strong solution of carbonate of ammonia. The alcohol precipitated -this salt; so that his _offa_ was merely _carbonate of ammonia_. Nor -is there the shadow of evidence that alcohol, as Van Helmont thought -it did, ever makes its way into the mass of humours; yet his notion -of the origin of calculi is not less accurate, though of course he -was ignorant of the chemical nature of the various substances which -constitute these calculi. From this reasoning Van Helmont was induced -to reject the term _tartar_, employed by Paracelsus. To avoid all false -interpretations he substitutes the word _duelech_, to denote the state -in which the spirit of urine precipitates and gives origin to these -calculous concretions. - -As all diseases proceeded in his opinion from the archeus, the object -of his treatment was to calm the archeus, to stimulate it, and to -regulate its movements. To accomplish these objects he relied upon -dietetics, and upon acting on the imaginations of his patients. He -considered _certain words_ as very efficacious in curing the diseases -of the archeus. He admitted the existence of the universal medicine, -to which he gave the names of _liquor alkahest_, _ens primum salium_, -_primus metallus_. Mercurials, antimonials, opium, and wine, are -particularly agreeable to the archeus, when in a state of delirium from -fever. - -Among the mercurial preparations, he praises what he calls _mercurius -diaphoreticus_ as the best. He gives no account of the mode of -preparing it; but from some circumstances I think it must have been -_calomel_. He considers it as a sovereign remedy in fevers, dropsies, -diseases of the liver, and ulcers of the lungs. He employed the red -oxide of mercury as an external application to ulcers. The principal -antimonial preparations which he employed were the hydrosulphuret, or -_golden sulphur_, and the deutoxide, or _antimonium diaphoreticum_. -This last medicine was used in scruple doses--a proof of its great -inertness compared with the protoxide of antimony. - -Opium he considered as a fortifying and calming medicine. It contains -an acrid salt and a bitter oil, which give it the virtue of putting a -stop to the errors of the archeus, when it was sending its acid ferment -into other acid parts of the body. Van Helmont assures us that he -wrought many important cures by the employment of wine. - -Such is a very short statement of the opinions of a man, who, -notwithstanding his attachment to the fanatical opinions which -distinguished the time in which he lived, had the merit of overturning -a vast number of errors, both theoretical and practical; and of -laying down many principles, which, for want of erudition, have been -frequently assigned to modern writers. Van Helmont has been frequently -placed on the same level with Paracelsus, and treated like him with -contempt. But his claims upon the medical world are much higher, and -his merits infinitely greater. His notions, it is true, were fanatical; -but his erudition was great, his understanding excellent, and his -industry indefatigable. His writings did not become known till rather a -late period; for, with the exception of a single tract, they were not -published till 1648, by his son, after his death. - -The decided preference given to chemical medicines by Van Helmont, and -the uses to which he applies chemical theory, had a natural tendency -to raise chemistry to a higher rank in the eyes of medical men than -it had yet reached. But the man to whom the credit of founding the -iatro-chemical sect is due, is Francis de le Boé Sylvius, who was -born in the year 1614. While a practitioner of medicine at Amsterdam, -he studied with profound attention the system of Van Helmont, and -the rival and much more popular theory of Descartes: upon these he -founded his own theory, which, in reality, contains little entitled to -the name of original, notwithstanding the tone in which he speaks of -it, and his repeated declarations that he had borrowed from no one. -He was appointed professor of the theory and practice of medicine in -the University of Leyden, where he taught with such eclat, and drew -after him so great a number of pupils, that Boerhaave alone surpassed -him in this respect. It was he that first introduced the practice of -giving clinical lectures in the hospitals, on the cases treated in the -presence of the pupils. This admirable innovation has been productive -of much benefit to medicine. He greatly promoted anatomical studies, -and inspected, himself, a vast number of dead bodies. This is the more -remarkable, because his own system, like that of Van Helmont, from whom -it was borrowed, was quite independent of the structure of the parts. - -Every thing was explained by him according to the principles of -chemistry, as they were then understood. The celebrity of the -university in which he taught, and the vast number of his pupils, -contributed to spread this theory into every part of the world, and to -give it an eclat which is really surprising, when we consider it with -attention. But he possessed the talents just suited for securing the -reception of his opinions by his pupils as infallible oracles, and of -being the idol of the university. Yet it is melancholy to be obliged to -add, that few persons ever more abused the favours of nature, or the -advantages of situation and elocution. - -To form a clear idea of the principles of this founder of -iatro-chemistry, we have only to call to mind the ferments of Van -Helmont, which constitute the foundation-stone of the whole system. -We cannot, says he, conceive a single change in the mixture of the -humours, which is not the consequence of fermentation; and yet he -assigns to this fermentation conditions which are scarcely to be -found united in the living body. Digestion, in his opinion, is a -true fermentation produced by the application of a ferment. Like Van -Helmont, he admits a _triumvirate_; but places it in the humours; the -effervescence or fermentation of which enabled him to explain most of -the functions of the body. Digestion is the result of the mixture of -the saliva with the pancreatic juice and the bile, and the fermentation -of these humours. The saliva, as well as the pancreatic juice, contains -an acidulous salt easily recognised by the taste. Here Sylvius derives -advantage from the experiments of Regnier de Graaf on the pancreatic -juice, which he had constantly found acid. - -Sylvius, who affirmed that the bile contained an alkali, united with -an oil and a volatile spirit, supposes an effervescence from the union -of the alkali of the bile with the acid of the pancreatic juice, and -this _fermentation_ he considered as the cause of digestion. By this -fermentation the _chyle_ is produced, which is nothing else than the -_volatile spirit_ of the food accompanied by an _oil_ and an alkali, -neutralized by a weak acid. The blood is more than completed (_plus -quam perficitur_) in the spleen. It acquires its highest perfection by -the addition of a certain quantity of vital spirits. The _bile_ is not -drawn from the blood in the liver, but pre-exists in the circulating -fluid. It mixes with that fluid anew to be carried to the heart -together with the _lymph_, equally mixed with the blood, and there it -gives origin to a vital fermentation. In this way the blood becomes -the centre of reunion of all the humours of the secretions, which mix -together or separate, without the solids taking the smallest share in -the operations. Indeed, so completely are the solids banished from -the system of Sylvius that he attends to nothing whatever except the -humours. - -The formation and motion of the blood is explained by the fermentation -of the oily volatile salt of the bile, and the dulcified acid of the -lymph, which develops the vital heat, by which the blood is attenuated -and becomes capable of circulating. This vital fire, quite different -from ordinary fire is kept up in its turn by the uniform mixture of the -blood. It attenuates the humours, not because it is _heat_ but because -it is composed of _pyramids_. This last notion is obviously borrowed -from Descartes, just as the fermentation in the heart, as the cause of -the motion of the blood, reminds us of the opinions of Van Helmont. - -Sylvius explains the preparation of the vital spirits in the encephalos -by distillation, and he finds a great resemblance between their -properties and those of spirit of wine. The nerves conduct these -spirits to the different parts, and they spread themselves in the -substance of the organs to render them sensible. When they insinuate -themselves into the glands the addition of the acid of the blood -produces a liquid analogous to naphtha, which constitutes the _lymph_. -Lymph, then, is a compound of the vital spirit and the acid of the -blood. _Milk_ is formed in the mammæ by the afflux of a very mild acid, -which gives a white colour to the red humour of the blood. - -The theory of the natural functions was no less chemical. Even the -diseases themselves were explained upon chemical principles. Sylvius -first introduced the word _acridity_ to denote a predominance of the -chemical elements of the humours, and he looked upon these _acridities_ -as the proximate cause of all diseases. But as every thing acrid may be -referred to one or other of two classes, acids and alkalies, there are -only two great classes of diseases; namely, those proceeding from an -_acid acridity_, and those proceeding from an _alkaline_. - -Sylvius was not altogether ignorant of the constituent parts of the -animal humours; but it is obvious, from the account of his opinions -just given, that this knowledge was very incomplete; indeed the whole -of his chemical science resolves itself into a comparison of the -humours of the living body with chemical liquids. Perhaps his notions -respecting such of the _gases_, as he had occasion to observe, were -somewhat clearer than those of Van Helmont. He called them _halitus_, -and takes some notice of their different chemical properties, and -states the influence which he supposes them to exert in certain -diseases. - -In the human body he saw nothing but a magna of humours continually in -fermentation, distillation, effervescence, or precipitation; and the -physician was degraded by him to the rank of a distiller or a brewer. - -Bile acquires different acridities, when bad food, altered air, -or other similar causes act apon the body. It becomes _acid_ or -_alkaline_. In the former case it thickens and occasions obstructions; -in the latter it excites febrile heat; and the viscid vapours elevated -from it are the cause of the cold fit with which fever commences. All -acute and continued fevers have their origin in this acridity of the -bile. The vicious mixture of the bile with the blood, or its specific -acridity, produces _jaundice_, which is far from being always owing to -obstructions in the liver. The vicious effervescence of the bile with -the pancreatic juice produces almost all other diseases. But all these -assertions of Sylvius are unsupported by evidence. - -The acid acridity of the pancreatic juice, and the obstruction of the -pancreatic ducts, which are produced by it, are considered by him as -the cause of intermittent fevers. When the acid of the pancreatic -juice acquires still more acridity, hypochondriasis and hysteria are -the consequences of it. If, during the morbid effervescence of the -pancreatic juice with the bile an acid and viscid humour arise, the -vital spirits of the heart are overwhelmed during a certain time. -This occasions syncope, palpitation of the heart, and other nervous -affections. - -When the acid acridity of the pancreatic juice or of the lymph (for -both are similar) is deposited on the nerves, the consequence is spasms -or convulsions; epilepsy in particular depends upon the acrid vapours -produced by the morbid effervescence of the pancreatic juice with acrid -bile. Gout has the same origin as intermittent fevers, for we must look -for it in the obstruction of the pancreas and the lymphatic glands, -accompanied with an acid acridity of the lymph. Rheumatism is owing to -the acrid acid, deprived of the oil which dulcifies it. The smallpox is -occasioned by an acid acridity in the lymph, which gives origin to the -pustules. Indeed all suppuration in general is owing to a coagulating -acid in the lymph. Syphilis results from a caustic acid in the lymph. -The itch is produced by an acid acridity of the lymph. Dropsies are -produced by the same acid acridity of the lymph. Urinary calculi are -the consequences of a coagulating acid existing in the lymph and the -pancreatic juice. Corrosive acids, and the loss of volatile spirits, -occasion leucorrhœa. - -From the preceding statement it would appear that almost all diseases -proceed from acids. However, Sylvius informs us that malignant fevers -are owing to a superabundance of volatile salts and to a too great -tenuity of the blood. The vital spirits themselves give occasion to -diseases. They are sometimes too aqueous, sometimes they effervesce too -violently, and sometimes not at all. Hence all the nervous diseases, -which Sylvius never considers as existing by themselves; but as always -derived from the acid, acrid, or alkaline vapours which trouble the -vital spirits. - -The method of cure which Sylvius deduced from these absurd and -contemptible hypotheses, was worthy of the hypotheses themselves; -and certainly constitute the most detestable mode of treatment that -ever has disgraced medical science. To diseases produced by the -effervescence of the bile he opposed purgatives; because in his -opinion emetics produced injurious effects. The reason was, that the -emetics which he employed were too violent, consisting of antimonial -preparations, particularly _powder of Algerotti_, or an impure -protoxide of antimony. For though _emetic tartar_ had been discovered -in 1630, it does not seem to have come into use till a much later -period. We do not find any notice of it in the _praxis chymiatrica_ of -Hartmann published in 1647, at Geneva. - -He endeavoured to moderate the acridity of the bile by opiates and -other narcotics. It will scarcely be believed, though it was a natural -consequence of his opinions, when we state that he recommended -ammoniacal preparations, particularly his oleaginous volatile salt, and -spirit of hartshorn, &c., as cures for almost all diseases. Sometimes -they were employed to correct the acidity of the lymph, sometimes -to destroy the acid acridity of the pancreatic juice, sometimes to -correct the inertness of the vital spirits, sometimes to promote the -secretions, and to induce a flow of the menses. Volatile spirit of -amber and opium were prescribed by him in intermittent fevers; and -volatile salts in almost all acute diseases. He united them with -antivenomous potions, angelica, contrayerva, bezoard, crabs’ eyes, and -other similar substances. These absorbents seemed to him very necessary -to correct the acidity of the pancreatic juice, and the acridity of the -bile. In administering them he paid no attention to the regular course -which acute diseases usually run; he neither inquired into the remote -nor proximate causes of disease, nor to the symptoms: every thing was -neglected connected with induction, and his whole proceedings regulated -by wild speculations and absurd theories, quite inconsistent with the -phenomena of nature. - -To attempt to refute these wild notions of Sylvius would be loss of -time. It is extraordinary, and almost incredible, that he could have -regulated his practice by them: and it is a still more incredible -thing, and exhibits a very humiliating view of human nature, that these -crudities and absurdities were swallowed with avidity by crowds of -students, who placed a blind reliance on the dogmas of their master, -and were initiated by him into a method of treating their patients, -better calculated than any other that could easily have been devised, -to aggravate all their diseases, and put an end to their lives. If any -of the patients of the iatro-chemists ever recovered their health, well -might it be said that their recovery was not the consequence of the -prescriptions of their physicians, but that it took place in spite of -them.[168] - -[168] As an example of the prescriptions of Sylvius, we give the -following for malignant fever: - - _R._ Theriac. veter. ᴣij - Antim. diaphor. ᴣj - Syrup. Card. Benedic. ℥ij - Aq. prophylact. ℥j - -- Cinnam. ℥ss - -- Scabios. ℥ij - M. D. - - -It is a very remarkable circumstance, and shows clearly that mankind -in general had become disgusted with the dogmas of the Galenists, -that iatro-chemistry was adopted more or less completely by almost -all physicians. There were, indeed, a few individuals who raised -their voices against it; but, what is curious and inexplicable, they -never attempted to start objections against the principles of the -iatro-chemists, or to point out the futility of their hypothesis, and -their inconsistency with fact. They combated them by arguments not more -solid than those of their antagonists. - -During the presidency of Riolan over the Medical College of Paris, -that learned body set itself against all innovations. Guy Patin, who -was a medical professor in the University of Paris, and a man of great -celebrity, opposed the chemical system of medicine with much zeal. In -his Martyrologium Antimonii he collects all the cases in which the use -of antimony, as a medicine, had proved injurious to the patient. But -in the year 1666, the dispute relative to antimony, and particularly -relative to tartar emetic, became so violent, that all the doctors of -the faculty of Paris were assembled by an order of the parliament, -under the presidency of Dean Vignon, and after a long deliberation, -it was concluded by a majority of ninety-two votes, that tartar -emetic, and other antimonials, should not only be permitted, but even -recommended. Patin after this decision pretended no longer to combat -chemical medicine; but he did not remain inactive. One of his friends, -Francis Blondel, demanded the resolution to be cancelled; but his -exertions were unsuccessful; nor were the writings of Guillemeau and -Menjot, who were also keen partisans of the views of Patin, attended -with better success. - -In England iatro-chemistry assumed a direction quite peculiar. It was -embraced by a set of men who had cultivated anatomy with the most -marked success, and who were quite familiar with the experimental -method of investigating nature. The most eminent of all the English -supporters of iatro-chemistry was Thomas Willis, who was a contemporary -of Sylvius. - -Dr. Willis was born at Great Bodmin, in Wiltshire, in 1621. He was -a student at Christchurch College, in Oxford, when that city was -garrisoned for King Charles I. Like the other students, he bore arms -for his Majesty, and devoted his leisure hours to the study of physic. -After the surrender of Oxford to the parliament, he devoted himself to -the practice of medicine, and soon acquired reputation. He appropriated -a room as an oratory for divine service, according to the forms of -the church of England, to which most of the loyalists of Oxford daily -resorted. In 1660, he became Sedleian professor of natural philosophy, -and the same year he took the degree of doctor of physic. He settled -ultimately in London, and soon acquired a higher reputation, and a more -extensive practice, than any of his contemporaries. He died in 1675, -and was buried in Westminster Abbey. He was a first-rate anatomist. To -him we are indebted for the first accurate description of the brain and -nerves. - -But it is as an iatro-chemist that he claims a place in this work. His -notions approach nearer to those of Paracelsus than to the hypotheses -of Van Helmont and Sylvius. He admits the three chemical elements of -Paracelsus, salt, sulphur, and mercury, in all the bodies in nature, -and employs them to explain their properties and changes; but he gives -the name of _spirit_ to the _mercury_ of Paracelsus. He ascribes to it -the virtue of volatilizing all the constituent parts of bodies: salt, -on the other hand, is the cause of fixity in bodies; _sulphur_ produces -colour and heat, and unites the _spirit_ to the _salt_. In the stomach -there occurs an acid ferment, which forms the chyle with the sulphur -of the aliments: this chyle enters into effervescence in the heart, -because the salt and sulphur take fire together. From this results -the vital flame, which penetrates every thing. The vital spirits are -secreted in the brain by a real distillation. The vessels of the testes -draw an elixir from the constituent parts of the blood; but the spleen -retains the earthy part, and communicates a new igneous ferment to the -circulating fluid. On this account the blood must be considered as a -humour, constantly disposed to fermentation, and in this respect it may -be compared to wine. Every humour in which salt, sulphur, and spirit -predominates in a certain manner, may be converted into a _ferment_. -All diseases proceed from a morbid state or action of this ferment; and -a physician may be compared to a wine-merchant; for, like him, he has -nothing to do but to watch that the necessary fermentations take place -with regularity, and that no foreign substance come to derange the -operation. - -At this period the mania of explaining every thing had proceeded to -such a length, that no distinction was made between dead and living -bodies. The chemical facts which were at that time known, were applied -without hesitation to explain all the functions and all the diseases -of the living body. According to Willis, fever is the simple result -of a violent and preternatural effervescence of the blood and the -other humours of the body, either produced by external causes, or by -internal ferments, into which the chyle is converted when it mixes -with the blood. The effervescence of the vital spirits is the source -of quotidians; that of salt and sulphur produces continued fever; and -external ferments of a malignant nature produce malignant fevers. Thus -the smallpox is owing to the seeds of fermentation set in activity by -an external principle of contagion. Spasms and convulsions are produced -by an explosion of the salt and sulphur with the animal spirits. -Hypochondriacal affections and hysteria depend originally on the morbid -putrifaction of the blood in the spleen, or on a bad fermentescible -principle, loaded with salt and sulphur, which unites with the vital -spirits and deranges them. Scurvy is owing to an alteration of the -blood, which may then be compared to vapid or stale wine. The gout is -merely the coagulation of the nutritive juices altered by the acidified -animal spirits; just as sulphuric acid forms a coagulum with carbonate -of potash. - -The action of medicines is easily explained by the effects which they -produce on the nourishing principles. Sudorifics are considered as -cordials, because they augment the sulphur of the blood, which is the -true food of the vital flame. Cordials purify the animal spirits, -and fix the too volatile blood. Willis disagrees with the other -iatro-chemists of his time in one thing: he recommends bleeding in -the greater number of diseases, as an excellent method of diminishing -unnatural fermentation. - -Dr. Croone, a celebrated Fellow of the Royal Society, was another -English iatro-chemist, who attempted to explain muscular motion by the -effervescence of the nervous fluid, or animal spirits. - -It is not worth while to notice the host of writers--English, French, -Italian, Dutch, and German, who exerted themselves to maintain, -improve, and defend, the chemical doctrines of medicine. The first -person who attempted to overturn these absurd doctrines, and to -introduce something more satisfactory in their place, was Mr. Boyle, at -that time in the height of his celebrity. - -Robert Boyle was born at Youghall, in the province of Munster, on the -25th of January, 1627. He was the seventh son, and the fourteenth -child of Richard, Earl of Cork. He was partly educated at home, and -partly at Eton, where he was under the tuition of Sir Henry Wotton. At -the age of eleven, he travelled with his brother and a French tutor -through France to Geneva, where he pursued his studies for twenty-one -months, and then went to Italy. During this period, he acquired the -French and Italian languages; and, indeed, talked in the former with -so much fluency and correctness, that he passed, when he thought -proper, for a Frenchman. In 1642, his father’s finances were deranged, -by the breaking out of the great Irish rebellion. His tutor, who was -a Genevese, was obliged to borrow, on his own credit, a sum of money -sufficient to carry him home. On his arrival, he found his father dead; -and, though two estates had been left to him, such was the state of the -times, that several years elapsed before he could command the requisite -sum of money to supply his exigencies. He retired to an estate at -Stalbridge, in Dorsetshire. - -In 1654 he went to Oxford, where he associated himself with a number of -eminent men (Dr. Willis among others), who had constituted themselves -into a combination for experimental investigations, distinguished by -the name of the _Philosophical College_. This society was transferred -to London; and, in 1663, was incorporated by Charles II. under the -name of the _Royal Society_. In 1668 Mr. Boyle took up his residence -in London, where he continued till the last day of December, 1691, -assiduously occupied in experimental investigations, on which day he -died, in the sixty-fifth year of his age. - -We are indebted to Mr. Boyle for the first introduction of the air-pump -and the thermometer into Britain, and for contributing so much, by -means of Dr. Hooke, to the improvement of both. His hydrostatical and -pneumatical investigations and experiments constitute the foundation -of these two sciences. The thermometer was first made an accurate -instrument of investigation by Sir Isaac Newton, in 1701. This he -did by selecting as two fixed points the temperatures at which water -freezes and boils; marking these upon the stem of the thermometer, -and dividing the interval between them into a certain number of -degrees. All thermometers made in this way will stand at the same -point when plunged into bodies of the same temperature. The number of -divisions between the freezing and boiling points constitute the cause -of the differences between different thermometers. In Fahrenheit’s -thermometer, which is used in Great Britain, the number of degrees, -between the freezing and boiling points of water, is 180; in Reaumur’s -it is 80; in Celsius’s, or the centigrade, it is 100; and in De Lisle’s -it is 150. - -But my reason for mentioning Mr. Boyle here was, the attempt which he -made in 1661, by the publication of his Sceptical Chemist, to overturn -the absurd opinions of the iatro-chemists. He raises doubts, not only -respecting the existence of the elements of the Peripatetics, but even -of those of the chemists. The first elements of bodies, in his opinion, -are _atoms_, of different shapes and sizes; the union of which gives -origin to what we vulgarly call _elements_. We cannot restrain the -number of these to four, as the Peripatetics do; nor to three, with the -chemists: neither are they immutable, but convertible into each other. -Fire is not the means that ought to be employed to obtain them; for -the _salt_ and _sulphur_ are formed during its action by the union of -different simple bodies. - -Boyle shows, besides, that the chemical theory of qualities is -exceedingly inaccurate and uncertain; because it takes for granted -things which are very doubtful, and in many cases directly contrary -to the phenomena of nature. He endeavours to prove the truth of these -ideas, and particularly the production of the chemical principles, by a -great number of convincing and conclusive experiments. - -In another treatise, entitled “The Imperfections of the Chemical -Doctrine of Qualities,”[169] he points out, in the second section, the -insufficiency of the hypotheses of Sylvius relative to the generality -of acids and alkalies. He shows that the offices ascribed to them -are arbitrary, and the notions respecting them unsettled; that the -hypotheses respecting them are needless, and insufficient, and afford -but an unsatisfactory solution of the phenomena. - -[169] Shaw’s Boyle, iii, 424. - -These arguments of Boyle did not immediately shake the credit of the -chemical system. In the year 1691, a chemical academy was founded -at Paris by Nicolas de Blegny, the express object of which was to -examine these objections of Boyle, which by this time had attracted -great attention. Boyle’s experiments were repeated and confirmed; but -the academicians, notwithstanding, came to the conclusion, that it is -unnecessary to have recourse to the true elements of bodies; and that -the phenomena which occur in the animal economy may be explained by the -predominance of acids or alkalies. Various other publications appeared, -all on the same side. - -In Germany, Hermann Conringius, the most skilful physician of his time, -opposed the chemical theory; and his opinions were impugned by Olaus -Borrichius, who defended not only alchymy, but the chemical theory of -medicine, with equal erudition and zeal.[170] - -[170] De Ortu et Progressu Chemiæ. _Hafniæ_, 1674. - -Towards the end of the sixteenth century, the chemists thought of -examining the liquids of the living body, to ascertain whether they -really contained the acids and alkalies which had been assigned them, -and considered as the cause of all diseases. But at that time chemistry -had made so little progress, and such was the want of skill of those -who undertook these investigations, that they readily obtained every -thing that was wanted to confirm their previous notions. John Viridet, -a physician of Geneva, announced that he had found an acid in the -saliva and the pancreatic juice, and an alkali in the gastric juice -and the bile. But the most celebrated experiments of that period were -those of Raimond Vieussens, undertaken in 1698, in order to discover -the presence of an acid spirit in the blood. His method was, to mix -blood with a species of clay, called _bole_, and to subject the mixture -to distillation. He found that the liquid distilled over was acid. -Charmed with this discovery, which he considered as of first-rate -importance, he announced it by letter to the different academies and -colleges in Europe. Some doubts being raised about the accuracy of -his experiment, it having been alleged that the acid came from the -clay which he had mixed with the blood, and not from the blood itself, -Vieussens purified the _bole_ from all the acid which it could contain, -and repeated his experiment again. The result was the same--the acrid -salt of the fluid yielded an acid spirit. - -It would be needless in the present state of our knowledge to point -out the inaccuracy of such an experiment, or how little it contributed -to prove that blood contains a free acid. It is now well known to -chemists, that blood is remarkably free from acids; and, that if we -except a little common salt, which exists in all the liquids of the -human body, there is neither any acid nor salt whatever in that liquid. - -Michael Ettmuller, at Leipsic, who was a chemist of some eminence in -his day, and published a small treatise on the science, which was much -sought after, was also a zealous iatro-chemist; but his opinions were -obviously regulated by the researches of Boyle. He denies the existence -of acids and alkalies in certain bodies, and distinguishes carefully -between acid and putrid fermentation. - -One of the most formidable antagonists to the iatro-chemical doctrines -was Dr. Archibald Pitcairne, first a professor of medicine in the -University of Leyden, and afterwards of Edinburgh, and one of the most -eminent physicians of his time. He was born in Edinburgh, on the 25th -of December, 1652. After finishing his school education in Dalkeith, -he went to the University of Edinburgh, where he improved himself in -classical learning, and completed a regular course of philosophy. He -turned his attention to the law, and prosecuted his studies with so -much ardour and intensity that his health began to suffer. He was -advised to travel, and set out accordingly for the South of France: by -the time he reached Paris he was so far recovered that he determined -to renew his studies; but as there was no eminent professor of law in -that city, and as several gentlemen of his acquaintance were engaged in -the study of medicine, he went with them to the lectures and hospitals, -and employed himself in this way for several months, till his affairs -called him home. - -On his return he applied himself chiefly to mathematics, in which, -under the auspices of his friend, the celebrated Dr. David Gregory, he -made uncommon progress. Struck with the charms of this science, and -hoping by the application of it to medicine to reduce the healing art -under the rigid rules of mathematical demonstration, he formed the -resolution of devoting himself to the study of medicine. There was at -that time no medical school in Edinburgh, and no hospital at which he -could improve himself; he therefore repaired to Paris, and devoted -himself to his studies with a degree of ardour that ensured an almost -unparalleled success. In 1680 he received from the faculty of Rheims -the degree of doctor of medicine, a degree also conferred on him in -1699 by the University of Aberdeen. - -In the year 1691 his reputation was so high that the University of -Leyden solicited him to fill the medical chair, at that time vacant; -he accepted the invitation, and delivered a course of lectures at -Leyden, which was greatly admired by all his auditors, among whom -were Boerhaave and Mead. At the close of the session he set out for -Scotland, to marry the daughter of Sir Archibald Stevenson: his friends -in his own country would not consent to part with him, and thus he was -reluctantly obliged to resign his chair in the University of Leyden. - -He settled as a physician in Edinburgh, where he was appointed titular -professor of medicine. His practice extended beyond example, and he was -more consulted by foreigners than any Edinburgh physician either before -or after his time. He died in October, 1713, admired and regretted by -the whole country. He was a zealous supporter of iatro-mathematics, and -as such a professed antagonist of the iatro-chemists. He refuted their -opinions with much strength of reasoning, while his high reputation -gave his opinions an uncommon effect; so that he contributed perhaps as -much as any one, to put a period to the most disgraceful, as well as -dangerous, set of opinions that ever overspread the medical horizon. - -Into the merits of the iatro-mathematicians it is not the business of -this work to enter; they at least display science, and labour, and -erudition, and in all these respects are far before the iatro-chemists. -Perhaps their own opinions were not more agreeable to the real -structure of the human body, nor their practice more conformable to -reason, or more successful than those of the chemists. Probably the -most valuable of all Dr. Pitcairne’s writings, is his vindication of -the claims of Hervey to the great discovery of the circulation. - -Boerhaave, the pupil of Pitcairne, and afterwards a professor -in Leyden, was a no less zealous or successful opponent of the -iatro-chemists. - -Herman Boerhaave, perhaps the most celebrated physician that ever -existed, if we except Hippocrates, was born at Voorhout, a village near -Leyden, in 1668, where his father was the parish clergyman. At the age -of sixteen he was left without parents, protection, advice, or fortune. -He had already studied theology, and the other branches of knowledge -that are considered as requisite for a clergyman, to which situation he -aspired; and while occupied with these studies he supported himself at -Leyden by teaching mathematics to the students--a branch of knowledge -to which he had devoted himself with considerable ardour while living -in his father’s house. But, a report being raised that he was attached -to the doctrines of Spinoza, the clamour against him was so loud -that he thought it requisite to renounce his intention of going into -_orders_.[171] He turned his studies to medicine, and the branches of -science connected with that pursuit, and these delightful subjects soon -engrossed the whole of his attention. In 1693 he was created doctor of -medicine, and began to practise. He continued to teach mathematics for -some time, till his practice increased sufficiently to enable him to -live by his fees. His spare money was chiefly laid out upon books; he -also erected a chemical laboratory, and though he had no garden he paid -great attention to the study of plants. His reputation increased with -considerable rapidity; but his fortune rather slowly. He was invited to -the Hague by a nobleman, who stood high in the favour of William III., -King of Great Britain; but he declined the invitation. His three great -friends, to whom he was in some measure indebted for his success, were -James Trigland, professor of theology, Daniel Alphen, and John Van den -Berg, both of them successively chief magistrates of Leyden, and men of -great influence. - -[171] While travelling in a tract-boat, one of his fellow-travellers -more orthodox than well informed, attacked the system of Spinoza with -so little spirit, that Boerhaave was tempted to ask him if he had ever -read Spinoza. The polemic was obliged to confess that he had not; but -he was so much provoked at this public exposure of his ignorance, that -he propagated the report of Boerhaave’s attachment to Spinozism, and -thus blasted his intention of becoming a clergyman. - -Van den Berg recommended him to the situation of professor of medicine -in the University of Leyden, to which chair he was raised, fortunately -for the reputation of the university, on the death of Drelincourt, -in 1702. He not only gave public lectures on medicine, but was in -the habit also of giving private instructions to his pupils. His -success as a teacher was so great, that a report having been spread -of his intention to quit Leyden, the curators of the university added -considerably to his salary on condition that he would not leave them. - -This first step towards fortune and eminence having been made, others -followed with great rapidity. He was appointed successively professor -of botany and of chemistry, while rectorships and deanships were -showered upon him with an unsparing hand. And such was the activity, -the zeal, and the ability with which he filled all these chairs, -that he raised the University of Leyden to the very highest rank of -all the universities of Europe. Students flocked to him from all -quarters--every country of Europe furnished him with pupils; Leyden -was filled and enriched by an unusual crowd of strangers. Though his -class-rooms were large, yet so great was the number of students, that -it was customary for them to keep places, just as is done in a theatre -when a first-rate actor is expected to perform. He died in the year -1738, while still filling the three different chairs with undiminished -reputation. - -It is not our object here to speak of Boerhaave as a physician, or as a -teacher of medicine, or of botany; though in all these capacities he is -entitled to the very highest eulogium; his practice was as unexampled -as his success as a teacher. It is solely as a chemist that he claims -our attention here. His system of chemistry, published in two quarto -volumes in 1732, and of which we have an excellent English translation -by Dr. Shaw, printed in 1741, was undoubtedly the most learned and -most luminous treatise on chemistry that the world had yet seen; it -is nothing less than a complete collection of all the chemical facts -and processes which were known in Boerhaave’s time, collected from -a thousand different sources, and from writings equally disgusting -from their obscurity and their mysticism. Every thing is stated in -the plainest way, stripped of all mystery, and chemistry is shown as -a science and an art of the first importance, not merely to medicine, -but to mankind in general. The processes given by him are too numerous -and too tedious to have been all repeated by one man, how laborious -soever he may have been: many of them have been taken upon trust, and, -as no distinction is made in the book, between those which are stated -upon his own authority and those which are merely copied from others, -this treatise has been accused, and with some justice, as not always -to be depended on. But the real information which it communicates is -prodigious, and when we compare it with any other system of chemistry -that preceded it, the superiority of Boerhaave’s information will -appear in a very conspicuous point of view. - -After a short but valuable historical introduction he divides his work -into two parts; the first treats of the _theory of chemistry_, the -second of the _practical processes_. - -He defines chemistry as follows: “Chemistry is an art which teaches -the manner of performing certain physical operations, whereby bodies -cognizable to the senses, or capable of being rendered cognizable, -and of being contained in vessels, are so changed by means of proper -instruments, as to produce certain determinate effects; and at the same -time discover the causes thereof; for the service of various arts.” - -This definition is not calculated to throw much light on chemistry to -those who are unacquainted with its nature and object. Neither is it -conformable to the modern notions entertained of chemistry; but it is -requisite to keep in mind Boerhaave’s definition of chemistry, when -we examine his system, that we may not accuse him of omissions and -imperfections, which are owing merely to the state of the science when -he gave his system to the world. - -In his theory of chemistry he begins with the metals, which he treats -of in the following order: Gold, mercury, lead, silver, copper, iron, -tin. The account of them, though imperfect, is much fuller and more -satisfactory than any that preceded it. He then treats of the salts, -which are, common salt, saltpetre, borax, sal ammoniac and alum. This -it will be admitted is but a meagre list. However other salts occur in -different parts of the book which are not described here. He next gives -an account of sulphur. Here he introduces _white arsenic_, obtained, -he says, from cobalt, and not known for more than two hundred years. -He considers it as a real sulphur, and takes no notice of metallic -arsenic, though it had been already alluded to by Paracelsus. He then -treats of bitumens, including under the name not merely bitumens liquid -and solid, but likewise pit-coal, amber, and ambergris. An account -of stones and earths comes next, and constitutes the most defective -part of the book. It is very surprising that in this part of his work -he takes no notice of _lime_. The semi-metals come next: they are, -antimony, bismuth, zinc. Here he gives an account of the three vitriols -or sulphates of iron, copper, and zinc. He knew the composition of -sulphate of iron; but was ignorant of that of sulphate of copper and -sulphate of zinc. He considers semi-metals as compounds of a true metal -and sulphur, and therefore enumerates cinnabar among the semi-metals. -Lastly he treats of vegetables and animals; and it is needless to say -that his account is very imperfect. - -He next treats of the utility of chemistry, and shows its importance -in natural philosophy, medicine, and the arts. Afterwards he describes -the instruments of chemistry. This constitutes the longest and the most -important part of the whole work. He first treats of fire at great -length. Here we have an account of the thermometer, of the expansion -produced by heat, of steam, and in fact the germ of many of the most -important parts of the science of heat, which have since been expanded -and applied to the improvement, not merely of chemistry, but of the -arts and resources of human industry. The experiments of Fahrenheit -related by him, on the change of temperature induced by agitating water -and mercury together at different degrees of heat, gave origin to the -whole doctrine of specific heats. Though Boerhaave himself seemed not -aware of the importance of these experiments, or indeed even to have -considered them with any attention. But when afterwards analyzed by Dr. -Black, these experiments gave origin to one of the most important parts -of the whole science of heat. - -He next treats at great length on _fuel_. Here his opinions are often -very erroneous, from his ignorance of a vast number of facts which -have since come to light. It is curious that during the whole of his -very long account of combustion he makes no allusion to the peculiar -opinions of Stahl on the subject; though they were known to the public, -and had been admitted by chemists in general, before his work was -published. To what are we to ascribe this omission? It could scarcely -have been owing to ignorance, Stahl’s reputation being too high to -allow his opinions to be treated with neglect. We must suppose, I -think, that Boerhaave did not adopt Stahl’s doctrine of combustion; but -at the same time did not think it proper to enter into any controversy -on the subject. - -He next treats of the heat produced when different liquids are mixed, -as alcohol and water, &c. He gives many examples of such increase -of temperature, and describes the phenomena very correctly. But he -was unable to assign the cause of the evolution of this heat. The -subject was elucidated many years after by Dr. Irvine, who showed that -it was owing to a diminution of the specific heat which takes place -when liquids combine chemically together. It is in this part of his -work that he gives an account of phosphorus, of the action of nitric -acid on volatile oils, and he concludes, from all the facts which he -states, that elementary fire is a corporeal body. His explanation -of the combustion of Homberg’s pyrophorus and of common phosphorus, -shows clearly that he had no correct notion of the reason why air is -necessary to maintain combustion, nor of the way in which that elastic -fluid performs its part in the great phenomena of nature. - -He next treats of the mode of regulating fire for chemical purposes: -then he treats of _air_, his account being chiefly taken from Boyle. -He ascribes the discovery of the law of the elasticity of air both -to Boyle and Mariotte. Boyle, I believe, was the first discoverer of -it. The French are in the habit of calling it the law of Mariotte. -He then treats of _water_, and lastly of _earth_; but even here no -mention whatever is made of lime. In the last part of the theory of -chemistry he treats at great length of menstruums. These are water, -oils, alcohol, alkalies, acids, and neutral salts. He mentions potash -and ammonia, but takes no notice of soda; the difference between potash -and soda not being accurately known. Nor can we expect any particular -account of the difference between the properties of mild and caustic -potash; as this subject was not understood till the time of Dr. Black. -The only acids which he mentions are the _acetic_, _sulphuric_, -_nitric_, _muriatic_, and _aqua regia_. He subjoins a disquisition on -the alcahest or universal solvent, which it is obvious enough, however, -from the way in which he speaks of it, that he was not a believer in. -The object of his practical part is to teach the method of making all -the different chemical substances known when he wrote. This he does in -two hundred and twenty-seven processes, in which all the manipulations -are described with considerable minuteness. This part of the work must -have been long considered as of great utility, and must have been long -resorted to by the student as a mine of practical information upon -almost every subject that could arrest his attention. So immense is -the progress that chemistry has made since the days of Boerhaave, and -so different are the researches that at present occupy chemists, and -so much greater the degree of precision requisite to be attained, that -his processes and directions are now of little or no use to a practical -student of chemistry, as they convey little or none of the knowledge -which it is requisite for him to possess. - -Boerhaave made a set of most elaborate experiments, to refute the ideas -of the alchymists respecting the possibility of fixing mercury. He -put a quantity of pure mercury into a glass vessel, and kept it for -fifteen years at a temperature rather higher than 100°. It underwent no -alteration whatever, excepting that a small portion of it was converted -into a black powder. But this black powder was restored to the state of -running mercury by trituration in a mortar. In this experiment the air -had free access to the mercury. It was repeated in a close vessel with -the same result, excepting that the mercury was kept hot for only six -months instead of fifteen years. - -To show that mercury cannot be obtained from metals by the processes -recommended by the alchymists, he dissolved pure nitrate of lead in -water, and, mixing the solution with sal ammoniac, chloride of lead -precipitated. Of this chloride he put a quantity into a retort, and -poured over it a strong lixivium of caustic potash, The whole was -digested at the temperature of 96° for six months and six days. It was -then distilled in a glass retort, by a temperature gradually raised to -redness, but not a particle of mercury was evaporated, as it had been -alleged by the alchymists would be the case. - -Isaac Hollandus had stated that mercury could be easily obtained from -the salt of lead made by means of distilled vinegar. To prove this he -calcined a quantity of acetate of lead, ground the residue to powder, -and triturated it with a very strong alkaline lixivium, and kept the -lixivium over it covered with paper for months, taking care to add -water in proportion as it evaporated. The calx was then distilled in -a heat gradually raised to redness; but not a particle of mercury was -obtained.[172] - -[172] Mem. Paris, 1734, p. 539. - -These were not the only laborious experiments which he made with this -metal. He distilled it above five hundred times, and found that it -underwent no alteration. When long agitated in a glass bottle it is -convertible into a black acrid powder, obviously protoxide of mercury. -This black powder, when distilled, is converted into running mercury. -Exposure of mercury for some months in a heat of 180°, converts it also -into protoxide; and if the heat be higher than this, the mercury is -converted into a red acrid substance, obviously peroxide of mercury. -But this peroxide, by simple distillation, is again reduced into the -state of running mercury.[173] - -[173] Phil. Trans. 1733. No. 430, p. 145. - -Boerhaave combated the opinions of the iatro-chemists with great -eloquence, and with a weight derived from his high reputation, and -the extraordinary veneration in which his opinions were held by his -disciples. His efforts were assisted by those of Bohn, who combated -the medical opinions by arguments drawn both from experience and -observation, and perfectly irresistible; and the ruin of the chemical -sect was consummated by the exertions of the celebrated Frederick -Hoffmann, the founder of the most perfect and satisfactory system of -medicine that has ever appeared. His efforts were probably roused into -action by a visit which he paid to England in 1683, during which he -got acquainted with Boyle and with Sydenham; the former the greatest -experimentalist, and the latter the greatest physician of the time; and -both of whom were declared enemies to iatro-chemistry. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -OF AGRICOLA AND METALLURGY. - - -I have been induced by a wish to prosecute the history of the opinions -first supported by Paracelsus, and carried so much further by Van -Helmont and Sylvius, to give a connected view of their effects -upon medical practice and medical theory; and I have come to the -commencement of the eighteenth century, without taking notice of one -of the most extraordinary men, and one of the greatest promoters of -chemistry that ever existed: I mean George Agricola. I shall consecrate -the whole of this chapter to his labours, and those of his immediate -successors. - -George Agricola was born at Glaucha, in Misnia, in the year 1494. -When a young man he acquired such a passion for mining and minerals, -by frequenting the mountains of Bohemia, that he could not be -persuaded to relinquish the study. He settled, indeed, as a physician, -at Joachimstal; but his favourite study engrossed so much of his -attention, that he succeeded but ill in his medical capacity. This -induced him to withdraw to Chemnitz, where he devoted himself to his -favourite pursuits. He studied the mineralogical writings of the -ancients with the most minute accuracy; but not satisfied with this, he -visited the mines in person, examined the processes followed by the -miners in extracting the different ores, and in washing and sorting -them. He made collections of all the different ores, and studied their -nature and properties attentively: he likewise collected information -about the methods of smelting them, and extracting from them the metals -in a state of purity. The information which he collected, respecting -the mines wrought in the different countries of Europe, is quite -wonderful, if we consider the period in which he lived, the little -intercourse which existed between nations, and the total want of all -those newspapers and journals which now carry every new scientific fact -with such rapidity to every part of the world. - -Agricola died at Chemnitz in the year 1555, after he had reached -the sixty-first year of his age. Maurice, the celebrated Elector of -Saxony, settled on him a pension, the whole of which he devoted to -his metallurgic pursuits. To him we find him dedicating the edition -of his works which he published in the year of his death, and which -is dated the fourteenth before the calends of April, 1555. He even -spent a considerable proportion of his own estate in following out -his favourite investigations. In the earlier part of his life he had -expressed himself rather favourable to the protestant opinions; but in -his latter days he had attacked the reformed religion. This rendered -him so odious to the Lutherans, at that time predominant in Chemnitz, -that they suffered his body to remain unburied for five days together; -so that it was necessary to remove it from Chemnitz to Zeitz, where it -was interred in the principal church. - -His great work is his treatise De Re Metallica, in twelve books. In -this work he gives an account of the instruments and machines, and -every thing connected with mining and metallurgy; and even gives -figures of all the different pieces of apparatus employed in his -time. He has also exhibited the Latin and German names for all these -different utensils. This work may be considered as a very complete -treatise on metallurgy, as it existed in the sixteenth century. The -first six books are occupied with an account of mining and smelting. In -the seventh book he treats of _docimasy_, or the method of determining -the quantity of metal which can be extracted from every particular -ore. This he does so completely, that most of his processes are still -followed by miners and smelters. He gives a minute and accurate account -of the furnaces, muffles, crucibles, &c., almost such as are still -employed, with minute directions for preparing the ores which are -to be subjected to examination, the fluxes with which they must be -mixed, and the precautions necessary in order to obtain a satisfactory -result. In short, this book may be considered as a complete manual of -docimasy. How much of the methods given originated with Agricola it -is impossible to say. He probably did little more than collect the -scattered processes employed by the smelters of metals, in different -parts of the world, and reduce the whole to a regular system. But this -was a great deal. Perhaps it is not saying too much, that the great -progress made in the chemical investigation of the metals, was owing in -a great measure to the labours of Agricola. Certainly the progress made -by the moderns, in the difficult arts of mining and metallurgy, must in -a great measure be ascribed to the labours of Agricola. - -In the eighth book he describes the mechanical preparation of the ores, -and the mode of roasting them, either in the open air or in furnaces. -The ninth book is occupied with an account of smelting-furnaces. It -contains also a description of the processes for obtaining mercury, -antimony, and bismuth, from their ores. The tenth book treats of the -separation of silver and gold from each other, by means of nitric acid -and aqua regia: minute directions for the preparation of which are -given. The modes of purifying the precious metals by means of sulphur, -antimony, and cementations, are also described. In the eleventh book -he treats of the method of purifying silver from copper and iron, by -means of lead. He gives an account also of the processes employed for -smelting and purifying copper. In the twelfth book he treats of the -methods of preparing common salt, saltpetre, alum, and green vitriol, -or sulphate of iron: of the preparation and purification of sulphur, -and of the mode of manufacturing glass. In short, Agricola’s work De Re -Metallica is beyond comparison the most valuable chemical work which -the sixteenth century produced, and places the author very high indeed -among the list of the improvers of chemistry. - -The other works of Agricola are his treatise De Natura Fossilium, -in ten books; De Ortu et Causis Subterraneorum, in five books; De -Natura eorum quæ effluunt ex Terra, in four books; De veteribus et -novis Metallis, in two books; and his Bermannus sive de re metallica -Dialogus. The treatise De veteribus et novis Metallis is amusing. -He not only collects together all the historical facts on record, -respecting the first discoverers of the different metals and the -first workers of mines, but he gives many amusing anecdotes nowhere -else to be found, respecting the way in which some of the most -celebrated German mines were discovered. In the second book he takes -a geographical view of every part of the known world, and states -the mines wrought and the metals found in each. We must not suppose -that all his statements in this historical sketch are accurate: to -admit it would be to allow him a greater share of information than -could possibly belong to any one man. He frequently gives us the -authority upon which his statements are founded; but he often makes -statements without any authority whatever. Thus he says, that a mine of -quicksilver had been recently discovered in Scotland: the fact however, -is, that no quicksilver-mine ever existed in any part of Britain. There -was, indeed, a foolish story circulated about thirty years ago, about -a vein of quicksilver found under the town of Berwick-upon-Tweed; but -it was an assertion unsupported by any authentic evidence. - -Many years elapsed before much addition was made to the processes -described by Agricola. In the year 1566, Pedro Fernandes de Velasco -introduced a method of extracting gold and silver from their ores -in Mexico and Peru by means of quicksilver. But I have never seen -a description of his process. Alonzo Barba claims for himself, and -seemingly with justice, the method of amalgamating the ores of gold -and silver by boiling. Barba was a Spanish priest, who lived about the -year 1609, at Tarabuco, a market-town in the province of Charcso, eight -miles from Plata, in South America. In the year 1615 he was curate at -Tiaguacano, in the Province of Pacayes, and in 1617, he lived at Lepas -in Peru. He is said to have been a native of Lepe, a small township -in Andalusia, and had for many years the living of the church of St. -Bernard at Potosi. His work on the amalgamation of gold and silver -ores appeared at Madrid in the year 1640, in quarto.[174] In the year -1629 a new edition of it appeared with an appendix, under the title of -“Trattado de las Antiquas Minas de España de Alonzo Carillo Lasso.” -The English minister at the Court of Madrid, the Earl of Sandwich, -published the first part of it in an English translation at London, -in 1674, under the title of “The First Book of the Art of Metals, in -which is declared the manner of their generation, and the concomitants -of them, written in Spanish by Albaro Alonzo Barba. By E. Earl of -Sandwich.” - -[174] It is entitled, “El Arte de los Metales, en que se ensena el -verdadero beneficio de los de oro y plata por azoque,” &c. - -The next improver of metallurgic processes was Lazarus Erckern, -who was upper bar-master at Kuttenberg, in the year 1588, and was -superintendent of the mines in Germany, Hungary, Transylvania, the -Tyrol, &c., to three successive emperors. His work has been translated -into English under the title of “Heta Minor; or the laws of art and -nature in knowing, judging, assaying, fining, refining, and enlarging -the bodies of confined metals. To which are added essays on metallic -words, illustrated with sculptures. By Sir J. Pettus. London, 1683, -folio.” But this translation is a very bad one. Erckern gives a plain -account of all the processes employed in his time without a word of -theory or reasoning. It is an excellent practical book; though it is -obvious enough that the author was inferior in point of abilities to -Agricola. His treatment of Don Juan de Corduba, who offered, in 1588, -to put the Court of Vienna in possession of the Spanish method of -extracting gold and silver from the ores by amalgamation, as related by -Baron Born in his work on amalgamation, shows very clearly that Erckern -was a very illiberal-minded man, and puffed up with an undue conceit -of his own superior knowledge.[175] Had he condescended to assist the -Spaniard, and to furnish him with proper materials to work upon, the -Austrians might have been in possession of the process of amalgamation -with all its advantages a couple of centuries before its actual -introduction. - -[175] Born’s New Process of Amalgamation, translated by Raspe, p. 11. - -I need not take any notice of the docimastic treatises of Schindlers -and Schlutter, which are of a much later date, and both of which have -been translated into French, the former by Geoffroy, junior; the latter -by Hellot. This last translation, in two large quartos, published in -1764, constitutes a very valuable book, and exhibits all the docimastic -and metallurgic processes known at that period with much fidelity -and minuteness. Very great improvements have taken place since that -period, but I am not aware of any work published in any of the European -languages, that is calculated to give us an exact idea of the present -state of the various mining and metallurgic processes--important as -they are to civilized society. - -Gellert’s Metallurgic Chemistry, so far as it goes, is an excellent -book. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -OF GLAUBER, LEMERY, AND SOME OTHER CHEMISTS OF THE END OF THE -SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. - - -Hitherto I have treated of the alchymists, or iatro-chemists, and -have brought the history of chemistry down to the beginning of the -eighteenth century. But during the seventeenth century there existed -several laborious chemists, who contributed very materially by their -exertions, either to extend the bounds of the science, or to increase -its popularity and respectability in the eyes of the world. Of some of -the most eminent of these it is my intention to give an account in this -chapter. - -Of John Rudolf Glauber, the first of these meritorious men in point of -time, I know very few particulars. He was a German and a medical man, -and spent most of his time at Salzburg, Ritzingen, Frankfort on the -Maine, and at Cologne. Towards the end of his life he went to Holland, -but during the greatest part of his residence in that country he was -confined to a sick-bed. He died at Amsterdam in 1668, after having -reached a very advanced age. Like Paracelsus, whom he held in high -estimation, he was in open hostility with the Galenical physicians of -his time. This led him into various controversies, and induced him -to publish various apologies; most of which still remain among his -writings. One of the most curious of these apologies is the one against -Farmer. To this man Glauber had communicated certain secrets of his -own, which were at that time considered as of great value; Farrner -binding himself not to communicate them to any person. This obligation -he not only broke, but publicly deprecated the skill and integrity of -Glauber, and offered to communicate to others, for stipulated sums, -a set of secrets of his own, which he vaunted of as particularly -valuable. Glauber examines these secrets, and shows that every one -of them possessed of any value, had been communicated by himself to -Farrner, and to put an end to Farrner’s unfair attempt to make money by -selling Glauber’s secrets, he in this apology communicates the whole -processes to the public. - -Glauber’s works were published in Amsterdam, partly in Latin, and -partly in the German language. In the year 1689 an English translation -of them was published in London by Mr. Christopher Packe, in one -large folio volume. Glauber was an alchymist and a believer in the -universal medicine. But he did not confine his researches to these -two particulars, but endeavoured to improve medicine and the arts by -the application of chemical processes to them. In his treatise of -_philosophical furnaces_ he does not confine himself to a description -of the method of constructing furnaces, and explaining the use of -them, but gives an account of a vast many processes, and medicinal and -chemical preparations, which he made by means of these furnaces. One of -the most important of these preparations was muriatic acid, which he -obtained by distilling a mixture of common salt, sulphate of iron, and -alum, in one of the furnaces which he describes. - -He makes known the method of dissolving most of the metals in muriatic -acid, and the resulting chlorides, which he denominates oils of the -respective metals, constitute in his opinion valuable medicines. He -mentions particularly the chloride of gold, and from the mode of -preparing it, the solution must have been strong. Yet he recommends it -as an internal medicine, which he says may be taken with safety, and -is a sovereign remedy in old ulcers of the mouth, tongue, and throat, -arising from the French pox, leprosy, scorbute, &c. Thus we see the use -of gold as a remedy for the venereal disease did not originate with M. -Chretiens, of Montpelier. This chloride of gold is so violent a poison -that it is remarkable that Glauber does not specify the dose that -patients labouring under the diseases for which he recommends it ought -to take.--The sesqui-chloride of iron he recommends as a most excellent -application to ill-conditioned ulcers and cancers. We see from this -that the use of iron in cancers, lately recommended, is not so new a -remedy as has been supposed. - -He mentions the violent action of chloride of mercury (obviously -corrosive sublimate), and says that he saw a woman suddenly killed by -it, being administered internally by a surgeon. Butter of antimony -he first recognised as nothing else than a combination of chlorine -and antimony; before his time it had been always supposed to contain -mercury. - -He describes the method of obtaining sulphuric acid by distilling -sulphate of iron; gives an account of the mode of obtaining sulphate -of iron and sulphate of copper, in crystals: the method of obtaining -nitric acid from nitre by means of alum, was much improved by him. He -gives a particular detail of the way of obtaining fulminating gold. -This fulminating gold he says is of little use in medicine; but he -gives a method of preparing from it a red tincture of gold, which he -considers as one of the most useful and efficacious of all medicines: -this tincture is nothing else than chloride of gold. It would take up -too much space to attempt an analysis of all the curious facts and -preparations described in this treatise on philosophical furnaces; -but it will repay the perusal of any person who will take the trouble -to look into it. All the different pharmacopœias of the seventeenth -century borrowed from it largely. The third part of this treatise -is peculiarly interesting. It will be seen that Glauber had already -thought of the peculiar efficacy of applying solutions of sulphur, -&c. to the skin, and had anticipated the various vapour and gaseous -baths which have been introduced in Vienna and other places, during -the course of the present century, and considered as new, and as -constituting an important era in the healing art. In the fourth part -he not only treats of the docimastic processes, so well described by -Agricola and Erckern, but gives us the method of making glass, and -of imitating the precious stones by means of coloured glasses. The -fifth part is peculiarly valuable; in it he treats of the methods of -preparing lutes for glass vessels, of the construction and qualities of -crucibles, and of the vitrification of earthen vessels. - -Another of his tracts is called “The Mineral Work;” the object of which -is to show the method of separating gold from flints, sand, clay, -and other minerals, by the spirit of salt (_muriatic acid_), which -otherwise cannot be purged; also a panacea, or universal antimonial -medicine. This panacea was a solution of deutoxide of antimony in -pyrotartaric acid; Glauber gives a most flattering account of its -efficacy in removing the most virulent diseases, particularly all kinds -of cutaneous eruptions. The second and third parts of The Mineral Work -are entirely alchymistical. In the treatise called “Miraculum Mundi,” -his chief object is to write a panegyric on _sulphate of soda_, of -which he was the discoverer, and to which he gave the name of _sal -mirabile_. The high terms in which he speaks of this innocent salt -are highly amusing, and serve well to show the spirit of the age, -and the dreams which still continued to haunt the most laborious and -sober-minded chemists. The _sal mirabile_ was not merely a purgative, -a virtue which it certainly possesses in a high degree, being as mild -a purgative, perhaps the very best, of all the saline preparations -yet tried; but it was a universal medicine, a panacea, a cure for all -diseases: nor was Glauber contented with this, but pointed out many -uses in the various arts and manufactures for which in his opinion -it was admirably fitted. But by far the fullest account of this _sal -mirabile_ is given by him in his treatise on the nature of salts. - -I shall satisfy myself with giving the titles of his other tracts. -Every one of them contains facts of considerable importance, not to be -found in any chemical writings that preceded him; but to attempt to -connect these facts into one point of view would be needless, because -they are not such as would be likely to interest the general reader. - -1. The Consolation of Navigators. This gives an account of a method by -which sailors may carry with them a great deal of nourishment in very -small bulk. The method consists in evaporating the wort of malt to -dryness, and carrying the dry extract to sea. This method has been had -recourse to in modern times, and has been found to furnish an effectual -remedy against the scurvy. He recommends also the use of muriatic acid -as a remedy for thirst, and a cure for the scurvy. - -2. A true and perfect Description of the extracting good Tartar from -the Lees of Wine. - -3. The first part of the Prosperity of Germany; in which is treated of -the concentration of wine, corn, and wood, and the more profitable use -of them than has hitherto been. - -4. The second part of the Prosperity of Germany; wherein is shown by -what means minerals may be concentrated by nitre, and turned into -metallic and better bodies. - -5. The third part of the Prosperity of Germany; in which is delivered -the way of most easily and plentifully extracting saltpetre out of -various subjects, every where obvious and at hand. Together with a -succinct explanation of Paracelsus’s prophecy; that is to say, in what -manner it is to be understood the northern lion will institute or plant -his political or civil monarchy; and that Paracelsus himself will not -abide in his grave; and that a vast quantity of riches will offer -itself. Likewise who the artist Elias is, of whose coming in the last -days, and his disclosing abundance of secrets, Paracelsus and others -have predicted. - -6. The fourth part of the Prosperity of Germany; in which are revealed -many excellent, useful secrets, and such as are serviceable to the -country; and withal several preparations of efficacious cates extracted -out of the metals and appointed to physical uses; as also various -confections of golden potions. To which is also adjoined a small -treatise which maketh mention of my laboratory; in which there shall be -taught and demonstrated (for the public good and benefit of mankind) -wonderful secrets, and unto every body most profitable but hitherto -unknown. - -7. The fifth part of the Prosperity of Germany; clearly and solidly -demonstrating and as it were showing with the fingers, what alchymy is, -and what benefit may, by the help thereof, be gotten every where and in -most places of Germany. Written and published to the honour of God, the -giver of all good things, primarily; and to the honour of all the great -ones of the country; and for the health, profit, and assistance against -foreign invasions, of all their inhabitants that are by due right and -obedience subject unto them. - -8. The sixth and last part of the Prosperity of Germany; in which the -arcanas already revealed in the fifth part, are not only illustrated -and with a clear elucidation, but also such are manifested as are most -highly necessary to be known for the defence of the country against -the Turks. Together with an evident demonstration adjoined, showing, -that both a particular and universal transmutation of the imperfect -metals into more perfect ones by salt and fire, is most true; and -withal, by what means any one, that is endued with but a mean knowledge -in managing the fire, may experimentally try the truth hereof in -twenty-four hours’ space. - -9. The first century of Glauber’s wealthy Storehouse of -Treasures.--Many of the processes given in this treatise are mystically -stated, or even concealed. - -10. The second, third, fourth, and fifth century of Glauber’s wealthy -Storehouse of Treasures. - -11. New chemical Light; being a revelation of a certain new invented -secret, never before manifested to the world.--This was a method of -extracting gold from stones. Probably the gold found by Glauber in his -processes existed in some of the reagents employed; this, at least, is -the most natural way of accounting for the result of Glauber’s trials. - -15. The spagyrical Pharmacopœia, or Dispensatory.--In this book he -treats chiefly of medicines peculiarly his own; one of those, on -which he bestows the greatest praise, is _secret sal ammoniac_, or -sulphate of ammonia. He describes the method of preparing this salt, by -saturating sulphuric acid with ammonia. He informs us that it was much -employed by Paracelsus and Van Helmont, who distinguished it by the -name of _alkahest_. - -13. Book of Fires.--Full of enigmas. - -14. Treatise of the three Principles of Metals; viz. sulphur, mercury, -and salt of philosophers; how they may be profitably used in medicine, -alchymy, and other arts. - -15. A short Book of Dialogues. Chiefly relating to alchymy. - -16. Proserpine, or the Goddess of Riches. - -17. Of Elias the Artist. - -18. Of the three most noble Stones generated by three Fires. - -19. Of the Purgatory of Philosophers. - -20. Of the secret Fire of Philosophers. - -21. A Treatise concerning the Animal Stone. - -John Kunkel, who acquired a high reputation as a chemist, was born -in the Duchy of Sleswick; in the year 1630: his father was a trading -chemist, or apothecary; and Kunkel himself had, in his younger years, -paid great attention to the business of an apothecary: he had also -diligently studied the different processes of glass-making; and had -paid particular attention to the assaying of metals. In the year 1659, -he was chamberlain, chemist, and superintendent of apothecaries to the -dukes Francis Charles and Julius Henry, of Lauenburg. While in this -situation, he examined many pretended transmutations of metals, and -undertook other researches of importance. From this situation he was -invited, by John George II., Elector of Saxony, on the recommendation -of Dr. Langelott and Counsellor Vogt, as chamberlain and superintendent -of the elector’s laboratory, with a considerable salary. From this -situation he went to Berlin, where he was chemist to the elector -Frederick William; after whose death, his laboratory and glass-house -were accidentally burnt. From Berlin he was invited to Stockholm by -Charles XI., King of Sweden, who gave him the title of counsellor -of metals, and raised him to the rank of a nobleman: here he died, -in 1702, in the seventy-second year of his age. Kunkel’s greatest -discovery was, the method of extracting phosphorus from urine. This -curious substance had been originally discovered by Brandt, a chemist, -of Hamburg, in the year 1669, as he was attempting to extract from -human urine a liquid capable of converting silver into gold. He showed -a specimen of it to Kunkel, with whom he was acquainted: Kunkel -mentioned the fact as a piece of news to one Kraft, a friend of his in -Dresden, where he then resided: Kraft immediately repaired to Hamburg, -and purchased the secret from Brandt for 200 rix-dollars, doubtless -exacting from him, at the same time, a promise not to reveal it to -any other person. Soon after, he exhibited the phosphorus publicly -in Britain and in France; whether for money, or not, does not appear. -Kunkel, who had mentioned to his friend his intention of getting -possession of the process, being vexed at the treacherous conduct of -Kraft, attempted to discover it himself, and, after three or four years -labour, he succeeded, though all that he knew from Brandt was, that -urine was the substance from which the phosphorus was procured. In -consequence of this success, phosphorus was at first distinguished by -the epithet of _Kunkel_ added to the name. - -Kunkel published, in 1678, a treatise on phosphorus, in which he -describes the properties of this substance, at that time a subject of -great wonder and curiosity. In this treatise, he proposes phosphorus -as a remedy of some efficacy, and gives a formula for preparing pills -of it, to be taken internally. It is therefore erroneous to suppose, -as has been done, that the introduction of this dangerous remedy into -medicine is a modern discovery. Kunkel appears to have been acquainted -with nitric ether. One of the most valuable of his books, is his -treatise on glass-making, which was translated into French; and which, -till nearly the end of the eighteenth century, constituted by far the -best account of glass-making in existence. The following is a list of -the most important of his works: - -1. Observations on fixed and volatile Salts, potable Gold and Silver, -Spiritus Mundi, &c.; also of the colour and smell of metals, minerals, -and bitumens.--This tract was published at Hamburg, in 1678, and has -been several times reprinted since. - -2. Chemical Remarks on the chemical Principles, acid, fixed and -volatile alkaline Salts, in the three kingdoms of nature, the mineral, -vegetable, and animal; likewise concerning their colour and smell, &c.; -with a chemical appendix against non-entia chymica. - -3. Treatise of the Phosphorus mirabilis, and its wonderful shining -Pills; together with a discourse on what was formerly rightly named -nitre, but is now called the _blood of nature_. - -4. An Epistle against Spirit of Wine without an acid. - -5. Touchstone de Acido et Urinoso, Sale calido et frigido. - -6. Ars Vitraria experimentalis. - -7. Collegium Physico-chymicum experimentale, _or_ Laboratorium -chymicum.[176] - -[176] I have never seen a copy of this last work; it must have been -valuable, as it was the book from which Scheele derived the first -rudiments of his knowledge. - -Nicolas Lemery, the first Frenchman who completely stripped chemistry -of its mysticism, and presented it to the world in all its native -simplicity, deserves our particular attention, in consequence of the -celebrity which he acquired, and the benefits which he conferred on -the science. He was born at Rouen on the 17th of November, 1645. His -father, Julian Lemery, was _procureur_ of the Parliament of Normandy, -and a protestant. His son, when very young, showed a decided partiality -for chemistry, and repaired to an apothecary in Rouen, a relation of -his own, in hopes of being initiated into the science; but finding that -little information could be procured from him, young Lemery left him in -1666, and went to Paris, where he boarded himself with M. Glaser, at -that time demonstrator of chemistry at the Jardin du Roi. - -Glaser was a _true chemist_, according to the meaning at that time -affixed to the term--full of obscure notions--unwilling to communicate -what knowledge he possessed--and not at all sociable. In two months -Lemery quitted his house in disgust, and set out with a resolution to -travel through France, and pick up chemical information as he best -could, from those who were capable of giving him information on the -subject. He first went to Montpelier, where he boarded in the house -of M. Vershant, an apothecary in that town. With his situation there -he was so much pleased, that he continued in it for three years: -he employed himself assiduously in the laboratory, and in teaching -chemistry to a number of young students who boarded with his host. -Here his reputation gradually increased so much, that he drew round -him the professors of the faculty of medicine of Montpelier, and all -the curious of the place, to witness his experiments. Here, too, he -practised medicine with considerable success. - -After travelling through all France, he returned to Paris in 1672. -Here he frequented the different scientific meetings at that time -held in that capital, and soon distinguished himself by his chemical -knowledge. In a few years he got a laboratory of his own, commenced -apothecary, and began to give public lectures on chemistry, which were -speedily attended by great crowds of students from foreign countries. -For example, we are told that on one occasion forty Scotchmen repaired -to Paris on purpose to hear his lectures, and those of M. Du Verney -on anatomy. The medicines which he prepared in his laboratory became -fashionable, and brought him a great deal of money. The magistery -of bismuth (or pearl-white), which he prepared as a cosmetic, was -sufficient, we are told, to support the whole expense of his house. In -the year 1675 he published his Cours de Chimie, certainly one of the -most successful chemical books that ever appeared; it ran through a -vast number of editions in a few years, and was translated into Latin, -German, Spanish, and English. - -In 1681 he began to be troubled in consequence of his religious -opinions. Louis XIV. was at that time in the height of his glory, -entirely under the control of his priests, and zealously bent upon -putting an end to the reformed religion in his dominions. Indeed, from -the infamous conduct of Charles II. of England, and the bigotry of his -successor, a prospect was opened to him, and of which he was anxious to -avail himself, of annihilating the reformed religion altogether, and -of plunging Europe a second time into the darkness of Roman Catholicism. - -Lemery found it expedient, in 1683, to pass over into England. -Here he was well received by Charles II.: but England was at that -time convulsed with those religious and political struggles, which -terminated five years afterwards in the revolution. Lemery, in -consequence of this state of things, found it expedient to leave -England, and return to France. He took a doctor’s degree at Caen, -in Normandy; and, returning to Paris, he commenced all at once -practitioner in medicine and surgery, apothecary, and lecturer on -chemistry. The edict of Nantes was revoked in 1685, when James II. had -assured Louis of his intention to overturn the established religion, -and bring Great Britain again under the dominion of the pope. Lemery -was obliged to give up practice and conceal himself, in order to avoid -persecution. Finding his success hopeless, as long as he continued -a protestant, he changed his religion in 1686, and declared himself -a Roman catholic. This step secured his fortune: he was now as much -caressed and protected by the court and the clergy, as he had been -formerly persecuted by them. In 1699 when the Academy of Sciences was -new modelled, he was appointed associated chemist, and, on the death of -Bourdelin, before the end of that year, he became a pensioner. He died -on the 19th of June, 1715, at the age of seventy, in consequence of an -attack of palsy, which terminated in apoplexy. - -Besides his System of Chemistry, which has been already mentioned, he -published the following works: - -1. Pharmacopée universelle, contenant toutes les Operations de -Pharmacie qui sont en usage dans la Médicine. - -2. Traité universelle des Drogues simples mis en ordre alphabétique. - -3. Traité de l’Antimoine, contenant l’analyse chimique de ce mineral. - -Besides these works, five different papers by Lemery were printed in -the Memoirs of the French Academy, between 1700 and 1709 inclusive. -These are as follow: - -1. Explication physique et chimique des Feux souterrains, des -tremblemens de Terre, des Ouragans, des Eclairs et du Tonnere.--This -explanation is founded on the heat and combustion produced by the -mutual action of iron filings and sulphur on each other, when mixed in -large quantities. - -2. Du Camphre. - -3. Du Miel et de son analyse chimique. - -4. De l’Urine de Vache, de ses effets en médicine et de son analyse -chimique. - -5. Reflexions et Experiences sur le Sublimé Corrosive.--It appears from -this paper, that in 1709, when Lemery wrote, corrosive sublimate was -considered as a compound of mercury with the sulphuric and muriatic -acids. Lemery’s statement, that he made corrosive sublimate simply -by heating a mixture of mercury and decrepitated salt, is not easily -explained. Probably the salt which he had employed was impure. This is -the more likely, because, from his account of the matter which remained -at the bottom of the matrass after sublimation, it must have either -contained peroxide of iron or peroxide of mercury, for its colour he -says was red. - -M. Lemery left a son, who was also a member of the French Academy; an -active chemist, and author of various papers, in which he endeavours to -give a mechanical explanation of chemical phenomena. - -Another very active member of the French Academy, at the same time with -Lemery, was M. William Homberg, who was born on the 8th of January, -1652, at Batavia, in the island of Java. His father, John Homberg, was -a Saxon gentleman, who had been stripped of all his property during -the thirty years war. After receiving some education by the care of a -relation, he went into the service of the Dutch East India Company, and -got the command of the arsenal at Batavia. There he married the widow -of an officer, by whom he had four children, of whom William was the -second. - -His father quitted the service of the India Company and repaired to -Amsterdam with his family. Young Homberg studied with avidity: he -devoted himself to the law, and in 1674 was admitted advocate of -Magdeburg; but his taste for natural history and science was great. -He collected plants in the neighbourhood, and made himself acquainted -with their names and uses. At night he studied the stars, and learned -the names and positions of the different constellations. Thus he -became a self-taught botanist and astronomer. He constructed a hollow -transparent celestial globe, on which, by means of a light placed -within, the principal fixed stars were seen in the same relative -positions as in the heavens. - -Otto Guericke was at that time burgomaster of Magdeburg. His -experiments on a vacuum, and his invention of the air-pump, are -universally known. Homberg attached himself to Otto Guericke, and -this philosopher, though fond of mystery, either explained to him -his secrets, in consequence of his admiration of his genius, or was -unable to conceal them from his penetration. At last Homberg, quite -tired of his profession of advocate, left Magdeburg and went to Italy. -He sojourned for some time at Padua, where he devoted himself to the -study of medicine, anatomy, and botany. At Bologna he examined the -famous Bologna stone, the nature of which had been almost forgotten, -and succeeded in making a pyrophorus out of it. At Rome he associated -particularly with Marc-Antony Celio, famous for the large glasses for -telescopes which he was able to grind. Nor did he neglect painting, -sculpture, and music; pursuits in which, at that time, the Italians -excelled all other nations. - -From Italy he went to France, and thence passed into England, where he -wrought for some time in the laboratory of Mr. Boyle, at that time one -of the most eminent schools of science in Europe. He then passed into -Holland, studied anatomy under De Graaf, and after visiting his family, -went to Wittemberg, where he took the degree of doctor of medicine. - -After this he visited Baldwin and Kunkel, to get more accurate -information respecting the phosphorus which each had respectively -discovered. He purchased a knowledge of Kunkel’s phosphorus, by giving -in exchange a meteorological toy of Otto Guericke, now familiarly -known, by which the moisture or dryness of the air was indicated--a -little man came out of his house and stood at the door in dry weather, -but retired under cover in moist weather. He next visited the mines -of Saxony, Bohemia, and Hungary: he even went to Sweden, to visit the -copper-mines of that country. At Stockholm he wrought in the chemical -laboratory, lately established by the king, along with Hjerna, and -contributed considerably to the success of that new establishment. - -He repaired a second time to France, where he spent some time, -actively engaged with the men of science in Paris. His father strongly -pressed him to return to Holland and settle as a physician: he at -last consented, and the day of his departure was come, when, just as -he was going into his carriage, he was stopped by a message from M. -Colbert on the part of the king. Offers of so advantageous a nature -were made him if he would consent to remain in France, that, after some -consideration, he was induced to embrace them. - -In 1682 he changed his religion and became Roman catholic: this -induced his father to disinherit him. In 1688 he went to Rome, where -he practised medicine with considerable success. A few years after -he returned to Paris, where his knowledge and discoveries gave him -a very high reputation. In 1691 he became a member of the Academy -of Sciences, and got the direction of the laboratory belonging to -the academy: this enabled him to devote his undivided attention to -chemical investigations. In 1702 he was taken into the service of the -Duke of Orleans, who gave him a pension, and put him in possession of -the most splendid and complete laboratory that had ever been seen. He -was presented with the celebrated burning-glass of M. Tchirnhaus, by -the Duke of Orleans, and was enabled by means of it to determine many -points that had hitherto been only conjectural. - -In 1704 he was made first physician to the Duke of Orleans, who -honoured him with his particular esteem. This appointment obliging him -to reside out of Paris, would have made it necessary for him to resign -his seat in the academy, had not the king made a special exemption in -his favour. In 1708 he married a daughter of the famous M. Dodart, to -whom he had been long attached. Some years after he was attacked by a -dysentery, which was cured, but returned from time to time. In 1715 it -returned with great violence, and Homberg died on the 24th of September. - -His knowledge was uncommonly great in almost every department of -science. His chemical papers were very numerous; though there are few -of them, in this advanced period of the science, that are likely to -claim much attention from the chemical world. His pyrophorus, of which -he has given a description in the Mémoires de l’Académie,[177] was made -by mixing together human fæces and alum, and roasting the mixture till -it was reduced to a dry powder. It was then exposed in a matrass to a -red heat, till every thing combustible was driven off. Any combustible -will do as a substitute for human fæces--gum, flour, sugar, charcoal, -may be used. When a little of this phosphorus is poured upon paper, it -speedily catches fire and kindles the paper. Davy first explained the -nature of this phosphorus. The potash of the alum is converted into -potassium, which, by its absorption of oxygen from the atmosphere, -generates heat, and sets fire to the charcoal contained in the powder. - -[177] For 1711, p. 238. - -Homberg’s papers printed in the Memoirs of the French Academy amount -to thirty-one. They are to be found in the volumes for 1699 to 1714 -inclusive. - -M. Geoffroy, who was a member of the academy about the same time with -Lemery and Homberg, though he outlived them both, and who was an -active chemist for a considerable number of years, deserves also to be -mentioned here. - -Stephen Francis Geoffroy was born in Paris on the 13th of February, -1672, where his father was an apothecary. While a young man, regular -meetings of the most eminent scientific men of Paris were held in his -father’s house, at which he was always present. This contributed very -much to increase his taste for scientific pursuits. After this he -studied botany, chemistry, and anatomy in Paris. In 1692 his father -sent him to Montpelier, to study pharmacy in the house of a skilful -apothecary, who at the same time sent his son to Paris, to acquire the -same art in the house of M. Geoffroy, senior. Here he attended the -different classes in the university, and his name began to be known as -a chemist. After spending some time in Montpelier, he travelled round -the coast to see the principal seaports, and was at St. Malo’s in 1693, -when it was bombarded by the British fleet. - -In 1698 Count Tallard being appointed ambassador extraordinary to -London, made choice of M. Geoffroy as his physician, though he had -not taken a medical degree. Here he made many valuable acquaintances, -and was elected a fellow of the Royal Society. From London he went to -Holland, and thence into Italy, in 1700, where he went in the capacity -of physician to M. de Louvois. The great object of M. Geoffroy was -always natural history, and materia medica. In 1693 he had subjected -himself to an examination, and he had been declared qualified to act -as an apothecary; but his own object was to be a physician, while that -of his father was that he should succeed himself as an apothecary: -this in some measure regulated his education. At last he declared -his intentions, and his father agreed to them; he became bachelor of -medicine in 1702, and doctor of medicine in 1704. - -In 1709 he was made professor of medicine in the Royal College. In 1707 -he began to lecture on chemistry, at the Jardin du Roi, in place of M. -Fagan, and continued to teach this important class during the remainder -of his life. In 1726 he was chosen dean of the faculty of medicine; -and, after the two years for which he was elected was finished, he was -again chosen to fill the same situation. There existed at that time a -lawsuit between the physicians and surgeons in Paris; a kind of civil -war very injurious to both; and the mildness and suavity of his manners -fitted him particularly for being at the head of the body of physicians -during its continuance. He became a member of the academy in 1699, and -died on the 6th of January, 1731. - -The most important of all his chemical labours, and for which he -will always be remembered in the annals of the science, was the -contrivance which he fell upon, in 1718, of exhibiting the order of -chemical decompositions under the form of a table.[178] This method -was afterwards much enlarged and improved. Such tables are now usually -known by the name of _tables of affinity_; and, though they have been -of late years somewhat neglected, there can be but one opinion of their -importance when properly constructed. - -[178] Mem. Paris, 1718, p. 202; and 1720, p. 20. - -M. Geoffroy first communicated to the French chemists the mode of -making Prussian blue, as Dr. Woodward did to the English. - -Claude Joseph Geoffroy, the younger brother of the preceding, was -also a member of the Academy of Sciences, and a zealous cultivator -of chemistry. Many of his chemical papers are to be found in the -memoirs of the French Academy. He demonstrated the composition of sal -ammoniac, which however was known to Glauber. He made many experiments -upon the combustion of the volatile oils, by pouring nitric acid on -them. He explained the pretended property which certain waters have -of converting iron into copper, by showing that in such cases copper -was held in solution in the water by an acid, and that the iron merely -precipitated the copper, and was dissolved and combined with the acid -in its place. He pointed out the constituents of the three vitriols, -the green, the blue, and the white; showing that the two former were -combinations of sulphuric acid with oxides of iron and copper, and the -latter a solution of lapis calaminaris (_carbonate of zinc_) in the -same acid. He has also a memoir on the emeticity of antimony, tartar -emetic, and kermes mineral; but it is rather medical than chemical. -He determined experimentally the nature of the salt of Seignette, or -Rochelle salt, and showed that it was obtained by saturating cream of -tartar with carbonate of soda, and crystallizing. It is curious that -this discovery was made about the same time by M. Boulduc. I have -noticed only a few of the papers of M. Geoffroy, junior; because, -though they all do him credit, and contributed to the improvement of -chemistry, yet none of them contain any of those great discoveries, -which stand as landmarks in the progress of science, and constitute an -era in the history of mankind. For the same reason I omit several other -names that, in a more minute history of chemistry, would deserve to be -particularized. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -OF THE ATTEMPTS TO ESTABLISH A THEORY IN CHEMISTRY. - - -Bacon, Lord Verulam, as early as the commencement of the 17th century, -had pointed out the importance of chemical investigations, and had -predicted the immense advantages which would result from the science, -when it came to be properly cultivated and extended; but he did not -himself attempt either to construct a theory of chemistry, or even -to extend it beyond the bounds which it had reached before he began -to write. Neither did Boyle, notwithstanding the importance of his -investigations, and his comparative freedom from the prejudices of the -alchymists, attempt any thing like a theory of chemistry; though the -observations which he made in his Sceptical Chemist, had considerable -effect in overturning, or at least in hastening the downfall of the -absurd chemical opinions which at that time prevailed, and the puerile -hypotheses respecting the animal functions, and the pathology and -treatment of diseases founded on these opinions. The first person who -can with propriety be said to have attempted to construct a theory of -chemistry, was Beccher. - -John Joachim Beccher, one of the most extraordinary men of the age in -which he lived, was born at Spires, in Germany, in the year 1635. His -father, as Beccher himself informs us, was a very learned Lutheran -preacher. As he lost his father when he was very young, and as that -part of Germany where he lived had been ruined by the thirty years’ -war, his family was reduced to great poverty. However, his passion -for information was so great, that he contrived to educate himself by -studying what books he could procure, and in this way acquired a great -deal of knowledge. Afterwards he travelled through the greatest part of -Germany, Italy, Sweden, and Holland. - -In the year 1666 he was appointed public professor of medicine in the -University of Mentz, and soon after chief physician to the elector. -In that capacity he took up his residence in Munich, where he was -furnished by the elector with an excellent laboratory: but he soon fell -into difficulties, the nature of which does not appear, and was obliged -to leave the place. He took refuge in Vienna, where, from his knowledge -of finance, he was appointed chamberlain to Count Zinzendorf, and -through him acquired so much importance in the eyes of the court, that -he was named a member of the newly-erected College of Commerce, and -obtained the title of imperial commercial counsellor and chamberlain. -But here also he speedily raised up so many enemies against himself, -that he found it necessary to leave Vienna, and to carry with him his -wife and children. He repaired to Holland, and settled at Haerlem in -1678. Here he was likely to have been successful; but his enemies from -Vienna followed him, and obliged him to leave Holland. In 1680 we -find him in Great Britain, where he examined the Scottish lead-mines, -and smelting-works; and in 1681, and 1682, he traversed Cornwall, and -studied the mines and smelting-works of that great mining county; here -he suggested several improvements and ameliorations. Soon after this -an advantageous proposal was made to him by the Duke of Mecklenburg -Gustrow, by means of Count Zinzendorf; but all his projects were -arrested by his death, which took place in the year 1682. It is said -that he died in London, but I have not been able to find any evidence -of this. - -It would be a difficult task to particularize his various discoveries, -which are scattered through a multiplicity of writings. He was -undoubtedly the first discoverer of boracic acid, though the credit of -the discovery has usually been given to Homberg.[179] But then he gives -no account of boracic acid, nor does he seem to have attended to its -qualities. The following is a list of Beccher’s writings: - -[179] In the sixth chemical thesis, in the second supplement to the -Physica Subterranea (page 791, Stahl’s Edition. Lipsiæ, 1703), he says, -“ubi etiam, continuato igne, ipsum sal volatile acquires, quod eadem -methodo cum vitriolo seu spiritu aut oleo vitrioli, et oleo tartari, -vel _borace_ succedit.” - -1. Metallurgia, or the Natural Science of Metals. - -2. Institutiones Chymicæ. - -3. Parnassus Medicinalis illustrata. - -4. Œdipus Chymicus seu Institutiones Chymicæ. - -5. Acta laboratorii Chymici Monacensis seu Physica Subterranea.--This, -which is the most important of all his works, is usually known by the -name of “Physica Subterranea.” This is the sole title affixed to it in -the edition published at Leipsic, in 1703, to which Stahl has prefixed -a long introduction. It is divided into seven sections. In the first he -treats of the creation of the world; in the second he gives a chemical -account of the motions and changes which are constantly going on in the -earth; in the third he treats of the three principles of all bodies, -which he calls _earths_. The first of these principles of metals and -stones is the _fusible_ or _stony earth_; the second principle of -minerals is the _fat earth_, improperly called _sulphur_; the third -principle is the _fluid earth_, improperly called _mercury_; in the -fourth section he treats of the action of subterraneous principles, or -the formation of _mixts_; in the fifth he treats of the solution of the -three classes of mixts, animals, vegetables, and metals; in the sixth -he treats of _mixts_, in which he gives their chemical constituents. -This section is very curious, because it gives Beccher’s views of the -constitution of compound bodies. It will be seen from it that he had -much more correct notions of the real objects of chemistry, than any of -his contemporaries. In the seventh and last section he treats of the -accidents and physical affections of subterraneous bodies. - -6. Experimentum Chymicum novum quo artificialis et instantanea -metallorum generatio et transmutatio, ad oculum demonstratur.--This -constitutes the first supplement to the Physica Subterranea. - -7. Supplementum secundum in Physicam subterraneam, demonstratio -philosophica seu Theses Chymicæ, veritatem et possibilitatem -transmutationis metallorum in aurum evincentes. - -8. Trifolium Beccherianum Hollandicum. - -9. Experimentum novum et curiosum de Minera arenaria perpetua, sive -prodromus historiæ seu propositionis Præp. D.D. Hollandiæ ordinibus ab -authore factæ, circa auri extractionem mediante arena littorali per -modum mineræ perpetuæ seu operationis magnæ fusoriæ cum emolumento. -Loco supplementi tertii in Physicam suam subterraneam. - -10. Chemical Luckpot, or great chemical agreement; in a collection of -one thousand five hundred chemical processes. - -11. Foolish Wisdom and wise Folly. - -12. Magnalia Naturæ. - -13. Tripus Hermeticus fatidicus pandens oracula chemica; seu I. -Laboratorium portatile, cum methodo vere spagyricæ seu juxta exigentiam -naturæ laborandi. Accessit pro praxi et exemplo; II. Centrum mundi -concatenatum seu Duumviratus hermeticus s. magnorum duorum productorum -nitri et salis textura et anatomia atque in omnium præcedentium -confirmationem adjunctum est; III. Alphabetum Minerale seu viginti -quatuor theses de subterraneorum mineralium genesi, textura et analysi; -his accessit concordantia mercurii lunæ et menstruorum. - -14. Chemical Rose-garden. - -15. Pantaleon delarvatus. - -16. Beccheri, Lancelotti, etc. Epistolæ quatuor Chemicæ. - -Beccher’s great merit was the contrivance of a chemical theory, by -which all the known facts were connected together and deduced from one -general principle. But as this theory was adopted and considerably -modified by Stahl, it will be better to lay a sketch of it before the -reader, after mentioning a few particulars of the life and labours of -one of the most extraordinary men whom Germany has produced; a man who, -in spite of the moroseness and haughtiness of his character, and in -spite of the barbarity of his style, raised himself to the very first -rank as a man of science; and had the rare or almost unique fortune of -giving laws at the same time to two different and important sciences, -which he cultivated together, without letting his opinions respecting -the one influence him with regard to the other. These sciences were -chemistry and medicine. - -George Ernest Stahl was born at Anspach, in the year 1660. He studied -medicine at Jena under George Wolfgang Wedel; and got his doctor’s -degree at the age of twenty-three. Immediately after this he began -his career as a public lecturer. In 1687 the Duke of Weimar gave him -the title of physician to the court. In 1694 he was named, at the -solicitation of Frederick Hoffmann, second professor of medicine in -the University of Halle, which had just been established. Hoffmann and -he were at that time great friends, though they afterwards quarrelled. -Both of them were men of the very highest talents and both were the -founders of medical systems which, of course, each was anxious to -support. Hoffmann had greatly the superiority in elegance and clearness -of style, and in all the amenities of polite manners. But perhaps the -moroseness of Stahl, and the obscurity, or rather mysticism of his -style, contributed equally with the more amiable qualities of Hoffmann -to excite the attention and produce the veneration with which he was -viewed by his pupils, and, indeed, by the world at large. - -At Halle he continued as a teacher of medicine for twenty-two years. In -1716 he was appointed physician to the King of Prussia. In consequence -of this appointment he left Halle, and resided in Berlin, where he died -in the year 1734, in the seventy-fifth year of his age. Notwithstanding -the great figure that Stahl made as a chemist, there is no evidence -that he ever taught that science in any public school. The Berlin -Academy had been founded under the superintendence of Leibnitz, who was -its first president; and therefore existed when Stahl was in Berlin: -but, till it was renovated in 1745 by Frederick the Great, this academy -possessed but little activity, and could scarcely, therefore, have -stimulated Stahl to attend to chemical science. However, his Chymia -rationalis et experimentalis was published in 1720, while he resided -in Berlin. The same date is appended to the preface of his Fundamenta -Chymiæ; but, from some expressions in that preface, it must, I should -think, have been written, not by Stahl, but by some other person.[180] -I suspect that the book had been written by some of his pupils, from -the lectures of the author while at Halle. If this was really the -case, it is obvious that Stahl must have taught chemistry as well as -medicine in the University of Halle. - -[180] “Primus in his facem prætulit Beccherus; eumque magno cum artis -progressu sequentem videmus in ostendenda corporum analysi et synthesi -chymica versatissimum et acutissimum--_Stahlium_.” - -Stahl’s medical theory is not less deserving of notice than his -chemical. But it is not the object of this work to enter into medical -speculations. Like Van Helmont, he resolved all diseases into the -actions of the _soul_, which was not merely the former of the body, but -its ruler and regulator. When any of the functions are deranged, the -soul exerts itself to restore them again to their healthy state; and -she accomplishes this by what in common language is called disease. -The business of a medical man, then, is not to prevent diseases, or to -stop them short when they appear; because they are the efforts of the -soul, the _vis medicatrix naturæ_, to restore the deranged state of the -functions: but he must watch these diseases, and prevent the symptoms -from becoming too violent. He must assist nature to produce the -intended effect, and check her exertions when they become abnormal. It -was a kind of modification of this theory, or rather a mixture of the -Stahlian and Hoffmannian theories, that Dr. Cullen afterwards taught -in Edinburgh with so much eclat. And these opinions, so far as medical -theories have any influence on practice, still continue in some measure -prevalent. Indeed, much of the vulgar practice followed by medical men, -chiefly in consequence of the education which they have received, is -deduced from these two theories. But it would be too great a digression -from the object of this work to enter into any details: suffice it -to say, that the rival theories of Hoffmann and Stahl for many years -divided the medical world in Germany, if not in the greater part of -Europe. It was no small matter of exultation to so young a medical -school as Halle, to have at once within its walls two such eminent -teachers as Hoffmann and Stahl. - -Let us turn our attention to the chemical writings of Stahl. Of -these the most important is his Fundamenta Chymiæ dogmaticæ et -experimentalis. It is divided, like the chemistry of Boerhaave, into a -theoretical and practical part. The perusal of it is very disagreeable, -as it is full of German words and phrases, and symbols are almost -constantly substituted for words, as was at that time the custom. - -His definition of chemistry is much more exact than Boerhaave’s. It -is, according to him, the art of resolving compound bodies into their -constituents, and of again forming them by uniting these constituents -together. - -He is inclined to believe with Beccher, that the simple principles are -four in number. The _mixts_ are compounds of these principles; and he -shows by the doctrine of permutations that if we suppose the simple -principles four, then the number of mixts will be 40,340. He treats in -the first place of _mixts_, _compounds_, and _aggregates_. - -The first object of chemistry is _corruption_, the second _generation_. -Of these he treats at considerable length, giving an account of the -different chemical processes, and of the apparatus employed. - -He next treats of _salts_, which he defines mixts composed of water -and earth, both simple and pure, and intimately united. The salts are -vitriol, alum, nitre, common salt, and sal ammoniac. He next treats of -more compound salts. These are sugar, tartar, salts from the animal and -salts from the mineral kingdom, and quicklime. - -After this comes sulphur, cinnabar, antimony, the sulphur of vitriol, -the sulphur of nitre, resins, and distilled oils. Then he treats of -water, which he divides into aqua _humida_ or common water, and aqua -_sicca_ or mercury. Next he treats of earths, which are of two kinds, -viz., _friable earths_, such as _clay_, _loam_, sand, &c., and metallic -earths constituting the bases of the metals. - -He next treats of the metals; and, as a preliminary, we have a -description of the method of smelting, and operating upon the different -metals. The metals are then described successively in the following -order: Gold, silver, copper, iron, tin, lead, bismuth, zinc, antimony. - -To this part of the system are added three sections. The first treats -of mercuries, the second of the philosopher’s stone, and the third of -the universal medicine. We must not suppose that Stahl was a believer -in these ideal compositions; his object is merely to give a history of -the different processes which had been recommended by the alchymists. - -The second part of his work is divided into two _tracts_. The first -tract contains three sections. The first of these treats of the nature -of solids and fluids, of solutions and menstrua, of the effects of heat -and fire, of effervescence and boiling, of volatilization, of fusion -and liquefaction, of distillation, of precipitation, of calcination -and incineration, of detonation, of amalgamation, of crystallization -and inspissation, and of the fixity and firmness of bodies. In the -second section we have an account of salts, and of their generation -and transmutation, of sulphur and inflammability, of phosphorus, of -colours, and of the nature of metals and minerals. In this article -he gives short definitions of these bodies, and shows how they may -be known. The bodies thus defined are gold, silver, iron, copper, -lead, tin, mercury, antimony, sulphur, arsenic, vitriol, common salt, -nitre, alum, sal ammoniac, alkalies, and salts; viz., muriatic acid, -sulphuric, nitric, and sulphurous. - -In the third section he treats of the method of reducing metallic -calces, of the mode of separating metals from their scoriæ, of the mode -of making artificial gems, and finally of the mode of giving copper a -golden colour. - -The second tract is divided into two parts. The first part is -subdivided into four sections. In the first section he treats of the -instruments of chemical motion, of fire, of air, of water, of the most -subtile earth or salt. In the second section he treats _de subjectis_, -under the several heads of dissolving aggregates, of triturations and -solutions, and of calcinations and combustions. In the third section -he treats of the object of chemistry under the following heads: Of -chemical corruption, consisting of compounds from liquids, of the -separation of solids and fluids, of mixts, of the solution of compounds -from solids. In the fourth section he treats of fermentation. - -The second part of this second tract treats of chemical generation, -and is divided into two sections. In the first section he treats of -the aggregate collection of bodies into fluids and solids. The section -treats of compositions under the heads of volatile and solid bodies. He -gives in the last article an account of the combination of mixts. - -The third and last part of this elaborate work discusses three -subjects; viz. _zymotechnia_ or _fermentation_, _halotechnia_, or the -production and properties of salts, and _pyrotechnia_, in which the -whole of the Stahlian doctrine of _phlogiston_ is developed. This -third part has all the appearance of having been notes written down by -some person during the lectures of Stahl: for it consists of alternate -sentences of Latin and German. It is not at all likely that Stahl -himself would have produced such a piebald work; but if he lectured in -Latin, as was at that time the universal custom, it was natural for a -person occupied in taking down the lectures, to write as far as was -possible in Latin, but when any of the Latin phrases were lost, or did -not immediately occur to memory, it were equally natural to write down -the meaning of what the professor stated in the language most familiar -to the writer, which was undoubtedly the German. - -Another of Stahl’s works is entitled “Opusculum -Chymico-physico-medicum,” published at Halle in a thick quarto volume, -in the year 1715. It contains a great number of tracts, partly chemical -and partly medical, which it is needless to specify. Perhaps the most -curious of them all is his dissertation to show the way in which Moses -ground the golden calf to powder, dissolved it in water, and obliged -the children of Israel to drink it. He shows that a solution of hepar -sulphuris (_sulphuret of potassium_), has the property of dissolving -gold, and he draws as a conclusion from his experiments that this was -the artifice employed by Moses. We have in the same volume a pretty -detailed treatise on metallurgic pyrotechny and docimasy. This is the -more curious, because Stahl never appears to have frequented the mines -and smelting-houses of Germany. He must, therefore, have drawn his -information from books and from experiment. - -Another of his books is entitled “Experimenta, Observationes, -Animadversiones, CCC. Numero.” An octavo volume, printed at Berlin -in 1731. Another of his books is entitled “Specimen Beccherianum.” -There are also two chemical books of Stahl, which I have seen only in -a French translation, viz., _Traité de Soufre_ and _Traité de Sels_. -These are the only chemical writings of Stahl that I have seen. There -are probably others; indeed I have seen the titles of several other -chemical works ascribed to him. But as it is doubtful whether he really -wrote them or not, I think it unnecessary to specify them here. - -Stahl’s writings evince the great progress which chemistry had -made even since the time of Beccher. But it is difficult to say -what particular new facts, which appear first in his writings were -discovered by himself, and what by others. I shall not, therefore, -attempt any enumeration of them. His reasoning is more subtile, and his -views much more extensive and profound than those of his predecessors. -The great improvement which he introduced into chemistry was the -employment of _phlogiston_, to explain the phenomena of combustion -and calcination. This theory had been originally broached by Beccher, -from whom Stahl evidently borrowed it, but he improved and simplified -it so much that the whole credit of it was given to him. It was called -the Stahlian theory, and raised him to the highest rank among chemists. -The sole objects of chemists for thirty or forty years after his time -was to illucidate and extend his theory. It applied so happily to all -the known facts, and was supported by experiments, which appeared -so decisive that nobody thought of calling it in question, or of -interrogating nature in any other way than he had pointed out. It will -be requisite, therefore, before proceeding further with this historical -sketch, to lay the outlines of the phlogistic theory before the reader. - -It was conceived by Beccher and Stahl that all _combustible_ bodies -are compounds. One of the constituents they supposed to be dissipated -during the combustion, while the other constituent remained behind. -Now when combustible bodies are subjected to combustion, some of them -leave an acid behind them; while others leave a fixed powdery matter, -possessing the properties of an _earth_, and called usually the _calx_ -of the combustible body. The metals are the substances which leave -a calx behind them when burnt, and sulphur and phosphorus leave an -acid. With respect to those bodies that would not burn, chemists did -not speculate much at first; but afterwards they came to think that -they consisted of the fixed substance that remained after combustion. -Hence the conclusion was natural, that they had already undergone -combustion. Thus quicklime possessed properties very similar to the -calces of metals. It was natural, therefore, to consider it as a calx, -and to believe that if the matter dissipated during combustion could be -again restored, lime would be converted into a substance similar to the -metals. - -Combustibility then, according to this view of the subject, depends -upon a principle or material substance, existing in every combustible -body, and dissipated during the combustion. This substance was -considered to be absolutely the same in all combustible bodies -whatever; hence the difference between combustible bodies proceeded -from the other principle or number of principles with which this common -substance is combined. In consequence of this identity Stahl invented -the term _phlogiston_, by which he denoted this common principle of -combustible bodies. Inflammation, with the several phenomena that -attend it, depended on the gradual separation of this principle, -which being once separated, what remained of the body could no -longer be an inflammable substance, but must be similar to the other -kinds of matter. It was this opinion that combustibility is owing -to the presence of phlogiston, and inflammation to its escape, that -constituted the peculiar theory of Beccher, and which was afterwards -illustrated by Stahl with so much clearness, and experiments to prove -its truth were advanced by him of so much force, that it came to be -distinguished by the name of the Stahlian theory. - -The identity of phlogiston in all combustible bodies was founded upon -observations and experiments of so decisive a nature, that after the -existence of the principle itself was admitted, they could not fail -to be satisfactory. When phosphorus is made to burn it gives out a -strong flame, much heat is evolved, and the phosphorus is dissipated -in a white smoke: but if the combustion be conducted within a glass -vessel of a proper shape, this white smoke will be deposited on the -inside of the glass; it quickly absorbs moisture from the atmosphere, -and runs into an acid liquid, known by the name of phosphoric acid. -If this liquid be put into a platinum crucible, and gradually heated -to redness, the water is dissipated, and a substance remains which, -on cooling, congeals into a transparent colourless body like glass: -this is dry _phosphoric_ acid. If now we mix phosphoric acid with -a quantity of charcoal powder, and heat it sufficiently in a glass -retort, taking care to exclude the external air, a _portion_ or the -_whole_ of the charcoal will disappear, and phosphorus will be formed -possessed of the same properties that it had before it was subjected -to combustion. The conclusion deduced from this process appeared -irresistible; the charcoal, or a portion of it, had combined with the -phosphoric acid, and both together had constituted phosphorus. - -Now, in changing phosphoric acid into phosphorus, we may employ almost -any kind of combustible substance that we please, provided it be -capable of bearing the requisite heat; they will all equally answer, -and will all convert the acid into phosphorus. Instead of charcoal we -may take lamp-black, or sugar, or resin, or even several of the metals. -Hence it was concluded that all of these bodies contain a common -principle which they communicate to the phosphoric acid; and since the -new body formed is in all cases identical, the principle communicated -must also be identical. Hence combustible bodies contain an identical -principle, and this principle is phlogiston. - -Sulphur by burning is converted into sulphuric acid; and if sulphuric -acid be heated with charcoal, or phosphorus, or even sulphur, it is -again converted into sulphur. Several of the metals produce the same -effect. The reasoning here was the same as with regard to phosphoric -acid, and the conclusion was similar. - -When lead is kept nearly at a red heat in the open air for some time, -being constantly stirred to expose new surfaces to the air, it is -converted into the beautiful pigment called _red lead_; this is a calx -of lead. To restore this calx again to the state of metallic lead, we -have only to heat it in contact with almost any combustible matter -whatever. Pit-coal, peat, charcoal, sugar, flour, iron, zinc, &c., -all these bodies then must contain one common principle, which they -communicate to red lead, and by so doing convert it into lead. This -common principle is phlogiston. - -These examples are sufficient to show the reader the way in which -Stahl proved the identity of phlogiston in all combustible bodies. And -the demonstration was considered as so complete that the opinion was -adopted by every chemist without exception. - -When we inquire further, and endeavour to learn what qualities -phlogiston was supposed to have in its separate state, we find this -part of the subject very unsatisfactory, and the opinions very -unsettled. Beccher and Stahl represented phlogiston as a dry substance, -or of an earthy nature, the particles of which are exquisitely -subtile, and very much disposed to be agitated and set in motion with -inconceivable velocity. This was called by Stahl _motus verticillaris_. -When the particles of any body are agitated with this kind of motion, -the body exhibits the phenomena of heat or ignition, or inflammation, -according to the violence and rapidity of the motion. - -This very crude opinion of the earthy nature of phlogiston, appears to -have been deduced from the insolubility of most combustible substances -in water. If we except alcohol, and ether, and gums, very few of -them are capable of being dissolved in that liquid. Thus the metals, -sulphur, phosphorus, oils, resins, bitumens, charcoal, &c., are well -known to be insoluble. Now, at the time that Beccher and Stahl lived, -insolubility in water was considered as a character peculiar to earthy -bodies; and as those bodies which contain a great deal of phlogiston -are insoluble in water, though the other constituents be very soluble -in that liquid, it was natural enough to conclude that phlogiston -itself was of an earthy nature. - -But though the opinions of chemists about the nature and properties -of phlogiston in a separate state were unsettled, no doubts were -entertained respecting its existence, and respecting its identity in -all combustible bodies. Its presence or its absence produced almost -all the changes which bodies undergo. Hence chemistry and combustion -came to be in some measure identified, and a theory of combustion was -considered as the same thing with a theory of chemistry. - -Metals were compounds of _calces_ and phlogiston. The different -species of metals depend upon the different species of calx which each -contains; for there are as many _calces_ (each simple and peculiar) as -there are metals. These calces are capable of uniting with phlogiston -in indefinite proportions. The calx united to a little phlogiston still -retains its earthy appearance--a certain additional portion restores -the calx to the state of a metal. An enormous quantity of phlogiston -with which some calces, as calx of manganese, are capable of combining, -destroys the metallic appearance of the body, and renders it incapable -of dissolving in acids. - -The affinity between a metallic calx and phlogiston is strong; but the -facility of union is greatly promoted when the calx still retains a -little phlogiston. If we drive off the whole phlogiston we can scarcely -unite the calx with phlogiston again, or bring it back to the state of -a metal: hence the extreme difficulty of reducing the calx of zinc, and -even the red calx of iron. - -The various colours of bodies are owing to phlogiston, and these -colours vary with every alteration in the proportion of phlogiston -present. - -It was observed very early that when a metal was converted into a calx -its weight was increased. But this, though known to Beecher and Stahl, -does not seem to have had any effect on their opinions. Boyle, who does -not seem to have been aware of the phlogistic theory, though it had -been broached before his death, relates an experiment on tin which he -made. He put a given weight of it into an open glass vessel, and kept -it melted on the fire till a certain portion of it was converted into -a calx: it was now found to have increased considerably in weight. This -experiment he relates in order to prove the materiality of heat: in his -opinion a certain quantity of heat had united to the tin and occasioned -the increase of weight. This opinion of Boyle was incompatible with -the Stahlian theory: for the tin had not only increased in weight, but -had been converted into a calx. It was therefore the opinion of Boyle -that calx of tin was a combination of _tin_ and _heat_. It could not -consequently be true that calx of tin was tin deprived of phlogiston. - -When this difficulty struck the phlogistians, which was not till long -after the time of Stahl, they endeavoured to evade it by assigning new -properties to phlogiston. According to them it is not only destitute -of weight, but endowed with a principle of levity. In consequence of -this property, a body containing phlogiston is always lighter than it -would otherwise be, and it becomes heavier when the phlogiston makes -its escape: hence the reason why calx of tin is heavier than the same -tin in the metallic state. The increase of weight is not owing, as -Boyle believed, to the fixation of heat in the tin, but to the escape -of phlogiston from it. - -Those philosophic chemists, who thus refined upon the properties of -phlogiston, did not perceive that by endowing it with a principle of -levity, they destroyed all the other characters which they had assigned -to it. What is gravity? Is it not an attraction by means of which -bodies are drawn towards each other, and remain united? And is there -any reason for supposing that chemical attraction differs in its nature -from the other kinds of attraction which matter possesses? If, then, -phlogiston be destitute of gravity, it cannot possess any attraction -for other bodies; if it be endowed with a principle of levity, it must -have the property of repelling other bodies, for that is the only -meaning that can be attached to the term. But if phlogiston has the -property of repelling all other substances, how comes it to be fixed -in combustible bodies? It must be united to the calces or the acids, -which constitute the other principle of these bodies; and it could not -be united, and remain united, unless a principle of attraction existed -between it and these bases; that is to say, unless it possessed a -principle the very opposite of levity. - -Thus the fact, that calces are heavier than the metals from which they -are formed, in reality overturned the whole doctrine of phlogiston; -and the only reason why the doctrine continued to be admitted after -the fact was known is, that in these early days of chemistry, the -balance was scarcely ever employed in experimenting: hence alterations -in weight were little attended to or entirely overlooked. We shall -see afterwards, that when Lavoisier introduced a more accurate mode -of experimenting, and rendered it necessary to compare the original -weights of the substances employed, with the weights of the products, -he made use of this very experiment of Boyle, and a similar one made -with mercury, to overturn the whole doctrine of phlogiston. - -The phlogistic school being thus founded by Stahl, in Berlin, a race -of chemists succeeded him in that capital, who contributed in no -ordinary degree to the improvement of the science. The most deservedly -celebrated of these were Neumann, Pott, Margraaf, and Eller. - -Caspar Neumann was born at Zullichau, in Germany, in 1682. He was -early received into favour by the King of Prussia, and travelled -at the expense of that monarch into Holland, England, France, and -Italy. During these travels he had an opportunity of making a -personal acquaintance with the most eminent men of science in all -the different countries which he visited. On his return home, in -1724, he was appointed professor of chemistry in the Royal College of -Physic and Surgery at Berlin, where he delivered a course of lectures -annually. During the remainder of his life he enjoyed the situation of -superintendent of the Royal Laboratory, and apothecary to the King of -Prussia. He died in 1737. He was a Fellow of the Royal Society, and -several papers of his appeared in the Transactions of that learned -body. The following is a list of these papers, all of which were -written in Latin: - -1. Disquisitio de camphora. - -2. De experimento probandi spiritum vini Gallici, per quam usitato, sed -revera falso et fallaci. - -Some merchants in Holland, England, Hamburg, and Dantzic, were in -possession of what they considered an infallible test to distinguish -French brandy from every other kind of spirit. It was a dusky yellowish -liquid. When one or two drops of it were let fall into a glass of -French brandy, a beautiful blue colour appeared at the bottom of -the glass, and when the brandy is stirred, the whole liquid becomes -azure. But if the spirit tried be malt spirit, no such colour appears -in the glass. Neumann ascertained that the test liquid was merely a -solution of sulphate of iron in water, and that the blue colour was -the consequence of the brandy having been kept in oak casks, and thus -having dissolved a portion of tannin. Every spirit will exhibit the -same colour, if it has been kept in oak casks. - -3. De salibus alkalino-fixis. - -4. De camphora thymi. - -5. De ambragrysea. - -His other papers, published in Germany, are the following: - - -In the Ephemerides. - -1. De oleo distillato formicorum æthereo. - -2. De albumine ovi succino simili. - - -In the Miscellania Berolinensia. - -1. Meditationes in binas observationes de aqua per putrefactionem -rubra, vulgo pro tali in sanguinem versa habita. - -2. Succincta relatio exactis Pomeraniis de prodigio sanguinis in palude -viso. - -3. De prodigio sanguinis ex Pomeranio nunciato. - -4. Disquisitio de camphora. - -5. De experimento probandi spiritum vini Gallicum. - -6. De spiritu urinoso caustico. - -7. Demonstratio syrupum violarum ad probanda liquida non sufficere. - -8. Examen correctionis olei raparum. - -9. De vi caustica et conversione salium alkalino-fixorum aëri -expositorum in salia neutra. - - -He published separately, - -1. De salibus alkalino-fixis et camphora. - -2. De succino, opio, caryophyllis aromaticis et castoreo. - -3. On saltpetre, sulphur, antimony, and iron. - -4. On tea, coffee, beer, and wine. - -5. Disquisitio de ambragrysea. - -6. On common salt, tartar, sal ammoniac and ants. - -After Neumann’s death, two copies of his chemical lectures were -published. The first consisting of notes taken by one of his pupils, -intermixed with incoherent compilations from other authors, was printed -at Berlin in 1740. The other was printed by the booksellers of the -Orphan Hospital of Zullichau (the place of Neumann’s birth), and is -said to have been taken from the original papers in the author’s -handwriting. Of this last an excellent translation, with many additions -and corrections, was published by Dr. Lewis, in London, in the year -1759; it was entitled, “The Chemical Works of Caspar Neumann, M.D., -Professor of Chemistry at Berlin, F.R.S., &c. Abridged and methodized; -with large additions, containing the later discoveries and improvements -made in Chemistry, and the arts depending thereon. By William -Lewis, M.B., F.R.S. London, 1759.” This is an excellent book, and -contains many things that still retain their value, notwithstanding -the improvements which have been made since in every department of -chemistry. - -I have reason to believe that the laborious part of this translation -and compilation was made by Mr. Chicholm, whom Dr. Lewis employed as -his assistant. Mr. Chicholm, when a young man, went to London from -Aberdeen, where he had studied at the university, and acquired a -competent knowledge of Greek and Latin, but no means of supporting -himself. On his arrival in London, one of the first things that -struck his attention was a Greek book, placed open against the pane -of a bookseller’s window. Chicholm went up to the window, at which -he continued standing till he had perused the whole Greek page thus -exposed to his view. Dr. Lewis happened to be in the shop: he had -been looking out for a young man whom he could employ to take charge -of his laboratory, and manage his processes, and who should possess -sufficient intelligence to read chemical works for him, and collect -out of each whatever deserved to be known, either from its novelty -or ingenuity. The appearance and manners of Chicholm struck him, and -made him think of him as a man likely to answer the purposes which he -had in view. He called him into the shop, and after some conversation -with him, took him home, and kept him all his life as his assistant -and operator. Chicholm was a laborious and painstaking man, and by -continually working in Lewis’s laboratory, soon acquired a competent -knowledge of chemistry. He compiled several manuscript volumes, partly -consisting of his own experiments, and partly of collections from other -authors. At Dr. Lewis’s death, all his books were sold by auction, and -these manuscript volumes among the rest. They were purchased by Mr. -Wedgewood, senior, who at the same time took Mr. Chicholm into his -service, and gave him the charge of his own laboratory. It was Mr. -Chicholm that was the constructor of the well-known piece of apparatus -known by the name of Wedgewood’s pyrometer. After his death the -instrument continued still to be constructed for some time; but so many -complaints were made of the unequal contraction of the pieces, that -Mr. Wedgewood, junior, who had succeeded to the pottery in consequence -of the death of his father, put an end to the manufacture of them -altogether. - -John Henry Pott was born at Halberstadt, in the year 1692. He was a -scholar of Hoffmann and Stahl, and from this last he seems to have -imbibed his taste for chemistry. He settled at Berlin, where he became -assessor of the Royal College of Medicine and Surgery, inspector of -medicines, superintendent of the Royal Laboratory, and dean of the -Academy of Sciences of Berlin. He was chosen professor of theoretical -chemistry at Berlin; and on the death of Neumann, in 1737, he succeeded -him as professor of practical chemistry. He was beyond question the -most learned and laborious chemist of his day. His erudition, indeed, -was very great; and his historical introductions to his dissertation -displays the extent of his reading on every subject of which he -had occasion to treat. It has often struck me that the historical -introductions which Bergmann has prefixed to his papers, are several -of them borrowed from Pott. The Lithogeognosia of Pott is one of the -most extraordinary productions of the age in which he lived. It was the -result of a request of the King of Prussia, to discover the ingredients -of which Saxon porcelain was made. Mr. Pott, not being able to procure -any satisfactory information relative to the nature of the substances -employed at Dresden, resolved to undertake a chemical examination -of all the substances that were likely to be employed in such a -manufacture. He tried the effect of fire upon all the stones, earths, -and minerals, that he could procure, both separately and mixed together -in various proportions. He made at least thirty thousand experiments -in six years, and laid the foundation for a chemical knowledge of these -bodies.[181] It is to this work of Pott that we are indebted for our -knowledge of the effects of heat upon various earthy bodies, and upon -mixtures of them. Thus he found that pure white clay, or mixtures of -pure clay and quartz-sand, would not fuse at any temperature which he -could produce; but clay, mixed with lime or with oxide of iron, enters -speedily into fusion. Clay also fuses with its own weight of borax; it -forms a compact mass with half its weight, and does not concrete into -a hard body when mixed with a third of its weight of that salt. Clay -fuses easily with fluor spar; it fuses, also, with twice its weight of -protoxide of lead, and with its own weight of sulphate of lime, but -with no other proportion tried. It was a knowledge of these mutual -actions of bodies on each other, when exposed to heat, that gradually -led to the methods of examining minerals by the blowpipe. These methods -were brought to the present state of perfection by Assessor Gahn, of -Fahlun, the result of whose labours has been published by Berzelius, in -his treatise on the blowpipe. Pott died in 1777, in the eighty-fifth -year of his age. - -[181] There is a French translation of this work, entitled -“Litheognosie, ou Examen Chymique des Pierres et des Terres en -général, et du Talc de la Topaz, et de la Steatite en particulier; -avec une Dissertation sur le Feu et sur la Lumière.” Paris, 1753. -With a continuation, constituting a second volume, in which all the -experiments in the first volume are exhibited in the form of tables. - -His different chemical works (his Lithogeognosia excepted) were -collected and translated into French by M. Demachy, in the year 1759, -and published in four small octavo volumes. The chemical papers -contained in these volumes are thirty-two in number. Some of these -papers cannot but appear somewhat extraordinary to a modern chemist: -for example, M. Duhamel had published in the memoirs of the French -Academy, in the year 1737, a set of experiments on common salt, from -which he deduced that its basis was a fixed alkali, which possessed -properties different from those of potash, and which of course required -to be distinguished by a peculiar name. It is sufficiently known that -the term _soda_ was afterwards applied to this alkali; by which name it -is known at present. Pott, in a very elaborate and long dissertation -on the base of common salt, endeavours to refute these opinions -of Duhamel. The subject was afterwards taken up by Margraaf, who -demonstrated, by decisive experiments, that the base of common salt is -_soda_; and that soda differs essentially in its properties from potash. - -Pott’s dissertation on _bismuth_ is of considerable value. He collects -in it the statements and opinions of all preceding writers on this -metal, and describes its properties with considerable accuracy and -minuteness. The same observations apply to his dissertation on zinc. - -John Theodore Eller, of Brockuser, was born on the 29th of November, -1689, at Pletzkau, in the principality of Anhalt Bernburg. He was -the fourth son of Jobst Hermann Eller, a man of a respectable -family, whose ancestors were proprietors of considerable estates in -Westphalia and the Netherlands. Young Eller received the rudiments -of his education in his father’s house, from which he went to the -University of Quedlinburg; and from thence to the University of Jena, -in 1709. He was sent thither to study law; but his passion was for -natural philosophy, which led him to devote himself to the study of -medicine. From Jena he went to Halle, and finally to Leyden, attracted -by the reputation of the older Albinus, of Professor Sengerd and the -celebrated Boerhaave, at that time in the height of his reputation. -The only practical anatomist then in Leyden, was M. Bidloo, an old man -of eighty, and of course unfit for teaching. This induced Eller to -repair to Amsterdam, to study under Rau, and to inspect the anatomical -museum of Ruysch. Bidloo soon dying, Rau was appointed his successor -at Leyden, whither Eller followed him, and dissected under him till -the year 1716. After taking his degree at Leyden, Eller returned to -Germany, and devoted a considerable time to the study and examination -of the mines of Saxony and the Hartz, and of the metallurgic processes -connected with these mines. From these mines he repaired to France, and -resumed his anatomical studies under Du Verney and Winslow. Chemistry -also attracted a good deal of his attention, and he frequented the -laboratories of Grosse, Lemery, Bolduc, and Homberg, at that time the -most eminent chemists in Paris. - -From Paris he repaired to London, where he formed an acquaintance with -the numerous medical men of eminence who at that time adorned this -capital. On returning to Germany in 1721, he was appointed physician -to Prince Victor Frederick of Anhalt Bernburg. From Bernburg he -went to Magdeburg; and the King of Prussia called him to Berlin in -1724, to teach anatomy in the great anatomic theatre which had been -just erected. Soon after he was appointed physician to the king, a -counsellor and professor in the Royal Medico-Chirurgical College, -which had been just founded in Berlin. He was also appointed dean of -the Superior College of Medicine, and physician to the army and to -the great Hospital of Frederick. In the year 1755 Frederick the Great -made him a privy-counsellor, which is the highest rank that a medical -man can attain in Prussia. The same year he was made director of the -Royal Academy of Sciences of Berlin. He died in the year 1760, in the -seventy-first year of his age. He was twice married, and his second -wife survived him. - -Many chemical papers of Eller are to be found in the memoirs of the -Berlin Academy. They were of sufficient importance, at the time when -he published them, to add considerably to his reputation, though not -sufficiently so to induce me to give a catalogue of them here. I am -not aware of any chemical discovery for which we are indebted to him; -but have been induced to give this brief notice of him, because he is -usually associated with Pott and Margraaf, making with them the three -celebrated chemists who adorned Berlin, during the splendid reign of -Frederick the Great. - -Andrew Sigismund Margraaf was born in Berlin, in the year 1709, and -acquired the first principles of chemistry from his father, who was -an apothecary in that city. He afterwards studied under Neumann, and -travelling in quest of information to Frankfort, Strasburg, Halle, and -Freyburg, he returned to Berlin enriched with all the knowledge of his -favourite science which at that time existed. In 1760, on the death -of Eller, he was made director of the physical class of the Berlin -Academy of Sciences. He died in the year 1782, in the seventy-third -year of his age. He gradually acquired a brilliant reputation in -consequence of the numerous chemical papers which he successively -published, each of which usually contained a new chemical fact, of -more or less importance, deduced from a set of experiments generally -satisfactory and convincing. His papers have a greater resemblance -to those of Scheele than of any other chemist to whom we can compare -them. He may be considered as in some measure the beginner of chemical -analysis; for, before his time, the chemical analysis of bodies had -hardly been attempted. His methods, as might have been expected, -were not very perfect; nor did he attempt numerical results. His -experiments on phosphorus and on the method of extracting it from urine -are valuable; they communicated the first accurate notions relative -to this substance and to phosphoric acid. He first determined the -properties of the earth of alum, now known by the name of _alumina_; -showed that it differed from every other, and that it existed in clay, -and gave to that substance its peculiar properties. He demonstrated -the peculiar nature of soda, the base of common salt, which Pott had -called in question, and thus verified the conclusions of Duhamel. He -gives an easy process for obtaining pure silver from the chloride of -that metal: his method is to dissolve the pure chloride of silver in a -solution of caustic ammonia, and to put into the liquid a sufficient -quantity of pure mercury; the silver is speedily reduced and converted -into an amalgam, and when this amalgam is exposed to a red heat the -mercury is driven off and pure silver remains. The usual method of -reducing the chloride of silver is to heat it in a crucible with a -sufficient quantity of carbonate of potash, a process which was first -recommended by Kunkel. But it is scarcely possible to prevent the loss -of a portion of the silver when the chloride is reduced in this way. -The modern process is undoubtedly the simplest and the best, to reduce -it by means of hydrogen. If a few pieces of zinc be put into the bottom -of a beer-glass and some dilute sulphuric acid be poured over it an -effervescence takes place, and hydrogen gas is disengaged. Chloride of -silver, placed above the zinc in the same glass, is speedily reduced by -this hydrogen and converted into metallic silver. - -Margraaf’s chemical papers, down to the time of publication, were -collected together, translated into French and published at Paris -in the year 1762, in two very small octavo volumes, they consist of -twenty-six different papers: some of the most curious and important -of which are those that have been just particularized. Several other -papers written by him appeared in the memoirs of the Berlin Academy, -after this collection of his works was published, particularly “A -demonstration of the possibility of drawing fixed alkaline salts -from tartar by means of acids, without employing the action of a -violent fire.” It was this paper, probably, that led Scheele, a few -years after, to his well-known method of obtaining tartaric acid, a -modification of which is still followed by manufacturers. - -“Observations concerning a remarkable volatilization of a portion of -a kind of stone known by the names of flosse, flusse, fluor spar, and -likewise by that of hesperos: which volatilization was effectuated by -means of acids.” Pott had already shown the value of fluor spar as a -flux. Three years after the appearance of Margraaf’s paper, Scheele -discovered the nature of fluor spar, and first drew the attention of -chemists to the peculiar properties of fluoric acid. - -In France, in consequence chiefly of the regulations established in -the Academy of Sciences, in the year 1699, a race of chemists always -existed, whose specific object was to cultivate chemistry, and extend -and improve it. The most eminent of these chemical labourers, after the -Stahlian theory was fully admitted in France till its credit began to -be shaken, were Reaumur, Hellot, Duhamel, Rouelle, and Macquer. Besides -these, who were the chief chemists in the academy, there were a few -others to whom we are indebted for chemical discoveries that deserve to -be recorded. - -René Antoine Ferchault, Esq., Seigneur de Reaumur, certainly one of the -most extraordinary men of his age, was born at Rochelle, in 1683. He -went to the school of Rochelle, and afterwards studied philosophy under -the Jesuits at Poitiers. Hence he went to Bourges, to which one of his -uncles, canon of the holy chapel in that city, had invited him. At this -time he was only seventeen years of age, yet his parents ventured to -intrust a younger brother to his care, and this care he discharged -with all the fidelity and sagacity of a much older man. Here he devoted -himself to mathematics and physics, and he soon after went to Paris to -improve the happy talents which he had received from nature. He was -fortunate enough to meet with a friend and relation in the president, -Henault, equally devoted to study with himself, equally eager for -information, and possessed of equal honour and integrity, and equally -promising talents. - -He came to Paris in 1703. In 1708 he was admitted into the Academy of -Sciences, in the situation of _élève_ of M. Varignon, vacant by the -promotion of M. Saurin to the rank of associate. - -The first papers of his which were inserted in the Memoirs of the -Academy were geometrical: he gave a general method of finding an -infinity of curves, described by the extremity of a straight line, -the other extremity of which, passing along the surface of a given -curve, is always obliged to pass through the same point. Next year he -gave a geometrical work on Developes; but this was the last of his -mathematical tracts. He was charged by the academy with the task of -giving a description of the arts, and his taste for natural history -began to draw to that study the greatest part of his attention. His -first work as a naturalist was his observations on the formation of -shells. It was unknown whether shells increase by intussusception, like -animal bodies, or by the exterior and successive addition of new parts. -By a set of delicate observations he showed that shells are formed by -the addition of new parts, and that this was the cause of the variety -of colour, shape, and size which they usually affect. His observations -on snails, with a view to the way in which their shells are formed, -led him to the discovery of a singular insect, which not only lives on -snails, but in the inside of their bodies, from which it never stirs -till driven out by the snail. - -During the same year, he wrote his curious paper on the silk of -spiders. The experiments of M. Bohn had shown that spiders could spin -a silk that might be usefully employed. But it remained to be seen -whether these creatures could be fed with profit, and in sufficiently -great numbers to produce a sufficient quantity of silk to be of use. -Reaumur undertook this disagreeable task, and showed that spiders could -not be fed together without attacking and destroying one another. - -The next research which he undertook, was to discover in what way -certain sea-animals are capable of attaching themselves to fixed -bodies, and again disengaging themselves at pleasure. He discovered the -various threads and pinnæ which some of them possess for this purpose, -and the prodigious number of limbs by which the sea-star is enabled to -attach itself to solid bodies. Other animals employ a kind of cement -to glue themselves to those substances to which they are attached, -while some fix themselves by forming a vacuum in the interval between -themselves and the solid substances to which they are attached. - -It was at this period that he found great quantities of the buccinum, -which yielded the purple dye of the ancients, upon the coast of Poitou. -He observed, also, that the stones and little sandy ridges round which -the shellfish had collected were covered with a kind of oval grains, -some of which were white, and others of a yellowish colour, and having -collected and squeezed some of these upon the sleeve of his shirt, so -as to wet it with the liquid which they contained, he was agreeably -surprised in about half an hour to find the wetted spot assume a -beautiful purple colour, which was not discharged by washing. He -collected a number of these grains, and carrying them to his apartment, -bruised and squeezed different parcels of them upon bits of linen; but -to his great surprise, after two or three hours, no colour appeared -on the wetted part; but, at the same time, two or three spots of the -plaster at the window, on which drops of the liquid had fallen, had -become purple; though the day was cloudy. On carrying the pieces -of linen to the window, and leaving them there, they also acquired -a purple colour. It was the action of light, then, on the liquor, -that caused it to tinge the linen. He found, likewise, that when the -colouring matter was put into a phial, which filled it completely, it -remained unchanged; but when the phial was not full, and was badly -corked, it acquired colour. From these facts it is evident, that the -purple colour is owing to the joint action of the light and the oxygen -of the atmosphere upon the liquor of the shellfish. - -About this time, likewise, he made experiments upon a subject which -attracted the attention of mechanicians--to determine whether the -strength of a cord was greater, or less, or equal to the joint strength -of all the fibres which compose it. The result of Reaumur’s experiments -was, that the strength of the cord is less than that of all the fibres -of which it is composed. Hence it follows, that the less that a cord -differs from an assemblage of straight fibres, the stronger it is. -This, at that time considered as a singular mechanical paradox, was -afterwards elucidated by M. Duhamel. - -It was a popular opinion of all the inhabitants of the sea-shore, that -when the claws of crabs, lobsters, &c., are lost by any means, they are -gradually replaced by others, and the animal in a short time becomes as -perfect as at first. This opinion was ridiculed by men of science as -inconsistent with all our notions of true philosophy. Reaumur subjected -it to the test of experiment, by removing the claws of these animals, -and keeping them alone for the requisite time in sea-water: new claws -soon sprang out, and perfectly replaced those that had been removed. -Thus the common opinion was verified,and the contemptuous smile of the -half-learned man of science was shown to be the result of ignorance, -not of knowledge. - -Reaumur was not so fortunate in his attempts to explain the nature of -the shock given by the torpedo; which we now know to be an electric -shock produced by a peculiar apparatus within the animal. Reaumur -endeavoured to prove, from dissection, that the shock was owing to the -prodigious rapidity of the blow given by the animal in consequence of a -peculiar structure of its muscles. - -The turquoise was at that time, as it still is, considerably admired in -consequence of the beauty of its colour. Persia was the country from -which this precious stone came, and it was at that time considered as -the only country in the universe where it occurred. Reaumur made a set -of experiments on the subject and showed that the fossil bones found in -Languedoc, when exposed to a certain heat, assume the same beautiful -green colour, and become turquoises equally beautiful with the Persian. -It is now known, that the true Persian turquoise, the _calamite_ -of mineralogists, is quite different from fossil bones coloured -with copper. So far, therefore, Reaumur deceived himself by these -experiments; but at that time chemical knowledge was too imperfect to -enable him to subject Persian turquoise to an analysis, and determine -its constitution. - -About the same period, he undertook an investigation of the nature -of imitation pearls, which resemble the true pearls so closely, that -it is very difficult, from appearances, to distinguish the true from -the false. He showed that the substance which gave the false pearls -their colour and lustre, was taken from a small fish called by the -French _able_, or _ablette_. He likewise undertook an investigation -of the origin of true pearls, and showed that they were indebted for -their production to a disease of the animal. It is now known, that -the introduction of any solid body, as a grain of sand, within the -shell of the living pearl-shellfish, gives occasion to the formation -of pearl. Linnæus boasted that he knew a method of forming artificial -pearls; and doubtless his process was merely introducing some solid -particle of matter into the living shell. Pearls consist of alternate -layers of carbonate of lime and animal membrane; and the colour and -lustre to which they owe their value depends upon the thinness of the -alternate coats. - -The next paper of Reaumur was an account of the rivers in France -whose sand yielded gold-dust, and the method employed to extract the -gold. This paper will well repay the labour of a perusal; it owes its -interest in a great measure to the way in which the facts are laid -before the reader. - -His paper on the prodigious bank of fossil shells at Touraine, from -which the inhabitants draw manure in such quantities for their fields, -deserves attention in a geological point of view. But his paper on -flints and stones is not so valuable; it consists in speculations, -which, from the infant state of chemical analysis when he wrote, could -not be expected to lead to correct conclusions. - -I pass over many of the papers of this most indefatigable man, because -they are not connected with chemistry; but his history of insects -constitutes a charming book, and contains a prodigious number of facts -of the most curious and important nature. This book alone, supposing -Reaumur had done nothing else, would have been sufficient to have -immortalized the author. - -In the year 1722 he published his work on the _art of converting iron -into steel, and of softening cast-iron_. At that time no steel whatever -was made in France; the nation was supplied with that indispensable -article from foreign countries, chiefly from Germany. The object of -Reaumur’s book was to teach his countrymen the art of making steel, -and, if possible, to explain the nature of the process by which iron -is changed into steel. Reaumur concluded from his experiments, that -steel is iron impregnated with _sulphureous_ and _saline_ matters. The -word _sulphureous_, as at that time used, was nearly synonymous with -our present term _combustible_. The process which he found to answer, -and which he recommends to be followed, was to mix together - - 4 parts of soot - 2 parts of charcoal-powder - 2 parts of wood-ashes - 1½ parts of common salt. - -The iron bars to be converted into steel were surrounded with this -mixture, and kept red-hot till converted into steel. Reaumur’s notion -of the difference between iron and steel was an approximation to -the truth. The saline matters which he added do not enter into the -composition of steel; and if they did, so far from improving, they -would injure its qualities. But the charcoal and soot, which consist -chiefly of carbon, really produce the desired effect; for steel is a -combination of _iron_ and _carbon_. - -In consequence of these experiments of Reaumur, it came to be an -opinion entertained by chemists, that steel differed from iron merely -by containing a greater proportion of phlogiston; for the charcoal -and soot with which the iron bars were surrounded was considered as -consisting almost entirely of phlogiston; and the only useful purpose -which they could serve, was supposed to be to furnish phlogiston. This -opinion continued prevalent till it was overturned towards the end of -the last century, first by the experiments of Bergmann, and afterwards -by those of Berthollet, Vandermond, and Monge, published in the Memoirs -of the French Academy for 1786 (page 132). In this elaborate memoir the -authors take a view of all the different processes followed in bringing -iron from the ore to the state of steel: they then give an account of -the researches of Reaumur and of Bergmann; and lastly relate their own -experiments, from which they finally draw, as a conclusion, that steel -is a compound of iron and carbon. - -The regent Orleans, who at that time administered the affairs of -France, thought that this work of Reaumur was deserving a reward, and -accordingly offered him a pension of 12,000 livres. Reaumur requested -of the regent that this pension should be given in the name of the -academy, and that after his death it should continue, and be devoted to -defray the necessary expenses towards bringing the arts into a state of -perfection. The request was granted, and the letters patent made out on -the 22d of December, 1722. - -At that time tin-plate, as well as steel, was not made in France; -but all the tin-plates wanted were brought from Germany, where the -processes followed were kept profoundly secret. Reaumur undertook to -discover a method of tinning iron sufficiently cheap to admit the -article to be manufactured in France--and he succeeded. The difficulty -consisted in removing the scales with which the iron plates, as -prepared, were always covered. These scales consist of a vitrified -oxide of iron, to which the tin will not unite. Reaumur found, that -when these plates are steeped in water acidulated by means of bran, -and then allowed to rust in stoves, the scales become loose, and are -easily detached by rubbing the plates with sand. If after being thus -cleansed they are plunged into melted tin, covered with a little tallow -to prevent oxidizement, they are easily tinned. In consequence of this -explanation of the process by Reaumur, tin-plate manufactories were -speedily established in different parts of France. It was about the -same time, or only a little before it, that tin-plate manufactories -were first started in England. The English tin-plate was much more -beautiful than the German, and therefore immediately preferred to it; -because in Germany the iron was converted into plates by hammering, -whereas in England it was rolled out. This made it much smoother, and -consequently more beautiful. - -Another art, at that time unknown in France, and indeed in every part -of Europe except Saxony, was the art of making porcelain, a name given -to the beautiful translucent stoneware which is brought from China and -Japan. Reaumur undertook to discover the process employed in making -it. He procured specimens of porcelain from China and Japan, and also -of the imitations of those vessels at that time made in various parts -of France and other European countries. The true porcelain remained -unaltered, though exposed to the most violent heat which he was capable -of producing; but the imitations, in a furnace heated by no means -violently, melted into a perfect glass. Hence he concluded, that the -imitation-porcelains were merely glass, not heated sufficiently to be -brought into fusion; but true porcelain he conceived to be composed -of two different ingredients, one of which is capable of resisting -the most violent heat which can be raised, but the other, when heated -sufficiently, melts into a glass. It is this last ingredient that gives -porcelain its translucency, while the other makes it refractory in -the fire. This opinion of Reaumur was soon after confirmed by Father -d’Entrecolles, a French missionary in China, who sent some time after -a memoir to the academy, describing the mode followed by the Chinese -in the manufactory of their porcelain. Two substances are employed -by them, the one called _kaolin_ and the other _petunse_. It is now -known that _kaolin_ is what we call porcelain-clay, and that _petunse_ -is a fine white felspar. Felspar is fusible in a violent heat, but -porcelain-clay is refractory in the highest temperatures that we have -it in our power to produce in furnaces. - -Reaumur made another curious observation on glass, which has been, -since his time, employed very successfully to explain the appearances -of many of our trap-rocks. If a glass vessel, properly secured in -sand, be raised to a red heat, and then allowed to cool very slowly, -it puts off the appearance of glass and assumes that of stoneware, or -porcelain. Vessels thus altered have received the name of _Reaumur’s -porcelain_. They are much more refractory than glass, and therefore -may be exposed to a pretty strong red heat without any danger of -softening or losing their shape. This change is occasioned by the -glass being kept long in a soft state: the various substances of -which it is composed are at liberty to exercise their affinities -and to crystallize. This makes the vessel lose its glassy structure -altogether. In like manner it was found by Sir James Hall and Mr. -Gregory Watt, that when common greenstone was heated sufficiently, -and then rapidly cooled, it melted and concreted into a glass; but if -after having been melted it was allowed to cool exceedingly slowly, the -constituents again crystallized and arranged themselves as at first--so -that a true greenstone was again formed. In the same way lavas from a -volcano either assume the appearance of slag or of stone, according as -they have cooled rapidly or slowly. Many of the lavas from Vesuvius -cannot be distinguished from our _greenstones_. - -Reaumur’s labours upon the thermometer must not be omitted here; -because he gave his name to a thermometer, which was long used in -France and in other parts of Europe. The first person that brought -thermometers into a state capable of being compared with each other -was Sir Isaac Newton, in a paper published in the Philosophical -Transactions for 1701. Fahrenheit, of Amsterdam, was the first person -that put Newton’s method in practice, by fixing two points on his -scale, the freezing-water point and the boiling-water point, and -dividing the interval between them into one hundred and eighty degrees. - -But no fixed point existed in the thermometers employed in France, -every one graduating them according to his fancy; so that no two -thermometers could be compared together. Reaumur graduated his -thermometers by plunging them into freezing water or a mixture of -snow and water. This point was marked zero, and was called the -freezing-water point. The liquid used in his thermometers was spirit -of wine: he took care that it should be always of the same strength, -and the interval between the point of freezing and boiling water -was divided into eighty degrees. Deluc afterwards rectified this -thermometer, by substituting mercury for spirit of wine. This not only -enabled the thermometer to be used to measure higher temperatures, -but corrected an obvious error which existed in all the thermometers -constructed upon Reaumur’s principle: for spirit of wine cannot bear -a temperature of eighty degrees Reaumur without being dissipated -into vapour--absolute alcohol boiling at a hundred and sixty-two -degrees two-thirds. It is obvious from this, that the boiling point in -Reaumur’s thermometer could not be accurate, and that it would vary, -according to the quantity of empty space left above the alcohol. - -Finally, he contrived a method of hatching chickens by means of -artificial heat, as is practised in Egypt. - -We are indebted to him also for a set of important observations on the -organs of digestion in birds. He showed, that in birds of prey, which -live wholly upon animal food, digestion is performed by solvents in -the stomach, as is the case with digestion in man: while those birds -that live upon vegetable food have a very powerful stomach or gizzard, -capable of triturating the seeds which they swallow. To facilitate this -triturating process, these fowls are in the habit of swallowing small -pebbles. - -The moral qualities of M. Reaumur seem not to have been inferior to the -extent and variety of his acquirements. He was kind and benevolent, and -remarkably disinterested. He performed the duties of intendant of the -order of St. Louis from the year 1735 till his death, without accepting -any of the emoluments of the office, all of which were most religiously -given to the person to whom they belonged, had she been capable of -performing the duties of the place. M. Reaumur died on the 17th of -October, 1756, after having lived very nearly seventy-five years. - -John Hellot was born in Paris in the year 1685, on the 20th of -November. His father, Michael Hellot, was of a respectable family, and -the early part of his son’s education was at home: it seems to have -been excellent, as young Hellot acquired the difficult art of writing -on all manner of subjects in a precise, clear, and elegant style. His -father intended him for the church; but his own taste led him decidedly -to the study of chemistry. He had an uncle a physician, some of whose -papers on chemical subjects fell into his hands. This circumstance -kindled his natural taste into a flame: he formed an acquaintance with -M. Geoffroy, whose reputation as a chemist was at that time high, and -this friendship was afterwards cemented by Geoffroy marrying the niece -of M. Hellot. - -His circumstances being easy, he went over to England, to form a -personal acquaintance with the many eminent philosophers who at that -time adorned that country. His fortune was considerably deranged by -Law’s celebrated scheme during the regency of the Duke of Orleans. This -obliged him to look out for some resource: he became editor of the -Gazette de France, and continued in this employment from 1718 to 1732. -During these fourteen years, however, he did not neglect chemistry, -though his progress was not so rapid as it would have been, could he -have devoted to that science his undivided attention. In 1732 he was -put forward by his friends as a candidate for a place in the Academy of -Sciences; and in the year 1735 he was chosen adjunct chemist, vacant by -the promotion of M. de la Condamine to the place of associate. Three -years after he was declared a supernumerary pensioner, without passing -through the step of associate. His reputation as a chemist was already -considerable, and after he became a member of the academy, he devoted -himself to the investigations connected with his favourite science. - -His first labours were on zinc; in two successive papers he endeavoured -to decompose this metal, and to ascertain the nature of its -constituents. Though his labour was unsuccessful, yet he pointed out -many new properties of this metal, and various new compounds into which -it enters. Neither was he more successful in his attempt to account for -the origin of the red vapours which are exhaled from nitre in certain -circumstances. He ascribed them to the presence of ferruginous matters -in the nitre; whereas they are owing to the expulsion and partial -decomposition of the nitric acid of the nitre, in consequence of the -action of some more powerful acid. - -His paper on sympathetic ink is of more importance. A German chemist -had shown him a saline solution of a red colour which became blue when -heated: this led him to form a sympathetic ink, which was pale red, -while the paper was moist, but became blue upon drying it by holding it -to the fire. This sympathetic ink was a solution of cobalt in muriatic -acid. It does not appear from Hellot’s paper that he was exactly aware -of the chemical constitution of the liquid which constituted his -sympathetic ink; though it is clear he knew that cobalt constitutes an -essential part of it. - -Kunkel’s phosphorus, though it had been originally discovered in -Germany, could not be prepared by any of the processes which had been -given to the public. Boyle had taught his operator, Godfrey Hankwitz, -the method of making it. This man had, after Boyle’s death, opened a -chemist’s shop in London, and it was he that supplied all Europe with -this curious article: on that account it was usually distinguished -by the name of _English phosphorus_. But in the year 1737 a stranger -appeared in Paris, who offered for a stipulated reward to communicate -the method of manufacturing this substance to the Academy of Sciences. -The offer was accepted by the French government, and a committee of -the academy, at the head of which was Hellot, was appointed to witness -the process, and ascertain all its steps. The process was repeated -with success; and Hellot drew up a minute detail of the whole, which -was inserted in the Memoirs of the Academy, for the year 1737. The -publication of this paper constitutes an era in the preparation of -phosphorus: it was henceforward in the power of every chemist to -prepare it for himself. A few years after the process was much improved -by Margraaf; and, within little more than twenty years after, the very -convenient process still in use was suggested by Scheele. Hellot’s -experiments on the comparative merits of the salts of Peyrac, and of -Pecais were of importance, because they decided a dispute--they may -also perhaps be considered as curiosities in an historical point of -view; because we see from them the methods which Hellot had recourse to -at that early period in order to determine the purity of common salt. -They are not entitled, however, to a more particular notice here. - -In the year 1740 M. Hellot was charged with the general inspection of -dyeing; a situation which M. du Foy had held till the time of his death -in 1739. It was this appointment, doubtless, which turned his attention -to the theory of dyeing, which he tried to explain in two memoirs read -to the academy in 1740 and 1741. The subject was afterwards prosecuted -by him in subsequent memoirs which were published by the academy. - -In 1745 he was named to go to Lyons in order to examine with care the -processes followed for refining gold and silver. Before his return -he took care to give to these processes the requisite precision and -exactness. Immediately after his return to Paris he was appointed to -examine the different mines and assay the different ores in France; -this appointment led him to turn his thoughts to the subject. The -result of this was the publication of an excellent work on assaying -and metallurgy, entitled “De la Fonte des Mines, des Fonderies, &c. -Traduit de l’Allemand de Christophe-André Schlutter.” The first volume -of this book appeared in 1750, and the second in 1753. Though this book -is called by Hellot a translation, it contains in fact a great deal -of original matter; the arrangement is quite altered; many processes -not noticed by Schlutter are given, and many essential articles are -introduced, which had been totally omitted in the original work. He -begins with an introduction, in which he gives a short sketch of all -the mines existing in every part of France, together with some notice -of the present state of each. The first volume treats entirely of -docimasy, or the art of assaying the different metallic ores. Though -this art has been much improved since Hellot’s time, yet the processes -given in this volume are not without their value. The second volume -treats of the various metallurgic processes followed in order to -extract metals from their ores. This volume is furnished with no fewer -than fifty-five plates, in which all the various furnaces, &c. used in -these processes are exhibited to the eye. - -While occupied in preparing this work for the press he was chosen to -endeavour to bring the porcelain manufactory at Sevre to a greater -state of perfection than it had yet reached. In this he was successful. -He even discovered various new colours proper for painting upon -porcelain; which contributed to give to this manufactory the celebrity -which it acquired. - -In the year 1763 a phenomenon at that time quite new to France took -place in the coal-mine of Briançon. A quantity of carburetted hydrogen -gas had collected in the bottom of the mine, and being kindled by -the lights employed by the miners, it exploded with great violence, -and killed or wounded every person in the mine. This destructive gas, -distinguished in this country by the name of _fire-damp_, had been -long known in Great Britain and in the Low Countries, though it had -not before been known in France. The Duke de Choiseul, informed of -this event, had recourse to the academy for assistance, who appointed -Messrs. de Montigny, Duhamel, and Hellot, a committee to endeavour -to discover the remedies proper to prevent any such accident from -happening for the future. The report of these gentlemen was published -in the Memoirs of the Academy;[182] they give an account both of the -fire-damp, and _choke-damp_, or _carbonic acid gas_, which sometimes -also makes its appearance in coal-mines. They very justly observe -that the proper way to obviate the inconveniency of these gases is to -ventilate the mine properly; and they give various methods by which -this ventilation may be promoted by means of fires lighted at the -bottom of the shaft, &c. - -[182] 1763, p. 235. - -In 1763 M. Hellot was appointed, conjointly with M. Tillet, to examine -the process followed for assaying gold and silver. They showed that the -cupels always retained a small portion of the silver assayed, and that -this loss, ascribed to the presence of a foreign metal, made the purity -of the silver be always reckoned under the truth, which occasioned a -loss to the proprietor. - -His health continued tolerably good till he reached his eightieth year: -he was then struck with palsy, but partially recovered from the first -attack; but a second attack, on the 13th of February, 1765, refused -to yield to every medical treatment, and he died on the 15th of that -month, at an age a little beyond eighty. - -Henry Louis Duhamel du Monceau was born at Paris in the year 1700. -He was descended from Loth Duhamel, a Dutch gentleman, who came to -France in the suite of the infamous Duke of Burgundy, about the year -1400. Young Duhamel was educated in the College of Harcourt; but the -course of study did not suit his taste. He left it with only one fact -engraven on his memory--that men, by observing nature, had created a -science called _physics_; and he resolved to profit by his freedom -from restraint and turn the whole of his attention to that subject. He -lodged near the Jardin du Roi, where alone, at that time, physics were -attended to in Paris. Dufoy, Geoffroy, Lemery, Jussieu, and Vaillant, -were the friends with whom he associated on coming to Paris. His -industry was stimulated solely by a love of study, and by the pleasure -which he derived from the increase of knowledge; love of fame does not -appear to have entered into his account. - -In the year 1718 saffron, which is much cultivated in that part of -France formerly distinguished by the name of Gâtinois, where Duhamel’s -property lay, was attacked by a malady which appeared contagious. -Healthy bulbs, when placed in the neighbourhood of those that were -diseased, soon became affected with the same malady. Government -consulted the academy on the subject; and this learned body thought -they could not do better than request M. Duhamel to investigate the -cause of the disease; though he was only eighteen years of age, and -not even a member of the academy. He ascertained that the malady was -owing to a parasitical plant, which attached itself to the bulb of the -saffron, and drew nourishment from it. This plant extended under the -earth, from one bulb to another, and thus infected the whole saffron -plantations. - -M. Duhamel formed the resolution at the commencement of his scientific -career to devote himself to public utility, and to prosecute those -subjects which were likely to contribute most effectually to the -comfort of the lower ranks of men. Much of his time was spent in -endeavouring to promote the culture of vegetables, and in rendering -that culture more useful to society. This naturally led to a careful -study of the physiology of trees. The fruit of this study he gave to -the world in the year 1758, when his Physique des Arbres was published. -This constitutes one of the most important works on the subject which -has ever appeared. It contains a great number of new and original -facts; and contributed very much indeed to advance this difficult, but -most important branch of science: nor is it less remarkable for modesty -than for value. The facts gathered from other sources, even those -which make against his own opinions, are most carefully and accurately -stated: the experiments that preceded his are repeated and verified -with much care; and the reader is left to discover the new facts and -new views of the author, without any attempt on his part to claim them -as his own. - -M. Duhamel had been attached to the department of the marine by M. de -Maurepas, who had given him the title of _inspector-general_. This led -him to turn his attention to naval science in general. The construction -of vessels, the weaving of sailcloths, the construction of ropes and -cables, the method of preserving the wood, occupied his attention -successively, and gave birth to several treatises, which, like all -his works, contain immense collections of facts and experiments. He -endeavours always to discover which is the best practice, to reduce -it to fixed rules, and to support it by philosophical principles; but -abstains from all theory when it can be supported only by hypothesis. - -From the year 1740, when he became an academician, till his death -in 1781, he made a regular set of meteorological observations at -Pithiviers, with details relative to the direction of the needle, to -agriculture, to the medical constitution of the year, and to the time -of nest-building, and of the passage of birds. - -Above sixty memoirs of his were published in the Transactions of the -French Academy of Sciences. They are so multifarious in their nature, -and embrace such a variety of subjects, that I shall not attempt even -to give their titles, but satisfy myself with stating such only as bear -more immediately upon the science of chemistry. - -It will be proper in conducting this review to notice the result of -his labours connected with the ossification of bones; because, though -not strictly chemical, they throw light upon some branches of the -animal economy, more closely connected with chemistry than with any -other of the sciences. He examined, in the first place, whether the -ossification of bones, and their formation and reparation, did not -follow the same law that he had assigned to the increments of trees, -and he established, by a set of experiments, that bones increase by -the ossification of layers of the periosteum, as trees do by the -hardening of their cortical layers. Bones in a soft state increase in -every direction, like the young branches of plants; but after their -induration they increase only like trees, by successive additions of -successive layers. This organization was incompatible with the opinion -of those who thought that bones increased by the addition of an earthy -matter deposited in the meshes of the organized network which forms -the texture of bones. M. Duhamel combated this opinion by an ingenious -experiment. He had been informed by Sir Hans Sloane that the bones -of young animals fed upon madder were tinged red. He conceived the -plan of feeding them alternately with food mingled with madder, and -with ordinary food. The bones of animals thus treated were found to -present alternate concentric layers of red and white, corresponding -to the different periods in which the animal had been fed with -food containing or not containing madder. When these bones are sawn -longitudinally we see the thickness of the coloured layers, greater or -less, according to the number of plates of the periosteum that have -ossified. As for the portions still soft, or susceptible of extending -themselves in every direction, such as the plates in the neighbourhood -of the marrow, the reservoir of which increases during a part of the -time that the animal continues to grow, the red colour marks equally -the progress of their ossification by coloured points more or less -extended. - -This opinion was attacked by Haller, and defended by M. Fougeroux, -nephew of M. Duhamel; but it is not our business here to inquire how -far correct. - -One of the most important of M. Duhamel’s papers, which will secure -his name a proud station in the annals of chemistry, is that which was -inserted in the Memoirs of the Academy for 1737, in which he shows -that the base of common salt is a true fixed alkali, different in some -respects from the alkali extracted from land plants, and known by the -name of _potash_, but similar to that obtained by the incineration of -marine plants. We are surprised that a fact so simple and elementary -was disputed by the French chemists, and rather indicated than proved -by Stahl and his followers. The conclusions of Duhamel were disputed -by Pott; but finally confirmed by Margraaf. M. Duhamel carried his -researches further, he wished to know if the difference between potash -and soda depends on the plants that produce them, or on the nature -of the soil in which they grow. He sowed kali at Denainvilliers, and -continued his experiments during a great number of years. M. Cadet, at -his request, examined the salts contained in the ashes of the kali of -Denainvilliers. He found that during the first year soda predominated -in these ashes. During the successive years the potash increased -rapidly, and at last the soda almost entirely disappeared. It was -obvious from this, that the alkalies in plants are drawn at least -chiefly from the soil in which they vegetate. - -The memoirs of M. Duhamel on ether, at that time almost unknown, on -soluble tartars, and on lime, contain many facts both curious and -accurately stated; though our present knowledge of these bodies is -so much greater than his--the new facts ascertained respecting them -are so numerous and important, that the contributions of this early -experimenter, which probably had a considerable share in the success -of subsequent investigations, are now almost forgotten. Nor would many -readers bear patiently with an attempt to enumerate them. - -There is a curious paper of his in the Memoirs of the Academy for -1757. In this he gives the details of a spontaneous combustion of -large pieces of cloth soaked in oil and strongly pressed. Cloth thus -prepared had often produced similar accidents. Those who were fortunate -enough to prevent them, took care to conceal the facts, partly from -ignorance of the real cause of the combustion, and partly from a fear -that if they were to state what they saw, their testimony would not -gain credit. If the combustion had not been prevented, then the public -voice would have charged those who had the care of the cloths with -culpable negligence, or even with criminal conduct. The observation -of M. Duhamel, therefore, was useful, in order to prevent such unjust -suspicions from hindering those concerned from taking the requisite -precautions. Yet, twenty years after the publication of his paper, -two accidental spontaneous combustions, in Russia, were ascribed to -treason. The empress Catharine II. alone suspected that the combustion -was spontaneous, and experiments made by her orders fully confirmed the -evidence previously advanced by the French philosopher. - -One man alone would have been insufficient for all the labours -undertaken by M. Duhamel; but he had a brother who lived upon his -estate at Denainvilliers (the name of which he bore), and divided his -time between the performance of benevolent actions and studying the -operations of nature. M. Denainvilliers prosecuted in his retreat the -observations and experiments intrusted by his brother to his charge. -Thus in fact the memoirs of Duhamel exhibit the assiduous labours -of two individuals, one of whom contentedly remained unknown to the -world, satisfied with the good which he did, and the favours which he -conferred upon his country and the human race. - -The works of M. Duhamel are very voluminous, and are all written with -the utmost plainness. Every thing is elementary, no previous knowledge -is taken for granted. His writings are not addressed to philosophers, -but to all those who are in quest of practical knowledge. He has been -accused of diffuseness of style, and of want of correctness; but -his style is simple and clear; and as his object was to inform, not -philosophers, but the common people, greater conciseness would have -been highly injudicious. - -Neither he nor his brother ever married, but thought it better to -devote their undivided attention to study. Both were assiduous in no -ordinary degree, but the ardour of Duhamel himself continued nearly -undiminished till within a year of his death; when, though he still -attended the meetings of the academy, he no longer took the same -interest in its proceedings. On the 22d of July, 1781, just after -leaving the academy, he was struck with apoplexy, and died after -lingering twenty-two days in a state of coma. - -He was without doubt one of the most eminent men of the age in which -he lived; but his merits as a chemist will chiefly be remembered -in consequence of his being the first person who demonstrated -by satisfactory evidence the peculiar nature of soda, which had -been previously confounded with potash. His merits as a vegetable -physiologist and agriculturist were of a very high order. - -Peter Joseph Macquer was born at Paris, in 1718. His father, Joseph -Macquer, was descended from a noble Scottish family, which had -sacrificed its property and its country, out of attachment to the -family of the Stuarts.[183] Young Macquer made choice of medicine as -a profession, and devoted himself chiefly to chemistry, for which -he showed early a decided taste. He was admitted a member of the -Academy of Sciences in the year 1745, when he was twenty-seven years -of age. Original researches in chemistry, the composition of chemical -elementary works, and the study of the arts connected with chemistry, -occupied the whole remainder of his life. - -[183] I do not know what the true name was of which Macquer is a -corruption. Ker is a Scottish name belonging to two noble families, -the Duke of Roxburgh and the Marquis of Lothian; but I am not aware of -M’Ker being a Scottish name: besides, neither of these families was -attached to the house of Stuart. - -His first paper treated of the effect produced by heating a mixture of -saltpetre and white arsenic. It was previously known, that when such a -mixture is distilled nitric acid comes over tinged with a blue colour; -but nobody had thought of examining the residue of this distillation. -Macquer found it soluble in water and capable of crystallizing into a -neutral salt composed of potash (the base of saltpetre), and an acid -into which the arsenic was changed by the nitric acid communicating -oxygen to it. - -Macquer found that a similar salt might be obtained with soda or -ammonia for its base. Thus he was the first person who pointed out -the existence of arsenic acid, and ascertained the properties of some -of the salts which it forms. But he made no attempt to obtain arsenic -acid in a separate state, or to determine its properties. That very -important step was reserved for Scheele, for Macquer seems to have had -no suspicion of the true nature of the salt which he had formed. - -His next set of experiments was on Prussian blue. He made the first -step towards the discovery of the nature of the principle to which -that pigment owes its colour. Prussian blue had been accidentally -discovered by Diesbach, an operative chemist of Berlin, in 1710, but -the mode of producing it was kept secret till it was published in -1724, by Dr. Woodward in the Philosophical Transactions. It consisted -in mixing potash and blood together, and heating the mixture in a -covered crucible, having a small hole in the lid, till it ceased to -give out smoke. The solution of this mixture in water, when mixed with -a solution of sulphate of iron, threw down a green powder, which became -blue when treated with muriatic acid: this blue matter was _Prussian -blue_. Macquer ascertained that when Prussian blue is exposed to a -red heat its blue colour disappears, and it is converted into common -peroxide of iron. Hence he concluded that Prussian blue is a compound -of oxide of iron, and of something which is destroyed or driven off -by a red heat. He showed that this something possessed the characters -of an acid; for when Prussian blue is boiled with caustic potash it -loses its blue colour, and if the potash be boiled with successive -portions of Prussian blue, as long as it is capable of discolouring -them, it loses the characters of an acid and assumes those of a neutral -salt, and at the same time acquires the property of precipitating iron -from the solutions of the sulphate at once of a blue colour. Macquer -ascribed the green colour thrown down, by mixing the blood-lie and -sulphate of iron to the potash in the blood-lie, not being saturated -with the colouring matter of Prussian blue. Hence a portion of the iron -is thrown down in the state of Prussian blue, and another portion in -that of yellow oxide of iron: these two being mixed form a green. The -muriatic acid dissolves the yellow oxide and leaves the Prussian blue -untouched. Macquer, however, did not succeed in determining the nature -of the colouring matter; a task reserved for Scheele, whose lot it was -to take up the half-finished investigations of Macquer, and throw upon -them a new and brilliant light. Macquer thought that this colouring -matter was _phlogiston_. On that account the potash saturated with -it, which was employed by chemists to detect the presence of iron by -forming with it Prussian blue, was called _phlogisticated alkali_. - -Macquer, conjointly with Baumé, subjected the grains of crude platinum, -to which the attention of chemists had been newly drawn, to experiment. -Their principle object was to examine its fusibility and ductility. -They succeeded in fusing it imperfectly, by means of a burning -mirror, and found that the grains thus treated were not destitute of -ductility. But upon the whole the experiments of these chemists threw -but little light upon the subject. Many years elapsed before chemists -were able to work this refractory metal, and to make it into vessels -fitted for the uses of the laboratory. For this important improvement, -which constitutes an era in chemistry, the chemical world was chiefly -indebted to Dr. Wollaston. - -In the year 1750 M. Macquer was charged with a commission by the court. -There existed at that time in Brittany a man, the Count de la Garaie, -who, yielding to a passion for benevolence, had for forty years devoted -himself to the service of suffering humanity. He had built an hospital -by the side of a chemical laboratory: he took care of the patients in -the hospital himself; and treated them with medicines prepared in his -laboratory. Some of these were new, and, in his opinion, excellent -medicines; and he offered to sell them to government for the service of -his hospital. Macquer was charged by government with the examination of -these medicines. The project of the Count de la Garaie was to extract -the salutary parts of minerals, by a long maceration with neutral -salts. Among other things he had prepared a mercurial tincture, by a -process which lasted several months: but this tincture was merely a -solution of corrosive sublimate in spirit of wine. Such is the history -of most of those boasted secrets; sometimes they are chimerical, and -sometimes known to all the world, except to those who purchase them. - -M. Macquer had the fortune to live at a time when chemistry began to -be freed from the reveries of alchymists; but methodical arrangement -was a merit still unknown to the elementary chemical books, especially -in France, where a residue of Cartesianism added to the natural -obscurity of the science, by surcharging it with pretended mechanical -explanations. Macquer was the first French chemist who gave to an -elementary treatise the same clearness, simplicity, and method, -which is to be found in the other branches of science. This was no -small merit, and undoubtedly contributed considerably to the rapid -improvement of the science which so speedily followed. His elements -of chemistry were translated into different languages, especially -into English; and long constituted the textbook employed in the -different European universities. Dr. Black recommended it for many -years in the University of Edinburgh. Indeed, it was only superseded in -consequence of the new views introduced into chemistry by Lavoisier, -which, requiring a new language to render them intelligible, naturally -superseded all the elementary chemical books which had preceded the -introduction of that language. - -Macquer, during a number of years, delivered regular courses of -chemical lectures, conjointly with Baumé. In these courses he preferred -that arrangement which appeared to him to require the least preliminary -knowledge of chemistry. He described the experiments, stated the facts -with clearness and precision, and explained them in the way which -appeared to him most plausible, according to the opinions generally -received; but without placing much confidence in the accuracy of these -explanations. He thought it necessary to theorize a little, to enable -his pupils the better to connect the facts and to remember them; and to -put an end to that painful state of uncertainty which always results -from a collection of facts without any theoretical links to bind -them together. When the discoveries of Lavoisier began to shake the -foundation of the Stahlian theory, Macquer was old; and it appears from -a letter of his, published by Delametherie in the Journal de Physique, -that he was alarmed at the prophetic announcements of Lavoisier in -the academy that the reign of Phlogiston was drawing towards an end. -M. Condorcet assures us that his attachment to theory, by which he -means phlogiston, was by no means strong;[184] but his own letter to -Delametherie rather shows that this statement was not quite correct. -How, indeed, could he fail to experience an attachment to opinions -which it had been the business of his whole life to inculcate? - -[184] Hist. de l’Acad. R. des Sciences, 1784, p. 24. - -Macquer also published a dictionary of chemistry, which was very -successful, and which was translated into most of the European -languages. This mode of treating chemistry was well suited to a science -still in its infancy, and which did not yet constitute a complete -whole. It enabled him to discuss the different topics in succession, -and independent of each other: and thus to introduce much important -matter which could not easily have been introduced into a systematic -work on chemistry. The second edition of this dictionary was published -just at the time when the gases began to attract the attention of -scientific men; when facts began to multiply with prodigious rapidity, -and to shake the confidence of chemists in all received theories. He -acquitted himself of the difficult task of collecting and stating -these new facts with considerable success; and doubtless communicated -much new information to his countrymen: for the discoveries connected -with the gases originated, and were chiefly made, in England, from -which, on account of the revolutionary American war, there was some -difficulty of obtaining early information. - -M. Hellot, who was commissioner of the counsel for dyeing, and chemist -to the porcelain manufacture, requested to have M. Macquer for an -associate. This request did much honour to Hellot, as he was conscious -that the reputation of Macquer as a chemist was superior to his -own. Macquer endeavoured, in the first place, to lay down the true -principles of the art of dyeing, as the best method of dissipating the -obscurity which still hung over it. A great part of his treatise on -the art of dyeing silk, published in the collection of the Academy of -Sciences, has these principles for its object. He gave processes also -for dyeing silk with Prussian blue, and for giving to silk, by means -of cochineal, as brilliant a scarlet colour as can be given to woollen -cloth by the same dye-stuff. He published nothing on the porcelain -manufacture, though he attended particularly to the processes, and -introduced several ameliorations. The beautiful porcelain earth at -present used at Sevre, was discovered in consequence of a premium which -he offered to any person who could point out a clay in every respect -proper for making porcelain. - -Macquer passed a great part of his life with a brother, whom he -affectionately loved: after his death he devoted himself entirely to -his wife and two children, whose education he superintended. He was -rather averse to society, but conducted himself while in it with much -sweetness and affability. He was fond of tranquillity and independence. -Though his health had been injured a good many years before his death, -the calmness and serenity of his temper prevented strangers from being -aware that he was afflicted with any malady. He himself was sensible -that his strength was gradually sinking; he predicted his approaching -end to his wife, whom he thanked for the happiness which she had spread -over his life. He left orders that his body should be opened after his -decease, that the cause of his death might be discovered. He died on -the 15th of February, 1784. An ossification of the aorta, and several -calculous concretions found in the cavities of the heart, had been the -cause of the disease under which he had suffered for several years -before his death. - -These four chemists, of whose lives a sketch has just been given, were -the most eminent that France ever produced belonging to the Stahlian -school of chemistry. Baron, Malouin, Rouelle senior, Tillet, Cadet, -Baumé, Sage, and several others whose names I purposely omit, likewise -cultivated chemistry, during that period, with assiduity and success; -and were each of them the authors of papers which deserve attention, -but which it would be impossible to particularize without swelling this -work into a size greatly beyond its proper limits. - -Hilaire-Marin Rouelle, who was born at Caen in 1718, was, however, too -eminent a chemist to be passed over in silence. His elder brother, -William Francis, was a member of the Academy of Sciences, and -demonstrator to Macquer, who gave lectures in the Jardin du Roi. At -the death of Macquer, in 1770, Hilaire-Marin Rouelle succeeded him. He -devoted the whole of his time and money to this situation, and quite -altered the nature of the experimental course of chemistry given in the -Jardin du Roi. He was in some measure the author of the chemistry of -animal bodies, at least in France. When he published his experiments -on the salts of urine, and of blood, he had scarcely any model; and -though he committed some considerable mistakes, he ascertained several -essential and important facts, which have been since fully confirmed -by more modern experimenters. He died on the 7th of April, 1779, aged -sixty-one years. His temper was peculiar, and he was too honest and -too open for the situation in which he was placed, and for a state of -society in which every thing was carried by intrigue and finesse. This -is the reason why, in France, his reputation was lower than it ought -to have been. It accounts, too, for his never becoming a member of -the Academy of Sciences, nor of any of the other numerous academies -which at that time swarmed in France. Nothing is more common than to -find these unjust decisions raise or depress men of science far above -or far below their true standard. Romé de Lisle, the first person who -commenced the study of crystals, and placed that study in a proper -point of view, was a man of the same stamp with the younger Rouelle, -and never on that account, became a member of any academy, or acquired -that reputation during his lifetime, to which his laborious career -justly entitled him. It would be an easy, though an invidious task, to -point out various individuals, especially in France, whose reputation, -in consequence of accidental and adventitious circumstances, rose just -as much above their deserts, as those of Rouelle, and Romé de Lisle -were sunk below. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -OF THE FOUNDATION AND PROGRESS OF SCIENTIFIC CHEMISTRY IN GREAT BRITAIN. - - -The spirit which Newton had infused for the mathematical science -was so great, that during many years they drew within their vortex -almost all the scientific men in Great Britain. Dr. Stephen Hales is -almost the only remarkable exception, during the early part of the -eighteenth century. His vegetable statics constituted a most ingenious -and valuable contribution to vegetable physiology. His hæmastatics was -a no less valuable contribution to iatro-mathematics, at that time -the fashionable medical theory in Great Britain. While his _analysis -of air_, and experiments on the animal calculus constituted, in all -probability, the foundation-stone of the whole discoveries respecting -the gases to which the great subsequent progress of chemistry is -chiefly owing. - -Dr. William Cullen, to whom medicine lies under deep obligations, -and who afterwards raised the medical celebrity of the College of -Edinburgh to so high a pitch, had the merit of first perceiving the -importance of scientific chemistry, and the reputation which that man -was likely to earn, who should devote himself to the cultivation of -it. Hitherto chemistry in Great Britain, and on the continent also, -was considered as a mere appendage to medicine, and useful only so -far as it contributed to the formation of new and useful remedies. -This was the reason why it came to constitute an essential part of the -education of every medical man, and why a physician was considered as -unfit for practice unless he was also a chemist. But Dr. Cullen viewed -the science as far more important; as capable of throwing light on the -constitution of bodies, and of improving and amending of those arts and -manufactures that are most useful to man. He resolved to devote himself -to its cultivation and improvement; and he would undoubtedly have -derived celebrity from this science, had not his fate led rather to the -cultivation of medicine. But Dr. Cullen, as the true commencer of the -study of scientific chemistry in Great Britain, claims a conspicuous -place in this historical sketch. - -William Cullen was born in Lanarkshire, in Scotland, in the year -1712, on the 11th of December. His father, though chief magistrate of -Hamilton, was not in circumstances to lay out much money on his son. -William, therefore, after serving an apprenticeship to a surgeon in -Glasgow, went several voyages to the West Indies, as surgeon, in a -trading-vessel from London; but tiring of this, he settled, when very -young, in the parish of Shotts; and after residing for a short time -among the farmers and country people, he went to Hamilton, with a view -of practising as a physician. - -While he resided near Shotts, it happened that Archibald, Duke of -Argyle, who at that time bore the chief political sway in Scotland, -paid a visit to a gentleman of rank in that neighbourhood. The duke -was fond of science, and was at that time engaged in some chemical -researches which required to be elucidated by experiment. Eager in -these pursuits, while on his visit he found himself at a loss for some -piece of chemical apparatus which his landlord could not furnish; but -he mentioned young Cullen to the duke as a person fond of chemistry, -and likely therefore to possess the required apparatus. He was -accordingly invited to dine, and introduced to his Grace. The duke -was so pleased with his knowledge, politeness, and address, that an -acquaintance commenced, which laid the foundation of all Cullen’s -future advancement. - -His residence in Hamilton naturally made his name known to the Duke of -Hamilton, whose palace is situated in the immediate vicinity of that -town. His Grace being taken with a sudden illness, sent for Cullen, -and was highly delighted with the sprightly character, and ingenious -conversation of the young physician. He found no difficulty, especially -as young Cullen was already known to the Duke of Argyle, in getting him -appointed to a place in the University of Glasgow, where his singular -talents as a teacher soon became very conspicuous. - -It was while Dr. Cullen was a practitioner in Shotts that he formed a -connexion with William, afterwards Doctor Hunter, the famous lecturer -on anatomy in London, who was a native of the same part of the country -as Cullen. These two young men, stimulated by genius, though thwarted -by the narrowness of their circumstances, entered into a copartnery -business, as surgeons and apothecaries, in the country. The chief -object of their contract was to furnish the parties with the means -of carrying on their medical studies, which they were not able to do -separately. It was stipulated that one of them, alternately, should be -allowed to study in whatever college he preferred, during the winter, -while the other carried on the common business in his absence. In -consequence of this agreement, Cullen was first allowed to study in -the University of Edinburgh, for a winter. When it came to Hunter’s -turn next winter, he rather chose to go to London. There his singular -neatness in dissecting, and uncommon dexterity in making anatomical -preparations, his assiduity in study, his mild manners, and easy -temper, drew upon him the attention of Dr. Douglas, who at that time -read lectures on anatomy and midwifery in the capital. He engaged -him as his assistant, and he afterwards succeeded him in the same -department with much honour to himself, and advantage to the public. -Thus was dissolved a copartnership of perhaps as singular a kind as any -that occurs in the annals of science. Cullen was not disposed to let -any engagement with him prove a bar to his partner’s advancement in the -world. The articles were abandoned, and Cullen and Hunter kept up ever -after a friendly correspondence; though there is reason to believe that -they never afterwards met. - -It was while a country practitioner that young Cullen married a Miss -Johnston, daughter of a neighbouring clergyman. The connexion was -fortunate and lasting. She brought her husband a numerous family, and -continued his faithful companion through all the alterations of his -fortune. She died in the summer of 1786. - -In the year 1746 Cullen, who had now taken the degree of doctor of -medicine, was appointed lecturer on chemistry in the University of -Glasgow; and in the month of October began a course on that science. -His singular talent for arrangement, his distinctness of enunciation, -his vivacity of manner, and his knowledge of the science which he -taught, rendered his lectures interesting to a degree which had -been till then unknown in that university: he was adored by the -students. The former professors were eclipsed by the brilliancy of his -reputation, and he had to encounter all those little rubs and insults -that disappointed envy naturally threw in his way. But he proceeded in -his career regardless of these petty mortifications; and supported by -the public, he was more than consoled for the contumely heaped upon him -by the ill nature and pitiful malignity of his colleagues. His practice -as a physician increased every day, and a vacancy occurring in the -chair in 1751, he was appointed by the crown professor of medicine, -which put him on a footing of equality with his colleagues in the -university. This new appointment called forth powers which he was not -before known to possess, and thus served still further to increase his -reputation. - -At that time the patrons of the University of Edinburgh were eagerly -bent on raising the reputation of their medical school, and were in -consequence on the look out for men of abilities and reputation to fill -their respective chairs. Their attention was soon drawn towards Cullen, -and on the death of Dr. Plummer, in 1756, he was unanimously invited to -fill the vacant _chemical chair_. He accepted the invitation, and began -his academical career in the College of Edinburgh in October of that -year, and here he continued during the remainder of his life. - -The appearance of Dr. Cullen in the College of Edinburgh constitutes -a memorable era in the progress of that celebrated school. Hitherto -chemistry being reckoned of little importance, had been attended by -very few students; when Cullen began to lecture it became a favourite -study, almost all the students flocking to hear him, and the chemical -class becoming immediately more numerous than any other in the college, -anatomy alone excepted. The students in general spoke of the new -professor with that rapturous ardour so natural to young men when -highly pleased. These eulogiums were doubtless extravagant, and proved -disgusting to his colleagues. A party was formed to oppose this new -favourite of the public. His opinions were misrepresented, it was -affirmed that he taught doctrines which excited the alarm of some of -the most moderate and conscientious of his colleagues. Thus a violent -ferment was excited, and some time elapsed before the malignant arts by -which this flame had been blown up were discovered. - -During this time of public ferment Cullen went steadily forward; he -never gave an ear to the gossip brought him respecting the conduct -of his colleagues, nor did he take any notice of the doctrines which -they taught. Some of their unguarded strictures on himself might -occasionally have come to his ears; but if it was so, he took no notice -of them whatever; they seemed to have made no impression on him. - -This futile attempt to lower his character being thus baffled, his fame -as a professor, and his reputation as a physician, increased daily: nor -could it be otherwise; his professional knowledge was always great, and -his manner of lecturing singularly clear and intelligible, lively, and -entertaining. To his patients his conduct was so pleasing, his address -so affable and engaging, and his manner so open, so kind, and so little -regulated by pecuniary considerations, that those who once applied to -him for medical assistance could never afterwards dispense with it: he -became the friend and companion of every family he visited, and his -future acquaintance could not be dispensed with. - -His private conduct to his students was admirable, and deservedly -endeared him to every one of them. He was so uniformly attentive to -them, and took so much interest in the concerns of those who applied -to him for advice; was so cordial and so warm, that it was impossible -for any one, who had a heart susceptible of generous emotions, not to -be delighted with a conduct so uncommon and so kind. It was this which -served more than any thing else to extend his reputation over every -civilized quarter of the globe. Among ingenuous youth gratitude easily -degenerates into rapture; hence the popularity which he enjoyed, and -which to those who do not well weigh the causes which operated on the -students must appear excessive. - -The general conduct of Cullen to his students was this: with all -such as he observed to be attentive and diligent he formed an early -acquaintance, by inviting them by twos, by threes, and by fours at a -time to sup with him; conversing with them at such times with the most -engaging ease, entering freely with them into the subject of their -studies, their amusements, their difficulties, their hopes and future -prospects. In this way he usually invited the whole of his numerous -class till he made himself acquainted with their private character, -their abilities, and their objects of pursuit. Those of whom he formed -the highest opinion were of course invited most frequently, till an -intimacy was gradually formed which proved highly beneficial to them. -To their doubts and difficulties he listened with the most obliging -condescension, and he solved them to the utmost of his power. His -library was at all times open for their accommodation: in short, he -treated them as if they had been all his relatives and friends. Few men -of distinction left the University of Edinburgh, in his time, with whom -he did not keep up a correspondence till they were fairly established -in business. This enabled him gradually to form an accurate knowledge -of the state of medicine in every country, and the knowledge thus -acquired put it in his power to direct students in the choice of places -where they might have an opportunity of engaging in business with a -reasonable prospect of success. - -Nor was it in this way alone that he befriended the students in the -University of Edinburgh. Remembering the difficulties with which he had -himself to struggle in his younger days, he was at all times singularly -attentive to the pecuniary wants of the students. From the general -intimacy which he contracted with them he found no difficulty in -discovering those whose circumstances were contracted, or who laboured -under any pecuniary embarrassment, without being under the necessity of -hurting their feelings by a direct inquiry. To such persons, when their -habits of study admitted it, he was peculiarly attentive: they were -more frequently invited to his house than others, they were treated -with unusual kindness and familiarity, they were conducted to his -library and encouraged by the most delicate address to borrow from it -freely whatever books he thought they had occasion for; and as persons -under such circumstances are often extremely shy, books were sometimes -pressed upon them as a sort of task, the doctor insisting upon knowing -their opinion of such and such passages which they had not read, and -desiring them to carry the book home for that purpose: in short, he -behaved to them as if he had courted their company. He thus raised -them in the opinion of their acquaintances, which, to persons in their -circumstances, was of no little consequence. They were inspired at the -same time with a secret sense of dignity, which elevated their minds, -and excited an uncommon ardour, instead of that desponding inactivity -so natural to depressed circumstances. Nor was he less delicate in the -manner of supplying their wants: he often found out some polite excuse -for refusing to take money for a first course, and never was at a loss -for one to an after course. Sometimes (as his lectures were never -written) he would request the favour of a sight of their notes, if he -knew that they were taken with care, in order to refresh his memory. -Sometimes he would express a wish to have their opinion of a particular -part of his course, and presented them with a ticket for the purpose. -By such delicate pieces of address, in which he greatly excelled, he -took care to anticipate their wants. Thus he not only gave them the -benefit of his own lectures, but by refusing to take money enabled them -to attend such others as were necessary for completing their course of -medical study. - -He introduced another general rule into the university dictated by the -same spirit of disinterested benevolence. Before he came to Edinburgh, -it was the custom of the medical professors to accept of fees for their -medical attendance when wanted, even from medical students themselves, -though they were perhaps attending the professor’s lectures at the -time. But Dr. Cullen never would take a fee from any student of the -university, though he attended them, when called on as a physician, -with the same assiduity and care as if they had been persons of the -first rank who paid him most liberally. This gradually led others -to follow his example; and it has now become a general rule for -medical professors to decline taking any fees when their assistance -is necessary to a student. For this useful reform, as well as for -many others, the students in the University of Edinburgh are entirely -indebted to Dr. Cullen. - -The first lectures which Dr. Cullen delivered in Edinburgh were on -chemistry; and for many years he also gave lectures on the cases -that occurred in the infirmary. In the month of February, 1763, Dr. -Alston died, after having begun his usual course of lectures on the -materia medica. The magistrates of Edinburgh, who are the patrons of -the university, appointed Dr. Cullen to that chair, requesting that -he would finish the course of lectures that had been begun by his -predecessor. This he agreed to do, and, though he had only a few days -to prepare himself, he never once thought of reading the lectures of -his predecessor, but resolved to deliver a new course, which should be -entirely his own. Some idea may be formed of the popularity of Cullen, -by the increase of students to a class nearly half finished: Dr. Alston -had been lecturing to ten; as soon as Dr. Cullen began, a hundred new -students enrolled themselves. - -Some years after, on the death of Dr. Whytt, professor of the theory of -medicine, Dr. Cullen was appointed to give lectures in his stead. It -was then that he thought it requisite to resign the chemical chair in -favour of Dr. Black, his former pupil, whose talents in that department -of science were well known. Soon after, on the death of Dr. Rutherford, -professor of the practice of medicine, Dr. John Gregory having become a -candidate for this place, along with Dr. Cullen, a sort of compromise -took place between them, by which they agreed to give lectures -alternately, on the theory and practice of medicine, during their joint -lives, the longest survivor being allowed to hold either of the classes -he should incline. Unluckily this arrangement was soon destroyed, by -the sudden and unexpected death of Dr. Gregory, in the flower of his -age. Dr. Cullen thenceforth continued to give lectures on the practice -of medicine till within a few months of his death, which happened on -the 5th of February, 1790, when he was in the seventy-seventh year of -his age. - -It is not our business to follow Dr. Cullen’s medical career, nor -to point out the great benefits which he conferred on nosology and -the practice of medicine. He taught four different classes in the -University of Edinburgh, which we are not aware to have happened to any -other individual, except to professor Dugald Stewart. - -Notwithstanding the important impulse which he gave to chemistry, -he published nothing upon that science, except a short paper on the -cold produced by the evaporation of ether, which made its appearance -in one of the volumes of the Edinburgh Physical and Literary Essays. -Dr. Cullen employed Dr. Dobson of Liverpool, at that time his pupil, -to make experiments on the heat and cold produced by mixing liquids -and solids with each other. Dr. Dobson, in making these experiments, -observed that the thermometer, when lifted out of many of the liquids, -and suspended a short time in the air beside them, fell to a lower -degree than indicated by another thermometer which had undergone no -such process. After varying his observations on this phenomenon, he -found reason to conclude that it was occasioned by the evaporation of -the last drop of liquid which adhered to the bulb of the thermometer; -the sinking of the thermometer being always greatest when this -instrument was taken out of the most volatile liquids. Dr. Cullen -had the curiosity to try whether the same phenomenon would appear -on repeating these experiments under the exhausted receiver of an -air-pump. To satisfy himself, he put on the plate of the air-pump -a glass goblet containing water; and in the goblet he placed a -wide-mouthed phial containing sulphuric ether. The whole was covered -with an air-pump receiver, having at the upper end a collar of leathers -in a brass socket, through which a thick smooth wire could be moved; -and from the lower end of this wire, projecting into the receiver, was -suspended a thermometer. By pushing down the wire, the thermometer -could be dipped into the ether; by drawing it up it could be taken out, -and suspended over the phial. - -The apparatus being thus adjusted, the air-pump was worked to extract -the air. An unexpected phenomenon immediately appeared, which prevented -the experiment from being made in the way intended. The ether was -thrown into a violent agitation, which Dr. Cullen ascribed to the -extrication of a great quantity of air: in reality, however, it was -boiling violently. What was still more remarkable, the ether, by this -boiling or rapid evaporation, became all of a sudden so cold, as to -freeze the water in the goblet around it; though the temperature of -the air and of all the materials were at the fifty-fourth degree of -Fahrenheit at the beginning of the experiment. - -I have been particular in giving an account of this curious phenomenon, -as it was the only direct contribution to the science of chemistry -which Dr. Cullen communicated to the public. The nature of the -phenomenon was afterwards explained by Dr. Black; in addition to Dr. -Cullen, a philosopher, whom the grand stimulus which his lectures gave -to the cultivation of scientific chemistry in this country, had the -important merit of bringing forward. - -Joseph Black was born in France, on the banks of the Garonne, in the -year 1728: his father, Mr. John Black, was a native of Belfast, but -of a Scottish family which had been for some time settled there. Mr. -Black resided for the most part at Bordeaux, where he was engaged in -the wine trade. He married a daughter of Mr. Robert Gordon, of the -family of Hillhead, in Aberdeenshire, who was also engaged in the same -trade at Bordeaux. Mr. Black was a gentleman of most amiable manners, -candid and liberal in his sentiments, and of no common information. -These qualities, together with the warmth of his heart, appear very -conspicuous in a series of letters to his son, which that son preserved -with the nicest care. His good qualities did not escape the discerning -eye of the great Montesquieu, one of the presidents of the court of -justice in that province. This illustrious and excellent man honoured -Mr. Black with a friendship and intimacy altogether rare; of which his -descendants were justly proud. - -Long before Mr. Black retired from business, his son Joseph was sent -home to Belfast, that he might have the education of a British subject. -This was in the year 1740, when he was twelve years of age. After the -ordinary instruction at the grammar-school, he was sent, in 1746, to -continue his education in the University of Glasgow. Here he studied -with much assiduity and success: physical science, however, chiefly -engrossed his attention. He was a favourite pupil of Dr. Robert Dick, -professor of natural philosophy, and the intimate companion of his -son and successor. This young professor was of a character peculiarly -suited to Dr. Black’s taste, having the clearest conception, and -soundest judgment, accompanied by a modesty that was very uncommon. -When he succeeded his father, in 1751, he became the delight of the -students. He was carried off by a fever in 1757. - -Young Black being required by his father to make choice of a -profession, he preferred that of medicine as the most suitable to the -general habits of his studies. Fortunately Dr. Cullen had just begun -his great career in the College of Glasgow, and having made choice -of the field of philosophical chemistry which lay as yet unoccupied -before him. Hitherto chemistry had been treated as a curious and useful -art; but Cullen saw in it a vast department of the science of nature, -depending on principles as immutable as the laws of mechanism, and -capable of being formed into a system as comprehensive and as complete -as astronomy itself. He conceived the resolution of attempting himself -to explore this magnificent field, and expected much reputation from -accomplishing his object. Nor was he altogether disappointed. He -quickly took the science out of the hands of artists, and exhibited -it as a study fit for a gentleman. Dr. Black attended his chemical -lectures, and, from the character which has already been given of him, -it is needless to say that he soon discovered the uncommon value of -his pupil, and attached him to himself, rather as a co-operator and a -friend, than a pupil. He was considered as his assistant in all his -operations, and his experiments were frequently adduced in the lecture -as good authority. - -Young Black laid down a very comprehensive and serious plan of study. -This appears from a number of note-books found among his papers. There -are some in which he seems to have inserted every thing as it took his -fancy, in medicine, chemistry, jurisprudence, or matters of taste. Into -others, the same things are transferred, but distributed according -to their scientific connexions. In short, he kept a journal and -ledger of his studies, and has posted his books like a merchant. What -particularly strikes one in looking over these books, is the steadiness -with which he advanced in any path of knowledge. Things are inserted -for the first time from some present impression of their singularity or -importance, but without any allusion to their connexions. When a thing -of the same kind is mentioned again, there is generally a reference -back to its fellow; and thus the most isolated facts often acquired a -connexion which gave them importance. - -He went to Edinburgh to finish his medical studies in 1750 or 1751, -where he lived with his cousin german, Mr. James Russel, professor of -natural philosophy in that university. - -It was the good fortune of chemical science, that at this very time -the opinions of professors were divided concerning the manner in -which certain lithontriptic medicines, particularly lime-water, acted -in alleviating the excruciating pains of the stone and gravel. The -students usually partake of such differences of opinion: they are -thereby animated to more serious study, and science gains by their -emulation. This was a subject quite to the taste of young Mr. Black, -one of Dr. Cullen’s most zealous and intelligent chemical pupils. It -was, indeed, a most interesting subject, both to the chemist and the -physician. - -All the medicines which were then in vogue as solvents of urinary -calculi had a greater or less resemblance to caustic potash or soda; -substances so acrid, when in a concentrated state, that in a short time -they reduce the fleshy parts of the animal body to a mere pulp. Thus, -though they might possess lithontriptic properties, their exhibition -was dangerous, if in unskilful hands. They all seemed to derive their -efficacy from quicklime, which again derives its power from the fire. -It was therefore very natural for them to ascribe its power to igneous -matter imbibed from the fire, retained by the lime, and communicated by -it to alkalies, which it renders powerfully acrid. Hence, undoubtedly, -the term _caustic_ applied to the alkalies in that state, and hence -also the _acidum pingue_ of Mayer, which was a peculiar state of fire. -It appears from Dr. Black’s note-books, that he originally entertained -the opinion, that caustic alkalies acquired igneous matter from -quicklime. In one of them he hints at some way of catching this matter -as it escapes from lime, while it becomes mild by exposure to the -air; but on the opposite blank page is written, “Nothing escapes--the -cup rises considerably by absorbing air.” A few pages further on, -he compares the loss of weight sustained by an ounce of chalk when -calcined, with its loss while dissolved in muriatic acid. Immediately -after this, a medical case is mentioned, which occurred in November, -1752. Hence it would appear, that he had before that time suspected the -real cause of the difference between limestone and burnt lime. He had -prosecuted his inquiry with vigour; for the experiments with magnesia -are soon after mentioned. - -These experiments laid open the whole mystery, as appears by another -memorandum. “When I precipitate lime by a common alkali there is no -effervescence: the air quits the alkali for the lime; but it is lime no -longer, but C. C. C.: it now effervesces, which good lime will not.” -What a multitude of important consequences naturally flowed from this -discovery! He now knew to what the causticity of alkalies is owing, -and how to induce it or remove it at pleasure. The common notion was -entirely reversed. Lime imparts nothing to the alkalies; it only -removes from them a peculiar kind of air (_carbonic acid gas_) with -which they were combined, and which prevented their natural caustic -properties from being developed. All the former mysteries disappear, -and the greatest simplicity appears in those operations of nature which -before appeared so intricate and obscure. - -Dr. Black had fixed upon this subject for his inaugural dissertation, -and was induced, in consequence, to defer applying for his degree till -he had succeeded in establishing his doctrine beyond the possibility of -contradiction. The inaugural essay was delivered at a moment peculiarly -favourable to the advancement of science. Dr. Cullen had been just -removed to Edinburgh, and there was a vacancy in the chemical chair -in Glasgow: it could not be bestowed better than on such an _alumnus_ -of the university--on one who had distinguished himself both as a -chemist and an excellent reasoner; for few finer models of inductive -investigation exist than are displayed in Black’s essay on quicklime -and magnesia. He was appointed professor of anatomy and lecturer on -chemistry in the University of Glasgow in 1756. It was a fortunate -circumstance both for himself and for the public, that a situation thus -presented itself, just at the time when he was under the necessity of -settling in the world--a situation which allowed him to dedicate his -talents chiefly to the cultivation of chemistry, his favourite science. - -When Dr. Black took his degree in medicine, he sent some copies of his -essay to his father at Bordeaux. A copy was given by the old gentleman -to his friend, the President Montesquieu, who, after a few days called -on Mr. Black, and said to him, “Mr. Black, my very good friend, I -rejoice with you; your son will be the honour of your name and family.” -This anecdote was told Professor John Robison by the brother of Dr. -Black. - -Thus Dr. Black, while in Glasgow, taught at one and the same time two -different classes. He did not consider himself very well qualified to -teach anatomy, but determined to do his utmost; but he soon afterwards -made arrangements with the professor of medicine, who, with the -concurrence of the university, exchanged his own chair for that of Dr. -Black. - -Black’s medical lectures constituted his chief task while in -Glasgow. They gave the greatest satisfaction by their perspicuity -and simplicity, and by the cautious moderation of all his general -doctrines: and, indeed, all his perspicuity, and all his neatness -of manner in exhibiting simple truths, were necessary to create a -relish for moderation and caution, after the brilliant prospects of -systematic knowledge to which the students had been accustomed by Dr. -Cullen, his celebrated predecessor. But Dr. Black had no wish to form -a medical school, distinguished by some all-comprehending doctrine: he -satisfied himself with a clear account of as much of physiology as he -thought founded on good principles, and a short sketch of such general -doctrines as were maintained by the most eminent authors, though -perhaps on a less firm foundation. He then endeavoured to deduce a few -canons of medical practice, and concluded with certain rules founded -on successful practice only, but not deducible from the principles of -physiology previously laid down. With his medical lectures he does not -appear to have been himself entirely satisfied: he did not encourage -conversation on the different topics, and no remains of these lectures -were to be found among his papers. The preceding account of them was -given to Professor Robison by a surgeon in Glasgow, who attended the -two last medical courses which Dr. Black ever delivered. - -Dr. Black’s reception at Glasgow by the university was in the highest -degree encouraging. His former conduct as a student had not only done -him credit in his classes, but had conciliated the affection of the -professors to a very high degree. He became immediately connected -in the strictest friendship with the celebrated Dr. Adam Smith--a -friendship which continued intimate and confidential through the -whole of their lives. Both were remarkable for a certain simplicity -of character and the most incorruptible integrity. Dr. Smith used to -say, that no one had less nonsense in his head than Dr. Black; and he -often acknowledged himself obliged to him for setting him right in his -judgment of character, confessing that he himself was too apt to form -his opinion from a single feature. - -It was during his residence in Glasgow, between the years 1759 and -1763, that he brought to maturity those speculations concerning the -combination of _heat_ with _matter_, which had frequently occupied -a portion of his thoughts. It had long been known that ice has the -property of continuing always at the temperature of 32° till it be -melted. This happens equally though it be placed in contact with the -warm hand or surrounded with bodies many degrees hotter than itself. -The hotter the bodies are that surround it, the sooner is it melted; -but its temperature during the whole process of melting, continues -uniformly the same. Yet, during the whole process of melting, it is -constantly robbing the surrounding bodies of heat; for it makes them -colder, without acquiring itself any sensible heat. - -Dr. Black had some vague notion that the heat so received by the ice, -during its conversion into water, was not lost, but was contained in -the water. This opinion was founded chiefly on a curious observation -of Fahrenheit, recorded by Boerhaave; namely, that water might in some -cases be made considerably colder than melting snow, without freezing. -In such cases, when disturbed it would freeze in a moment, and in the -act of freezing always gave out a quantity of heat. This opinion was -confirmed by observing the slowness with which water is converted -into ice, and ice into water. A fine winter-day of sunshine is never -sufficient to clear the hills of snow; nor is one frosty night capable -of covering the ponds with a thick coating of ice. The phenomena -satisfied him that much heat was absorbed and fixed in the water which -trickles from wreaths of snow, and that much heat emerged from it while -water was slowly converted into ice; for during a thaw the melting snow -is always colder than the air, and must, therefore, be always receiving -heat from it; while, during a frost, the air is always colder than the -freezing water, and must therefore be always receiving heat from it. -These observations, and many others which it is needless to state, -satisfied Dr. Black that when ice is converted into water it unites -with a quantity of heat, without increasing in temperature; and that -when water is frozen into ice it gives out a quantity of heat without -diminishing in temperature. The heat thus combined is the cause of the -fluidity of the water. As it is not sensible to the thermometer, Dr. -Black called it _latent heat_. He made an experiment to determine the -quantity of heat necessary to convert ice into water. This he estimated -by the length of time necessary to melt a given weight of ice, -measuring how much heat entered into the same weight of water, reduced -as nearly to the temperature of ice as possible during the first -half-hour that the experiment lasted. As the ice continued during the -whole of its melting at the same temperature as at first, he concluded -that it would absorb, every half-hour that the process lasted, as much -heat as the water did during the first half hour. The result of this -experiment was, that the latent heat of water amounts to 140°; or, in -other words, that this heat, if thrown into a quantity of water, equal -in weight to that of the ice melted, would raise its temperature 140°. - -Dr. Black, having established this discovery in the most -incontrovertible manner by simple and decisive experiments, drew up an -account of the whole investigation, and the doctrine which he founded -upon it, and read it to a literary society which met every Friday in -the faculty-room of the college, consisting of the members of the -university and several gentlemen of the city, who had a relish for -science and literature. This paper was read on the 23d of April, as -appears by the registers of the society. - -Dr. Black quickly perceived the vast importance of this discovery, and -took a pleasure in laying before his students a view of the beneficial -effects of this habitude of heat in the economy of nature. During the -summer season a vast magazine of heat was accumulated in the water, -which, by gradually emerging during congelation, serves to temper the -cold of winter. Were it not for this accumulation of heat in water and -other bodies, the sun would no sooner go a few degrees to the south of -the equator, than we should feel all the horrors of winter. He did not -confine his views to the congelation of water alone, but extended them -to every case of congelation and liquefaction which he has ascribed -equally to the evolution or fixation of latent heat. Even those bodies -which change from solid to fluid, not all at once, but by slow degrees, -as butter, tallow, resins, owe, he found, their gradual softening to -the same absorption of heat, and the same combination of it with the -substance undergoing liquefaction. - -Another subject that engaged his attention at this time, was an -examination of the scale of the thermometer, to learn whether -equal differences of expansion corresponded to equal additions or -abstractions of heat. His mode was to mix together equal weights of -water of different temperatures, and to measure the temperature of the -mixture by a thermometer. It is obvious that the temperature must be -the exact mean of that of the two portions of water; and that if the -expansion or contraction of the mercury in the thermometer be an exact -measure of the difference of temperature, a thermometer, so placed, -will indicate the exact mean. Suppose one pound of water at 100° to -be mixed with one pound of water at 200°, and the whole heat still -to remain in the mixture, it is obvious that it would divide itself -equally between the two portions of water. The water of 100° would -become hotter, and the water of 200° would become colder: and the -increase of temperature in the colder portion would be just as much -as the diminution of temperature in the hotter portion. The colder -portion would become hotter by 50°, while the hotter portion would -become colder by 50°. Hence the real temperature, after mixture, would -be 150°; and a thermometer plunged into such a mixture, if a true -measurer of heat, would indicate 150°. The result of his experiments -was, that as high up as he could try by mixing water of different -temperatures, the mercurial thermometer is an accurate measurer of the -alterations of temperature. - -An account of his experiments on this subject was drawn up by him, and -read to the literary society of the College of Glasgow, on the 28th of -March, 1760. Dr. Black, at the time he made these experiments, did not -know that he had been already anticipated in them by Dr. Brooke Taylor, -the celebrated mathematician, who had obtained similar results, and had -consigned his experiments to the Royal Society, in whose Transactions -for 1723 they were published. It has been since found by Coulomb -and Petit, that at higher temperatures than 212° the rate of the -expansion of mercury begins to increase. Hence it happens that at high -temperatures the expansion of mercury is no longer an accurate measurer -of temperature. Fortunately, the expansion of glass very nearly equals -the increment of that of mercury. The consequence is, that in a common -glass-thermometer mercury measures the true increments of temperature -very nearly up to its boiling point; for the boiling point of mercury -measured by an air-thermometer is 662°: and if a glass mercurial -thermometer be plunged into boiling mercury, it will indicate 660°, a -difference of only 2° from the true point. - -There is such an analogy between the cessation of thermometric -expansion during the liquefaction of ice, and during the conversion of -water into steam, that there could be no hesitation about explaining -both in the same way. Dr. Black immediately concluded that as water is -ice united to a certain quantity of _latent heat_, so steam is water -united to a still greater quantity. The slow conversion of water into -steam, notwithstanding the great quantity of heat constantly flowing -into it from the fire, left no reasonable doubt about the accuracy of -this conclusion. In short, all the phenomena are precisely similar to -those of the conversion of ice into water; and so, of course, must -the explanation be. So much was he convinced of this, that he taught -the doctrine in his lectures in 1761, before he had made a single -experiment on the subject; and he explained, with great felicity of -argument, many phenomena of nature, which result from this vaporific -combination of heat. From notes taken in his class during this session, -it appears that nothing more was wanting to complete his views on this -subject, than a set of experiments to determine the exact quantity -of heat which was combined in steam in a state not indicated by the -thermometer, and therefore _latent_, in the same sense that the heat of -liquefaction in water is _latent_. - -The requisite experiments were first attempted by Dr. Black, in 1764. -They consisted merely in measuring the time requisite to convert a -certain weight of water of a given temperature into steam. The water -was put into a tin-plate wide-mouthed vessel, and laid upon a red-hot -plate of iron, the initial temperature of the water was marked, and the -time necessary to heat it from that point to the boiling point noted, -and then the time requisite to boil the whole to dryness. It was taken -for granted that as much heat would enter into the water during every -minute that the experiment lasted, as did during the first minute. From -this it was concluded that the latent heat of steam is not less than -810 degrees. - -Mr. James Watt afterwards repeated these experiments with a better -apparatus and very great care, and calculated from his results that the -latent heat of steam is not under 950 degrees. Lavoisier and Laplace -afterwards made experiments in a different way, and deduced 1000° as -the result of their experiments. The subsequent experiments of Count -Rumford, made in a very ingenious manner, so as to obviate most of the -sources of error, to which such researches are liable, come very nearly -to those of Lavoisier. 1000° therefore, is usually now-a-days adopted -as the number which denotes the true latent heat of steam. - -Dr. Black continued in the University of Glasgow from 1756 to 1766, -much esteemed as an eminent professor, much employed as an able and -attentive physician, and much beloved as an amiable and accomplished -man, happy in the enjoyment of a small but select society of friends. -Meanwhile his reputation as a chemical philosopher was every day -increasing, and pupils from foreign countries carried home with them -the peculiar doctrines of his courses--so that _fixed air_ and _latent -heat_ began to be spoken of among the naturalists of the continent. In -1766 Dr. Cullen, at that time professor of chemistry in Edinburgh, was -appointed professor of medicine, and thus a vacancy was made in the -chemical chair of that university. There was but one wish with regard -to a successor. Indeed, when the vacancy happened in 1756, on the death -of Dr. Plummer, the reputation of Dr. Black, who had just taken his -degree, was so high, both as a chemist and an accurate thinker and -reasoner, that, had the choice depended on the university, he would -have been the new professor of chemistry. He had now, in 1766, greatly -added to his claim of merit by his important discovery of latent heat; -and he had acquired the esteem of all by the singular moderation and -scrupulous caution which marked all his researches. - -Dr. Black was appointed to the chemical chair in Edinburgh in 1766, to -the general satisfaction of the public, but the University of Glasgow -suffered an irreparable loss. In this new situation his talents were -more conspicuous and more extensively useful. He saw that the case was -so, and while he could not but be gratified by the number of students -whom the high reputation of Edinburgh, as a medical school, brought -together, his mind was forcibly struck by the importance of his duties -as a teacher. This led him to form the resolution of devoting the -whole of his study to the improvement of his pupils in the elementary -knowledge of chemistry. Many of them came to his class with a very -scanty stock of previous knowledge. Many from the workshop of the -manufacturer had little or none. He was conscious that the number -of this kind of pupils must increase with the increasing activity -and prosperity of the country; and they appeared to him by no means -the least important part of his auditory. To engage the attention of -such pupils, and to be perfectly understood by the most illiterate -of his audience, Dr. Black considered as a sacred duty: he resolved, -therefore, that plain doctrines taught in the plainest manner, should -henceforth employ his chief study. To render his lectures perfectly -intelligible they were illustrated by suitable experiments, by the -exhibition of specimens, and by the repetition of chemical processes. - -To this method of lecturing Dr. Black rigidly adhered, endeavouring -every year to make his courses more plain and familiar, and -illustrating them by a greater variety of examples in the way of -experiment. No man could perform these more neatly or successfully; -they were always ingeniously and judiciously contrived, clearly -establishing the point in view, and were never more complicated than -was sufficient for the purpose. Nothing that had the least appearance -of quackery; nothing calculated to surprise and astonish his audience; -nothing savouring of a showman or sleight-of-hand man was ever -permitted in his lecture-room. Every thing was simple, neat, and -elegant, calculated equally to please and to inform: indeed simplicity -and neatness stamped his character. It was this that constituted the -charm of his lectures, and rendered them so delightful to his pupils. -I can speak of them from experience, for I was fortunate enough to -hear the last course of lectures which he ever delivered. I can say -with perfect truth that I never listened to any lectures with so -much pleasure as to his: and it was the elegant simplicity of his -manner, the perfect clearness of his statements, and the vast quantity -of information which he contrived in this way to communicate, that -delighted me. I was all at once transported into a new world--my views -were suddenly enlarged, and I looked down from a height which I had -never before reached; and all this knowledge was communicated without -any apparent effort either on the part of the professor or his pupils. -His illustrations were just sufficient to answer completely the object -in view, and nothing more. No quackery, no trickery, no love of mere -dazzle and glitter, ever had the least influence upon his conduct. He -constituted the most complete model of a perfect chemical lecturer that -I have ever had an opportunity of witnessing. - -The discovery which Dr. Black had made that marble is a combination -of lime and a peculiar substance, to which he gave the name of _fixed -air_, began gradually to attract the attention of chemists in other -parts of the world. It was natural in the first place to examine the -nature and properties of this fixed air, and the circumstances under -which it is generated. It may seem strange and unaccountable that Dr. -Black did not enter with ardour into this new career which he had -himself opened, and that he allowed others to reap the corn after -having himself sown the grain. Yet he did take some steps towards -ascertaining the properties of _fixed air_; though I am not certain -what progress he made. He knew that a candle would not burn in it, -and that it is destructive to life, when any living animal attempts -to breathe it. He knew that it was formed in the lungs during the -breathing of animals, and that it is generated during the fermentation -of wine and beer. Whether he was aware that it possesses the properties -of an acid I do not know; though with the knowledge which he possessed -that it combines with alkalies and alkaline earths, and neutralizes -them, or at least blunts and diminishes their alkaline properties, -the conclusion that it partook of alkaline properties was scarcely -avoidable. All these, and probably some other properties of _fixed air_ -he was in the constant habit of stating in his lectures from the very -commencement of his academical career; though, as he never published -anything on the subject himself, it is not possible to know exactly -how far his knowledge of the properties of _fixed air_ extended. The -oldest manuscript copy of his lectures that I have seen was taken -down in writing in the year 1773; and before that time Mr. Cavendish -had published his paper on _fixed air_ and _hydrogen gas_, and had -detailed the properties of each. It was impossible from the manuscript -of Dr. Black’s lectures to know which of the properties of _fixed air_ -stated by him were discovered by himself, and which were taken from Mr. -Cavendish. - -This languor and listlessness, on the part of Dr. Black, is chiefly to -be ascribed to the delicate state of his health, which precluded much -exertion, and was particularly inconsistent with any attempt at putting -his thoughts down upon paper. Hence, probably, that carelessness -about posthumous fame, and that regardlessness of reputation, which, -however it may be accounted for from bodily ailment, must still be -considered as a blemish. How differently did Paschal act in a similar -state of health! With what energy did he exert himself in spite of -bodily ailment! But the tone of his mind was quite different from that -of Dr. Black. Gentleness, diffidence, and perhaps even slowness of -apprehension, were the characteristic features by which the latter was -distinguished. - -There is an anecdote of Black which I was told by the late Mr. Benjamin -Bell, of Edinburgh, author of a well-known system of surgery, and -he assured me that he had it from the late Sir George Clarke, of -Pennicuik, who was a witness of the circumstance related. Soon after -the appearance of Mr. Cavendish’s paper on hydrogen gas, in which he -made an approximation to the specific gravity of that body, showing -that it was at least ten times lighter than common air, Dr. Black -invited a party of his friends to supper, informing them that he had -a curiosity to show them. Dr. Hutton, Mr. Clarke of Elden, and Sir -George Clarke of Pennicuik, were of the number. When the company -invited had assembled, he took them into a room. He had the allentois -of a calf filled with hydrogen gas, and upon setting it at liberty, -it immediately ascended, and adhered to the ceiling. The phenomenon -was easily accounted for: it was taken for granted that a small black -thread had been attached to the allentois, that this thread passed -through the ceiling, and that some one in the apartment above, by -pulling the thread, elevated it to the ceiling, and kept it in this -position. This explanation was so probable, that it was acceded to -by the whole company; though, like many other plausible theories, it -turned out wholly unfounded; for when the allentois was brought down no -thread whatever was found attached to it. Dr. Black explained the cause -of the ascent to his admiring friends; but such was his carelessness -of his own reputation, and of the information of the public, that he -never gave the least account of this curious experiment even to his -class; and more than twelve years elapsed before this obvious property -of hydrogen gas was applied to the elevation of air-balloons, by M. -Charles, in Paris. - -The constitution of Dr. Black had always been exceedingly delicate. The -slightest cold, the most trifling approach to repletion, immediately -affected his chest, occasioned feverishness, and if the disorder -continued for two or three days, brought on a spitting of blood. -In this situation, nothing restored him to ease, but relaxation of -thought, and gentle exercise. The sedentary life to which study -confined him, was manifestly hurtful; and he never allowed himself to -indulge in any investigation that required intense thought, without -finding these complaints increased. - -Thus situated, Dr. Black was obliged to be a contented spectator of the -rapid progress which chemistry was making, without venturing himself to -engage in any of the numerous investigations which presented themselves -on every side. Such indeed was the eagerness with which chemistry was -at that time prosecuted, and such the passion for discovery, that there -was some risk that his undoubted claim to originality and priority -in his own great discoveries, might be called in question, and even -rendered doubtful. His friends at least were afraid of this, and often -urged him to do justice to himself, by publishing an account of his -own discoveries. He more than once began the task; but was so nice in -his notions of the manner in which it should be executed, that the -pains he took in forming a plan of the work never failed to affect -his health, and oblige him to desist. It is known that he felt hurt -at the publication of several of Lavoisier’s papers, in the Mémoires -de l’Académie, without any allusion whatever to what he himself had -previously done on the same subject. How far Lavoisier was really -culpable, and whether he did not intend to do full justice to all the -claims of his predecessors, cannot now be known; as he was cut off -in the midst of his career, while so many of his scientific projects -remained unexecuted. From the posthumous works of Lavoisier, there -is some reason for believing that if he had lived, he would have -done justice to all parties; but there is no doubt that Dr. Black, -in the mean time, thought himself aggrieved, and that he formed the -intention of doing himself justice, by publishing an account of his own -discoveries; however this intention was thwarted and prevented by bad -health. - -No one contributed more largely to establish, to support, and to -increase, the high character of the medical school in the University -of Edinburgh than Dr. Black. His talent for communicating knowledge -was not less eminent than his faculty of observation. He soon became -one of the principal ornaments of the university; and his lectures -were attended by an audience which continued increasing from year to -year for more than thirty years. His personal appearance and manners -were those of a gentleman, and peculiarly pleasing: his voice, in -lecturing, was low, but fine; and his articulation so distinct, that he -was perfectly well heard by an audience consisting of several hundreds. -While in Glasgow, he had practised extensively as a physician; but in -Edinburgh he declined general practice, and confined his attendance to -a few families of intimate and respected friends. He was, however, a -physician of good repute in a place where the character of a physician -implied no common degree of liberality, propriety, and dignity of -manners, as well as of learning and skill. - -Such was Dr. Black as a public man. While young, his countenance was -comely and interesting; and as he advanced in years, it continued to -preserve that pleasing expression of inward satisfaction which, by -giving ease to the beholder, never fails to please. His manners were -simple, unaffected, and graceful; he was of the most easy approach, -affable, and readily entered into conversation, whether serious -or trivial: for he was not merely a man of science, but was well -acquainted with the elegant accomplishments. He had an accurate musical -ear, and a voice which would obey it in the most perfect manner; he -sang and performed on the flute with great taste and feeling; and could -sing a plain air at sight, which many instrumental performers cannot -do. Music was his amusement in Glasgow; after his removal to Edinburgh -he gave it up entirely. Without having studied drawing he had acquired -a considerable power of expression with his pencil, both in figures -and in landscape. He was peculiarly happy in expressing the passions, -and seemed in this respect to have the talents of a historical -painter. Figure indeed, of every kind, attracted his attention; in -architecture, furniture, ornament of every sort, it was never a matter -of indifference to him. Even a retort, or a crucible, was to his eye -an example of beauty, or deformity. These are not indifferent things; -they are features of an elegant mind, and they account for some part of -that satisfaction and pleasure which persons of different habits and -pursuits felt in Dr. Black’s company and conversation. - -Those circumstances of form, and in which Dr. Black perceived or sought -for beauty, were suitableness or propriety: something that rendered -them well adapted for the purposes for which they were intended. This -love of propriety constituted the leading feature in Dr. Black’s mind; -it was the standard to which he constantly appealed, and which he -endeavoured to make the directing principle of his conduct. - -Dr. Black was fond of society, and felt himself beloved in it. His -chief companions, in the earlier part of his residence in Edinburgh, -were Dr. Adam Smith, Mr. David Hume, Dr. Adam Ferguson, Mr. John Home, -Dr. Alexander Carlisle, and a few others. Mr. Clarke of Elden, and his -brother Sir George, Dr. Roebuck, and Dr. James Hutton, particularly -the latter, were affectionately attached to him, and in their society -he could indulge in his professional studies. Dr. Hutton was the -only person near him to whom Dr. Black imparted every speculation in -chemical science, and who knew all his literary labours: seldom were -the two friends asunder for two days together. - -Towards the close of the eighteenth century, the infirmities of -advanced life began to bear more heavily on his feeble constitution. -Those hours of walking and gentle exercise, which had hitherto -been necessary for his ease, were gradually curtailed. Company and -conversation began to fatigue: he went less abroad, and was visited -only by his intimate friends. His duty at college became too heavy for -him, and he got an assistant, who took a share of the lectures, and -relieved him from the fatigue of the experiments. The last course of -lectures which he delivered was in the winter of 1796-7. After this, -even lecturing was too much for his diminished strength, and he was -obliged to absent himself from the class altogether; but he still -retained his usual affability of temper, and his habitual cheerfulness, -and even to the very last was accustomed to walk out and take -occasional exercise. As his strength declined, his constitution became -more and more delicate. Every cold he caught occasioned some degree of -spitting of blood; yet he seemed to have this unfortunate disposition -of body almost under command, so that he never allowed it to proceed -far, or to occasion any distressing illness. He spun his thread of -life to the very last fibre. He guarded against illness by restricting -himself to an abstemious diet; and he met his increasing infirmities -with a proportional increase of attention and care, regulating his food -and exercise by the measure of his strength. Thus he made the most of a -feeble constitution, by preventing the access of disease from abroad. -And enjoyed a state of health which was feeble, indeed, but scarcely -interrupted; as well as a mind undisturbed in the calm and cheerful use -of its faculties. His only apprehension was that of a long-continued -sick-bed--from the humane consideration of the trouble and distress -that he might thus occasion to attending friends; and never was such -generous wish more completely gratified than in his case. - -On the 10th of November, 1799, in the seventy-first year of his age, he -expired without any convulsion, shock, or stupor, to announce or retard -the approach of death. Being at table with his usual fare, some bread, -a few prunes, and a measured quantity of milk, diluted with water, -and having the cup in his hand when the last stroke of his pulse was -to be given, he set it down on his knees, which were joined together, -and kept it steady with his hand in the manner of a person perfectly -at ease; and in this attitude expired without spilling a drop, and -without a writhe in his countenance; as if an experiment had been -required to show to his friends the facility with which he departed. -His servant opened the door to tell him that some one had left his -name; but getting no answer, stepped about halfway to him; and seeing -him sitting in that easy posture, supporting his basin of milk with one -hand, he thought that he had dropped asleep, which was sometimes wont -to happen after meals. He went back and shut the door; but before he -got down stairs some anxiety, which he could not account for, made him -return and look again at his master. Even then he was satisfied, after -coming pretty near him, and turned to go away; but he again returned, -and coming close up to him, he found him without life. His very near -neighbour, Mr. Benjamin Bell, the surgeon, was immediately sent for; -but nothing whatever could be done.[185] - -[185] The preceding character of Dr. Black is from Professor Robison, -who knew him intimately; and from Dr. Adam Ferguson, who was his next -relation. See the preface to Dr. Black’s lectures. The portrait of Dr. -Black prefixed to these lectures is an excellent likeness. - -Dr. Black’s writings are exceedingly few, consisting altogether of -no more than three papers. The first, entitled “Experiments upon -Magnesia alba, Quicklime, and other Alkaline Substances,” constituted -the subject of his inaugural dissertation. It afterwards appeared -in an English dress in one of the volumes of The Edinburgh Physical -and Literary Essays, in the year 1755. Mr. Creech, the bookseller, -published it in a separate pamphlet, together with Dr. Cullen’s -little essay on the “cold produced by evaporating fluids,” in the -year 1796. This essay exhibits one of the very finest examples of -inductive reasoning to be found in the English language. The author -shows that magnesia is a peculiar earthy body, possessed of properties -very different from lime. He gives the properties of lime in a pure -state, and proves that it differs from limestone merely by the absence -of the carbonic acid, which is a constituent of limestone. Limestone -is a _carbonate of lime_; quicklime is the pure uncombined earth. He -shows that magnesia has also the property of combining with carbonic -acid; that caustic potash, or soda, is merely these bodies in a pure -or isolated state; while the mild alkalies are combinations of these -bodies with carbonic acid. The reason why quicklime converts mild -into caustic alkali is, that the lime has a stronger affinity for -the carbonic acid than the alkali; hence the lime is converted into -carbonate of lime, and the alkali, deprived of its carbonic acid, -becomes caustic. Mild potash is a carbonate of potash; caustic potash, -is potash freed from carbonic acid.--The publication of this essay -occasioned a controversy in Germany, which was finally settled by -Jacquin and Lavoisier, who repeated Dr. Black’s experiments and showed -them to be correct. - -Dr. Black’s second paper was published in the Philosophical -Transactions for 1775. It is entitled “The supposed Effect of boiling -on Water, in disposing it to freeze more readily, ascertained by -Experiments.” He shows, that when water that has been recently boiled -is exposed to cold air, it begins to freeze as soon as it reaches the -freezing point; while water that has not been boiled may be cooled some -degrees below the freezing point before it begins to congeal. But if -the unboiled water be constantly stirred during the whole time of its -exposure, it begins to freeze when cooled down to the freezing point as -well as the other. He shows that the difference between the two waters -consists in this, that the boiled water is constantly absorbing air, -which disturbs it, whereas the other water remains in a state of rest. - -His last paper was “An Analysis of the Water of some boiling Springs -in Iceland,” published in the Transactions of the Royal Society of -Edinburgh. This was the water of the Geyser spring, brought from -Iceland by Sir J. Stanley. Dr. Black found it to contain a great deal -of silica, held in solution in the water by caustic soda. - -The tempting career which Dr. Black opened, and which he was unable to -prosecute for want of health, soon attracted the attention of one of -the ablest men that Great Britain has produced--I mean Mr. Cavendish. - -The Honourable Henry Cavendish was born in London on the 10th of -October, 1731: his father was Lord Charles Cavendish, a cadet of the -house of Devonshire, one of the oldest families in England. During his -father’s lifetime he was kept in rather narrow circumstances, being -allowed an annuity of £500 only; while his apartments were a set of -stables, fitted up for his accommodation. It was during this period -that he acquired those habits of economy, and those singular oddities -of character, which he exhibited ever after in so striking a manner. At -his father’s death he was left a very considerable fortune; and an aunt -who died at a later period bequeathed him a very handsome addition to -it; but, in consequence of the habits of economy which he had acquired, -it was not in his power to spend the greater part of his annual income. -This occasioned a yearly increase to his capital, till at last it -accumulated so much, without any care on his part, that at the period -of his death he left behind him nearly £1,300,000; and he was at that -time the greatest proprietor of stock in the Bank of England. - -On one occasion, the money in the hands of his bankers had accumulated -to the amount of £70,000. These gentlemen thinking it improper to keep -so large a sum in their hands, sent one of the partners to wait upon -him, in order to learn how he desired it disposed of. This gentleman -was admitted; and, after employing the necessary precautions to a man -of Mr. Cavendish’s peculiar disposition, stated the circumstance, and -begged to know whether it would not be proper to lay out the money at -interest. Mr. Cavendish dryly answered, “You may lay it out if you -please,” and left the room. - -He hardly ever went into any other society than that of his scientific -friends: he never was absent from the weekly dinner of the Royal -Society club at the Crown and Anchor Tavern in the Strand. At these -dinners, when he happened to be seated near those that he liked, he -often conversed a great deal; though at other times he was very silent. -He was likewise a constant attendant at Sir Joseph Banks’s Sunday -evening meetings. He had a house in London, which he only visited -once or twice a-week at stated times, and without ever speaking to -the servants: it contained an excellent library, to which he gave all -literary men the freest and most unrestrained access. But he lived -in a house on Clapham Common, where he scarcely ever received any -visitors. His relation, Lord George Cavendish, to whom he left by will -the greatest part of his fortune, visited him only once a-year, and the -visit hardly ever exceeded ten or twelve minutes. - -He was shy and bashful to a degree bordering on disease; he could not -bear to have any person introduced to him, or to be pointed out in any -way as a remarkable man. One Sunday evening he was standing at Sir -Joseph Banks’s in a crowded room, conversing with Mr. Hatchett, when -Dr. Ingenhousz, who had a good deal of pomposity of manner, came up -with an Austrian gentleman in his hand, and introduced him formally to -Mr. Cavendish. He mentioned the titles and qualifications of his friend -at great length, and said that he had been peculiarly anxious to be -introduced to a philosopher so profound and so universally known and -celebrated as Mr. Cavendish. As soon as Dr. Ingenhousz had finished, -the Austrian gentleman began, and assured Mr. Cavendish that his -principal reason for coming to London was to see and converse with one -of the greatest ornaments of the age, and one of the most illustrious -philosophers that ever existed. To all these high-flown speeches Mr. -Cavendish answered not a word, but stood with his eyes cast down quite -abashed and confounded. At last, spying an opening in the crowd, he -darted through it with all the speed of which he was master; nor did he -stop till he reached his carriage, which drove him directly home. - -Of a man, whose habits were so retired, and whose intercourse with -society was so small, there is nothing else to relate except his -scientific labours: the current of his life passed on with the utmost -regularity; the description of a single day would convey a correct idea -of his whole existence. At one time he was in the habit of keeping -an individual to assist him in his experiments. This place was for -some time filled by Sir Charles Blagden; but they did not agree well -together, and after some time Sir Charles left him. Mr. Cavendish died -on the 4th of February, 1810, aged seventy-eight years, four months, -and six days. When he found himself dying, he gave directions to his -servant to leave him alone, and not to return till a certain time which -he specified, and by which period he expected to be no longer alive. -The servant, however, who was aware of the state of his master, and -was anxious about him, opened the door of the room before the time -specified, and approached the bed to take a look at the dying man. Mr. -Cavendish, who was still sensible, was offended at the intrusion, and -ordered him out of the room with a voice of displeasure, commanding him -not by any means to return till the time specified. When he did come -back at that time, he found his master dead. What a contrast between -the characters of Mr. Cavendish and Dr. Black! - -The appearance of Mr. Cavendish did not much prepossess strangers in -his favour; he was somewhat above the middle size, his body rather -thick, and his neck rather short. He stuttered a little in his speech, -which gave him an air of awkwardness: his countenance was not strongly -marked, so as to indicate the profound abilities which he possessed. -This was probably owing to the total absence of all the violent -passions. His education seems to have been very complete; he was an -excellent mathematician, a profound electrician, and a most acute -and ingenious chemist. He never ventured to give an opinion on any -subject, unless he had studied it to the bottom. He appeared before -the world first as a chemist, and afterwards as an electrician. The -whole of his literary labours consist of eighteen papers, published -in the Philosophical Transactions, which, though they occupy only a -few pages, are full of the most important discoveries and the most -profound investigations. Of these papers, there are ten which treat -of chemical subjects, two treat of electricity, two of meteorology, -three are connected with astronomy, and there is one, the last which -he wrote, which gives his method of dividing astronomical instruments. -Of the papers in question, those alone which treat of Chemistry can be -analyzed in a work like this. - -1. His first paper, entitled, “Experiments on fictitious Air,” was -published in the year 1766, when Mr. Cavendish was thirty-five years -of age. Dr. Hales had demonstrated (as had previously been done by -Van Helmont and Glauber) that _air_ is given out by a vast number of -bodies in peculiar circumstances. But he never suspected that any of -the _airs_ which he obtained differed from common air. Indeed common -air had always been considered as an elementary substance to which -every elastic fluid was referred. Dr. Black had shown that the mild -alkalies and limestone, and carbonate of magnesia, were combinations -of these bodies with a gaseous substance, to which he had given -the name of _fixed air_; and he had pointed out various methods of -collecting this fixed air; though he himself had not made much progress -in investigating its properties. This paper of Mr. Cavendish may be -considered as a continuation of the investigations begun by Dr. Black. -He shows that there exist two species of air quite different in their -properties from common air: and he calls them _inflammable air_ and -_fixed air_. - -Inflammable air (hydrogen gas) is evolved when iron, zinc, or tin, -are dissolved in dilute sulphuric or muriatic acid. Iron yielded -about 1-22d part of its weight, of inflammable air, zinc about -1-23d or 1-24th of its weight, and tin about 1-44th of its weight. -The properties of the inflammable air were the same, whichever of -the three metals was used to procure it, and whether they were -dissolved in sulphuric or muriatic acids. When the sulphuric acid was -concentrated, iron and zinc dissolved in it with difficulty and only -by the assistance of heat. The air given out was not inflammable, but -consisted of sulphurous acid. These facts induced Mr. Cavendish to -conclude that the inflammable air evolved in the first case was the -unaltered _phlogiston_ of the metals, while the sulphurous acid evolved -in the second case, was a compound of the same phlogiston and a portion -of the acid, which deprived it of its inflammability. This opinion was -very different from that of Stahl, who considered combustible bodies as -compounds of phlogiston with acids or calces. - -Cavendish found the specific gravity of his inflammable air about -eleven times less than that of common air. This determination is under -the truth; but the error is, at least in part, owing to the quantity -of water held in solution by the air, and which, as Mr. Cavendish -showed, amounted to about 1-9th of the weight of the air. He tried -the combustibility of the inflammable air, when mixed with various -proportions of common air, and found that it exploded with the greatest -violence when mixed with rather more than its bulk of common air. - -Copper he found, when dissolved in muriatic acid by the assistance of -heat, yielded no inflammable air, but an air which lost its elasticity -when it came in contact with water. This _air_, the nature of which Mr. -Cavendish did not examine, was _muriatic acid gas_, the properties of -which were afterwards investigated by Dr. Priestley. - -The _fixed air_ (_carbonic acid gas_) on which Mr. Cavendish made his -experiments was obtained by dissolving marble in muriatic acid. He -found that it might be kept over mercury for any length of time without -undergoing any alteration; that it was gradually absorbed by cold -water; and that 100 measures of water of the temperature 55° absorbed -103·8 measures of fixed air. The whole of the air thus absorbed was -separated again by exposing the water to a boiling heat, or by leaving -it for sometime in an open vessel. Alcohol (the specific gravity not -mentioned) absorbed 2¼ times its bulk of this air, and olive-oil about -1-3d of its bulk. - -The specific gravity of fixed air he found 1·57, that of common air -being 1.[186] Fixed air is incapable of supporting combustion, and -common air, when mixed with it, supports combustion a much shorter time -than when pure. A small wax taper burnt eighty seconds in a receiver -which held 180 ounce measures, when filled with common air only. The -same taper burnt fifty-one seconds in the same receiver when filled -with a mixture of one volume fixed air, and nineteen volumes of common -air. When the fixed air was 3-40ths of the whole volume the taper -burnt twenty-three seconds. When the fixed air was 1-10th, the taper -burnt eleven seconds. When it was 6-55ths or 1-9·16 of the whole -mixture, the taper would not burn at all. - -[186] This I apprehend to be a little above the truth, the true -specific gravity of carbonic acid gas being 1·5277, that of air being -unity. - -Mr. Cavendish was of opinion that more than one kind of fixed air was -given out by marble; in other words, that the elastic fluid emitted, -consisted of two different airs, one more absorbable by water than -the other. He drew his conclusion from the circumstance that after a -solution of potash had been exposed to a quantity of fixed air for -some time, it ceased to absorb any more; yet, if the residual portion -of air were thrown away and new fixed air substituted in its place, it -began to absorb again; but Mr. Dalton has since given a satisfactory -explanation of this seeming anomaly by showing that the absorbability -of fixed air in water is proportional to its purity, and that when -mixed with a great quantity of common air or any other gas not soluble -in water, it ceases to be sensibly absorbed. - -Mr. Cavendish ascertained the quantity of fixed air contained in -marble, carbonate of ammonia, common pearlashes, and carbonate of -potash: but notwithstanding the care with which these experiments were -made they are of little value; because the proper precautions could not -be taken, in that infant state of chemical science, to have these salts -in a state of purity. The following were the results obtained by Mr. -Cavendish: - - 1000 grains of marble contained 408 grs. fixed air. - 1000 -- carb. of ammonia 533 -- - 1000 -- pearlashes 284 -- - 1000 -- carb. of potash 423 -- - -Supposing the marble, carbonate of ammonia, and carbonate of potash, to -have been pure anhydrous simple salts, their composition would be - - 1000 grains of marble contain 440 grs. fixed air. - 1000 -- carb. of ammonia 709·6 -- - 1000 -- carb. of potash 314·2 -- - -Bicarbonate of potash was first obtained by Dr. Black. Mr. Cavendish -formed the salt by dissolving pearlashes in water, and passing a -current of carbonic acid gas through the solution till it deposited -crystals. These crystals were not altered by exposure to the air, did -not deliquesce, and were soluble in about four times their weight of -cold water. - -Dr. M’Bride had already ascertained that vegetable and animal -substances yield fixed air by putrefaction and fermentation. Mr. -Cavendish found by experiment that sugar when dissolved in water -and fermented, gives out 57-100ths of its weight of fixed air, -possessing exactly the properties of fixed air from marble. During -the fermentation no air was absorbed, nor was any change induced on -the common air, at the surface of the fermenting liquor. Apple-juice -fermented much faster than sugar; but the phenomena were the same, -and the fixed air emitted amounted to 381/1000 of the weight of the -solid extract of apples. Gravy and raw meat yielded inflammable air -during their putrefaction, the former in much greater quantity than the -latter. This air, as far as Mr. Cavendish’s experiments went, he found -the same as the inflammable air from zinc by dilute sulphuric acid; but -its specific gravity was a little higher. - -This paper of Mr. Cavendish was the first attempt by chemists to -collect the different kinds of air, and endeavour to ascertain their -nature. Hence all his processes were in some measure new: they served -as a model to future experimenters, and were gradually brought to their -present state of simplicity and perfection. He was the first person -who attempted to determine the specific gravity of airs, by comparing -their weight with that of the same bulk of common air; and though -his apparatus was defective, yet the principle was good, and is the -very same which is still employed to accomplish the same object. Mr. -Cavendish then first began the true investigation of gases, and in his -first paper he determined the peculiar nature of two very remarkable -gases, _carbonic_ and _hydrogen_. - -2. Mineral waters have at all times attracted the attention of the -faculty in consequence of their peculiar properties and medical -virtues. Some faint steps towards their investigation were taken by -Boyle. Du Clos attempted a chemical analysis of the mineral waters in -France; and Hierne made a similar investigation of the mineral waters -of Sweden. Though these experiments were rude and inaccurate, they -led to the knowledge of several facts respecting mineral waters which -chemists were unable to explain. One of these was the existence of a -considerable quantity of _calcareous earth_ in some mineral waters, -which was precipitated by boiling. Nobody could conceive in what way -this insoluble substance (_carbonate of lime_) was held in solution, -nor why it was thrown down when the water was raised to a boiling -heat. It was to determine this point that Mr. Cavendish made his -experiments on Rathbone-place water, which were published in the year -1767, and which may be considered as the first analysis of a mineral -water that possessed tolerable accuracy. Rathbone-place water was -raised by a pump, and supplied the portion of London in its immediate -neighbourhood. Mr. Cavendish found that when boiled, it deposited a -quantity of earthy matter, consisting chiefly of lime, but containing -also a little magnesia. This he showed was held in solution by fixed -air; and he proved experimentally, that when an excess of this gas -is present, it has the property of holding lime and magnesia in -solution.[187] Besides these earthy carbonates, the water was found to -contain a little ammonia, some sulphate of lime, and some common salt. -Mr. Cavendish examined, likewise, some other pump-water in London, and -showed that it contained lime, held in solution by carbonic acid. - -[187] The salts held in solution are in the state of bicarbonates of -lime and magnesia. Boiling drives off half the carbonic acid, and the -simple carbonates being insoluble are precipitated. - -3. Dr. Priestley, at a pretty early period of his chemical career, -had discovered that when nitrous gas is mixed with common air over -water, a diminution of bulk takes place; that there is a still greater -diminution of bulk when oxygen gas is employed instead of common -air; and that the diminution is always proportional to the quantity -of oxygen gas present in the gas mixed with the nitrous gas. This -discovery induced him to employ nitrous gas as a test of the quantity -of oxygen present in common air; and various instruments were contrived -to facilitate the mixture of the gases, and the measurement of the -diminution of volume which took place. As the goodness of air, or its -fitness to support combustion, and maintain animal life, was conceived -to depend upon the proportion of oxygen gas which it contained, these -instruments were distinguished by the name of _eudiometers_; the -simplest of them was contrived by Fontana, and is usually distinguished -by the name of the _eudiometer of Fontana_. Philosophers, in examining -air by means of this instrument, at various seasons, and in various -places, had found considerable differences in the diminution of -bulk: hence they inferred that the proportion of oxygen varies in -different places; and to this variation they ascribed the healthiness -or noxiousness of particular situations. For example, Dr. Ingenhousz -had found a greater proportion of oxygen in the air above the sea, and -on the sea-coast; and to this he ascribed the healthiness of maritime -situations. Mr. Cavendish examined this important point with his usual -patient industry and acute discernment, and published the result in the -Philosophical Transactions for 1783. He ascertained that the apparent -variations were owing to inaccuracies in making the experiment; and -that when the requisite precautions are taken, the proportion of oxygen -in air is found constant in all places, and at all seasons. This -conclusion has since been confirmed by numerous observations in every -part of the globe. Mr. Cavendish also analyzed common air, and found it -to consist of - - 79·16 volumes azotic gas, - 20·84 volumes oxygen gas. - ------ - 100·00 - -4. For many years it was the opinion of chemists that mercury is -essentially liquid, and that no degree of cold is capable of congealing -it. Professor Braun’s accidental discovery that it may be frozen by -cold, like other liquids, was at first doubted; and when it was finally -established by the most conclusive experiments, it was inferred from -the observations of Braun that the freezing point of mercury is several -hundred degrees below zero on Fahrenheit’s scale. It became an object -of great importance to determine the exact point of the congelation -of this metal by accurate experiments. This was done at Hudson’s Bay, -by Mr. Hutchins, who followed a set of directions given him by Mr. -Cavendish, and from his experiments Mr. Cavendish, in a paper inserted -in the Philosophical Transactions for 1783, deduced that the freezing -point of mercury is 38·66 degrees below the zero of Fahrenheit’s -thermometer. - -5. These experiments naturally drew the attention of Mr. Cavendish to -the phenomena of freezing, to the action of freezing mixtures, and the -congelation of acids. He employed Mr. M’Nab, who was settled in the -neighbourhood of Hudson’s Bay, to make the requisite experiments; and -he published two very curious and important papers on these subjects -in the Philosophical Transactions for 1786 and 1788. He explained the -phenomena of congelation exactly according to the theory of Dr. Black, -but rejecting the hypothesis that heat is a _substance_ sui generis, -and thinking it more probable, with Sir Isaac Newton, that it is -owing to the rapid internal motion of the particles of the hot body. -The latent heat of water, he found to be 150°. The observations on the -congelation of nitric and sulphuric acids are highly interesting: he -showed that their freezing points vary considerably, according to the -strength of each; and drew up tables indicating the freezing points of -acids, of various degrees of strength. - -6. But the most splendid and valuable of Mr. Cavendish’s chemical -experiments were published in two papers, entitled, “Experiments on -Air,” in the Transactions of the Royal Society for 1784 and 1785. The -object of these experiments was to determine what happened during the -_phlogistication of air_, as it was at that time termed; that is, the -change which air underwent when metals were calcined in contact with -it, when sulphur or phosphorus was burnt in it, and in several similar -processes. He showed, in the first place, that there was no reason for -supposing that carbonic acid was formed, except when some animal or -vegetable substance was present; that when _hydrogen gas_ was burnt -in contact with air or oxygen gas, it _combined_ with that gas, and -formed _water_; that _nitrous gas_, by combining with the oxygen of the -atmosphere, formed _nitrous acid_; and that when _oxygen_ and _azotic_ -gas are mixed in the requisite proportions, and electric sparks passed -through the mixture, they _combine_, and form _nitric_ acid. - -The first of these opinions occasioned a controversy between Mr. -Cavendish, and Mr. Kirwan, who maintained that carbonic acid is always -produced when air is phlogisticated. Two papers on this subject by -Kirwan, and one by Cavendish, are inserted in the Philosophical -Transactions for 1784, each remarkable examples of the peculiar manner -of the respective writers. All the arguments of Kirwan are founded on -the experiments of others. He displays great reading, and a strong -memory; but does not discriminate between the merits of the chemists -on whose authority he founds his opinions. Mr. Cavendish, on the other -hand, never advances a single opinion, which he has not put to the -test of experiment; and never suffers himself to go any further than -his experiment will warrant. Whatever is not accurately determined -by unexceptionable trials, is merely stated as a conjecture on which -little stress is laid. - -In the first of these celebrated papers, Mr. Cavendish has drawn a -comparison between the phlogistic and antiphlogistic theories of -chemistry; he has shown that each of them is capable of explaining -the phenomena in a satisfactory manner; though it is impossible to -demonstrate the truth of either; and he has given the reasons which -induced him to prefer the phlogistic theory--reasons which the French -chemists were unable to refute, and which they were wise enough not -to notice. There cannot be a more striking proof of the influence of -fashion, even in science, and of the unwarrantable precipitation with -which opinions are rejected or embraced by philosophers, than the total -inattention paid by the chemical world to this admirable dissertation. -Had Mr. Kirwan adopted the opinions of Mr. Cavendish, when he undertook -the defence of phlogiston, instead of trusting to the vague experiments -of inaccurate chemists, he would not have been obliged to yield to his -French antagonists, and the antiphlogistic theory would not so speedily -have gained ground. - -Such is an epitome of the chemical papers of Mr. Cavendish. They -contain five notable discoveries; namely, 1. The nature and properties -of hydrogen gas. 2. The solubility of bicarbonates of lime and magnesia -in water. 3. The exact proportion of the constituents of common air. 4. -The composition of water. 5. The composition of nitric acid. It is to -him also that we are indebted for our knowledge of the freezing point -of mercury; and he was likewise the first person who showed that potash -has a stronger affinity for acids than soda has. His experiments on the -subject are to be found in a paper on Mineral Waters, published in the -Philosophical Transactions, by Dr. Donald Monro. - - - - -END OF VOL. I. - - - C. WHITING, BEAUFORT HOUSE, STRAND. - - - - - -ANCIENT HISTORIANS, POETS, &c. - - - _Now in course of Publication, in Monthly volumes (containing - on the average 350 pages of letter-press), price only 4s. 6d. - each, neatly bound, and embellished with Engravings on steel by - the first Artists_, - -THE FAMILY CLASSICAL LIBRARY; or, ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS of the -most valuable GREEK AND LATIN HISTORIANS, POETS AND ORATORS. With -BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES of EACH AUTHOR, and COPIOUS ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES. -Edited by A. J. VALPY, M. A. - -CICERO remarks, that not to know what has been transacted in -former times, is to continue always a child. If no use be made of the -labours of past ages, the world must remain always in the infancy of -knowledge: and the learned Dr. Parr says, “If you desire your son, -though no great scholar, to read and reflect, it is your duty _to -place_ in his hands the best _Translations_ of the best _Classical_ -Authors.” - -To those, therefore, who are desirous of obtaining a knowledge of the -most esteemed authors of Greece and Rome, but possess not the means or -leisure for pursuing a regular course of study, the present undertaking -must prove a valuable acquisition. The following are the contents of -the volumes already published. - -No. I.--DEMOSTHENES (translated by Dr. Leland), comprising a sketch of -the Life of Demosthenes: his Orations against Philip, King of Macedon; -and those pronounced on occasions of public deliberation. - -No. II.--DEMOSTHENES, concluded, and SALLUST complete: (the latter -translated by William Rose, M. A.) comprising the Orations of -Dinarchus against Demosthenes, and Account of the Exile and Death of -Demosthenes, and the Orations of Æschines and Demosthenes on the Crown: -a Biographical Sketch of SALLUST: his History of Catiline’s -conspiracy; and History of the Roman War against Jugurtha, King of -Numidia. - -No. III.--XENOPHON, Vol. I. (translated by E. Spelman, Esq.), -comprising a Biographical Sketch of the Historian; and his Anabasis, or -Expedition of Cyrus into Persia, and retreat of the 10,000 Greeks. - -No. IV.--XENOPHON, vol. II. (translated by the Hon. Maurice Ashley -Cooper), comprising the Cyropædia, or the Education, Life and Manners, -Government, Wars, and Achievements of Cyrus, King of Persia. - -No. V.--HERODOTUS, vol. I. (translated by the Rev. W. Beloe), -comprising a Biographical Sketch of the Historian; and the first two -Books of his History, containing a Narrative of the Acquisition of -the Kingdom of Lydia by Crœsus, and the subsequent overthrow of the -Lydian Empire by Cyrus; the early History of the Republics of Athens -and Lacedæmon; with an account of Egypt, its Customs, Manners, and -Governments. - -No. VI.--HERODOTUS, vol II., comprising, in the 3d, 4th, and 5th Books, -the Exploits of Cambyses, with the subjugation of the whole of Egypt; -the elevation of Darius Hystaspes to the Persian throne; the disastrous -Expeditions of the Persians against the Scythians during his reign; the -progress of the Republics of Athens, Lacedæmon and Corinth, and their -state during the time of the Persian Emperor Darius. - -No. VII.--HERODOTUS, vol. III., comprising, in the 6th to the 9th Book, -the Origin of the Lacedæmonian Kings; the first Invasion of Greece -by the Persians; the Battle of Marathon; the memorable Expedition of -Xerxes into Greece; the Battle of Thermopylæ; the Capture and Burning -of Athens by the Persians; the Sea-fight of Salamis; the Battles of -Platæa and of the Promontory of Mycale; and the overthrow of the -Persian power in Greece. - -No. VIII.--VIRGIL, vol. I., comprising a Biographical Sketch of the -Poet; his _Eclogues_, or Pastoral Poems, translated by Archdeacon -Wrangham; the _Georgics_, or Poems on Husbandry, translated by William -Sotheby, Esq.; and the first two Books of the _Æneid_, translated by -Dryden, and prefaced with his celebrated Dedication. - -No. IX.--VIRGIL, vol. II., comprising the remainder of Dryden’s -translation of the _Æneid_, namely, from the third to the twelfth Book. - -No. X.--PINDAR (translated by the Rev. C. A. Wheelwright, Prebendary of -Lincoln); and ANACREON, by Mr. Thomas Bourne. - - - LONDON: - - PRINTED FOR H. COLBURN AND R. 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