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diff --git a/old/50577.txt b/old/50577.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 3793b7e..0000000 --- a/old/50577.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,28258 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino, Volume III -(of 3), by James Dennistoun - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Memoirs of the Dukes of Urbino, Volume III (of 3) - Illustrating the Arms, Arts, and Literature of Italy, from 1440 To 1630 - - -Author: James Dennistoun - - - -Release Date: November 30, 2015 [eBook #50577] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MEMOIRS OF THE DUKES OF URBINO, -VOLUME III (OF 3)*** - - -E-text prepared by Suzanne Lybarger, Linda Cantoni, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images -generously made available by Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries -(https://archive.org/details/toronto) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this - file which includes the original illustrations. - See 50577-h.htm or 50577-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/50577/50577-h/50577-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/50577/50577-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries. See - https://archive.org/details/memoirsofdukesof03dennuoft - - - Project Gutenberg has the other two volumes of this work. - Volume I: see http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/42560 - Volume II: see http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/44235 - - -Transcriber's note: - - This work was originally published in 1851. As noted below, - footnotes marked by an asterisk were added by the editor - of the 1909 edition, from which this e-book was prepared. - - Obvious printer errors have been corrected without note. - - Certain spelling inconsistencies have been made consistent; - for example, variants of Michelangelo's last name have been - changed to Buonarroti. - - Full-page illustrations have been moved so as not to break - up the flow of the text. - - - - - -MEMOIRS OF THE DUKES OF URBINO - -Illustrating the Arms, Arts & Literature of Italy, 1440-1630 - -by - -JAMES DENNISTOUN OF DENNISTOUN - -A New Edition with Notes by Edward Hutton -& Over a Hundred Illustrations - -In Three Volumes. VOLUME THREE - - - - - - - -[Illustration] - -London John Lane The Bodley Head -New York John Lane Company MCMIX - -William Brendon and Son, Ltd., Printers, Plymouth - - -[Illustration: _Anderson_ - -FRANCESCO MARIA II. DELLA ROVERE, DUKE OF URBINO - -_After the picture by Baroccio in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence_] - - - - -CONTENTS - - -BOOK SIXTH - -(_Continued_) - -OF FRANCESCO MARIA DELLA ROVERE, FOURTH DUKE OF URBINO - - PAGE - - CHAPTER XXXIX - - Causes which led to the sack of Rome--The assault--Death of - Bourbon--Atrocities of his soldiery--The Duke of Urbino's - fatal delays--The Pontiff's capitulation and escape--Policy - of the Emperor 3 - - CHAPTER XL - - The Duke's mischievous Policy--New league against Charles - V.--A French army reaches Naples--The Duke's campaign in - Lombardy--Peace restored--Siege of Florence--Coronation of - the Emperor at Bologna--The independence of Italy finally - lost--Leonora Duchess of Urbino--The Duke's Military Discourses 34 - - CHAPTER XLI - - Italian Militia--The Camerino disputes--Death of Clement - VII.--Marriage of Prince Guidobaldo--Proposed Turkish crusade - under the Duke--His death and character 60 - - -BOOK SEVENTH - -OF GUIDOBALDO DELLA ROVERE, FIFTH DUKE OF URBINO - - CHAPTER XLII - - Succession of Duke Guidobaldo II.--He loses Camerino and - the Prefecture of Rome--The altered state of Italy--Death - of Duchess Giulia--The Duke's remarriage--Affairs of the - Farnesi 85 - - CHAPTER XLIII - - The Duke's domestic affairs--Policy of Paul IV.--The Duke - enters the Spanish service--Rebellion at Urbino severely - repressed--His death and character--His children 106 - - -BOOK EIGHTH - -OF FRANCESCO MARIA II. DELLA ROVERE, SIXTH AND LAST DUKE OF URBINO - - CHAPTER XLIV - - Autobiography of Duke Francesco Maria II.--His visit to the - Spanish Court--His studious habits--His marriage--Is engaged - in the naval action of Lepanto--Succeeds to the dukedom 129 - - CHAPTER XLV - - The unsatisfactory results of his marriage--He separates from - the Duchess--His court and habits--Death of the Duchess--He - remarries 152 - - CHAPTER XLVI - - Birth of Prince Federigo--The Duke's retired habits and - aversion to business--His constitution-making experiments--His - instructions to his son--The Prince's unfortunate education - and character 173 - - CHAPTER XLVII - - The Prince's marriage--The Duke entrusts to him the government, - and retires to Castel Durante--His dissolute career and - early death--Birth of his daughter Vittoria--The Duke rouses - himself--He arranges the devolution of his state to the Holy - See--Papal intrigues 196 - - CHAPTER XLVIII - - The Duke's monkish seclusion--His death and character--His - portraits and letters--Notices of Princess Vittoria, and - her inheritance--Fate of the ducal libraries--The duchy - incorporated with the Papal States--Results of the Devolution 224 - - -BOOK NINTH - -OF LITERATURE AND ART UNDER THE DUKES DELLA ROVERE AT URBINO - - CHAPTER XLIX - - Italian literature subject to new influences--The - Academies--Federigo Comandino--Guidobaldo del Monte--The - Paciotti--Leonardi--Muzio Oddi--Bernardino Baldi--Girolamo - Muzio--Federigo Bonaventura 253 - - CHAPTER L - - Italian versification--Ariosto--Pietro Aretino--Vittoria - Colonna--Laura Battiferri--Dionigi Atanagi--Antonio - Galli--Marco Montano--Bernardo Tasso 278 - - CHAPTER LI - - Torquato Tasso--His insanity--Theories of Dr. Verga and - Mr. Wilde--His connection with Urbino--His intercourse with - the Princess of Este--His portraits--His letter to the Duke - of Urbino--His confinement--His death--His poetry--Battista - Guarini 308 - - CHAPTER LII - - The decline of Italian art: its causes and results--Artists - of Urbino--Girolamo della Genga and his son Bartolomeo--Other - architects and engineers 335 - - CHAPTER LIII - - Taddeo Zuccaro--Federigo Zuccaro--Their pupils--Federigo - Baroccio and his pupils--Claudio Ridolfi--Painters of Gubbio 355 - - CHAPTER LIV - - Foreign artists patronised by the Dukes della Rovere--The - tomb of Julius II. by Michael Angelo--Character and - influence of his genius--Titian's works for Urbino--Palma - Giovane--Il Semolei--Sculptors at Urbino 381 - - CHAPTER LV - - Of the manufacture of majolica in the Duchy of Urbino 403 - - -APPENDICES - - I. Correspondence of Clement VII. with Duke Francesco Maria - before the sack of Rome, 1527 427 - - II. The sack of Rome 429 - - III. The Duke of Urbino's justification, 1527 444 - - IV. Sketch of the negotiations of Castiglione at the court - of Madrid, 1525-1529 448 - - V. Account of the armada of Don John of Austria at Messina, 1571 452 - - VI. Indulgence conceded to the corona of the Grand Duke - of Tuscany by Pius V., 1666 456 - - VII. Monumental inscriptions of the ducal family of Urbino 458 - - VIII. Statistics of Urbino 463 - - IX. Two sonnets by Pietro Aretino on Titian's portraits of - Duke Francesco Maria I. and his Duchess Leonora 470 - - X. Petition to Guidobaldo II. Duke of Urbino, by certain - Majolica-makers in Pesaro 472 - - XI. Letter from the Archbishop of Urbino to Cardinal Giulio - della Rovere, regarding a service of Majolica 474 - - XII. Collections of art made by the Dukes of Urbino 476 - - DENNISTOUN'S LIST OF AUTHORITIES FOR THE WORK 490 - - GENEALOGICAL TABLE 501 - - INDEX 505 - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS - - - Francesco Maria II. della Rovere, Duke of Urbino. - After the picture by Baroccio in the Uffizi Gallery, - Florence. (Photo Anderson) _Frontispiece_ - - FACING PAGE - - The Emperor Charles V. From the picture by Titian in the - Prado Gallery, Madrid. (Photo Anderson) 28 - - Guidobaldo II., Duke of Urbino. From a picture in the - Albani Palace in Rome 88 - - ? Guidobaldo II. della Rovere. From the picture by Titian - in the Pitti Gallery, Florence. (Probably once in the - Ducal Collection.) (Photo Alinari) 90 - - Isabella d'Este. After the picture by Titian in the Imperial - Museum, Vienna. (Photo Franz Hanfstaengl) 134 - - Duke Francesco Maria II. receiving the allegiance of his - followers. After the fresco by Girolamo Genga in the Villa - Imperiale, Pesaro. (Photo Alinari) 148 - - Duke Francesco Maria II. receiving the allegiance of his - followers. After the fresco by Girolamo Genga in the Villa - Imperiale, Pesaro. (Photo Alinari) 150 - - Francesco I. de' Medici. After the picture by Bronzino in - the Pitti Gallery, Florence. (Photo Anderson) 154 - - Federigo, Prince of Urbino. From the picture once in the - possession of Andrew Coventry of Edinburgh 196 - - Facsimiles of signatures and monograms 200 - - Francesco Maria II., Duke of Urbino. From a picture once - in the possession of James Dennistoun 226 - - Vittoria della Rovere, Grand Duchess of Tuscany. From the - picture by Sustermans in the Pitti Gallery, Florence. - (Photo Anderson) 248 - - Supposed portrait of Ariosto. After the picture by Titian - in the National Gallery 280 - - Pietro Aretino. From the picture by Titian in the Pitti - Gallery, Florence. (Photo Alinari) 288 - - Bernardo Tasso. From a picture once in the possession of - James Dennistoun 298 - - Torquato Tasso. From a picture once in the possession of - James Dennistoun 308 - - Laura de' Dianti and Alfonso of Ferrara. After the picture - by Titian in the Louvre. (Photo Neurdein Freres) 312 - - Martyrdom of S. Agata. After a picture by Seb. dal Piombo, - once in the Ducal Collection at Urbino, now in the Pitti - Gallery, Florence. (Photo Anderson) 336 - - Holy Family. After the picture by Sustermans, once in the - Ducal Collection of Urbino, now in the Pitti Gallery, - Florence. (Photo Alinari) 340 - - The Knight of Malta. From the picture by Giorgione, once in - the Ducal Collection at Urbino, now in the Uffizi Gallery, - Florence. (Photo Anderson) 344 - - Judith with the head of Holofernes. After the picture by - Palma il Vecchio, once in the Ducal Collection at Urbino. - (Photo Alinari) 346 - - Head of Christ. After the picture by Titian, once in the - Ducal Collection, now in the Pitti Gallery, Florence. - (Photo Alinari) 348 - - The Resurrection. After the banner painted by Titian for - the Compagnia di Corpus Domini, now in the Pinacoteca, - Urbino. (Photo Alinari) 352 - - The Last Supper. After the picture by Baroccio in the Duomo - of Urbino. (Photo Alinari) 356 - - Noli me Tangere. After the picture by Baroccio, once in the - Ducal Collection at Urbino, now in the Uffizi Gallery, - Florence. (Photo Anderson) 372 - - The Communion of the Apostles. By Giusto di Gand, in the - Palazzo Ducale Urbino. (From the Ducal Collection.) - (Photo Alinari) 382 - - Giovanni and Federigo, Electors of Saxony. After the - portraits by Cranach, once in the Ducal Collection at - Urbino, now in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence. - (Photo Anderson) 386 - - La Bella. After the picture by Titian in the Pitti Gallery, - Florence. Supposed portrait of Duchess Leonora. - (Photo Anderson) 390 - - The Venus of Urbino. Supposed portrait of the Duchess - Leonora, after the picture by Titian in the Uffizi Gallery, - Florence, once in the Ducal Collection. (Photo Anderson) 392 - - Sleeping Venus. After the picture by Giorgione in the - Dresden Gallery, after which the Venus of Urbino was painted. - (Photo Anderson) 394 - - Portrait of his wife, by Lucas Cranach. From the picture - in the Roscoe Collection, Liverpool. Possibly modelled on - the Venus of Urbino 396 - - Maiolica. A plate of Urbino ware of about 1540 in the - British Museum 404 - - Maiolica. A plate of Castel Durante ware of about 1524 in - the British Museum. "The divine and beautiful Lucia" 408 - - Maiolica. A plate of Urbino ware about 1535 in the British - Museum. (The arms are Cardinal Pucci's) 412 - - Maiolica. Plate of Castel Durante ware about 1540, with a - portrait medallion within a border of oak leaves. This - pattern was called "Cerquata" or "al Urbinata," the oak - being the badge of the Rovere house. In the British Museum 416 - - - - -CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE - - - A.D. PAGE - - CHAPTER XXXIX - - 1527. Causes leading to the sack of Rome 3 - - " The Pontiff's fatal confidence 4 - - " Defenceless state of his capital 5 - - " Apr. His tardy alarm, and inadequate exertions 5 - - " " Demoralisation of the city 6 - - " " Warnings of impending woe 6 - - " May. Foolhardiness of Renzo da Ceri 8 - - " " Authorities for the sack 8 - - " " Panic in the city 8 - - " " Estimate of the respective forces 9 - - " " 5. Arrival of Bourbon's army 10 - - " " 6. The assault 10 - - " " The localities examined and compared 11 - - " " Death of Bourbon 12 - - " " Rome lost by a panic 13 - - " " The Pope and Cardinals gain the castle of - S. Angelo 13 - - " " The imperialists overrun the entire city 14 - - " " It is ferociously sacked during three days 14 - - " " The Prince of Orange succeeds Bourbon 15 - - " " Savage atrocities and sacrilege of the army 15 - - " " Several cardinals outraged 16 - - " " Pillage of shops and palaces 17 - - " " Ransom extorted by the soldiery 18 - - " " Dilatory proceedings of the confederates 18 - - " " 3. The Duke of Urbino leaves Florence 19 - - " " Unworthy motives imputed to him 19 - - " " 17. Abortive attempt to rescue the Pope 20 - - " " 20. He advances to Isola di Farnese 21 - - " " Distracted counsels in his camp 21 - - " " He resolves upon inaction 22 - - " " His memorial defending this 22 - - " " The Pontiff vainly appeals to Lannoy 23 - - " Jun. 5. He accepts a humbling capitulation 23 - - " " Sale of cardinals' hats 24 - - " " The capitulation rejected 24 - - " Aug. Pestilence and famine in Rome 25 - - " " Death of Lannoy 25 - - " Oct. New and more severe terms of capitulation 25 - - " Dec. 8. The Pope escapes in disguise to Orvieto 26 - - Castiglione's negotiations at Madrid from - 1524 to 1528 26 - - " Jul. 25. Conduct of Charles V. on hearing of sack 29 - - " The Pope's dissatisfaction and Castiglione's - defence 29 - - " Nov. 22. The Emperor's hollow professions 31 - - " " Fatal consequences of the sack 32 - - - CHAPTER XL - - " Jun. 1. The confederates retire to Monterosi 34 - - " Aug. Mischievous policy of Francesco Maria 34 - - " Dec. His interview with the Pope 34 - - " Jul. Distrust of the Venetians 35 - - 1528. Removed by a visit from the Duke 35 - - " His violent proceedings 36 - - " He is presented with a palace at Venice 37 - - 1527. Jun. New League against Charles V. 37 - - " Jul. A French army enters Italy 37 - - " Close of this miserable year 37 - - 1528. Feb. 16. The imperialists evacuate Rome 38 - - " " Overtaken by signal vengeance 39 - - " " 10. Lautrec enters the Abruzzi 39 - - " Apr. 29. And lays siege to Naples 39 - - " Aug. 15. His death, and the destruction of his army 39 - - " May. The Duke protects the Venetian mainland 40 - - " And saves Lodi from the Duke of Brunswick 40 - - " Sep. 20. He recovers Pavia 40 - - " Oct. 21. But loses Savona 41 - - " Demoralising effects of these wars 41 - - 1529. Jun. 29. Peace restored between the great powers 42 - - " Dec. Venice not being included, the Duke keeps - the field till December 42 - - " Nov. 5. Charles and Clement meet at Bologna 42 - - " Dec. 23. Treaty of the Italian powers 42 - - 1530. Aug. 12. Siege of Florence 43 - - " " Death of the Prince of Orange there 43 - - 1529. Nov. 1. The Duke arrives at Bologna with the Duchess 44 - - " His reception by some veterans 44 - - 1530. He declines the imperial baton 45 - - " But is in high favour with Charles 45 - - " Who restores to him Sora and Arce 45 - - " Feb. 22. The coronation of Charles V. 46 - - " Mar. 22. He leaves Bologna 46 - - " Apr. 6. Clement VII. visits Urbino 46 - - " Altered position of Italy by the loss of her - nationality and independence 46 - - " Opinions of Mariotti 48 - - " The Duchess of Urbino builds the palace - of Imperiale 49 - - " Its attractions and site 49 - - " Her portrait and administration 52 - - " Prince Guidobaldo 53 - - " Marriage of Princess Ippolita 53 - - " The Duke's Military Discourses 53 - - " His opinions on fortification 54 - - " His critique on Venetian policy 55 - - " His views regarding sieges 55 - - " And Artillery 56 - - " His comparative estimate of various nations - in the field 57 - - " His rules for the construction of an army 57 - - 1532. His inspections of the Venetian troops 58 - - " Ancona annexed to the papal states 59 - - - CHAPTER XLI - - 1533. Militia organised in Italy 60 - - " The Feltrian legion instituted at Urbino 61 - - " Jan. Charles V. attends a congress at Bologna 62 - - " " Where Titian meets him and probably paints - the Duke and Duchess of Urbino 62 - - " Apr. Birth of Prince Giulio 63 - - " " Origin of the Camerino disputes 63 - - " Descent of the Varano family 63 - - " Giovanni Maria made Duke of Camerino 64 - - His daughter Giulia offered to Prince Guidobaldo 65 - - " The consent of Clement VII. withheld 65 - - " Attempted abduction of Giulia 66 - - 1534. Sep. 27. Death of Clement, and his character 66 - - " Oct. 12. Election of Paul III. 68 - - " " " Marriage of Guidobaldo 68 - - " It is disapproved by the Pope 68 - - " Vain mediation of Francesco Maria 68 - - " Hostilities resorted to 69 - - 1535. The Duke visits Charles V. at Naples, - and makes him presents 69 - - " Singular tradition in the Abruzzi 69 - - " Death of the last Sforza 70 - - 1538. Jan. 31. Confederacy against the Turks, with the Duke - as captain-general 70 - - " Sep. 20. His sudden illness 71 - - " " He returns to Pesaro 71 - - " Oct. 22. His death from poison 71 - - " " His funeral obsequies and epitaph 72 - - " " His vicissitudes of fortune 74 - - " " His fame has suffered from prejudiced historians 74 - - " " His character and military reputation 76 - - " " Opinion of Urbano Urbani 77 - - " " And of Centenelli 79 - - " " His dutiful conduct to Duchess Elisabetta 79 - - " " His widow and testamentary dispositions 80 - - " " His children 80 - - " " Cardinal Giulio della Rovere 81 - - - CHAPTER XLII - - " " Diminished interest of our subject 85 - - 1514. Apr. 2. Birth of Prince Guidobaldo 87 - - " " Educated by Guido Posthumo Silvestro 87 - - 1529. His boyish taste for horses 88 - - 1534. Oct. 12. His marriage and its political results 88 - - 1538. " 22. His succession to the Dukedom 88 - - " " 25. The ceremonial described by an eye-witness 89 - - 1539. Jan. 8. He compromises the Camerino succession, - and loses the Prefecture 92 - - " Camerino annexed to the papal states 93 - - " The Duke strengthens himself by taking service - with the Emperor and Venice 93 - - 1543. Compliments Charles V., with Pietro Aretino - in his suite 94 - - 1533. Final abolition of the condottiere system 94 - - " The Feltrian Legion embodied 94 - - 1540. The altered condition of Italy 95 - - " " And new policy of the papacy 95 - - " " Reaction against the Reformation 96 - - Investiture of Guidobaldo as captain-general - of Venice 97 - - 1547. Feb. 17. Death of the Duchess Giulia 98 - - 1541. Letter of commissions from her 99 - - 1548. Jan. 30. The Duke's remarriage to Vittoria Farnese 100 - - 1549. Nov. 10. Death of Paul III. 101 - - 1550. Feb. 14. And of Duchess Leonora 101 - - 1549. Feb. 20. Birth of Prince Francesco Maria II. 101 - - 1550. San Marino under his protection 101 - - 1551. Guidobaldo made governor of Fano 103 - - 1552. He quits the Venetian service 103 - - 1553. The affairs of the Farnesi 104 - - 1555. The Prefecture restored to the Duke 105 - - - CHAPTER XLIII - - 1552. Marriage of Princess Elisabetta 106 - - " The Duke's domestic affairs 107 - - " He builds the palace at Pesaro 108 - - 1555. The bigotry and ambitious nepotism of Paul IV. 109 - - " He sends Guidobaldo against the Colonna 109 - - 1557. Aug. 26. Rome nearly taken 111 - - 1558. Apr. 9. He receives an engagement from Spain - and the Golden Fleece 111 - - " The terms of his service 111 - - 1565. He sends his son to Spain 112 - - " His Discourse against the Turk 113 - - 1570. His great expenses 113 - - 1572. Consequent increase of imposts 113 - - " Which occasions an insurrection at Urbino 114 - - " It is repressed by stringent measures 115 - - 1573. Severities against the guilty 116 - - " The humiliation of the city 117 - - " The blot attaching to the Duke's memory - from these events 120 - - " Letter of remonstrance to him 120 - - 1574. Sep. 28. His death and character 122 - - " His children 125 - - - CHAPTER XLIV - - The autobiography of Duke Francesco Maria II. 129 - - 1549. Feb. 20. His birth and education 130 - - 1565. He goes to Spain by Genoa 131 - - 1568. His account of Don Carlos's imprisonment 133 - - " Jul. 11. His return home by Milan 134 - - " His studious habits 135 - - 1571. Jan. His marriage to Lucrezia d'Este announced - by himself 135 - - " " Early coldness 136 - - " " Congratulatory letters on the occasion 137 - - " Protestant doctrines at Ferrara 139 - - " He joins the Turkish expedition 139 - - " His account of the sea-fight at Lepanto 140 - - 1574. Sep. 28. He succeeds to the dukedom 142 - - " Ceremonial of his investiture 142 - - " Letter of advice from Girolamo Muzio 144 - - " The difficulties of his position 149 - - " Overcome by prudence and moderation 149 - - " A conspiracy against him discovered 150 - - - CHAPTER XLV - - 1577. Unsatisfactory results of his marriage 152 - - " His separation from the Duchess 153 - - " His autograph Diary 155 - - 1582. He is taken into the Spanish service 156 - - " And receives the title of "Most Serene" 157 - - 1583. Marriage of his Sister Princess Lavinia 157 - - " He builds the Videtta Villa 157 - - 1586. And obtains the Golden Fleece 158 - - " List of officers at his court 159 - - 1588. His fondness for the chase 160 - - 1589. Other pastimes of his court 161 - - " His literary pursuits 162 - - " His hospitalities. Galileo 163 - - 1597. Oct. Death of the last Duke of Ferrara 164 - - 1598. Feb. 11. And of the Duchess of Urbino 165 - - " Clement VIII. visits Urbino 166 - - " His desire for the Duke's abdication 166 - - " The Duke's retired habits 167 - - " The anxiety of his people for his remarriage 167 - - " His singular appeal to them 168 - - 1599. Apr. 26. He marries Livia della Rovere 169 - - 1602. Dec. 13. Death of Duchess Vittoria 171 - - - CHAPTER XLVI - - 1605. May 16. Birth of Prince Federigo 173 - - " " Universal joy of the people 174 - - " " The Duke's pilgrimage of thanks to Loreto 176 - - " " 19. Baptism of the Prince, amid festive pageants 176 - - 1606. The Duke's breeding stud 180 - - " His aversion to business, and retired habits 180 - - " Castel Durante his favourite residence 181 - - " He appoints a council of state 183 - - " A glance at the constitution establishments - of Urbino 185 - - 1607. The unfortunate education of the Prince 189 - - " His father's code of instructions to him 189 - - 1608. His unpromising youth 194 - - - CHAPTER XLVII - - 1608. His betrothal to Princess Claudia de' Medici 196 - - 1610. His dissolute habits 197 - - 1616. He visits Florence 198 - - 1617. Court pastimes at Urbino 199 - - 1621. Apr. 29. The Prince's marriage concluded 199 - - " Reception of the bridal pair 201 - - " Francesco Maria resigns the administration - of his state to the Prince 202 - - " And retires to Urbania 203 - - 1622. The Prince's reckless career, and debauched life 204 - - 1623. Jun. 29. His sudden death 207 - - " " The Duke's resignation 208 - - " Ominous warnings 209 - - " Monumental inscription to the Prince 210 - - 1622. Jul. 27. Birth of his daughter Vittoria 210 - - 1623. Princess Claudia returns to her family 211 - - " The Duke rouses himself 212 - - " The difficulties of his position 213 - - " Aug. 8. Election of Pope Urban VIII. 214 - - 1624. The Duke's negotiations with the Holy See 214 - - " Intrigues and threats employed against him 216 - - " He arranges the Devolution of his state to - the Holy See 219 - - " To which the people gave no consent 220 - - 1628. The terms of surrender ill kept 222 - - - CHAPTER XLVIII - - " The Duke's monkish seclusion at Urbania 224 - - 1631. Apr. 28. His death there 225 - - " His funeral 226 - - " Notices of his character by Donato, Gozze, - and Passeri 227 - - " His appearance and portrait 230 - - " Letters of his domestic circle 232 - - " Notices of Princess Vittoria 239 - - " And of Duchess Livia 239 - - " The Duke's will, and the amount of - his succession 239 - - " His libraries 241 - - 1658. The MSS. carried to the Vatican 242 - - " The printed books transported to the - Sapienza at Rome 244 - - " Probable number of MSS. 244 - - 1631. The duchy incorporated with the - Ecclesiastical States 245 - - To the great misfortune of the people 246 - - Conclusion 248 - - - CHAPTER XLIX - - 1400. The glory and progress of Italy while - divided into many states 253 - - 1492-1530. Her long struggle against foreign aggression - is closed in servitude 253 - - 1533-1600. Spanish domination fatal to manners, - language, and literature 254 - - " " This evil augmented by the Academies 255 - - " " The Assorditi of Urbino 255 - - " " The influence of the Reformation, how excluded - from Italian letters 257 - - " " The age of rhetoricians and fulsome compliment 257 - - " " Mathematics and engineering studied at Urbino 259 - - 1509-1575. Federigo Comandino of Urbino 260 - - 1544. Guidobaldo Marchese del Monte 262 - - 1529-1591. Francesco Paciotti of Urbino 262 - - -1560. Gian Giacomo Leonardi of Pesaro 264 - - 1569-1639. Muzio Oddi of Urbino 265 - - 1553-1612. Bernardino Baldi of Urbino, his vast - acquirements and numerous works 266 - - His Lives of Dukes of Urbino 273 - - 1496-1576. Girolamo Muzio of Capo d'Istria, - biographer of the Dukes 274 - - 1555-1602. Federigo Bonaventura of Urbino 277 - - - CHAPTER L - - Facilities of Italian versification 278 - - Absence of traditionary ballads 279 - - 1508-1600. Poetry flourishes at Urbino 280 - - 1474-1533. Ludovico Ariosto 280 - - 1515. He visits Urbino; his room in the palace there 281 - - " " The qualities of his poetry 286 - - 1492-1557. Pietro Aretino, "scourge of princes" 287 - - Mediocrity of his poetry, and baseness - of his character 288 - - 1490-1547. Vittoria Colonna, Marchioness of Pescara 291 - - " " Her devotional character and poetry 292 - - 1522. Laura Battiferri of Urbino 294 - - Other bards of that court 294 - - Dionigi Atanagi; specimens of his verses 295 - - Antonio Galli and Marco Montani of Urbino 297 - - 1493-1569. Bernardo Tasso 298 - - His early irregularities and services 298 - - 1531. Enters that of the Prince of Salerno 299 - - 1539. His marriage and happy residence at Sorrento 299 - - 1544. Mar. Birth of his son Torquato 300 - - 1552. Becomes a wanderer on his patron's disgrace 300 - - 1556. Death of his wife 301 - - 1556. His appeal to the Prince 301 - - " Reaches Pesaro, where he resides for two years 302 - - 1557. Reads his _Amadigi_ at that court 303 - - 1559. Sep. 28. Torquato intimates his death to the - Duke of Urbino 305 - - His poetry and correspondence 305 - - His invention of the Ode 306 - - - CHAPTER LI - - Torquato Tasso, a subject of mystery - and contradiction 308 - - Count Alberti's recent impositions 311 - - Dr. Andrea Verga's theory of his insanity 312 - - Is sufficient justification of the - Duke of Ferrara 313 - - 1556. Torquato's arrival at Pesaro 313 - - His early devotion to the muses 314 - - 1565. His first visit to Ferrara 314 - - His compliments to the family of Urbino - in the Rinaldo 315 - - His devotion to Princess Lucrezia d'Este, - afterwards Duchess of Urbino 316 - - 1571. His sonnet to her, and canzone on her marriage 318 - - 1573. His _Aminta_ performed at Pesaro 318 - - 1574. His dangerous intercourse with her at Urbania 319 - - " She is separated from the Duke and returns - to Ferrara 320 - - 1575. Tasso at Florence,--his portrait 321 - - 1576. Symptoms of mental disease 321 - - 1577. Outbreak of insanity 321 - - 1578. He seeks shelter at Pesaro from - imaginary wrongs 321 - - " His canzone to the Duke 321 - - His long letter to him 323 - - 1579. He is shut up in the hospital of Sta. Anna - at Ferrara for seven years 326 - - 1587-1594. His subsequent wanderings 326 - - Are closed at Rome 327 - - 1595. Apr. 25. His farewell letter and death at S. Onofrio 327 - - Retrospect of his life 328 - - His rivalry with Ariosto 329 - - His the latest of Italy's great names 330 - - 1537-1611. Battista Guarini of Ferrara 331 - - 1602-1604. Invited to Urbino 332 - - - CHAPTER LII - - 1470-1520. The fine arts especially felt the impulse - given to mind before 1500 335 - - 1520-1600. Tendency of the "new manner" to exaggeration - and artifice 338 - - 1520-1600. New classes of subjects leading to new errors 341 - - " " Art under the patronage of the della Rovere - became prolific 345 - - 1476-1551. Girolamo della Genga of Urbino, painter, - architect, and engineer 347 - - " " The decorations of the imperial palace 349 - - 1518-1558. Bartolomeo della Genga of Urbino, engineer 352 - - - CHAPTER LIII - - 1529-1566. Taddeo Zuccaro of S. Angelo in Vado, painter 355 - - " " He paints at Urbino, Rome, and Caprarola 356 - - 1543-1608. Federigo Zuccaro, painter 357 - - His precocity and rapid execution 358 - - Paints at Rome, Venice, and Florence 358 - - Is compromised by his satirical picture - of Calumny 360 - - 1574. Visits England and paints portraits 360 - - Also Spain, where he was less successful 361 - - 1583. His ideas of religious art 364 - - 1593. Chosen first president of St. Luke's - Academy at Rome 366 - - His house there 366 - - His writings 367 - - The paintings of the brothers Zuccaro 367 - - Their pupils and followers in the duchy 368 - - The Barocci a family of artists 369 - - 1528-16. Federigo Baroccio of Urbino 370 - - Is poisoned by jealous rivals 371 - - His best works 372 - - His manner 374 - - His pupils 377 - - 1560-1644. Claudio Ridolfi 379 - - Painters of Gubbio 380 - - - CHAPTER LIV - - 1474-1563. Michael Angelo's monument of Julius II. 381 - - " " His style and influence 386 - - " " His monuments of the Medici 388 - - 1477-1576. Titian patronised by the Dukes of Urbino 390 - - His paintings for that court 391 - - His Venus 395 - - His letter to Duke Guidobaldo II. 397 - - 1544-1628. Palma Giovane 398 - - 1560. Gianbattista Franco il Semolei 399 - - Sculptures executed for Urbino 400 - - - CHAPTER LV - - Cultivation of the mechanical arts in Italy 403 - - Watchmaking at Urbino 403 - - Origin of majolica or earthenware 405 - - Influence of Luca della Robbia 406 - - Majolica of Pesaro 407 - - Finer qualities introduced there 410 - - The drug-vases at Loreto 411 - - Subjects for majolica painting 412 - - Decline of the art 413 - - Manufactory of it at Urbino 414 - - And at Gubbio 414 - - The forms and applications of majolica-ware 415 - - Mottoes upon it 416 - - Artists chiefly employed 419 - - Was Raffaele among them? 422 - - Collections of majolica 424 - - - APPENDICES - - 1572. Apr. 20. Brief from Clement VII. to Duke Francesco - Maria I. 427 - - " May 7. Letter from the Bishop of Moldula to the - confederate leaders at the sack of Rome 429 - - " " 20. Letter written from Urbino detailing the sack 429 - - " " 24. Despatch to Charles V. detailing it 433 - - " Jul. 9. Letter of Duke Francesco Maria I. justifying - himself to the Signory of Venice 444 - - 1525-1527. Castiglione's negotiations at the Court - of Madrid 448 - - 1571. Don John of Austria's armado at Lepanto 452 - - 1666. Indulgences belonging to a Corona 456 - - 1442. Monumental inscription to Count Guidantonio 458 - - 1444. To Duke Oddantonio 459 - - 1482. To Duke Federigo 459 - - 1508. To Duke Guidobaldo I. 459 - - 1538. To Duke Francesco Maria I. 460 - - 1574. To Duke Guidobaldo II. 460 - - 1602. To Duchess Vittoria 460 - - 1578. To Cardinal Giulio della Rovere 461 - - 1523. To Prince Federigo 461 - - 1531. To Duke Francesco Maria II. 461 - - 1632. To Princess Lavinia della Rovere 462 - - Statistics of Urbino 463 - - Revenues of the Duchy 464 - - Its population 466 - - Pietro Aretino's Sonnets on Titian's - portraits of Duke Francesco Maria I. - and the Duchess Leonora 470 - - Petition to Guidobaldo II. from the - majolica makers of Pesaro 472 - - Letters from the Archbishop of Urbino to - Cardinal Giulio della Rovere concerning a - service of majolica 474 - - List of pieces 475 - - Collection of art made by the Dukes of Urbino 476 - - Pelli's list 478 - - Venturi's list 485 - - The Pesaro list 488 - - - - -MEMOIRS OF THE DUKES OF URBINO--III - - - - -NOTE.--The Editor's notes are marked with an asterisk. - - - - -BOOK SIXTH - -(_continued_) - -OF FRANCESCO MARIA DELLA ROVERE, FOURTH DUKE OF URBINO - - - - -MEMOIRS OF THE DUKES OF URBINO - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIX - - Causes which led to the sack of Rome--The assault--Death of - Bourbon--Atrocities of his soldiery--The Duke of Urbino's - fatal delays--The Pontiff's capitulation and escape--Policy - of the Emperor. - - -Our narrative of little interesting campaigns has now brought us to -an event unparalleled in the horrors of modern warfare, by which -the laws of nature, the dictates of humanity, the principles of -civilisation were alike outraged. The sack of Rome inflicted a -dire retribution for the restless shuffling that had disgraced the -temporal policy of recent pontiffs; it was the crowning mischief to a -long agony of ultramontane aggression; and in it was spent one of the -last mighty waves of barbarian aggression that broke upon the Italian -Peninsula. - -Such are the difficulties in the way of a just and satisfactory -judgment as to the causes which led to this outrage, that it may -be well to review these, even at the risk of some recapitulation. -The total demoralisation of Bourbon's army, the want of good -understanding between him and other imperial leaders in Italy, the -absence of zeal or common interests among the confederate powers -and their officials, with the prevailing bad faith of all parties, -form a combination of elements baffling to the historian as it must -have been to the actors themselves. The petty motives and feeble -measures of the Pontiff have already been amply exposed. Francis and -the Venetians had originally entered the strife only from selfish -views upon Lombardy, which they pursued without attempting any -comprehensive or efficient operations, and, as soon as the storm had -passed by them, their languor became indifference. Charles cared -little for Italy, or the ill-defined claims of the Empire upon it, -except as a fair field for aggrandising or securing, by intrigue or -by arms, his already exorbitant dominions, and he left his officers -there pretty much to their own discretion in the maintenance of his -interests. His successive viceroys at Naples, perceiving the policy -of Clement to be inherently adverse to their master's interests, -were ever ready to annoy his frontier, or to cajole him away from -the Lombard league. The Constable, finding that the cautious tactics -of the Duke of Urbino kept his own movements in check, and impeded -his appeasing with pillage a reckless host whom he could not pay, -was ready to adopt any enterprise that might ensure occupation and -plunder to his dangerous bands, not doubting that, whoever might -suffer, success would justify him with the Emperor, to whose glory it -must ultimately redound. - -As soon as the Pope had ratified the truce of the 15th March, he, -with an infatuation which even an empty treasury can ill excuse, -dismissed two thousand of the _bande nere_ who garrisoned Rome. -A Swiss corps withdrew at the same time, on his refusal of their -monthly pay in advance. When the imperialists drew southward, his -chief care was for Florence, and, on hearing of the insurrection -there, he sent one of his chamberlains to acknowledge Francesco -Maria's good service, adding a vague hope that, in the event of -Bourbon threatening Rome, he would contribute counsel and aid for -its safety. In reply, the Duke recommended that Viterbo, and -Montefiascone should be secured, and Rome suitably defended by Renzo -da Ceri and Orazio Baglioni, suggesting that his Holiness might -betake himself to the strongholds of Orvieto or Civita Castellana: -with these precautions, he added that an early and innocuous -conclusion of the inroad would ensue, as the enemy, when shut out -from plunder of the towns, must quickly disperse. But these counsels -came too late, and, with a foolhardiness and folly savouring -of judicial blindness, the Pontiff remained in the comfortable -conviction that Bourbon would take up his quarters at Siena, on the -representations of Lannoy.[*1] It was only about the 25th that his -impending danger first dawned upon him. Rome had then, of regular -troops, but two hundred foot and a few light cavalry, besides the -Swiss guard, and the only officer of rank was Renzo da Ceri, whose -personal courage and military capacity were in equal disrepute, and -of whom Clement had on various occasions spoken with contempt. Yet -upon this broken reed did he place his sole reliance for the defence -of his capital. He commanded the weak points of the walls to be -repaired and strictly guarded, distributing the artillery where most -required. He pressed above three thousand men into his service; but -these hasty levies were of the most useless description, composed -of artizans, servants, and the scum of the population, "more used -to handle kitchen spits and stable forks than military weapons." -Resorting to fanatical expedients, he proclaimed a plenary remission -of their sins to such as should fall in the sacred struggle. But -the greatest difficulty was to raise money for these purposes: the -wealthy classes were so absorbed in egotism and luxury, so deluded -by false security, that they would contribute nothing. Domenico de' -Massini, one of the richest of them, would lend but a hundred ducats, -a refusal for which he and his family paid bitterly in the sack. On -the 11th of April, Girolamo Negri, a shrewd observer, wrote that the -papal court had become a barn-yard of chickens, and that, though each -day gave more manifest signs of evil times, every one relied on the -Viceroy's mediation, failing which all would be lost. - -[Footnote *1: The army would not hear of a truce. Bourbon, really -at their mercy, as he knew before he crossed the Apennines, asked -them what they wished to do. "To march on," replied the Spaniards, -"even without pay." The Germans after a time, though hungry for their -wage, made common cause with them. "To march on," became almost a -war-cry, and Bourbon was compelled to consent. He sent word to the -Pope before he got into Val d'Arno that his men "were determined to -push on, not only to Florence but to Rome, and dragged him with them -as a prisoner." He asked for 150,000 ducats by April 15th to pay them -with, that he might lead them back. The Pope, however, who had no -faith in his power or honesty, sent nothing, trusting in Lannoy and -that broken reed the Duke of Urbino.] - -At this juncture there appeared in Rome one of those strange -fanatics whose mysterious aspect and unearthly character, taking -strong hold of the popular imagination at particular crises, impart -a supernatural character to their wild and dismal vaticinations. -He was an aged anchorite, who, fancying himself another Jonah, had -long attracted street audiences by vague declamations of coming -convulsions, and, as the peril became imminent, warned the anxious -people that a total revolution in church and state, and the ruin of -the priesthood, were at hand. Rushing along the thoroughfares, he -preached, with piercing voice and excited gesticulation, a general -penitence and humble reliance on the offended Deity, as the only -shelter from the impending storm. He even forced his way to the -presence of his Holiness, and, in the midst of the court, repeated -gloomy warnings and stern denunciations in harsh words seldom -heard in such high places. "But," in the words of an old writer, -"repentance is an irksome sound to the ears of hardened sinners," -and "more is required to make a saint than sackcloth raiment, a -crucifix, and philippics against vice"; so the prophet was committed -to prison, to continue his preaching to a more limited audience. -Yet it needed no stretch of superstition to regard the sack of -Rome, with its accumulated horrors, as a Divine judgment. The gross -vices which disgraced the papacy towards the close of the preceding -century had, indeed, been considerably modified; but, as the -reformation was rather in decency than in morals, it had not greatly -influenced the people of Rome: the poison, though counteracted at -the core, continued to circulate through the branches. In truth, the -hearts of all were so indurated, and their judgment so blinded by -pleasures, debaucheries, avarice, and ambition, that the forebodings -of enthusiasts, and the many portentous omens of evil that occurred -about the same time, were equally disregarded. Among these were, -of course, blood-red suns and fiery meteors; but it was afterwards -remembered that two aged men with long beards had been observed to -stride solemnly along the chief thoroughfares of the city, bearing a -large empty bag, and exclaiming at intervals with dolorous solemnity, -"Behold the sack!"[2] - -[Footnote 2: The play of words applies equally in Italian and -English, and the incident savours much of a carnival jest. A scarce -little book of prophecies, dated 1532, has for _Envoye_ a sonnet, -foreshadowing the woes of Italy in consequence of-- - - "L'infando error de Sogdoma e Gomora, - Le profanate sacre binde e tempi, - L'occider Dio mille volte al hora."] - -The measures of the government, superficial as they were, generated -false security; and a general muster of the citizens which returned -thirty thousand as capable of bearing arms, tended to confirm the -fatal delusion. The Pope gave currency to it by setting forth on all -occasions the reduced state of the imperialist army, the proximity -of that of the league, and above all insisted that the invaders, -being for the most part Lutherans, were no doubt conducted by -Providence, to undergo a signal punishment for their heresies under -the very walls of the Christian metropolis. To such a height was this -foolhardiness carried, that the messenger, who arrived on the 3rd of -May to demand free passage to Naples, was dismissed by Renzo with -the threat of a cannon-ball at his head; and on the following day the -Datary wrote to Count Guido Rangone, that a reinforcement of six or -eight hundred men would suffice for defence of the city. But ere the -messenger was well clear of the gate, the enemy were before it.[3] - -[Footnote 3: It is difficult to reconcile the varying accounts of the -sack, for which, besides the many printed authorities, we have drawn -largely upon a collection of unpublished and very minute details, -Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1677. It is doubtful whether Bourbon arrived on -the evening of the 4th or of the 5th of May, but the assault was -unquestionably made upon Monday the 6th. Many of the incidents given -in that MS. are too horrible for admission into these pages. The -narratives of Guicciardini and Giacomo Buonaparte, and those printed -in the second volume of Eccardius, may be consulted for such; the -two first, indeed, have done little beyond arranging some documents -of that MS. collection. We have also consulted the Narrative of -Leonardo Santori, Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 2607, and Sanuto's MS. -Diaries; checking the whole by minute examination of the localities. -*On the 3rd May Bourbon had passed Viterbo, on the 4th he was at -Isola Farnese. As to the number of men which Renzo da Ceri had at -command, 3000 seems nearer the truth than 30,000. Bourbon had scaling -ladders but no artillery. Cf. GUICCIARDINI, _Il Sacco di -Roma_, Milanesi, p. 163, and CASANOVA, _Lettere di Carlo V. -a Clement VII._ (per nozze Firenze, 1894).] - -The inhabitants, at length aroused to their danger by the presence -of an army whom they supposed at Siena, were thrown into general -panic, though some were so blinded as to suppose it the advanced -guard of the confederates. Even now, bold and judicious expedients -might have defended the walls until the arrival of the allies, whose -first division actually reached the Porta Salara the same day on -which the city was taken; and had the bridges been previously cut, -as was urged upon Renzo in consideration of the weak defences of the -Borgo S. Spirito, the principal portion of the city might have held -out, even after these had been carried, whilst the Duke of Urbino -would have had leisure to execute signal vengeance upon the ruffian -invaders, demoralised by their leader's fall and by the pillage of -its Transteverin quarters. - -It is by no means easy to form an idea of the actual force of the -invading army from the varying estimates that have come down to us. -Muratori, who bestowed much attention upon such military statistics, -reckons the troops whom Bourbon carried from Milan at about five -thousand Spaniards, four thousand Germans, and half as many Italians, -besides five hundred men-at-arms, two thousand German cavalry, -and an indefinite number of light horse, to whom were soon united -the lansquenets of Fruendesberg, originally fourteen thousand, but -already somewhat reduced. This would give a total of twenty-six or -twenty-seven thousand men, which exceeds by a few thousand infantry -the calculation adopted by Giacomo Buonaparte, his multiplication -of the men-at-arms by ten being obviously an accidental error. The -same author supposes that the Imperialists who had marched from -Montevarchi were about twenty thousand Germans, eight thousand -Spaniards, three thousand Italians, with but six hundred horse. -The impression current at Rome, and in the confederate camp, that -Bourbon brought from forty to fifty thousand men before that city -was therefore grossly exaggerated; indeed, some authorities diminish -his effective force to half that number, while Buonaparte esteems -it under thirty thousand. The allied army, according to Baldi, was -twenty thousand strong, of whom one fifth were cavalry: but it, too, -had melted away when mustered at Isola, as we shall in due time see. -On the whole, it appears that the inequality of numbers was not such -as to justify the Fabian tactics, or it may be the petted policy, of -Francesco Maria. - -On Sunday, the 5th of May, the Constable bivouacked in the meadows -north-west of the city, having approached it without crossing the -Tiber. He repeated by trumpet his summons in name of the Emperor for -free passage to Naples; an idle insult, considering that the way -beneath the walls lay open for him. He then explained to a council -of his officers the perilous state of affairs,--the troops fatigued, -starving, mutinous, with a powerful enemy pressing upon their rear, -and the richest metropolis of Europe ill-defended before them, -urging that there was no alternative but that night to conquer its -effeminate citizens, or next day be cut to pieces by the allied host. -But, finding these representations received with cold indifference, -he at dusk repeated them to the whole army in an energetic harangue, -which he concluded by assuring them he had received, through Cardinal -Colonna, assurances of support from the Ghibelline party within the -city. - -Ere the morrow's dawn his army was in motion, and, under cover of a -singularly dense fog, approached the city between the modern gates -of Cavallegieri and S. Pancrazio. The wall was there pierced by a -loop-hole, serving as the window of a small and slightly built house -that formed part of the defences; below it was another aperture into -the cellar. These vulnerable points, which had been unpardonably -overlooked by the papal engineers, were quickly noticed by the -enemy, who brought the few guns they possessed to bear upon them, -and soon effected a small breach. The exact site is loosely and -contradictorily described as between one of the gates and the tower -of S. Spirito, near Cardinal Mellini's, or Ermellini's, garden. -Meanwhile the besiegers, protected by the mist from the guns of S. -Angelo, vigorously attacked various points; and on the heights above -the Strada Giulia, two Spanish colours were wrested from them. The -walls and substructions now visible on that side, and those which -separate the Lungara from the Borgo S. Spirito, are all of later -date; and in constructing them, sixteen years subsequently, the -aspect of the localities has been so changed as to baffle accurate -comparison with descriptions of the assault. If we can suppose the -external wall to have run from near the Porta S. Spirito towards -that of S. Pancrazio, instead of being carried, as at present, -along the Janicular ridge from the Porta Cavallegieri, it might be -comparatively easy to reconcile these statements. At all events, it -is certain that considerable resistance was made by some citizens -who occupied the _Campo Santo_ or burying ground, which then lay -just outside of the gate from S. Spirito into the Lungara, and -which, according to a mural inscription there, was removed in 1749 -to its present site farther up the hill. This, being the brunt of -the battle, was occupied by Bourbon, whose exertions throughout the -morning had been unremitting. Whilst steadying a ladder with his -left hand, and cheering on his men with his right, he was struck to -the ground by a bullet which passed through his thigh. The credit -of that lucky shot, which cut short a career commenced in treason, -closed in sacrilege, is claimed by Benvenuto Cellini. He tells us -that on hieing to the Campo Santo with two comrades, he beheld from -the walls the enemy assaulting the spot where they stood; whereupon -they discharged their pieces in terror, he aiming at a figure -singled out in the mist from its commanding height. Having mustered -courage to peep over the wall, he saw a great confusion occasioned -by the Constable's fall, and, fleeing with his friends through the -cemetery, escaped by St. Peter's to the castle of S. Angelo.[*4] -This assertion, which has generally passed for gasconade, receives -support from the Vatican MS., wherein the shot is ascribed to some -silversmith lads who, from the Mount of the Holy Crucifix, aimed at -the general's white mantle and plume; and a monumental tablet outside -the Church of S. Spirito commemorates Bernardino Passeri, goldsmith -and jeweller to Clement and his two predecessors, who was killed on -the 6th of May, on the adjoining part of the Janicular, after slaying -many of the enemy, and capturing a standard. About five hundred paces -to the west of that reach of the modern city wall which commands the -Cavallegieri gate, there stands on the road to the Fornaci a small -oratory, called the Capella di Barbone, and pointed out by tradition -as the spot where Bourbon was wounded. No account, however, which I -have seen, countenances the idea of his having fallen so far away; -nor is it possible, even when no mist intervenes, to see either that -point, or the site of the present exterior city wall, from the old -cemetery of S. Spirito, whence the fatal shot appears to have been -aimed. But from whatever spot or hand it proceeded, the wound was -mortal, and the Constable died in his thirty-ninth year, ere he could -witness the desecration or share the booty to which he had stimulated -his followers. Yet had God's just judgment on the traitor been -withheld for a time, his influence might, perhaps, have stayed the -fury of the soldiery, and Rome might have been spared some portion of -the misery that ensued. His body was carried to Gaeta, and his armour -is still shown at the Vatican, a plain coat of immense strength. It, -however, bears an indentation on the inner side of the right thigh, -where the fatal bullet entered after grazing its steel edge.[5] - -[Footnote *4: Cf. _The Life of Benvenuto Cellini_, trans. by J.A. -Symonds (Nimmo, 1896), p. 656.] - -[Footnote 5: In a set of miniatures executed by Giulio Clovio for -Charles V., and illustrative of his military achievement, which were -bequeathed by the Right Hon. Thomas Granville to the British Museum -in 1847, Bourbon is represented falling backwards from a ladder -placed against a round tower on the walls of Rome; but being composed -without accurate knowledge of the localities, it throws no light upon -the manner of his death.] - -For a moment his troops wavered, dismayed by their leader's fall; -but revenge and a consciousness of their perilous position rendered -them desperate. The assertion of Mambrino Roseo, that the Swiss guard -disputed every inch of the breach until only a drummer was left -alive, wants confirmation from those narratives of eye-witnesses -which I have examined. Be this as it may, it was about half-past -eight that the first detachment, who had made their way into the -Borgo, were observed by Renzo da Ceri. Instead of cutting them down -with the body of horse who followed him, he in a loud voice gave the -_sauve qui peut_, and, galloping round by the Ponte Sisto, reached -that of S. Angelo, where he recklessly crushed and trod down the -citizens, already rushing across it in masses to the castle.[*6] Had -this craven caitiff rallied his men to the breach, it might have been -repaired; and had he but held the Porta Settimiana, or even now cut -the lower bridges, the invaders would have been confined within a -small district of the city, until Guido Rangone arrived with succours. - -[Footnote *6: Creighton justly remarks that this was not in keeping -with Renzo da Ceri's character. The tale is from Guicciardini. Renzo -da Ceri was certainly no "craven caitiff."] - -The panic thus originated by the city's defender spread rapidly -in all quarters. The Pontiff, who, from his chair in S. Peter's, -had been thundering spiritual menaces against the foe, was hurried -along the covered passage to S. Angelo, whither also flocked the -cardinals, clergy, and citizens of all ranks, in such crowds that it -was found impossible to close the gates. At length the portcullis -was dropped, with great difficulty from its rusty condition, and -several cardinals, who had been excluded, were afterwards drawn up -in baskets. The terrified crowd who were thus shut out, rushed to -escape by the city gates, but, finding these closed, they dispersed -themselves among the palaces of the Ghibelline cardinals, upon which -they vainly relied as sure asylums. - -About three thousand got into the castle, with fourteen cardinals. -It was very ill supplied with provisions, and the neighbouring -shops were hurriedly emptied of whatever stores they contained. The -Pontiff, in his alarm, would have attempted flight, but Bourbon's -death inspired him with some hope of making terms. In fact, the -besiegers, who had at first rushed in with cries of "Hurrah for -Spain! slay! slay!" soon paused, discouraged by the loss of their -leader, and anticipating a desperate resistance. In this state of -matters, the Portuguese ambassador was authorised by his Holiness -to propose an accommodation to the imperialist chiefs, who, finding -themselves in possession of but a fraction of the city, with walls -and gates on either side excluding them from the S. Spirito and -Trastevere quarters, temporised for some hours. But as the bulk of -their army entered at S. Pancrazio, and they ascertained the panic in -the town, their misgivings passed away, and about two hours before -sunset they suddenly advanced through the Porta Settimiana, in Via -Lungara. Encouraged by its defenceless state, they pushed across the -Ponte Sisto, which they found equally unguarded, and spread like a -deluge over the devoted city. - -Now began the horrors of the sack. The brutal soldiery, absolved -from discipline, scoured the city at will, penetrating unchallenged -into the most secret and most sacred places.[*7] Churches and -convents, palaces and houses, were invaded and rifled; resistance was -punished with fire and sword; rape and murder were the fate of the -inhabitants. Passing over details too revolting for the imagination -to supply, but too repulsive for a place in these pages, we may -cite the feeling exclamations of one who seems to have witnessed -them:--"Alas! how many courtiers, gentlemen, and prelates, how many -devout nuns, matrons, and maidens became a prey to these savages! -What chalices, images, crucifixes, vessels of silver and gold, -were torn from the altars by these sacrilegious hands! What holy -relics were dashed to the ground with derisive blasphemy by these -brutal Lutherans! The heads of Saints Peter, Paul, Andrew, and of -many others, the wood of the sacred Cross, the blessed oil, and -the sacramental wafers, were ruthlessly trodden upon. The streets -exhibited heaps of rich furniture, vestments, and plate, all the -wealth and splendour of the Roman court, pillaged by the basest -ruffians."[8] - -[Footnote *7: They were of many nationalities--Germans, Spaniards, -Italians--"a horde of 40,000 ruffians free from all restraint." They -gratified their elemental passions and lusts at the expense of the -most cultivated population in the world. The Germans were the worst: -"the Lutherans amongst them setting an example which was quickly -followed of disregard of holy places." The Spaniards, however, -excelled them in deliberate cruelty. For three days this barbarism -went on unchecked. On the fourth the barbarians began to quarrel -amongst themselves over the division of the booty. "The Germans ... -turned to drunkenness and buffoonery. Clad in magnificent vestments -and decked with jewels, accompanied by concubines who were bedizened -with like ornaments, they rode on mules through the streets and -imitated with drunken gravity the processions of the Papal Court." -Cf. CREIGHTON, _op. cit._, vol. VI., pp. 342-3.] - -[Footnote 8: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1677, f. 19.] - -After these miserable scenes had endured for three days, rumours of -the Duke of Urbino's approach recalled the imperialist leaders to the -necessity of defence.[*9] The command having devolved upon the Prince -of Orange, a yellow-haired barbarian, further plunder was prohibited, -under severe penalties; and the army, reduced to comparative -order, betook themselves to enjoy their booty. But now a new drama -of atrocities opened. The Germans had especially distinguished -themselves by a thirst for blood, but the wily Spaniards taught -them a means more effectual than murder of enriching themselves and -punishing their victims. The prisoners had, in most cases, concealed -whatever of greatest value they possessed, and recourse was had to -every variety of torment in order to extract from them supposed -treasures, and a ransom for their lives; so that those who had been -spared in seeming mercy found themselves but reserved for a worse -fate. After stripes and blows had been exhausted, when hunger and -thirst had failed to force compliance, tortures the most brutal -succeeded. Some were suspended naked from their own windows by a -sensitive limb, or swung head downwards, and momentarily threatened -to be let drop into the street. Others had their teeth drawn slowly -and singly, or were compelled to swallow their own mutilated and -roasted members. Others were forced to perform the most odious -and menial services; and the greatest extremities were always used -towards those who were suspected of being the most wealthy and noble. -Even after the desired amount of gold had been thus extorted from -them, their sufferings were sometimes resumed at the instance of new -tormentors. When such cruelties palled, their inflictors had recourse -to a novel amusement, by forcing from the victims a confession of -their sins; and we are assured by the narrator of these enormities, -himself a Roman, that the iniquities thus brought to light, as -habitual in that dissolute capital, were such as to confound even the -licentious soldiery of Bourbon. Over the outrages committed upon the -women we draw a veil: when lust was satiated, they were prolonged -in diabolical punishment, the husbands and fathers being compulsory -witnesses to such unspeakable atrocities. - -[Footnote *9: The Duke was very slow as usual. There was plenty of -time for him to receive imploring letters. A career, which was a -failure brought about by dilatoriness and treason, here seems to have -reached its lowest point. As always, Dennistoun is too favourable in -his judgment of anyone belonging to the Rovere house.] - -But the delight of these sacrilegious villains, especially of the -German Lutherans, was to outrage everything holy. The churches and -chapels, including the now bloodstained St. Peter's, were desecrated -into stables, taverns, or brothels; and the choirs, whence no sounds -had breathed but the elevating chant of prayer and praise, rang with -base ribaldry and blasphemous imprecations. The grand creations of -religious art were wantonly insulted or damaged; the reliquaries and -miraculous images were pillaged or defaced. Nay, a poor priest was -inhumanly murdered for his firm refusal to administer the blessed -sacrament to an ass. Nor was any respect paid to persons or party -feelings. The subjects of the Emperor who happened to be in Rome, -the adherents of the Colonna and other Ghibelline leaders, were all -involved in the general fate. Four cardinals attached to that faction -had declined entering S. Angelo, calculating that they would not only - - "Guide the whirlwind and direct the storm," - -but peradventure, promote their own interests in the melee. They -were, however, miserably mistaken, for they, too, were held to -ransom; and one of them (Aracoeli), after being often led through the -streets tied on a donkey, behind a common soldier, was carried to -church with mock funereal rites, when the office of the dead was read -over his living body, and an oration pronounced, wherein, for eulogy, -were loathsomely related all the real or alleged immoralities of his -past life. Another outrage in especial repute with the Germans, was a -ribald procession, in which some low buffoon in sacred vestments was -borne shoulder-high, scattering mock benedictions among the mob, amid -shouts of "Long live Luther!" - -A great portion of the circulating wealth of the city was centred in -the Strada de' Banchi, which, from being in a line with the castle -and just across the river, was considered comparatively secure. But -this fallacious hope quickly vanished, and during five hours that -quarter of bankers, merchants, and jewellers was savagely sacked -in sight of the papal court. In one of these shops a large money -bag being discovered, a general scramble ensued for its contents, -and forty-two of the soldiery lost their lives at their comrades' -hands, fighting for what proved to be counterfeit coin. The Jews, -who were not then enclosed in the Ghetto, suffered a full share of -such miseries, to make them disgorge their secret treasures. Vast -multitudes of citizens took refuge in the palaces of the cardinals -and principal nobility, especially of those supposed to be friendly -to the imperial interests; but these asylums were seldom respected. -That of the Cancelleria, originally built by Cardinal Pietro Riario, -and still one of the most spacious in the capital, was long spared; -but on the 20th of May its turn came; and as it was the last to -be pillaged, the outrages perpetrated upon its miserable inmates, -including numerous ecclesiastical and diplomatic dignitaries, with -a crowd of the high-born beauties of Rome, were perhaps the most -signal and sanguinary of all. In other palaces the fugitives, though -spared from violence, were held to ransom. The Dowager Marchioness -of Mantua purchased immunity for her residence with 10,000 ducats, -which the merchants whom it sheltered joined in paying, and which -her son Ferdinando, one of the imperial leaders, was said to have -basely shared. In the Vatican MS. is a backbond, signed by about five -hundred persons, who had sought refuge in the palace of Cardinal -Andrea della Valle, obliging themselves to repay, in sums varying -from 10 to 4000 scudi each, the ransom of 40,000 ducats which he had -advanced. Among the names is the King of Cyprus, and, what may have -more interest for us, that of Peter Hustan from Scotland. The English -Cardinal of St. Cecilia, Thomas Usher, Archbishop of York, was one of -those who escaped into the castle. - - * * * * * - -But where, meanwhile, was the army of the League?[*10] The Duke of -Urbino, after quelling the insurrection at Florence, had lingered -there for some days at the instance of the Cardinal Legate, who -represented to him that Rome was amply provided with means of -defence. Yet, upon learning Bourbon's advance, the confederates -despatched Guido Rangone from Incisa, where their army lay, to -anticipate by forced marches his arrival at that capital. Taking -five thousand light infantry of the _bande nere_, with a large force -of cavalry, he pushed on, and at Otricoli met the Datary's foolish -missive of the 4th of May, which, declining further relief, asked for -but a few hundred troops as enough for the wants of the city. The -Count, however, paid no attention to this news, and, hurrying across -the Campagna, heard near the Ponte Salara that the enemy had that -morning penetrated the walls. Had he but known the real state of the -army, or by a headlong dash risked his all in the noble enterprise, -his name would have been honoured as the saviour of Rome. But his -genius was unequal to the opportunity, and he retired to Otricoli to -await the arrival of his chiefs. - -[Footnote *10: Where indeed! The Duke of Urbino had left Florence on -May 3rd, but it was the 22nd of that month before he reached Isola. -Strangely enough, he marched much slower than the barbarians.] - -The Duke at length aroused himself, and moved rapidly forwards. -On the 3rd he quitted Florence, and at Cortona separated the army -into two divisions for facilitating the commissariat. One he led by -Perugia, the other, under Saluzzo, took the Val di Chiana, with a -common rendezvous at Orvieto.[*11] He was at the lake of Thrasimene -on the day Rome fell, and arrested his march at Perugia to effect -once more a revolution there, by substituting his friend Orazio -Baglioni for Gentile, a partisan of the Medici. Santori justly -observes, that "in the Duke of Urbino the desire of avenging old -injuries was suspected to have prevailed over zeal for the honour of -Italy and the safety of Rome": indeed, this ill-timed gratification -of an old grudge cost several precious days. On the 9th, his advanced -guard were met at Casalino on the Tiber by a fugitive from Rome with -news of the fall of that city, and again halted. Thus it was the 16th -ere he joined the other division of the army at Orvieto, where it had -preceded him by five days, and whence, after cruelly sacking Citta -della Pieve, which refused supplies, he sent on a strong party of -two thousand foot and five hundred horse to carry off the Pope. It -was commanded by Federigo da Bozzolo, whose gallantry well qualified -him for such an attempt; but his horse having unfortunately fallen -upon him near Viterbo, disabling him entirely, the command of the -expedition devolved upon a subaltern, who, finding it daylight ere he -came in sight of S. Angelo, and his orders being for a night attack, -retraced his steps without communicating with the castle. - -[Footnote *11: This amazing route is inexplicable. The way by the -Val di Chiana was, of course, a highway to Rome. The way by Perugia, -"with a rendezvous at Orvieto," is inexplicable. No more fatuous -proceeding can be imagined. From Florence he would keep the Via -Aretina so far as Arezzo, following it indeed thence to Rigutino to -Camuscia to the Case del Piano in the Perugino close to Trasimeno. If -he went thence to Perugia he was merely trying to delay his march. -It was off the main route, and would lead him into the valley of -Spoleto. From Perugia to Orvieto there was no good road. If he wished -for a road to Rome via Perugia he should have joined the Via Flaminia -at Foligno and followed it directly to the Eternal City.] - -Three days were now passed in consultations among the leaders, of -which we have varying accounts. Guicciardini of course represents -them in the most unfavourable light for Francesco Maria.[*12] He -tells us that neither the letters of the Pontiff, nor the entreaties -of the Proveditori and the French general, could rouse the Duke's -stubborn nature to active measures; and he describes him as full of -zeal in words and proposals, but ever interposing obstacles to the -execution of any definite plan. On the other hand, Baldi asserts that -an onward movement, suggested by the Duke at Isola,[*13] was, to his -great regret, overruled by these authorities, and by Guicciardini -himself; whilst the Bishop of Cagli[14] pleads as his excuse for -inaction, that the Venetians, finding their duty very different from -field-days and muster-rolls, refused to follow him, and even retired -home in great numbers. But, assuming the truth of the last averment, -should not the blame of such lax discipline attach to the general -who had led these troops through several campaigns? and may not the -moral paralysis which impeded effective tactics in the army be fairly -adduced in mitigation of their unauthorised furloughs? - -[Footnote *12: It is impossible to represent the Duke in a worse -light than he appears. He behaved throughout the campaign like a -selfish fool; he seems never to have understood the gravity of the -situation or the enormity of his crime. His biographer does not seem -to understand it either.] - -[Footnote *13: As we know, he did not reach Isola till the 22nd. Rome -was then sacked. If Guicciardini delayed, as Baldi says, we know that -it was for some good reason, for his integrity and his patriotism -cannot be questioned. We may well doubt Baldi's tittle-tattle.] - -[Footnote 14: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 818, f. 5. Sanuto has preserved a -letter which he says gave the first authentic information of the -sack to the combined leaders, and which urges them to exertion in -most pressing terms. It will be found in II. of the Appendix, with -two other letters detailing the principal incidents of that direful -event in terms which, though in a great measure anticipated by our -narrative, show the impression made by them at the time, and probably -conveyed the fullest information of the catastrophe to the Duchess of -Urbino and to the Emperor. See the Pontiff's brieves illustrating his -feeble policy, No. I.] - -At length an advance was agreed upon, and on the 20th the -head-quarters were at Isola di Farnese, nine miles from Rome, -the Duke having marched by Nepi, and Saluzzo by Bracciano. Here -distracted counsels again prevailed, and, in answer to urgent -representations of his confederates, that the Pope must at all -hazards be relieved, Francesco Maria ordered a muster of the army, -which showed twelve to fifteen thousand men. Letters to the same -purpose arriving from the Signory, and a message declaring that -Clement had broken off a negotiation with his oppressors on the -strength of speedy assistance, he at length consented that Rangone -should once more attempt to bring off his Holiness, by leading a -division to Monte Mario, whilst he advanced to his support with the -main body as far as Tre Capanne. But on pretext of making a previous -examination of the ground, he wasted so much time, that night had -fallen when they reached that place; and the expedition being thereby -delayed until morning, a general feeling then prevailed that the -force was inadequate, and the troops were thereupon withdrawn. -An even less creditable version of this evolution is given by an -eye-witness in the Duke's service, who attributes as its motive -the seizure of a quantity of booty, which had been removed from -Rome to Monte Rotondo; adding that, on seeing signal fires over the -Campagna, and hearing a vague rumour that the enemy were approaching -in force, the Duke suddenly faced about and regained his quarters, -his men in sad plight, and the rear stripped to their shirts by some -skirmishers.[15] - -[Footnote 15: Memoirs of Antenore Leonardi, dictated by him in -1581, Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1023, f. 85. Among the works dedicated to -Francesco Maria II. is a _Treatise on Tides_ by Annibale Raimondo -of Verona [1589], who had served under his grandfather in Lombardy, -and at this time. In the preface, a somewhat inflated testimony is -borne to that Duke's military talents, arguing that his tactics -were ever aggressive when unimpeded by other leaders, who in the -present instance prevented him from marching upon Rome. But the -author was eighty-four when he wrote a statement palpably intended -for an adulatory purpose, and his feeble or partial reminiscences -cannot be considered of material weight. We have thought it right, -in a passage so nearly touching the Duke of Urbino's fair fame, -to embrace the conflicting views of our best authorities: the -narratives of Paruta and Morosini, Venetians, who had no interest -in his reputation, go far to reconcile these and justify him. They -tell us that the Signory, profoundly moved by the Pontiff's danger, -sent pressing orders for their army to support him; and that, in -compliance therewith, Francesco Maria and the Proveditore Pisani -resolved to advance upon Rome and rescue Clement, even at the hazard -of a general engagement, but that the other Proveditore, Vetturi, -formally protested against exposing the army to so great a risk: that -disgusted by the failures brought on by these misunderstandings, -the Signory superseded Vetturi, and grumbled against their general: -that the latter, annoyed by unmerited reflections, wished to throw -up his command, and that it was only after cool consideration, and -flattering advances from the senate, that he consented to remain in -its service. See his formal defence, App. III. *Nothing can justify -him, and it is impossible to defend him with honour. After all the -only excuse for a soldier is his success, and Francesco Maria knew -not what success meant. The testimony of courtiers should go for -nothing. History has tried him, and the ruin of Rome bears witness -to the treason of this ineffectual Signorotto. The Pope surrendered -Castel S. Angelo on June 7th.] - -In order to cut short such discreditable scenes, the Duke, at a -council of war, announced his resolution to attempt no offensive -operations until his army should be recruited by fifteen thousand -Swiss, some ten thousand other troops, and forty pieces of cannon, -with ample funds for their pay; adding that, as S. Angelo was -provisioned for three months, there would be sufficient time for -raising these reinforcements. This opinion he embodied in a memorial, -which he sent on the 30th from Isola, by the Bishop of Asti, to -Francis I. It is preserved by Baldi, and in Sermonetta's Letters, -and offers a verbose, laboured, and inconclusive defence of his -drivelling tactics. The burden of it is the inferiority of the allied -force to the enemy, the probable failure of aggressive movements, -and an urgent appeal that the King should come in person, as the -only means of giving unanimity to a council in which each desired -to lead. Indeed, the whole proceedings of the army attest the -mutual jealousies and disunion of its leaders, which form the best -justification of the Duke's dilatory measures, amid difficulties -which he had not energy or decision to overcome. - -The Pontiff, thus abandoned to his fate, learned by bitter experience, - - "With what a weight that robe of sovereignty - Upon his shoulder rests, who from the mire - Would guard it, that each other fardel seems - But feathers in the balance." - -On the 18th he wrote to the Duke of Urbino, "amid these calamities -and perils," begging a safe-conduct for a messenger as far as -Siena, to induce Lannoy to repair to Rome, the envoy selected for -this mission being Bernardo, father of Torquato Tasso. The Viceroy -willingly responded to this summons, hoping to succeed Bourbon -in command of the imperialists. But finding the Prince of Orange -already chosen by the army to that post, he in disgust kept aloof -from the capitulation, which was signed on the 5th of June, by the -intervention of Gattinara. Its principal stipulations were these: 1. -A safe-conduct to Naples for his Holiness, and such of the cardinals -as chose to go, upon payment of 150,000 golden scudi, two thirds -whereof within six days, the remainder on the expiry of twenty. 2. -Security for the personal property within the castle, upon payment -of as much more, for which hostages were to be given until it could -be raised by a general impost or otherwise. 3. The removal of all -censures from the Colonna, and their restoration to their estates -and dignities. 4. The immediate surrender of S. Angelo, Civita -Vecchia, Ostia, and Civita Castellana, with the further cession of -Parma, Piacenza, and Modena to the Emperor, as an inducement for the -army to evacuate Rome. This treaty was signed by nine cardinals, -four bishops, and eighteen imperialist officers, and the castle was -forthwith consigned to a guard of the invaders, in whose hands the -Pontiff and his court remained virtually prisoners.[16] - -[Footnote 16: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1677, f. 38.] - -But many difficulties impeded completion of the remaining conditions. -The amount of ransom seems under various pretexts to have been -considerably advanced, and is set down by most writers at 400,000 -scudi. In order to raise this sum, all the church-plate, which had -been saved in the fortress, was hastily coined into specie, and three -scarlet hats were set up to sale. Two of them were at once secured -for 160,000 scudi by the Venetians, ambitious of influence in the -conclave. The third was bought for a creature of Pompeo Colonna, -whose personal hostility to Clement had become somewhat mitigated -by grief for the sufferings he had brought upon the city, and who, -in a pathetic audience with his master, obtained his forgiveness -and benediction. Still, a large balance of the besiegers' demands -remained undischarged, and the stipulation regarding the fortresses -was nullified, Civita Castellana being in the hands of the allies, -and Ostia occupied by Andrea Doria, neither of whom would acknowledge -the capitulation. Parma and Piacenza were also held for the -Church, in consequence, as was suspected, of instructions secretly -transmitted by Clement. In the hope of obtaining better terms, his -Holiness successively directed more than one member of the Sacred -College to proceed as legate to Charles, among whom was Cardinal -Farnese, his successor on the papal throne; but none of them would -execute the commission. - -Meanwhile the miseries of the city were fearfully aggravated. The -terrified peasantry having ceased to carry supplies where they were -sure of misusage, scarcity was succeeded by famine; and the sewers, -choked with bodies and abandoned to neglect, engendered a deadly -epidemic, called by Muratori, the murrain, which spared neither -friend nor foe. In August, the pestilence increased to a terrific -degree; and the invading army being reduced by long licence to an -undisciplined horde, portions of it rushed in masses from the city -of the plague. Some of these bands, after attempting to hang the -Pope's hostages, fled towards Terni and Spoleto, sacking the towns -on their way, until cut to pieces by the confederates. Nor was the -Pontiff exempt from scenes of suffering. Asses' flesh was served at -his table; and a greengrocer's wife was hanged before S. Angelo, -for dropping into the trenches a few salad leaves for his use. The -contagion spread so rapidly in the castle, that the invaders, fearing -their prey might slip from their grasp by death, removed his Holiness -for some weeks to the Vatican Belvidere, until the scourge had abated. - -Lannoy, having fallen a victim to the disease, was succeeded as -viceroy by Ugo da Moncada, from whose mercy Clement knew he had -nothing to expect, and whom Santori characterises as "an experienced, -clever, and sagacious man of the world, devoid of religion, full -of fraud, and no observer of his word." He arrived on the 31st of -October, in order to effect some new arrangement, when the Pope -purchased by further large sums an exemption from several of the -former stipulations, in particular from putting himself and his -cardinals into his enemy's hands by going to Naples.[17] To raise -this fresh imposition, four more hats were thrown upon the market, -and were purchased by adherents of the Emperor. At length, after many -delays, the 9th of December was fixed for his liberation from a seven -months' virtual captivity; but, distrusting every one, he escaped in -disguise the previous night. Concealing his face and beard under an -old slouch hat and cloak, and laden with baskets and bags, he passed -the sentinels of S. Angelo as a pedlar or menial servant. At a -secret postern in the Vatican garden, he found a fleet horse, with a -single attendant, supposed to have been provided by Cardinal Colonna, -and, riding all night by Celano and Baccano, after a short repose at -Capranica, he reached Orvieto, which he had some days before fixed -upon as an interim residence. - -[Footnote 17: The new treaty of November 26 is printed by Molini in -the _Documenti di Storia Italiana_, I., 273.] - - * * * * * - -The diplomatic relations of the Holy See at Madrid were at this -juncture in the hands of Count Castiglione, with whom we have -formerly become acquainted in the service of Dukes Guidobaldo and -Francesco Maria, and whom we last noticed as agent for the Marquis -of Mantua at the Roman court in 1522, where he was again sent in the -same capacity on the election of Clement VII. The position of the new -Pontiff soon became one of great delicacy, and already were those -difficulties closing around him, which, during his reign, completed -the first great breach in the Romish church, and consummated the -mischiefs of foreign invasion in the Peninsula. The struggle for -universal dominion of those youthful rivals who occupied the thrones -of France and the Empire, was convulsing civilised Europe, and Italy -was obviously fated to become the permanent prey of the victor. In -these circumstances, a character so deficient in energy and decision -was singularly inadequate to cope with the necessities of the times; -and Clement's influence at Florence, far from affording a prop to the -tottering papacy, tended yet more to distract his irresolute purpose. -Falling back upon the usual expedient of small minds, he adopted a -neutral attitude between the two contending potentates: but the days -were past when Pontiffs could grasp the balance of power, or curb a -dangerous ascendancy; and Clement's views aimed not beyond siding -with a momentary victor. To carry out such policy fine diplomacy was -requisite, and Castiglione was selected to watch the interests of -Rome at the Spanish court. In the autumn of 1524, he accepted this -Nunziatura, to which was joined the lucrative collectorship of Spain; -and after visiting the shrine of Loreto, he reached Madrid in the -following March. - -His negotiations for the next four years embraced the politics of -Europe, to which those of Italy were but an episode. We cannot -interrupt the thread of our narrative to notice them: a sketch of -their progress, in No. IV. of the Appendix, may afford some idea -of the difficulties of Castiglione's position, as the medium of -communication between a master who, leaving him habitually without -information, recalled his most momentous instructions after they -had been acted upon, and a monarch whose public measures were in -uniform contradiction to his private assurances. That diplomacy so -conducted should have issued in disgrace to Clement, ruin to Rome, -and a broken heart to Count Baldassare, can excite no astonishment; -but the ambassador merits our pity rather than our blame. Indeed -its complicated intrigues may well drive the historian and the -critic to despair. Incidents, which, although attended by important -consequences, seem sudden and unlooked for, might, upon more accurate -scrutiny, be detected as results long aimed at, and patiently -wrought out. Thus, some documents lately published by Lanz[18] prove -that Charles, although disposed to yield much for a satisfactory -accommodation with Clement, had authorised Moncada, early in the -summer of 1526, to concert with Cardinal Pompeo Colonna a series of -domestic insurrections, in order to embarrass his Holiness into a -disposition for peace, the issue of which machinations we have seen -in the first sack of Rome. - -[Footnote 18: Lanz, Correspondenz des Kaisers Carl V. See also -the delightful and well-edited _Lettere di Castiglione_ by -SERASSI. *Cf. also CASANOVA, _Lettere di Carlo V. a Clement VII._ -(per nozze, Firenze, 1894).] - -Although the acts of Charles and his generals during 1526-7 were -uniformly and aggravatingly hostile to Clement, and prejudicial to -the papacy, they must be regarded as in some measure forced upon him -by the shuffling of his Holiness. His own position and prospects were -not then by any means so secure as to render redundant the support -still carried by the influence of the Keys; and the cherished aim -of his manhood, which would have united Western Europe in one faith -and under one sway, had not yet been abandoned as a fitful dream. By -keeping in view these peculiarities in his situation, we may in some -measure reconcile the obvious contradictions between his professions -and his policy--between his language to Castiglione and the conduct -of Bourbon; and we may appreciate in their true sense such apparently -fulsome and false expressions as he thus addressed to Clement, on the -18th of September, 1526:--"And since God has constituted us two as -mighty luminaries, it behoves us to endeavour that the globe should -be enlightened by us, and to see that no eclipse occur through our -differences; let us, then, take counsel together for the general -weal, for repressing barbarian inroads, and restraining sectarian -error." At a moment when the eastern frontier of the empire had been -broken down by the victorious Crescent; when the crowns of Hungary -and Bohemia were tottering on his brother's brow; and when, as he -writes in 1526, the wars of Italy had extracted every ducat from -his treasury, we may well suppose how sincere was his wish for a -settlement of those protracted struggles within the Alps, and for -a union of interests with the Holy See. That his measures little -accorded with that object, and nowise tended to bring it about, -arose less from want of sincere intention than from an ill-judged -mixture of good words and hard blows, partly dictated by his own -deficient judgment, partly by the misapprehension of his officers. -Though therefore the pillage of Rome by the Colonna was a natural -consequence of his own intrigues, the regret he expressed to the -Pontiff that his people had been driven to it ["_que l'on ait donne -l'occasion a mes gens que tel desastre soit advenu_"] was, no doubt, -his real feeling. - -[Illustration: _Anderson_ - -THE EMPEROR CHARLES V - -_From the picture by Titian in the Prado Gallery, Madrid_] - -Equally inconsistent in appearance, but natural in the circumstances, -was his conduct in reference to Bourbon's outrageous proceedings. -When news of the sack reached Madrid, he affected great indignation, -and put his court into mourning. On the 25th of July, he addressed -to the magistracy of Rome a letter defending his proceedings. -After narrating his liberation of Francis, and the various other -sacrifices made by him, preliminary to such a general pacification -as might enable all Christian powers to unite their arms against -the Infidel, he charged the Pope with defeating this scheme by -suddenly, and without reason, instigating an attack upon him and -the imperial dignity, whereby he was compelled from self-defence to -march fresh forces upon Italy, in what he regarded as a worse than -civil broil. Moreover, new alliances against him having been arranged -by his Holiness, and the truce actually broken, his troops had no -alternative but to adopt compulsory measures. That these should, by -the blunders of his officers, have led to the siege of the city, -without his knowledge, he deeply regretted, and gladly would shed -his best blood to repair its disasters. But great as had been the -sacrifice, he consoled himself with a hope of its paving the way -for a general peace, which he would do his utmost to accelerate. In -fine, he wound up with most sonorous professions of devotion to the -grandeur of the Roman name.[19] - -[Footnote 19: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1677, f. 36.] - -The Pontiff's natural dissatisfaction with his ambassador at Madrid -was very plainly expressed in a letter of the 20th of August, which -taxed him with undue reliance upon the Emperor's vague protestations, -imputing generally to him a want of foresight preceding the calamity -of Rome, and a neglect of the proper remedies for that mischief. To -this brief, Castiglione answered at considerable length, and with -unnecessary diffuseness, as soon as it reached him in December.[20] -The substance of his defence is that, on every occasion during the -four years of his mission, he had laboured to establish a good -understanding between his Holiness and Charles, and had been met -with assurances, verbal and written, of his Majesty's anxious desire -to meet these views; but that the great distance, and the delays of -communication with Rome, not only rendered it impossible to provide -for the successive exigencies as they arose, but left him entirely in -the dark as to the most important movements until too late to avert -impending mischief. Thus he had no intelligence of the truce arranged -with Lannoy on the 15th of March, till he heard of its being rejected -by Bourbon. These excuses ostensibly satisfied Clement; and, however -inadequate they might be deemed in ordinary cases of diplomatic -blundering, they may be allowed some weight in this instance; for, -although the Emperor could scarcely fail to anticipate from the sack -of Rome new facilities for domination in Italy, in consequence of -the permanent humiliation of the papacy, history must acquit him of -a preconcerted plan to bring about a catastrophe which incidentally -resulted from Bourbon's disobedience and the disorganisation of his -army. Indeed, had Charles been as much interested in the welfare of -the Eternal City as Castiglione himself, he would have been powerless -to arrest the destroyer, whose death had removed him from all -reckoning on this side of the grave, and prevented his master from -sacrificing him in token of good faith. It is, however, impossible -to regard without contempt the hollow professions of an autograph -letter addressed by the Emperor to Clement, on the 22nd of November, -wherein he congratulated his Holiness on his supposed liberation, -thanking God for it "with joy as sincere as was the grief with which -I heard of your detention from no fault of mine." Avowing himself -his most humble and loyal son, ready to use every effort for the -restoration and increment of the apostolic dignity, he besought the -Pontiff to credit nothing to the contrary that might be inserted by -false and interested suggestions.[21] - -[Footnote 20: _Lettere de' Principi_, I., 83.] - -[Footnote 21: _Lettere de' Principi_, I., 71, 110.] - -Such are the considerations which seem calculated, and not altogether -inadequate, to account for the eccentric policy and hollow -professions of Charles, in so far as we can gather from the strange -events thus briefly sketched. But, if we are to rely upon a different -view brought forward by the Sieur de Brantome in his anecdotes of -Bourbon, the advance of the imperialist army was not dictated from -Madrid. In his gossiping and often apocryphal pages is detailed -a conversation held by him at Gaeta with a veteran, who in youth -had been with the Constable, and who imputed to that renegade an -intention of seizing upon the sovereignty of Rome. His overweening -vanity and unbounded ambition countenance the idea, and the way -in which he is there stated to have conciliated his soldiery, by -pandering to their worst passions, gives colour to the charge. If it -be credited, Clement's indignation was misplaced, and Charles might -have defended his consistency at the expense of his pride, could he -have demeaned himself to acknowledge having been baffled and betrayed -by his own general. - - * * * * * - -Thus ended the Sack of Rome. No similar calamity had befallen the -Holy City since the devastation of Robert Guiscard, who, four -centuries and a half before, at the head of his Apulian Normans, -laid in ruin and ashes the most monumental portion of the imperial -capital. On this occasion, fewer remains of antiquity were exposed -to destruction, but the people suffered far more severely. From four -to six thousand of them fell in the first fury of the barbarians, -besides many who perished by more mature cruelties. Thirty thousand -are said to have sunk under the famine and pestilence which, during -many subsequent months, ravaged the devoted city, leaving only about -as many more for its entire population, which, according to Giovio, -had, ten years before, amounted to eighty-five thousand. The value of -property pillaged and destroyed was supposed to exceed two millions -of golden ducats; the amount extorted in ransoms has been stated -at a nearly equal sum. So general a pauperism ensued, that regular -distributions were long continued from the papal treasury, drained as -it had been. But a great revival of religious observances followed, -being inculcated by the clergy and government, and practised very -generally among the inhabitants, whose oblivion of such duties, and -addiction to debauchery, usury, and every grovelling pursuit, had -hitherto been scandalously apparent. Throughout all these scenes of -misery, the Pontiff had bewailed the misfortunes of his subjects -more than his own sufferings, and had penitently confessed himself -their author. It was not till the 6th of October, in the following -year, that he returned to his capital, pale and thin, languid and -disheartened; and at the moment of his arrival, a preternatural storm -burst over the city, succeeded by a most destructive flood. Nor were -such omens out of season. In him had set the ancient glory of the -papacy. From the moment that his predecessors, mingling in the arena -of international strife, descended from arbiters to parties in the -conflicts of Europe, their influence waned. When they had to canvass -for the support of temporal sovereigns, they ceased to command them. -But, after Clement was reduced to sue for personal protection to the -successor of one who had knelt before a pontiff, the prestige of -papal power was gone, its sceptre was shivered in the dust.[22] - -[Footnote 22: The name CLEMENT has been remarked as unlucky -for the papacy. Under Clement V. the Holy See was translated to -France; under Clement VI. the metropolitan church of the Lateran -was burnt; Clement VII. saw Rome pillaged by an army of transalpine -heretics, and capitulated to them.] - - - - -CHAPTER XL - - The Duke's mischievous policy--New league against Charles - V.--A French army reaches Naples--The Duke's campaign in - Lombardy--Peace restored--Siege of Florence--Coronation of - the Emperor at Bologna--The independence of Italy finally - lost--Leonora Duchess of Urbino--The Duke's military - discourses. - - -We must now return to the confederate camp at Isola, which the Duke -of Urbino broke up, after having eased his conscience by sending to -Francis I. the explanation of his views to which we have referred. -The general feeling regarding his conduct was testified by a speedy -withdrawal of many forces under his command, some deserting to the -enemy, others retiring to their homes. On the 1st of June, he was -at Monterosi, and thence fell back upon Viterbo and Todi, where he -obtained some inglorious successes over the imperialist bands, as -they fled in disorder from plague-stricken Rome. During the autumn -his troops, which gradually diminished to a few thousands, led a -life of disreputable pillage about the valley of the Tiber; and, -after again embroiling himself in the affairs of Perugia with little -credit or success, he interfered in the succession of Camerino in -a way which we shall find eventually pregnant with mischief to his -son. On the Pontiff's arrival at Orvieto, he hastened to wait upon -his Holiness, and put forward the Venetian commissioner to make a -laboured justification of his recent miscarriages. Clement, affecting -contentment with what was beyond redress, received him cordially, and -hinted at a union of his son Guidobaldo with Caterina, daughter of -his late competitor, Lorenzo de' Medici. But ere long he reaped the -fruit of his feeble policy, by hearing that he was spoken of in the -most disparaging terms by the gallant Francis I., and by the French -general Lautrec. - -Still more mortifying to him was the distrust shown by his Venetian -employers. We learn from Sanuto's Diaries that, early in May, his -Duchess had repaired to Venice, with the young Guidobaldo and a -suite of forty persons, while the visits passing between her and the -imperial ambassador soon became matter of unfavourable comment. On -the 29th of June, a guard of barges was placed near her residence, -to intercept any attempt at escape; and on the envoy from Urbino -questioning this proceeding, the Doge said, in explanation, "We have -much reliance on our Captain from past experience, but what has been -done was to satisfy the vulgar." Hearing that his wife and son were -thus under surveillance, as hostages for his good faith, the Duke, on -the 9th of July, penned a remonstrance and justification, somewhat -similar to that which he had transmitted to the French king. It will -be found in the Appendix, No. III., and, though a most inconclusive -defence, it was well received by the Signory, and his family were -so far released from constraint, that, early in August, the Duchess -was allowed to go for health to the baths of Abano. News of her -departure from such a cause were little consolation to her lord, who -declared that, were she to die, he should be in despair. Remembering, -however, the fate of Carmagnola, he would not venture in person to -Venice, until he had twice sent his confidential friend Leonardi -to reconnoitre the state of feeling there. Reassured at length, by -pressing invitations from the Signory, he in the spring took ship at -Pesaro with a small suite, and was met upon landing by an escort of -twenty gentlemen in scarlet, who conducted him to his lodging. Next -day he was admitted to the interview which he had demanded, and was -received at the top of the great stairs by the Doge, followed by -the principal senators. After mutual embraces, the Duke was led to a -seat of honour, and had audience for an hour and a half. This being -concluded, the public were admitted to see their Captain-general, who -was richly decked in diamonds, with a massive bracelet of twisted -gold on his left arm, and a jewelled device in his cap. On returning -to his apartment, he had from the Signory the customary compliment -of confections, malmsey, and wax lights. It would be hard to say how -far he was indebted to his oratory for this happy extrication from -his difficulties; but we are told by one of his suite that many of -the nobility, who crowded to pay their respects, besought a sight of -his speech to the senate, insisting that so eloquent an oration must -needs have been written and committed to memory.[23] - -[Footnote 23: Leonardi's Memoirs, Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1023, f. 85. -Most of the preceding details have been gathered from Sanuto's -Diaries.] - -Thinking it well to retire with flying colours, he next morning -took his departure; and his party, being challenged by three of the -patrol for riding armed, answered by beating them to death. The -same intemperate behaviour brought him ere many days into a new -dilemma with his employers. Gian Andrea da Prato, an officer of -the Republic, having somewhat disrespectfully combated his opinion -as to the defences of Peschiera, received from him a severe blow -in the face, tearing it with a diamond ring he happened to wear, -which was followed up by a severe beating with his baton of command; -Leonardi adding that it was well for him the Duke was unarmed. The -Venetian officers, protesting against this violence as an insult to -the Signory, and as incompatible with due freedom of discussion in -council, sent a complaint to the senate; but the Duke's resident -minister succeeded in averting their indignation by explanations. -Their satisfaction with his services under the banner of St. Mark -was further testified by presenting him with a palace worth 10,000 -scudi, which may fairly be taken into account as countervailing the -strictures of Guicciardini and Sismondi. - -The capture of Rome being known, a new coalition was hastily patched -up, wherein France, England, Venice, and Florence were parties, and -to which the free cardinals, in name of the Sacred College, adhered. -Its avowed object was to check the exorbitant power of Charles in -Italy, and to establish Francesco Sforza in Milan, then held by -Antonio della Leyva for the Emperor. A powerful French army under -Lautrec marched on the 30th of June, and, on its arrival in Lombardy, -the Venetians recalled most of their forces from Central Italy. On -the 4th of October Pavia was taken and miserably sacked, and Milan -might have become an easy prey had not Lautrec preferred advancing -for the Pope's liberation. But, having lost time in extorting -contributions from Piacenza and Parma, he had only reached Reggio -when he heard of his escape from durance. Clement, though avowing -gratitude for these exertions on his behalf, declined committing -himself by any overt act against the Emperor, whose troops still -occupied Rome. - - * * * * * - -The year which now closed is justly characterised by Muratori as the -most fatal and lamentable for Italy that history has commemorated. -The horrors of war, which, during its course, were poured in -accumulated measure upon the Eternal City, fell largely upon many -other parts of the Peninsula. Four foreign armies were let loose upon -her plains, to steep them in misery, and the enormities attending -the sack of Rome were repeated at Pavia, Spoleto, and a multitude -of minor towns in Lombardy and Central Italy. The furies of civil -broil were meanwhile scarcely less rampant. The Campagna of Rome, the -sunny shores of Naples, the towns of the Abruzzi, were ravaged or -revolutionised by the arms and intrigues of the Pontiff. Florence, -Siena, Modena, Rimini, Ravenna, Perugia, and Camerino changed their -governments, under pressure of foreign force or domestic violence. -Nor were the elements more propitious. Incessant rains destroyed the -harvest, and laid whole districts under water. With an unusual demand -upon agricultural produce, the supply was greatly curtailed. Famine -reigned throughout the land, and pestilence desolated the population. -The inhabitants, reduced to general mendicity, beset the streets -and highways with their squalid children. Their murmurs by day and -their screams by night met with rare responses from passers-by as -needy as themselves; and at length, worn out with suffering, they -laid them down to die. It was during this year of general gloom that -Machiavelli closed his life; and to it specially applies that passage -in his _Principe_ (whether then interpolated or written long before) -describing the prostration of his native land. "Conquered, enslaved, -divided--without leader or law--beaten, spoiled, partitioned, -overrun, and in every way ruined--she lay half lifeless, awaiting -some one to heal her wounds, to arrest the robbery, pillage, and -forced taxation of her states, to heal her long-cankering sores." - -To this hideous but faithful picture one finishing touch is wanting. -Alarmed by Lautrec's advance upon Naples, the Prince of Orange at -length, on the 16th of February, gave orders for the evacuation of -Rome. But his army, now crumbled away to some thirteen thousand -men, refused to march without an advance of pay, for which a final -contribution of 20,000 ducats was wrested from the Camera. Not -satisfied with this, the brutal soldiery redoubled their individual -efforts, by every ingenuity of torture, to screw more treasure or -ransom from the wretched inhabitants. But a summary vengeance awaited -them. Such of the citizens as had arms secretly left the city, and, -as their relentless foes straggled heedlessly across the Campagna, -laden with spoil, they, by a succession of furious charges, recovered -a vast quantity of the plunder, and, stripping the rapacious -soldiery of their gala dresses and rich jewels, dismissed them naked. -In this state the exasperated peasantry, headed by Napoleone Orsini, -the warlike Abbot of Farfa, set upon and massacred them without -mercy. So signal was these miscreants' fate that, in two years, -scarcely one of them is supposed to have survived. - - * * * * * - -After delaying for some weeks at Bologna, to abide the issue of many -intricate negotiations which followed upon the Pontiff's release, -Lautrec advanced, by the eastern coast, to attack the kingdom of -Naples. His army is estimated by Muratori at about fifty thousand, -though stated by others at a much higher amount. On the 10th of -February, he passed the frontier by the Tronto, and at Aquila, and -elsewhere in the Abruzzi, was received with open arms by the remnant -of the Angevine party. On the 12th of March, the two armies were in -presence at Troia; but, neither of them being anxious for a decisive -result, no engagement followed. After ravaging most of La Puglia and -Calabria, the French troops sat down before Naples, on the 29th of -April, and continued the siege during most of the summer. Once more -did that delicious land, where the ancients placed their Elysian -fields, and which is the terrestrial heaven of modern Italians, -prove fatal to its spoilers. Its soil, fertile in nature's choicest -products; its bright atmosphere, redolent of beauty; its climate, -conducive to luxurious gratifications; its volcanic air, stimulating -to sensual indulgences; its breezes, wafting perennial perfumes--all -invited to an excess of enjoyment, enervating to the physical, as -it was fatal to the moral energies of the invaders. Their cup of -pleasure was drugged, and Naples was avenged on her destroyers by her -own poisons, which they greedily quaffed. A contagious pestilence -swept their ranks, and, on the 15th of August, carried off their -leader. Weakened and discouraged, the remnant shut themselves into -Aversa, but were soon forced to a capitulation, which being violated, -most of them were cut to pieces. - -To counterbalance Lautrec's expedition, the Emperor had ordered more -troops across the Alps, and, in the beginning of May, Henry Duke of -Brunswick brought fourteen thousand Germans through the Tyrol to the -Lago di Garda. On the first alarm of their approach, the Duke of -Urbino made the most of a handful of troops under his command, to -protect the Venetian mainland territory; and his biographers give him -great credit for defensive measures which ensured their towns from -attack, and obliged the invaders to move upon the Milanese. Pavia -having been, about the same time, surprised by della Leyva, Lodi -alone remained in Sforza's hands, and before it the Duke of Brunswick -drew his lines. But the destruction of his magazines by Francesco -Maria reduced his army to great straits; and a virulent epidemic -having carried off two thousand of his men, the residue broke up and -made their way homewards, after their first assault had been sharply -repelled. - -In September, the Duke of Urbino's little army was reinforced by a -strong body of Swiss infantry and French lances, led by St. Pol, -and it was resolved to recover Pavia. Scarcely was the siege begun -when news of the desperate state of the French before Naples induced -St. Pol to propose withdrawing his contingent to the succour of -Genoa, which, in consequence of Andrea Doria suddenly passing over -from the side of Francis to that of his rival, was placed in great -danger. A brief delay was obtained by the urgent representations of -Francesco Maria, who, throwing aside his accustomed sluggishness, -directed operations in person. On the sixth day he effected a breach -by blowing up a bastion, which placed the city at its assailants' -mercy, and it was again exposed to the horrors of a ruthless sack. -This success was, however, counterbalanced by a revolution in Genoa, -the city declaring itself independent of France, and was followed by -the fall of Savona, on the 21st of October. It might have been saved -by more prompt exertions on the Duke's part, who was unjustly blamed -by his French allies for its loss, being, as Paruta assures us, -interdicted by the Signory from leaving their frontier exposed. - -During the weary wars of Clement VII., the fluctuations inherent -in human affairs were rarely counterbalanced by high principles -or commanding genius. Confederacies formed upon narrow views and -selfish calculations were neither sustained with persevering energy, -nor directed by men of enlarged views and gallant bearing. Indeed, -courage itself faltered and zeal grew languid, in contests which -seemed to demoralise officers and soldiery. It cannot therefore -occasion surprise that all parties were equally ready to play fast -and loose; that the great powers kept themselves ever open for new -combinations; and that independent captains, true to old condottiere -usages, readily transferred their services to the quarter whence most -substantial benefits were likely to accrue. Thus, after the great -discouragement resulting to the cause of Francis, from the loss of -Lautrec's army and the desertion of Doria, his allies began to waver. -The Pontiff, though scarcely recovered from the alarm in which his -recent misfortunes had left him, displayed an unaccountable leaning -towards their author; and even Sforza, having to choose between two -claimants of his duchy, began to think that the best terms might -be had from the Emperor. The Venetians were as usual waiters upon -providence; but they so overplayed the temporising game, that the -arrangements for a double treaty between Clement, Charles, and -Francis found them still in the field, and they were left to make -head single-handed against the imperialists. As such a contest was -necessarily a defensive one, the Duke's dilatory manoeuvres were -at length well timed, and the Signory preferred thus prolonging -the struggle to restoring the territory they had gained during the -war, as a preliminary condition of peace. The Emperor had landed -in August at Genoa, with a powerful fleet and army, and new levies -arrived from Germany. St. Pol, after drawing off his troops towards -Genoa, was surprised and shamefully beaten ere he could be supported -by Francesco Maria,[24] who had encamped at Cassano on the Adda, -in a position that menaced Milan, and commanded supplies from the -Bergamese territory, whilst it effectually protected the Venetian -mainland from imperialist aggression. The Duke there resisted every -attempt to dislodge him, until the senate had arranged the terms of a -treaty with the Emperor, which was signed on the 23rd of December. - -[Footnote 24: In his _Discorsi Militari_, pp. 7, 8, the Duke minutely -criticises the French general's tactics, which exposed him to this -shameful reverse; but the details have now little interest.] - -The ostensible motives of Charles in coming to Italy were twofold; -to forward arrangements for a general league against the Turks, who, -after overrunning Hungary, had laid siege to Vienna; and to have -the imperial diadem and the iron crown of Lombardy imposed upon his -brows by the Pope. Bologna was selected for the ceremony, whither his -Holiness arrived in great state about the end of October, followed on -the 5th of November by the Emperor. The two potentates were lodged in -the public palace, and addressed themselves to the former of these -objects with so much success, that on the 23rd of December a treaty -was concluded, wherein were comprehended all the Italian states -except Florence. The Lombard question was settled, Sforza being left -in possession of his duchy, but hampered with ruinous payments to the -Emperor in name of expenses; whilst the Venetians, besides paying -heavy sums under the same pretext, had to resign their acquisitions -about Ravenna and on the Neapolitan coast. Florence was not included, -in consequence of its _de facto_ government being in the hands -of the democratic party, who, in 1527, had availed themselves of -Clement's difficulties to expel the Medici; it was now, however, -replaced under their sway by the combined arms of the Pontiff and the -Emperor. After ten months of obstinate defence,--the final effort of -its old republican spirit, which commands our sympathy and respect -far more than the struggles of faction that used in earlier times to -deluge its piazza in blood,--the city was surrendered on the 12th -of August, 1530, and its chains were riveted by a base bastard, who -seems to have had nothing of the Medici but their name. In this -siege died Philibert Prince of Orange, one of the last survivors of -the invaders of Rome. Like his comrade Bourbon, he was a renegade -from the service of Francis I., in disgust, as was alleged, at being -turned out of his palace to make way for the imperious Wolsey, and at -the ridicule to which this slight exposed him in the French court. -The title passed to his nephew Rene Count of Nassau, who carried it -from Provence to Holland, and was grandfather of William III. of -England. Their leader fallen, their occupation gone, a serious alarm -spread throughout Central Italy, lest the victorious soldiery should -re-enact the horrors perpetrated by Bourbon's sanguinary host. These -fears, however, soon subsided; indeed a century and a quarter elapsed -ere that fair land was again exposed to the devastations of foreign -spoilers. - -These diplomatic arrangements being thus satisfactorily concluded, -preparations advanced rapidly for the coronation, and many princely -feudatories of Italy flocked to witness that august function. Among -these was Francesco Maria, who, though summoned as Prefect of Rome, -had some cause to misdoubt his welcome from the Pontiff and the -Emperor. The old family grudge still smouldered in the breast of the -former, and he was alleged to have lately intrigued with Charles that -the Prince of Orange, after re-establishing the Medici at Florence, -should seize upon Urbino for Ascanio Colonna, whose vague claims -upon that duchy have been already explained.[25] Indeed, a rumour of -that general's march upon his states in March, 1529, had suddenly -recalled the Duke from Lombardy, in order to provide for their -defence. To the Emperor he had been uniformly opposed, rather from -the chances of war than upon any personal quarrel; yet he did not -hesitate to repair to the coronation, arriving at Bologna about the -1st of November, and there met with an interesting incident. - -[Footnote 25: Vol. II., pp. 420, 423.] - -As he approached the city with his suite he was met by about fifty -German veterans, who addressed him in their rough transalpine tongue, -and through an interpreter explained that they had come to pay to -him their reverence, having served under his father in long past -wars, inquiring where their old commander had died. They were told -that it was himself that led them to victory; but, unaware how early -he had commanded armies, they demurred to this, saying, that were -their old leader alive his beard would be blanched. The Duke having -assured them that their gallantry and attachment were well known -and appreciated by him, they dismissed their doubts, crowding round -to kiss his hands or mantle, and accompanied him to his lodging, a -civility duly acknowledged by thanks and a suitable largess. - -Several days having passed in visits of compliment, the Emperor -arrived, escorted into the town by the Dukes of Urbino and Savoy, -with their brilliant staffs. Mindful only of the renown which the -former had acquired in recent campaigns, the monarch summoned him to -his side, and conversed with him in friendly familiarity. He called -him the first general in Christendom, and complimented his officers -as worthy soldiers of a famous school, whose complexions bore the -honourable scars and weather-stains of good service. Duchess Leonora -became on her arrival equally the object of imperial favour, and -received flattering testimony to her polished and princely manners. -The purpose of these marked attentions was soon developed, in a -proposal to confer upon Francesco Maria the baton, as captain-general -of the imperial troops in Italy. This gratifying offer he gracefully -declined, pleading an engagement to the Venetians, which prevented -his listening to such proposals without consent of the Signory. -To them Charles forthwith addressed his request; but received for -answer that the same considerations which induced him to make it -rendered them resolute in retaining the services of a leader who -for many years had brought renown to their arms; but that, though -unable to spare himself, they were ready to place him with all their -forces at the disposal of his Highness. The Emperor had employed the -Duchess of Savoy's intervention in this affair, who at his suggestion -cultivated a great intimacy with the Duke and Duchess of Urbino, -and her pleading was on one occasion enforced by Charles in person -in a well-timed visit. The establishment of this lady is described -by Leonardi, who was particularly struck with the easy elegance and -graceful conversation of her six girlish maids of honour, seated on -cushions of tawny velvet, and gaily decked in rich jewels, plumes, -and streaming ribbons, chatting merrily with her guests. The Emperor, -far from taking umbrage at his disappointment, sought Francesco -Maria's opinion as to the person best fitted for commander-in-chief, -who recommended the appointment of Antonio della Leyva. Indeed, -Giraldi declares that Charles "never could have enough of his fine -discourses or sententious remarks," and pressed him to name any -favour he would accept of. The Duke, thus encouraged, urged the -restoration of Sora, Arce, Arpino, and Rocca Guglielmi, which had -been taken from him at the instigation of Leo X., a request to which -Charles acceded about three years later, paying 100,000 scudi of -compensation to a Flemish nobleman who had been invested with these -Neapolitan fiefs. - -On the 22nd of February, in the chapel attached to the Palazzo -Pubblico, the brows of Charles were encircled with the iron crown of -Lombardy, which, as Muratori observes, had not yet been rendered a -sacred relic by the legend of its having been formed out of a nail -of the true cross. Two days after, he received the imperial diadem -in the church of S. Petronio, the Duke of Urbino, as Prefect of -Rome, carrying the sword of state, with which the Pontiff had just -conferred knighthood upon the Emperor. The populace were regaled -in the Piazza with two bullocks roasted entire, whilst both the -great fountains poured forth continued streams of wine, and silver -largess was scattered at all hands. An accident from the fall of some -scaffolding, which nearly proved fatal to the hero of the ceremonial, -brought on a sharp altercation between the captain of the imperial -guard and the chief magistrate of the city. To the threats of the -officer, to treat the place as he had already done the larger town of -Milan, the latter replied that in Milan they manufactured needles, -but in Bologna they made swords. On the 22nd of March, Charles -departed for Germany, in order to defend his Austrian dominions from -the Turks; and, nine days later, Clement set out in a litter for his -capital, where he arrived on the 9th of April, after spending the 6th -at Urbino, on a visit to Francesco Maria. - - * * * * * - -From these transactions at Bologna there dated a new era for Italy. -The long struggle of Guelph and Ghibelline was at length come to an -end--the standard of her nationality was finally struck. Succeeding -pontiffs were content to lean for support upon an authority which -their predecessors had defied or resisted. It mattered little whether -that paramount influence was held by an Austrian or Spanish imperial -dynasty; so long as the two Sicilies, Sardinia, and Milan owned its -dominion, the freedom of the other states was merely nominal. The -Peninsula was, indeed, no longer ravaged by European wars, yet the -protracted struggle did not close until the victor had riveted on -her his chains. She was seldom desolated by invading armies, but she -was not the less plundered by licensed spoilers. Peace was restored -to her, but independence was gone. The Reformation, too, which Leo -left a petty schism, had in ten years changed the faith of a large -section of Europe, and Rome was no longer the capital of Christendom. -The results of this change in the Church it is not the province of -these pages to notice, but, in common with other Italian feudatories, -the Dukes of Urbino felt the altered aspect of their political -relations. War was not now a profession demanding their services, and -recompensing them with glory and profit. The trade of arms had come -to an end, as regarded the old condottiere system and its frightful -abuses, and was modified into the more orderly machinery of standing -armies on a limited scale. We shall accordingly find these princes -for the future little mixed up with the general affairs of the -Peninsula, and scarcely ever taking the field, but left with ample -leisure for the administration of their little principality, or the -cultivation of their individual tastes. Had such been the lot of Duke -Federigo or his accomplished son, their fame would scarcely have -been dimmed, for theirs were virtues equally calculated to elevate -a court or illustrate a camp. But it was otherwise with the two -remaining sovereigns della Rovere; and the glories of the dynasty -would suffer no diminution did we now draw our narrative to a close. -Yet these Dukes were not commonplace men; and, making allowance -for the age in which they lived,--when the fine gold of literature -and arts had been transmuted into baser metal, and when genius had -fled from a desolation which peace without freedom was powerless to -reanimate,--they were not unworthy to rule in the Athens of Italy. -Those readers, however, who have thus far followed our narrative must -content themselves through its remaining chapters with characters -less striking, views less general, events of narrowed interest; and -must bear in mind that the niche in the temple of Fame appropriated -to Urbino, as well as that enshrining the Italian name, was earned -ere the coronation of Charles V. had closed the struggles of Italy, -and consummated her subjugation. - -After that time, according to one of the most rational as well -as eloquent of the new dreamers after Italian nationality, "she -underwent a rapid yet imperceptible decline; yet her sky smiled -brightly as ever, her climate was as mild. A privileged land, removed -from all cares of political existence, she went on with dances and -music, happy in her ignorance, sleeping in the intoxication of -incessant prosperity. Used to the scourge of invasion, the sons of -the south took up again their guitars, wiped away their tears, and -sang anew like a cloud of birds when the tempest is over."[26] This -picture, drawn in bitterness, but not apparently in irony, paints the -decline of Italy in colours more attractive than any we should have -dared to employ; and we extract it chiefly for the sake of contrast -with the same writer's ready admission that the liberty of the old -republics was cradled amid convulsions of faction, which eventually -exhausted their forces, or stifled their independence. - -[Footnote 26: MARIOTTI'S _Italy_, II.] - -If the object of government be the greatest happiness of the masses, -it seems, according to Mariotti, to have been more fully attained in -Italy during the ages of foreign sway than in those of republican -strife. Admitting in some degree, this conclusion, we accord a more -hearty approval to the character he has elsewhere given of a state -of matters worse, probably, in that land than either of these -alternatives,--"that slow and silent disease, that atrabilious -frenzy--politics--which pervades all ranks, exhibiting a striking -contrast with the radiant and harmonious gaiety of heaven and earth." - - * * * * * - -Our notices of the court of Urbino have been suspended during a long -interval from lack of materials. Indeed, the military duties of its -head too well accounts for this deficiency of incident, rendering -his domestic life a blank. Even the brief intervals when he could -steal from the camp to the society of his Duchess, were passed in -some neighbouring town, where she met him, or at Venice, where she -made a lengthened sojourn, partly as a safer residence during the -alarm consequent upon Bourbon's invasion, but in some degree as a -guarantee for her husband to the suspicious government he served. -These circumstances occasioned him prolonged absences from his state, -of which his consort availed herself to prepare for him an agreeable -surprise. - -Immediately north-west from Pesaro rises the fertile slope of Monte -Bartolo, near the summit of which, but sheltered from the keen -sea-breeze, Alessandro Sforza fixed the site of a villa called -Casartole. The Emperor Frederick III., when returning from his -coronation at Rome, in January, 1469, was magnificently entertained -by that Prince, and here laid the foundation of a casino, which in -compliment to him was named the Imperiale. Its dimensions were, -however, unequal to that imposing name, for, on the death of Giovanni -Sforza, in 1510, it was valued at only 8000 ducats. Having devolved -upon the Duke of Urbino, with the lordship of Pesaro, it was selected -by the Duchess for a compliment to him, which may be best explained -by the inscription she placed upon the building:--"For Francesco -Maria, Duke of the Metaurian States, on his return from the wars, his -consort Leonora has erected this villa, in token of affection, and -in compensation for sun and dust, for watching and toil, so that, -during an interval of repose, his military genius may here prepare -for him still wider renown and richer rewards." To carry out this -idea worthily, she summoned Girolamo Genga, of Urbino, one of the -best architects of his time; and under his able superintendence the -casino of the Sforza, distinguished from moderate country houses only -by heraldic devices and a lofty bell-tower, was rapidly transformed -into a handsome palace, which the pencil of Raffaele Colle was -employed to decorate with its master's triumphs. - -The site of this villa was admirably adapted as a residence for the -sovereign of those broad lands it overlooked. It commanded every -dwelling in the little city of Pesaro, though perfectly secluded -from contact with its busy streets. The vale of the Isauro or Foglia -lay in verdure before it, beyond which were the gardenlike slopes -of Novilara, terminating in a varied landscape of hill and dale, -which carried the gazer to the blue mountains of Gubbio. To the left -spread the coast of Fano and Sinigaglia; to the right the high lands -of Urbino were bounded by the Apennines of Carpegna and the isolated -heights of San Marino. In a word, the Imperiale scanned the whole -duchy of Urbino, of which it might, not inaptly, be considered the -eye. The attractions of this princely retreat have been described -with enthusiasm by Ludovico Agostini, who enjoyed them in their -prime, and whose eulogies remain unedited in the Oliveriana Library. -But they owe to the pen of Bernardo Tasso a worthier and wider -celebrity, in his letter to Vincenzo Laureo, which sums up the -advantages of the Villa by declaring that no place in Italy united -with a temperate and healthful climate so many conveniences and -enjoyable spots. - -Of many laboured and costly productions of human ingenuity little -remains there but saddening ruins. - -The lofty oaks celebrated by Agostini have yielded to the axe; the -grove which served as a game preserve has shared the same fate; the -once innumerable pines and cypresses may be counted in units; the -orange and lemon trees, the cystuses and myrtles have disappeared. -Though even yet of imposing appearance, the building has undergone -pitiable dilapidations. Almost every morsel of the marble carving has -been carried off, and fragments may be purchased from the pawnbrokers -of Pesaro. The frescoes, except that representing Francesco Maria -receiving the adherence of his army, which seems the poorest in -execution, are almost totally defaced. But that the saloons, where -Bembo talked and Tasso sang, have been found well adapted for -the culture of silkworms, the desolation, begun a century ago by -Portuguese Jesuits, continued by a rabble soldiery, and permitted by -its present proprietors the Albani, might ere now have been complete. - -But while the works of man have thus by man been degraded, glorious -nature remains unchanged. A few hundred paces lead to the summit -ridge of Monte Bartolo, a spot rarely equalled even in this lovely -land. To the vast prospect we have but now feebly described, there is -here added a marine panorama, extending from the headland of Ancona -to the Pineta of Ravenna, and including a boundless expanse of the -sparkling Adriatic. A wanderer on that attractive coast, it has been -my privilege to visit this unrivalled spot, and listlessly to survey -the swan-like sails skimming the mighty mirror, wherein was reflected -the deep indigo of an Italian sky, bounded along the horizon by that -pearly haze gradually dissolving towards the blue zenith, which no -painter but Perugino has been able to embody. - -Of Duchess Leonora we know little.[*27] Unlike her predecessor, -she had no courtly pen to transmit us her praises, no Bembo or -Castiglione to celebrate the beauties of her person or the graces -of her mind. She enjoys, however, one advantage over her Aunt -Elisabetta; for in a speaking portrait by Titian, we may read much -of her character, exempt from the vague flattery of such diffuse -eulogists. Painted at that trying age when female beauty has -exchanged its maiden charms for mature womanhood, the grave matronly -air, the stiff contours and set features, with more of comely dignity -than sternness in their general expression, attest fidelity in the -likeness, and tally well with what we know of her temperament, and -with the trials under which it must have been formed. There we may -observe a composure calculated to moderate the fiery temper of her -lord, a self-possession fitted to sustain him through his varied -adversities. Her dress handsome rather than rich, her pose indicative -of quietude, the spaniel watching by her side, the small time-piece -on her table, are accessories adapted for one accustomed to pass -the long intervals of her husband's absence rather in reflective -solitude than in courtly pastimes.[28] To such a disposition the -cares of maternity and her children's education afforded an ever -pleasing resource, which she shared with the Dowager Duchess, an -unfailing companion and friend, whose once lively spirits had been -chastened by affliction into harmony with her temperament; but of -this solace she was deprived by her death at Venice in January, -1526. In the autumn of 1529, Leonora, who administered the duchy in -her husband's absence, received Clement at Pesaro, on his way to -the coronation at Bologna, with a princely welcome and magnificent -presents. In a letter which his Holiness took that opportunity to -address to the Duke, he expresses gratitude for these, and for the -attendance of the prince, "a youth of the highest hopes from his -excellent dispositions, his modesty, and his natural inclination -to literature, as well as his many estimable qualities." Whilst -promising much favour to Guidobaldo, he compliments his father on the -mild and equitable sway whereby the Duchess maintained his state in -peace and tranquillity, and concludes with an apostolic blessing on -him, his consort, and his son. - -[Footnote *27: Cf. LUZIO E RENIER, _Mantova e Urbino_ (Torino, 1893) -and JULIA CARTWRIGHT, _Isabella d'Este_ (Murray, 1904).] - -[Footnote 28: Cf. Appendix XII.] - -Returned to his state after so long a separation, Francesco Maria -found, during the next two years, ample leisure to attend to its -internal administration, and to watch the progress of his promising -family. The eldest of these seems to have been Donna Ippolita, for -whom he soon received, through the Marquis del Vasto, an offer of -marriage from Don Antonio d'Aragona, son of the Duke of Montalto. -At the nuptials, which were celebrated with suitable splendour, he -had a very unlooked-for guest in Ascanio Colonna, whose intrigues -to supplant him in the duchy we have lately noticed, but who, -finding these hopelessly foiled by the Duke's establishment in the -good graces of the Emperor, sought a reconciliation through the -bridegroom, his cousin, whom he accompanied to Urbino. This frankness -was met in a kindred spirit by his host, and their amity was cemented -by a generous hospitality. - - * * * * * - -It was now, perhaps, that Francesco Maria took opportunity to dictate -the results of his long experience of war, in a series of Military -Discourses, which were published fifty years later, but which, -being evidently printed from loose and unrevised notes, are not -fairly amenable to literary criticism.[29] They are but desultory -and disjointed observations, carelessly jotted down, with little -attention to order or style, and edited without emendation, or -even intelligible punctuation. The matter abounds in truisms and -common-places, displaying neither enlarged views nor knowledge of -mankind: the style is garrulous, diffuse, and redundant. Yet, as on -matters of military skill the Duke was considered a high authority, -it may not be improper here to record some of his opinions. - -[Footnote 29: Discorsi Militari dell'eccellentissimo Signor Francesco -Maria I. della Rovere, Duca di Urbino, nei quali si discorrano molti -avantaggi et disadvantaggi della guerra, utilissimi ad ogni soldato. -Ferrara, 1583. It was edited by Domenico Mammarelli, and dedicated to -Signor Ippolito Bentivoglio. There is a transcript in the library at -Newbattle Abbey, a. 3, 2, and a fragment of it in the Vat. Ottobon. -MSS. No. 2447, f. 135. *Cf. also _I discorsi di F.M.I. della Rovere -sopra le fortificazioni di Venezia_ (Mantova, 1902). These were -written 1537-38.] - -This was his idea of a fortified town: "It ought to stand in a plain, -its citadel commanded by no eminence. The rampart-wall should be -three paces wide at base, supporting an earthern rampart of fifteen -or twenty paces wide, with barbicans. This retaining wall should be -in height about twenty feet, and have above it a curtain of nearly as -many. The upper part, being most exposed to be battered, had better -have an earthen facing. There ought to be a platform, rising sixteen -feet over the curtain, placed half-way between each baloard and -bastion. The baloards should have guns mounted only at the sides, and -be of massive strength, from fifty to sixty paces in diameter, that -the guns may be freely wrought. Should a baloard be taken, it will -still be flanked by the adjoining platforms, a ditch drawn between -each of which would in a night's time recomplete the defences. The -fosse should be about twenty paces wide, and is best without water, -so as to allow artificial fire to be showered down upon the enemy. -There ought to be no counterscarp, seeing it generally serves as a -protection to the besiegers; but, if there be one, it had better be -only of earth, at a low angle of elevation. Above all, there ought -to be provided many secret ports for frequent sallies, and for the -easy return of the men. It has been long noticed that no fortress was -ever carried but by some oversight of its defenders, and everything -depends upon a judicious selection of positions for defence. -Unquestionably a single sin suffices to send a man to the devil, -whatever be his other good works; and, in like manner, one oversight -in fortification may lose the place, as happened when I took Pavia -and Cremona. In short, it is all very well to play with plans and -models, but one must see to everything on the spot." - -"He said, in reference to the fortresses of Legnano and Verona, that -it was very ill-judged in the Republic never to carry things out -as they had been planned, in consequence of frequent ministerial -changes, and the system of governing from day to day, and bit -by bit, without reference to any general design. By adopting an -opposite method, he had completed the defences of Pesaro much more -efficiently, and at a third of the outlay it would have cost any -one else, simply because he was the sole head and executor, and -kept in view the entire works, not the individual gates, baloards, -and details; and by so completing them that it must be attacked on -two or three sides, whilst provided with ten or twelve concealed -sally-ports." He contended that a fortress on a hill was difficult to -defend, one on a plain less so; but that the easiest and most secure -was one whose defences partly extended along the level, and in part -rose upon steep ground, such as Verona, which he maintained could be -more easily held by five thousand men against eighty thousand, than -most towns by eight thousand against half that besieging force. - -In conducting a siege, the Duke dwells upon the necessity of a choice -infantry, in which German solidity should be happily combined with -the active troops of Italy and Spain; yet he admits that men-at-arms, -when dismounted, can be turned to excellent account in an assault, -and that light cavalry are of obvious value. "Above all," he says, -"you require a well-supplied commissariat, and regular pay, with -sufficient artillery and military machines. After choosing the most -eligible spot for encampment, just without range of the enemy's guns, -the first thing is to provide your baggage and supplies against -sudden surprise; next to open trenches for your artillery, securing -your men by a ditch wide enough for their operations, but not so -broad as to be commanded from the walls, and taking care not to let -too many of them at once into the trenches, so as to embarrass each -other. It is an immense protection to flank your trenches with lines -drawn from your principal encampment close up to the city walls, -which must be strongly defended against the enemy's guns, and must -contain a force adequate to check their sallies, and, if necessary, -to cover the trenches, or even succour your camp." - -"Should you resort to a blockade, it is best to establish your army -in one or two towns ten to fifteen miles off, taking care to secure -every intervening place. At that distance your own supplies are more -easily procured, and your light cavalry can readily intercept the -enemy's convoys, whilst the garrison cannot attack you, except at -every disadvantage, and without artillery." - -As for artillery, we find a recommendation of battering guns carrying -from thirty to one hundred pound balls, and of field-pieces and -ship's cannon from fifteen to twenty pounds. The gunpowder in Italy -being bad, fifty was the average of daily discharges; but the Turks, -having very superior powder, could fire as many as seventy times, -which was looked upon as a stupendous performance. - -Animadverting upon those tardy tactics which never anticipated a -movement of the enemy, the Duke compared them to a child applying its -hand to the parts successively chastised, without attempting to ward -off the next blow; yet, Fabius-like, he considered that a general's -talent was more shown in his selection of suitable posts than in the -conduct of a pitched battle. Popular risings he held very cheap, -believing them utterly contemptible when not supported by disciplined -troops, and instancing his own experience at Florence in 1527, when, -with eighty soldiers, he put down an insurrection, and maintained -the ascendancy of the Medici. - -With reference to the respective merits of various nations whom -he had seen in the field, he said that "a good Italian and a good -Spanish soldier are equal. The Swiss at the outset are an excellent -force; but, in a protracted campaign, they deteriorate, and become -good for little. The Germans sustain an onset of men-at-arms most -valiantly, and, during these Italian wars, have become in other -respects expert, especially at skirmishes, either in cover or in -the open country. The Turks, being unskilled in war, have hitherto -owed their victories rather to the deficiencies of their opponents -than to their own superiority. He ascribed the success of French -armies against the Italians to an absurd practice of the latter, who -always fought in squadrons of twenty-five men-at-arms, each squadron -engaging another, so that the battle was made up of many separate -skirmishes; and, in the end, the most numerous army generally -carried the day. Charles VIII., on the contrary, formed in three -battalions,--the van, centre, and rear,--and, with his force thus -concentrated, bore down the detached tactics of his opponents. Yet -the Duke did not consider this French disposition as invariably -efficacious, preferring in many cases that an army should act in one -body, even at the risk of leaving its baggage and artillery in the -rear, and comparatively unprotected. But, on this and similar points, -his maxim was not to adhere to any invariable rule." - -Regarding the construction of an army, we find this passage:--"In -preparing an expedition, the commander ought to imitate the process -by which nature creates a living body, forming first the heart; then -the vital members, such as the liver, lungs, blood, and brains; -next the skin; and, finally the hair and nails. In like manner, the -foundation of an enterprise should be the general, who is its heart, -and in whom should be united varied capacity, with perfect rectitude -and justice. Then his officers should be strenuous, experienced, -and implicitly obedient, for such captains are certain to recruit -soldiers of the same stamp. Next, let him look to his commissariat -and military chest, and see that his arms and accoutrements are -adapted to his enemy and the country. Lastly, let him regard all -extraneous and casual aid as mere skin, hair, and nails, relying -mainly on his own well-disciplined troops." The Duke considered -that "men-at-arms are by no means so useless as they are sometimes -regarded, and that, although infantry is the basis of an army, -nevertheless it would not do to have only that force in the field; -just as, although in the human body it is the eye alone which sees, -the hand which works, the head which guides, yet man would not be so -perfect or beautiful a creature with but eyes, hands, or head, as -he is with all these various members. Hence he would wish to have -soldiers of all sorts in his camp,--men-at-arms, light cavalry, a -German brigade, and a full complement of Italians." - -But whilst the theory of warfare thus occupied his thoughts, he was -not neglectful of its munitions; and it was his special concern -to provide for his veterans, horses, arms, and accoutrements of a -quality which gained them general admiration. After nearly three -years of peace the Venetians, fearing that their swords might become -rusty, ordered a muster of their forces on the mainland, and an -inspection of their frontier defences. The reviews were conducted by -their Captain-general in person, who spent several months of 1532 in -Lombardy with the Duchess, leaving the government of his state in the -hands of his son Guidobaldo, now eighteen years of age. From thence -he was called to Friuli, on the approach of a disorganised mass of -Italian soldiery, who were returning home from the Turkish war, -burning and plundering as they went. By firm and temperate measures -he kept them in check, and constrained them to resume an orderly -march. The only immediate result to the Peninsula from campaigns in -Hungary was an alarm along the Adriatic coast of a Turkish descent, -which was made a pretext by Clement for seizing upon Ancona, and -annexing that republic to the papal states. - - - - -CHAPTER XLI - - Italian militia--The Camerino disputes--Death of Clement - VII.--Marriage of Prince Guidobaldo--Proposed Turkish - crusade under the Duke--His death and character. - - -Three nearly contemporary events had lately combined to extinguish -the nationality of Italy, and those liberties which, shared in ample -or more sparing measure by her many states, had till now crowned -her military glories with intellectual renown. In the sack of Rome -the power of the Keys had been shaken, the prestige of the papal -city had passed away. The defence of Florence was the last effort of -patriotism, and with it fell communal independence. The coronation of -Charles V. laid upon the Peninsula an iron yoke of foreign despotism, -which rendered her virtually a province of Spain. A necessary -consequence of this sad change will be to limit the field of our -investigation, and to restrict what remains of our work to the ducal -family and their hereditary domains, which for the future were little -more than an appanage of the Spanish monarchy. The Lords of Urbino -had hitherto been prominent among the captains of adventure, and -bore a part wherever engagements were offered, or hard blows to be -had. But the condottiere system being now superseded, a new mode of -warfare and machinery of defence became indispensable. Knight-service -and the romance of war were swept away by artillery; the imposing -_battaglia_ of men-at-arms proved powerless when confronted by -battalions of steady infantry, or out-manoeuvred by the dashing -cavalry of Dalmatia. This lesson, first taught by the Swiss in their -fastnesses, had been practically demonstrated to the Italians in -every great action from the Taro to the recent Lombard campaigns, and -had been adopted by most of their leaders. It now, however, became -necessary to apply it in another sense, and, seeing that captains -were no longer to be hired with their respective followings of -efficient soldiery, to organise a militia of its own for the defence -of such state, upon principles which Machiavelli was among the first -to recognise and explain. - -Before that system came into general use, the Italian infantry was -notoriously incompetent to cope with transalpine levies, as Francesco -Maria had bitterly experienced in the war of 1523-27. He therefore, -in 1533, instituted a militia of his mountaineers, under the name of -the Feltrian legion, which before his death numbered five thousand -men, in four regiments, commanded by as many colonels. The object -was to make them good soldiers without ceasing to be citizens; to -maintain in readiness at small expense a military population, who -were not men of war by profession. For this purpose lists were -annually taken of all males from eighteen to twenty-five, learned -professions and infamous persons being exempted, and to them arms -were given. They were drilled and instructed in the necessary -evolutions, and a proportion of them were called into active service -when needed. On these occasions they were well paid; but, when kept -on the reserve, their small stipend was rendered more attractive by -a variety of political immunities and fiscal exemptions, including -the exclusive privilege of bearing arms. The practical result was -this,--the able-bodied population were, on the one hand, brought into -a sort of direct dependence on the executive, and, on the other, were -taught that the safety of the commonwealth was entrusted to their -swords and sinews. It is scarcely necessary to add that this system -has been generally adopted, and that on it are still based the -military institutions of most continental nations. - - * * * * * - -In December, 1532, the Emperor returned to Italy, and was met near -Vicenza by Francesco Maria, who welcomed him in his own name, and -in that of the Signory. Dispensing with complimentary formalities, -Charles received him at once to easy intercourse, and, requesting -his continued attendance, spent much time in conversing with him on -the art of war. At Bologna another congress was held by the Pontiff -and the Emperor, in which were discussed the affairs of Italy, the -proposed general council, and the matrimonial speculations of Clement -for advancement of his house. The marriage of Alessandro de' Medici, -now created Duke of Florence, was arranged with Margaret of Austria, -natural daughter of Charles; but the hand of Caterina de' Medici, -which the latter wished to be given to Francesco Sforza, was reserved -by her ambitious uncle for a French prince. Charles left Bologna on -the 28th of February, 1533, and embarked at Genoa for Spain, after -giving some hope to Francesco Maria of a satisfactory settlement of -his claims upon Sora. Clement in ten days after set out for Rome. The -estrangement between these potentates, which at this meeting began -to chill their intercourse, was greatly widened by the voyage of his -Holiness in the following autumn to Marseilles, where he celebrated -the nuptials of Caterina with Henry, second son and successor of -Francis I. At this second congress of Bologna, Titian met the Emperor -by special command; and it was perhaps on that occasion that he -had commissions for portraits of the Duke and Duchess of Urbino, -which now ornament the Uffizi gallery. The former is engraved as a -frontispiece for this volume; of the latter we have lately spoken: -both will demand further notice in our fifty-fourth chapter, and in -the last No. of the Appendix. - -In April the Duchess Leonora gave birth to a son at Mantua, who -was named after Julius II., and was destined to holy orders. His -father had at the same time a severe fit of gout; and, on his return -home, the painful duty devolved upon him of providing against the -visitation of a scarcity which then lamentably affected Italy. The -close of the year found him a suitor with the Pope in the affair of -Camerino, which we shall now briefly explain. - -The small state of that name in the March of Ancona had been ruled -for nearly three hundred years by the Varana family, some of whom -we have occasionally mentioned in these Memoirs. Exaggerating the -domestic atrocities, then too frequent among Italians of their rank, -they became revoltingly notorious, in 1433-4, for a complicated -fratricide. Bernardo, Lord of Camerino, jealous of his brothers -Giovanni and Pier-Gentile, the offspring of his father's second -marriage, had them put to death by the agency of his own sons. Ere -many months passed, his subjects, loathing the foul deed, suddenly -rose against its authors. With sweeping vengeance they slew him, his -brother german Gentil Pandolfo, and his six sons, dashing the heads -of the little ones against the wall. The succession was thus opened -to Giulio Cesare, son of Giovanni, who, in 1451, married the only -daughter of Sigismondo Pandolfo, despot of Rimini.[*30] He lived to -see the usurpations of Cesare Borgia, and, falling into the hands -of Michelotto on the capture of La Pergola, the old man perished by -the bowstring of that monster in 1502, along with his eldest son -Venanzio, and two natural children. Venanzio had, in 1497, married -Maria, the only sister of Duke Francesco Maria, of whom we have -already had to tell a tale of scandal, and left one son Sigismondo. -He was born in 1499, and escaped the fate of his father and uncles, -from having been sent in infancy to Urbino. There he was educated; -and we have seen him defending S. Leo, when scarcely beyond boyhood. -After years of imprisonment and exile, his uncle Francesco Maria made -an ineffectual attempt, on the death of Leo X., to vindicate his -hereditary fief, from the usurpation of his paternal uncle, Giovanni -Maria, its _de facto_ lord. Sigismondo sought consolation for his -hard fortunes in low debauchery, until he fell in 1522 by the hand of -assassins, at the supposed instigation of his usurping uncle, who, in -1527, had absolution of the foul deed, and to whose career we must -now turn.[31] - -[Footnote *30: Cf. EDWARD HUTTON, _Sigismondo Malatesta_ (1906), p. -61.] - -[Footnote 31: Many details regarding these transactions have been -given, vol. I., p. 411; vol. II., pp. 36, 317, 371, 419.] - -Giovanni Maria, second son of Giulio Cesare Count of Camerino, -was sent to Venice on Borgia's approach, and so avoided the fate -of his family. On the death of Alexander VI., being then in his -twenty-second year, he made a descent upon La Marca, and possessed -himself of his father's seigneury, in defiance of his infant nephew's -title to it. His authority was recognised by the Holy See, at a -time when the hereditary principle was loose, and a strong hand -constituted the best claim. He found a warm supporter in Leo X., -through sympathy of their common hatred for the della Rovere race, -and received from him the lordship of Sinigaglia and prefecture -of Rome, on the deprivation of Francesco Maria, along with the -additional dignity of Duke of Camerino. After the death of Leo, -Sigismondo for a few months made good his authority at Camerino, -until supplanted by the usurper, whose title was conveniently -completed by his nephew's murder; whereupon he became _de jure_ its -sovereign, and continued in undisturbed possession of his ill-gotten -honours. - -On the death of Duke Giovanni Maria, in August 1527, the male heir -of the fief was Ercole Varana, whose eldest son, Matteo, had been -destined by the Duke's will to become husband of his infant daughter -Giulia, then but four years old. This arrangement was, however, -resolutely opposed by his widow, Caterina Cibo,[*32] niece of Leo -X.; and ere any steps could be taken to carry it into effect, the -town was sacked by Sciarra Colonna, who, with his son-in-law, Rodolfo -Varana, a bastard of its last lord, drove Caterina and her child into -the citadel. Forgetting the double feud of Francesco Maria with her -husband and her Medicean relations, she in her extremity besought -his aid, offering to plight her daughter's hand to his son, Prince -Guidobaldo. The proposal found him ingloriously inactive in Umbria, -during the negotiations for release of Clement from S. Angelo, and, -readily accepting it, he sent troops to relieve the suppliant lady, -who continued for several years to administer the state in name of -Giulia, with the passive countenance of her cousin the Pontiff. But -the jealousy which rankled in the breast of his Holiness against -the della Rovere princes, fretted at an arrangement so conducive -to their aggrandisement, and at the first congress of Bologna he -sought to break it off. The Duke's answer, as reported by Leonardi, -was, that he would risk life and state rather than withdraw from -the engagement, and that, if driven to defensive measures, the Pope -should in the end bear the expenses of the war. With the recent and -costly failure of Leo against Urbino in their recollection, the -consistory would lend no sanction to the inclinations of their head, -and so the matter rested until the return of Clement from France. -Francesco Maria then formally applied for the papal sanction to a -union of his son with the heiress of Camerino, but was put off on -account of her tender age. - -[Footnote *32: Cf. FELICIANGELI, _Notizie e documenti sulla vita di -Caterina Cibo Varano_ (Camerino, 1891).] - -Meanwhile there occurred an incident characteristic of these lawless -times. Like the other Italian commonwealths, Camerino had its -exiles, expelled by faction or political convulsions, and Matteo, -having rallied a body of these, surprised the city on the 13th -of October, 1534, and seized the Duchess-Regent in her palace. -His object being the abduction of Giulia, who had escaped into -the fortress, he hurried her mother, in her dressing-gown, to its -gates, and commanded her to summon the castellan to surrender. She, -however, with extraordinary hardihood and self-possession, ordered -him to fire upon the assailants; whereupon their leader drew his -sword and threatened her with instant death. The heroic dame, after -ejaculating a brief prayer, bared her neck and told him to strike; -but Matteo, quailing before her daring spirit, and apprehensive of -the infuriated populace, hastily withdrew, carrying her prisoner. He -was speedily attacked by the citizens _en masse_, and the officer in -charge of Caterina was glad to secure his own pardon by restoring -her to liberty. A new inducement thus arose for placing the heiress -in the hands of one competent to protect her; yet the redoubled -instances made with the Pope for completion of her marriage were met -by continued temporising, until the opportunity passed from his grasp. - -On or about the 25th of September, 1534, Clement closed his life. -Guicciardini, his countryman and protege, tells us that he died -hated by his court and suspected by princes, leaving a reputation -rather odious than pleasing, and accounted severe, greedy, faithless, -and illiberal. Muratori reviews his character more at length:--"He -was a pontiff not destitute of political capacity; circumspect -and dignified; dexterous in business, including dissimulation of -every sort, and regarded by all his contemporaries as a man of -double-dealing. Nature and experience had amply endowed him with -many qualities befitting a temporal sovereign; but it would be less -easy to detect in him those virtues becoming the Vicar of Christ, -or to discover, amid the religious tempests of his times, what -benefits he conferred upon the Church, what abuses or disorders he -checked, though from him took its origin and pretext that terrible -schism which yet dissevers so many nations from the true Church. He -misapplied the papacy, its powers and resources, to instigate and -maintain wars, which, besides many other mischiefs, brought upon Rome -a dreadful sack, and upon his own dignity a shocking degradation. -Still more did he turn these to despoil his native Florence of -her freedom, and to aggrandise his own family rather by princely -marriages than by honourable and discreet advancement. He died -detested by the court for his avarice and close-fistedness, and still -more loathed by the Roman people, who imputed to his policy all the -miseries that befell their far-famed city." His versatile conduct has -been fully exposed in these pages: - - "With every wind that veered, - With shifted sails a several course he steered." - -Finally, with him there originated national funded debt, that system -which has so extensively affected the political, military, financial, -commercial and monetary relations of the whole civilised world. -Yet, though the results of his disastrous pontificate justified -as they dictated these very sweeping charges, the testimony of -the Venetian ambassadors, who describe the earlier portion of his -reign, is much more favourable, at least to his motives. Whilst -they represent him as timidly slow in adopting his measures, and as -wavering and undecided in following them out, they commend his piety, -his willingness to promote reforms, his conscientious observance -of justice, the regularity of his habits, and the simplicity of -his tastes. Possessing neither the liberality nor the epicurean -propensities of his uncle, the contrast was unfavourable to his -popularity; and those who had shared with Leo the pastimes of music -and the chase sneered at discussions on engineering and hydraulics, -which occupied the leisure of Clement. - -As soon as the Pontiff's death was known to Francesco Maria, he sent -his son to complete his nuptials at Camerino; but, within two hours -after his arrival there, a courier brought from the Sacred College -a protest against the marriage of the heiress during the vacancy of -the Holy See.[33] This impediment was suggested by Cardinal Farnese -in anticipation of his election, which took place as Paul III. on -the 12th of October, the very day on which the bridal ceremony was -completed. To balance this act of questionable fidelity to the See, -the Duke, by well-timed movements, repressed attempts to assert the -independence of Perugia and Rimini, and re-establish their hereditary -seigneurs. But such zeal served him little with the new Pontiff, -who at once made the Camerino succession a personal question, with -a view to confer that state upon his own natural son. One of his -earliest acts was accordingly to visit the contumacy of Caterina, her -daughter, and son-in-law, with a stern monitory and summons to Rome, -their disobedience of which was followed by excommunication, and by a -movement of the pontifical troops to blockade Camerino. - -[Footnote 33: Cuparini's account of the war of Camerino, Vat. Urb. -MSS. 1023, art. 10. Leoni says the despatch arrived after the -nuptials had been solemnised.] - -Francesco Maria now interposed all his influence, backed by -the imperial and the Venetian ambassadors, to induce Paul to a -recognition of Giulia as heiress under the investiture given to her -father, with remainder apparently to heirs general. Having vainly -exhausted the expedients of diplomacy in this cause, he protested -that the blame should not rest upon him of hostilities rendered -necessary in his son's defence, and, sending provisions to Camerino, -he marched at the head of ten thousand men to his support. At -Sassoferrata he was met by a deputation of the citizens, laden with -presents, who declared that though their walls were the Pope's, their -hearts and substance were at his disposal. At Matelica he found his -son and the ladies, before whom he passed his army in review, and -marched home again without once encountering the papal troops under -Gian Battista Savello. In fact, it was a war of the pen rather than -the sword, for at every step he renewed notarial protests of duty -and obedience to the Church, and regularly paid the excise, as well -as the price of all the stores which he took up for the use of the -Varana party. Apprehending that, if too far provoked, he would be -supported by the Venetian arms and by the Emperor, the Pontiff now -suspended martial measures, and pressed the point of law on the Roman -courts. - -Thus relieved from immediate anxiety in this matter, the Duke of -Urbino resolved to pay a visit of compliment to Charles V. at Naples. -After reaching the Adriatic frontier of that kingdom, he dismissed -the strong escort which had guarded him through the ecclesiastical -state, and proceeded with a small suite. The Emperor received him -with much courtesy, and sought his counsel in the invasion of -Provence, which he was preparing. Francesco Maria would gladly have -referred the Camerino affair to his arbitration, but this being -rejected by the Nuncio, he obtained simply the imperial mediation, -which proved unavailing. He on this occasion presented Charles with -two swords of tried temper, and a finger-ring containing a repeating -watch, the latter made at Pesaro. In returning he took the route by -Benevento to the Adriatic, and halting for the night at the convent -of Sta. Maria degl'Eremiti, near Troia, he allowed some of his -attendants to examine into a curious tradition which then obtained -general credit. It was said that Diomed arriving here with a company -of attendants, he and most of them died within a few days, and -were duly interred; but that their souls were transmigrated into -a species of bird elsewhere unknown, which ever since had haunted -the marshy grounds. These were seen but rarely of an evening, and -towards morning uttered sounds like human lamentations. They flew on -the approach of any one not of Greek birth, but allowed persons of -that nation to visit their haunts familiarly. Three of the Duke's -suite having volunteered to watch, they all heard mournful voices -about three hours before dawn, a phenomenon which the narrator makes -no attempt to explain.[34] Having crossed to survey the Venetian -possessions at Zara, the Duke returned home in 1536, on board two -galleys of the Republic. The rest of that year was chiefly spent by -him at his post in Lombardy, protecting the Venetian mainland during -the passage of some imperial levies; but his charge was no longer an -important one, as the long contests for Milan had been finally set at -rest in the autumn of 1535, by the death of Duke Francesco Sforza, -after naming Charles V. heir of his state. - -[Footnote 34: Vat. Urb. MSS., 1023, art. 1.] - -Apulia and the Venetian possessions in the Levant being menaced -in the following year by Sultan Solyman, a general confederation -was effected for the defence of Italy and its dependencies, at the -head of which were the Pope and the Emperor. The Duke of Urbino -as captain-general undertook to raise five thousand men for this -armament, but, the danger suddenly passing away, distracted counsels -prevailed among the allies. Finally, on the 31st of January, 1538, -a new league was patched up, to carry into effect a suggestion of -Francesco Maria, by diverting the war into the Infidel's territory. -Considering, however, his impending difficulties with Paul III., -the Duke obtained a joint guarantee of the contracting powers for -maintenance in his state, in confirmation of papal brieves to the -same effect dated in the preceding November. About the same time his -services to the Republic were acknowledged by the present of a palace -in the street of Sta. Fosca, valued at 16,000 ducats. - -The views of the allies and their captain-general for this enterprise -were vast, comprehending the siege of Constantinople and an invasion -of Egypt: and the latter was indefatigable in his endeavours to -put the armament upon a footing equal to such extensive designs, -both as to its numbers and material. The enterprise was invested -with the sacred character of a religious war; but whilst Francesco -Maria concentrated upon it the energies of a mind in its prime, and -the exertions of a frame renovated by new specifics against his -hereditary enemy the gout, the hand of death was upon him. Returned -to Venice from a comprehensive survey of her defences in Dalmatia and -Istria, he was attacked by sudden illness on the 20th of September. -Foreseeing its fatal termination, he had himself taken by sea to -Pesaro, which he reached on the 8th of October. Next day he showed -himself on horseback to his people, but feeling unequal to the -exertion he took to bed, and gradually lost strength. On Monday, the -21st, a fit deprived him of speech, yet he continued sensible until -near daybreak of the 22nd, when he expired in religious penitence, -after receiving the sacraments. - -All authorities agree in attributing his death to poison, but -neither Leoni nor Baldi hint at the person whose "envy" dictated -that base vengeance.[*35] Giovio speaks positively as to detection -having followed upon a searching inquiry, and points at those -interested in the Camerino question as authors of the crime. Sardi -and Tondini charge it upon Luigi Gonzaga, Count of Sabionetta, -surnamed Rodomonte, the nephew of Francesco da Bozzolo, a condottiere -who commanded Bourbon's cavalry at the assault of Rome, and who -facilitated Clement's flight some months thereafter. This assertion, -which is adopted by various writers, receives some confirmation from -a story in the gossiping MS. we have already quoted, that Gonzaga, -having accused Gian Giacomo Leonardi, a doctor of laws at Pesaro, of -instigating the murder, was challenged by the latter, who thereby -gained the favour of Duke Guidobaldo II., and with it the countship -of Monte l'Abbate, near Pesaro.[36] On the other hand, this Rodomonte -is stated in _Les Genealogies des Maisons Souveraines_ to have died -in 1528. - -[Footnote *35: Cf. VIANI, _L'avvelenamento di Francesco Maria I. -della Rovere_ (Mantova, 1902), and _La Morte di F.M. della Rovere_, -in _Fanfulla della Domenica_, 23 March, 1902.] - -[Footnote 36: Relazione della Legazione di Urbino, Bib. Marucc. c. -308.] - -Whoever may have been author of the foul deed, it is agreed that -the perpetrator was the Duke's Mantuan barber, who is generally -said to have dropped a poisoned lotion into his ear. Baldi only -mentions that he did it "in a new way," and gives no account of the -medical examination of the body which, he asserts, took place. In an -old chronicle of Sinigaglia, Guidobaldo is stated to have had the -barber torn to pieces with pincers, and quartered in the streets of -Pesaro.[37] - -[Footnote 37: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 992. Gozzi's Chronicle, Oliveriana -MSS., No. 324. Also Teofiles's MS. narrative, _penes me_.] - -After a cast in plaster had been taken from his features, the body -was dressed in a quilted doublet and hose of black satin, under his -inlaid armour, over which was the ducal tunic, and, above all, the -mantle of crimson satin embroidered in gold, which he had worn as -Prefect at the coronation of Charles V. Next evening it was borne, -with torches, by the principal courtiers, to the great hall, and -there placed upon an elevated catafalque of black and gold, on which -were arranged his ducal helmet, three magnificent head pieces, and as -many silver batons of command; five standards which he had captured -being set round with other trophies. It was watched all night, and -lay in state till the following evening, when it was coffined in -the dress just described. The same night it was taken on a litter -to Urbino by torchlight, escorted by a vast following on horseback -and on foot, under soaking rain. At the confines of the respective -territories it was delivered over to the authorities and clergy of -that city, preceded by mutes and mourners of various grades; among -whom was led the Duke's favourite jennet, covered with black velvet, -his ducal mail and morion being carried by a page in deep weeds. -Reaching the city at sunrise, the procession was joined by the -chief magistrates, nobility, clergy, and citizens, and so arrived, -through tearful crowds, at the church of Sta. Chiara, again to lie -in state until evening, when it was stripped of its armour, and -there committed to the dust at the left horn of the altar. It was -subsequently deposited, by his grandson Francesco Maria II., in a -tomb raised over the spot by Bartolomeo Ammanati, from the design -of Girolamo Genga, which was eventually removed as inconveniently -cumbering the church. The following epitaph, written by desire of the -widowed Duchess, and ascribed to the pen of Bembo, is panelled into -the wall:-- - -"To Duke Francesco Maria, endowed with the most comprehensive -capacity for war and peace. His hereditary states, thrice lost -by violence, he thrice by valour regained, and ruled them, when -reconquered, with moderation; he commanded the Ecclesiastical, -the Florentine, and the Venetian forces; finally, he was chosen -general-in-chief for the Turkish war, but was cut off ere it opened. -Leonora, his most devoted wife, placed this to her most meritorious -lord, and to herself." - -One more ceremonial was wanting to complete the measure of respectful -duty to the deceased sovereign. On the 13th [or 22nd] of November, -his obsequies were celebrated in the cathedral of Urbino. The church -decorations, the catafalque, the vast concourse of clergy, of -deputations, and of people of all classes, were such as the mournful -solemnity required, and the sincere grief of his subjects dictated. -The function was conducted by Federigo Fregoso, Archbishop of -Salerno, whom we have formerly known at the court of Duke Guidobaldo -I., and the funeral oration was spoken by Maestro Benedetto Milesio. -Another, by Lorenzo Contarini, was pronounced at Venice, where -the Signory ordered a celebration of his obsequies with unwonted -splendour, besides voting him an equestrian statue in bronze. This -was never executed, but another statue of him, made by Bandini -for his grandson, the last Duke of Urbino, was presented to the -Republic under touching circumstances, which we shall detail in the -fifty-fourth chapter of this work. - - * * * * * - -The life of Francesco Maria affords a remarkable instance of -the extremes of fortune. He was deprived of parental care at an -early age, when it was peculiarly desirable as a restraint upon -his naturally fiery temper. Soon after, he was hurried from his -hereditary state, and compelled to seek safety in France. In the -outset of manhood, his ungoverned passion involved him in the stigma -of a sacrilegious murder. Twice was he deprived of the influential -sovereignty to which he had attained, and recovered it only after -years of exile, and at a ruinous pecuniary sacrifice. The lustre of -a brilliant position, and of a distinguished military career, was -veiled by his utter failure to save or rescue Rome. Finally, he was -snatched from life just as a new and nobler field was opening for his -martial glories. Reversing the picture, we find a youth of ardent -temperament, born to princely sway, and becoming at eighteen the heir -of one uncle in an important duchy, and the favourite of another, -who, by virtue of his triple tiara, conferred upon him yet a third -state. A military hero ere he escaped from his teens, his renown -ever extended with his age. Thirty years after his star had set, a -Venetian ambassador called him the light and splendour of Italy; and -notwithstanding some palpable blunders, he is still ranked with the -first commanders of his native land. He died when his fame was at its -height, and transmitted unquestioned to his son, that sovereignty -which thrice had been wrested from him. - -It is from posthumous influences that his reputation has suffered -most severely; and the three standard historians of his times, in -Italy, England, and France, have meted him sparing justice. Without -questioning the value of Guicciardini's narrative as the fullest -exposition of the age in which he lived, and the most graphic -portraiture of many of its features and incidents, we must demur -to the "fearless impartiality" too hastily allowed him in modern -times. True, he was not, like Machiavelli, a practised intriguer, -acute to detect perverted purpose, or prone to assume its existence; -nor did he, like Giovio, employ the iron stylus of vengeance, or -the golden pen of flattery, as passion might prompt or venality -dictate. But, born a Florentine, and favoured by the Medici, he was -the partisan of that house in the closet as in the field; and no -one thus shackled could write impartially of Francesco Maria della -Rovere. Roscoe, with similar predilections, though far less biased, -had no inducement to become champion of a sovereign whom Leo X. had -twice expelled; whilst Sismondi, enamoured of nominal republics, is -ever ready to echo taunts or calumnies pointed at an Italian prince. -The examination of many less popular historians, and of numerous -unpublished contemporary authorities, has, we trust, enabled us to -place this Duke's character and conduct in a more true light, without -extenuating the manifest errors of either. - -Though small in person, Francesco Maria was active and well formed, -with a manly air, a quick eye, and an engaging presence. His manner -and address were mild and pleasing, and his conversation was seasoned -with lively jests. He was strict in religious observances, an enemy -to blasphemous language, and intolerant of those insults to female -honour with which war was then lamentably fraught. In the regulation -of his army, as in the government of his state, justice was his -ruling principle. Of his unhappy violence of temper we have already -had too much reason to speak; it was the bane of his life, the blot -on his fame. Yet he was generous and forgiving, as he proved by -putting his personal enemy Guicciardini on his guard against the -designs of San Severino, Count of Caiazzo, who, having suffered from -the Florentine's captious allegations, had resolved to assassinate -him.[38] - -[Footnote 38: LEONI, p. 386.] - -A soldier by education, taste, and long habit, his character should -be judged by a military standard; and perhaps the best tribute to his -glory consisted in the public rejoicings ordered by Sultan Solyman -on hearing of his untimely death. In following the narrative of his -campaigns, we have unsparingly pointed out the faults which seemed -to cramp his success. They were obviously systematic, arising from -an excess of that caution, which his natural prudence and foresight -prompted, and which the examples of Fabius Maximus and Prospero -Colonna in some degree authorised. Yet we must not overlook an -important element of consideration, in the quality of troops under -his command from 1523 to 1528. His want of confidence in them was -avowed, and in more than one instance it was justified, when their -steadiness was put to the test. Nor was he less fettered by the -faulty organisation of that army, made up of various contingents -under their respective leaders, without a responsible commanding -officer, and in which civilians were allowed a veto fatal to unity of -action. The verdict of his contemporaries may, however, be admitted -as conclusive upon his military reputation. Ruscelli tells us that -he was, by common consent, called the father and founder of the art -of war, as practised in the sixteenth century; and the opinion of -the only dissentient, Guicciardini, a private enemy and no soldier, -is amply balanced by that of Giovanni de' Medici, who ranked him in -skilful tactics, and in the arts of command, as well as in foresight -and activity, equal to the ablest generals. The testimony of Charles -V. has been already given; and we are assured that after a public -disputation in Padua, sustained by men of the greatest learning, he -was voted a match to any hero of antiquity, in judgment, experience, -ingenuity, and military talent. Promis, with assuredly no friendly -leaning, admits his great skill in military architecture, stating -that he was often consulted by the principal engineers of Italy, and -especially by Sanmichele, upon the fortifications of Corfu, regarding -which that author attributes to him a Report to the Signory of Rome, -now in the Ambrosian Library of Milan.[39] His opinion as to the -defences of their lagoons, and principal garrisons on terra-firma, -was, on various occasions, requested by that Republic, and during his -command in Lombardy the towns of Lodi, Crema, Bergamo, Martinengo, -and Orcinovo were all strengthened after his designs. Tartagli and -Contriotto acknowledged their obligations to his suggestions; but -Promis denies him the invention of baloards, as we have already -seen, when writing of Francesco di Giorgio. The school of military -engineering formed under his eye, during almost continual campaigns, -numbered many distinguished professors of that art, among whom were -Pietro Luigi Escriva, Gianbattista Bellucci, Nicolo Tartaglia, -Girolamo Genga, Gian Giacomo Leonardi, and Jacopo Fusto Castriotto, -the last three of whom were natives of his state. - -[Footnote 39: _Trattato di Architettura di Francesco di Giorgio_, -vol. II., p. 67. (Turin, 1841.)] - -But let us hear the evidence of contemporaries as to his character. -Urbano Urbani, then his private secretary, thus describes him on -succeeding to the dukedom:--"He was naturally low in stature, but -well-proportioned, and of fine complexion. The short distance from -his heart to his brain rendered his disposition choleric. Ever in -movement, he was impatient of repose. Thoughtful, his ideas and -discourse tended to lofty themes. Ready of hand, he dexterously -managed, on horseback or afoot, the arms then in use. Of high -courage, he invariably bent his mind to objects conducive to his -honour and renown, especially in war. He was just, honest, averse -to swearing, liberal, incorruptible, and no boaster. He loathed -incontinence, and youthful excesses. In his household he was fond of -splendour, and he generally entertained, in his almost regal court, -a large attendance of distinguished gentlemen, such as Ottaviano -Fregoso, Ludovico Pio, Gaspare Pallavicino, Giuliano de' Medici, -Pietro Bembo, Baldassare Castiglione, Cesare Gonzaga (all of whom had -been attached to his uncle Guidobaldo), Ambrogio Landriano, Febo da -Cevi and his brother Gherardino, Filippino Doria, Benedetto Giraldi, -and others conspicuous in arms, letters, or music; among whom Baldi -names also Matteo della Branca, Carlo Gabrielli, Father Andreoni, -Troiano and Gentile Carbonani, Count Gentile Ubaldini."[40] - -[Footnote 40: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 489, f. 61. See for many of these, -vol. II.] - -Had his lot been cast in less turbulent times, it would have been -his pride to maintain about him this goodly company, although he -pretended not to his predecessor's literary tastes, and, if we may -credit Sanuto, was unable to follow an oration delivered in Latin, -on his arrival at Venice, in 1524. Yet, he was not indifferent -to letters when connected with the engrossing occupation of his -mind; and it was his habit, when time permitted, to have passages -of ancient history read to him during several hours a day. -This relaxation was varied by discussions arising out of these -prelections, which he generally directed to military points, drawing -out the opinions of his officers in attendance. Hence probably were -suggested the Military Discourses, published in his name, of which we -have already spoken; and various memorials of his conversation are -preserved in a manuscript, which has supplied us with the anecdotes -formerly quoted.[41] These were selected as illustrative of manners, -from notes apparently made by a bystander; the others are almost -exclusively upon military tactics and fortification, in which he was -quite an adept. - -[Footnote 41: See Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1023, art. 21.] - -Leonardi[42] confirms what we have stated of his character, dwelling -much on his tendency to practical views. The sketch of Cristofero -Centenelli must close these remarks:--"Though considered somewhat -overbearing and hasty, he was at all times just. Even in youth, -he was singularly self-denying of personal indulgences: guarding -himself from the temptations of luxury and indolence, he sought daily -occupation in the practice of arms, athletic sports, and equestrian -exercises. He was liberal and magnificent, but grave and magnanimous; -kind and affable to his friends, equitable and compassionate to -his subjects. His courage was fiery and indomitable; of cold and -heat, fatigue, watching, and privation, he was most enduring. He -combined, to a rare degree, boldness in the field with prudence in -the council-room, avoiding equally their extremes of temerity and -timidity. To great skill in military discipline, he united uncommon -perspicacity in discovering the snares of seeming friends or of open -foes: astute with enemies, he was guarded with all. His eloquence -commanded general admiration by its studied brevity, expressing the -clearest views in fewest words."[43] - -[Footnote 42: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1023, f. 85.] - -[Footnote 43: _Ibid._ No. 907.] - -The Duke's constant and dutiful affection to his predecessor's -widow deserves special notice. While she lived she shared his home, -in prosperity or adversity, in sovereignty or in exile; and he -occasionally availed himself of her prudence and popularity in the -administration of the state during his absences. An interesting -memorial of this filial affection is afforded by the following -letter, which seems to have been written by Duchess Elisabetta. - - "To the most illustrious Lord, my most esteemed Son, the - Duke of Urbino, &c. - - "The chair is so beautiful that neither words nor pen - suffice to express my thanks for this proof of regard; - but most heartily, and with all the good will it merits, - I accept so handsome and gallant a gift, and I shall use - it for your sake as long as God pleases: it is not less - beautiful than dear to me. I have seen the news sent by the - Count: he would have done better to sacrifice something - than to lose all by his imprisonment. We expect you in the - morning. The Duchess kisses your hands and your mouth, and - I commend myself to you with eternal thanks. - - "YOUR MOTHER. - - "The 8th of August."[44] - -[Footnote 44: Oliveriana MSS. No. 375. This may, however, have been -addressed by Duchess Vittoria to Francesco Maria II.] - -The widowed Duchess Leonora remained at Pesaro, stricken with grief, -from which she slowly recovered to find a solace in her children. -By her husband's will she had 28,000 scudi, besides the life-rent -of his Neapolitan fiefs at Sora, which were left in remainder to -their younger son Giulio. To each of the daughters were provided -20,000 scudi. She died at Gubbio, in 1543. Her devoted affection to -her husband was accompanied by much sterling worth of character; -but she was especially distinguished for that equanimity of temper -which marks the expression of her admirable portrait in the Florence -Gallery. - -The children of Francesco Maria were these:-- - - 1. FEDERIGO, born in March, 1511, and died young. - - 2. GUIDOBALDO, his successor, born 2nd April, 1514. - - 3. IPPOLITA, married in 1531, to Don Antonio - d'Aragona, son of the Duke of Montalto, in Naples. - - 4. GIULIA, married in 1548, to Alfonso d'Este, - Marquis of Montechio, son of Duke Alfonso I. From her - descend the sovereign Dukes of Modena and Reggio. - - 5. ELISABETTA, married in 1552, to Alberico Cibo, - Marquis of Massa, and died in 1561. From her descended the - sovereign Dukes of Massa Carrara. - - 6. GIULIO, who was born at Mantua on the 8th of - April, and created by his father Duke of Sora. He was - educated for the Church, where his talents and application - to business merited the shower of preferments which his - high birth insured him, and which began by his nomination - as Cardinal of S. Pietro in Vinculis by Paul III., when - fourteen years of age. In 1548 he was made Bishop of - Urbino, a dignity which he resigned three years later, on - being appointed Legate of Rieti and Terni. In 1560 he had - the see of Vicenza, but soon exchanged it for Recanati. - In 1565, he was promoted to be Archbishop of Ravenna, to - which was added, in 1570, the see of Tusculum; and, in - 1578, when within a few months of his death, he became - Archbishop of Urbino, having for some years previously - been Legate of Umbria, and governor of Loreto. In these - high posts he united to excellent business habits, and - great energy in the discharge of his duties, a taste for - magnificence, which made him popular with all classes. By - his own family he was regarded as a valuable counsellor in - every difficulty, and he greatly promoted the government - of his brother and nephew, to whom he served as a sort of - prime minister. His career of honour and utility was closed - by a premature death, on the 5th September, 1578, when but - forty-three years of age. Under his superintendence was - drawn up a code of Regulations [_Riformazioni_] of Justice, - which was published with his name in 1549. It does not - appear in what way the dukedom of Sora and Arci passed - from him, but, before the end of the century, it had been - granted by Philip II. to Giacomo Boncompagno, natural son - of Pope Gregory XIII. From his descendants, the Princes of - Piombino, that fief passed, about the end of last century, - to the Neapolitan government; and its picturesque baronial - towers at Isola, once the scene of their festive revels, - are now degraded into a woollen factory. The Cardinal left - two natural sons, who were both legitimated by Pius V.:-- - - 1. Ippolito della Rovere, who had from his father - San Lorenzo and Castel Leone above Sinigaglia, and - was made Marquis of San Lorenzo in 1584, on his - marriage with Isabella, daughter of Giacomo Vitelli - dell'Amatrice, with 30,000 scudi of dowry. He had - issue, 1. Giulio, who was disinherited for bad - conduct; 2. Livia, born 1585, who became Duchess - of Urbino in 1599; 3. Lucrezia, who married the - Marchese Marc Antonio Lanti, and had issue. - - 2. Giuliano, Prior of Corinaldo, and Abbot of San - Lorenzo. - - - - -BOOK SEVENTH - -OF GUIDOBALDO DELLA ROVERE FIFTH DUKE OF URBINO - - - - -CHAPTER XLII - - Succession of Duke Guidobaldo II.--He loses Camerino and - the Prefecture of Rome--The altered state of Italy--Death - of Duchess Giulia--The Duke's remarriage--Affairs of the - Farnesi. - - -The course of our narrative seems to offer a not altogether fanciful -analogy to that of the Tiber. Issuing from the rugged Apennines, -this, with puny rill, is gradually recruited from their many valleys -until it has gained the force and energy of a brawling torrent, and -has absorbed a goodly portion of the Umbrian waters. So, too, the -former has brought us past scenes of martial prowess and creations -of mediaeval policy. It has afforded us glimpses of townships where -civil institutions revived, and letters were cherished, the petty -capitals from whose courts civilisation was diffused. Carrying us -across the blood-watered and time-defaced Campagna, it has conducted -us to Rome at the moment of her lamentable sack by barbarian hordes. -Henceforward our history, like the river, will decline in interest. -The sluggish and turbid stream has little to enliven that dreary and -degenerate land through which it must still conduct us. This contrast -will be especially irksome in the life of Duke Guidobaldo II., who -kept much aloof from the few events of stirring interest which then -occurred in the Peninsula. We shall therefore hasten over it, in the -hope that those who favour us with their company may find, in the -incidents of his successor, a somewhat renovated interest, and may -be gratified to learn by what means our mountain duchy came to be -finally absorbed in the papal dominions, just as the tawny river is -lost in the pathless sea. - -[Illustration: FACSIMILES OF SIGNATURES] - - * * * * * - -The birthday of Guidobaldo II. has been variously stated; most -authorities fix it on the 2nd of April, 1514, although the customary -donative appears from an old chronicle to have been voted by the -municipality of Urbino on the 17th of March. The Prince saw the light -at a moment inauspicious for his dynasty. Under the fostering care of -Julius II. it had attained its culminating point; and although his -successor still smiled upon the far-spreading oak of Umbria,[*45] -the intrigues of Leo X. were already preparing its overthrow. The -infant had scarcely passed his second year, when the ducal family -were driven from their states, and sought a friendly shelter at the -Mantuan capital. Before their five years of exile in Lombardy had -gone by, Guidobaldo is said to have been sent to the university of -Padua. His early education was committed to Guido Posthumo Silvestro, -who describes him as displaying, even in childhood, the spirit of his -father, and of his grand-uncle Julius II., whilst his mild temper -and sweet expression were those of his mother.[46] The preceptor, a -native of Pesaro, was tempted by attachment to his early patrons, -the Sforza, to avenge them with his pen, on the invasion of the -Duke Valentino, upon whom and whose race he charged, in some bitter -lampoons mentioned by Roscoe, all those crimes which have become -matter of history. But years rendered him more pliant; for when -another revolution came round, the attentions he had met with at the -court of Urbino did not prevent his resorting, on Duke Francesco -Maria's exile, to the protection of Leo, or lavishing eulogy and -flattery upon that Pontiff. At Rome, he enjoyed the consideration -there freely bestowed upon poets and wits, among whom Giovio assigns -him a conspicuous place; but the life of luxurious indulgence to -which he was tempted having undermined his health, he died in 1521. - -[Footnote *45: The Rovere were anything but an Umbrian family, as we -have seen.] - -[Footnote 46: - - "Guidus Juliades, qui, quamquam mitis et ore - Blandus, ut ex vultu possis cognoscere matrem - Patrem animis tamen et primis patruum exprimit annis." - -See as to Guido in ROSCOE'S _Leo X._, ch. xvii.] - -Our authorities, barren of interest for the domestic life of Duke -Francesco Maria,[*47] are altogether a blank as regards his children, -and we know nothing of the Prince beyond the fact of his sharing his -mother's virtual arrest at Venice in 1527. His early tastes seemed -to have turned upon horses: in 1529, he ordered from Rome a set of -housings for his charger, with minute instructions accompanying the -pattern; ten years later, the Grand Duke Cosimo I. regretted his -inability to find for him such horses as he had desired; and he -appears to have paid 70 golden scudi for one from Naples. In 1843, I -was shown, at Pesaro, the wooden model of a beautiful little Arab, -which had long been preserved in the Giordani family, covered with -the skin of his favourite charger, a fragment of which remained. -We have seen Guidobaldo complimented by Clement VII. in 1529, -and in that year he had a condotta from Venice, for seventy-five -men-at-arms, and a hundred and fifty light horse, with 1000 ducats of -pay for himself, 100 for each man-at-arms, and 50 for each horseman. -In 1532, his father, on departing from Lombardy, left him regent -of the duchy. The circumstances of his marriage, on the 12th of -October, 1534, to Giulia Varana, then but eleven years of age, and -her questionable succession to her paternal state of Camerino, have -been fully detailed in our preceding chapter.[48] From 1534 till his -father's death, in 1538, he seems to have exercised the rights of -sovereignty, with the title of Duke of Camerino, unchallenged by the -Pontiff, who had recalled his censures. But no sooner was Paul III. -relieved from the influential opposition of Francesco Maria, than his -designs upon that principality were firmly carried out. - -[Footnote *47: For certain details of Court life, cf. VERNARECCI, _Di -alcune rappresentazioni Drammatiche nella Corte di Urbino_ in _Arch. -St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria_, vol. III., p. 181 _et seq._, and -ROSSI, _Appunti per la Storia della Musica alla Corte di Francesco -Maria I. e di Guidobaldo della Rovere_ in _Rassegna Emiliana_ -(Modena, 1888), vol. I., fasc. 8; also VANZOLINI, _Musica e Danza -alla Corte di Urbino_, in _Le Marche_ (1904), An. iv., fasc. vi., p. -325 _et seq._] - -[Footnote 48: In the Harleian MSS. No. 282, f. 63, is a letter from -Henry VIII. of 28th November, in his 30th year [1538], to Sir Thomas -Wyatt, his ambassador to the Emperor, proposing a marriage of the -Princess Mary either to the young Duke of Cleves and Juliers, or to -"the present Duke of Urbyne," and desiring him to sound "whether he -wold be gladd to have us to wyve with any of them." Guidobaldo had -been already wedded for four years!] - -[Illustration: GUIDOBALDO II., DUKE OF URBINO - -_From a picture in the Albani Palace in Rome_] - -We possess from an eye-witness these ample details as to -the ceremonial of investing Guidobaldo with his hereditary -succession:--"On the evening of Thursday [25th of October], the day -of the Duke's interment, his son the Prince arrived at Urbino about -nine o'clock, attended by all the nobility, gentry, and officials, -including Stefano Vigerio, the governor, and many more, who had gone -out to meet him. Dismounting in the palace-yard, he proceeded to the -ducal chamber, which, as well as the great hall, was hung with black. -There he dismissed the strangers to lodgings provided for them in -the town, and passed next day in grief and absolute seclusion along -with his consort, preparations being meanwhile made to traverse the -city.[49] Accordingly, on Saturday morning, mass of the Holy Spirit -having been said by the Bishop of Cagli, who thereafter breakfasted -in the palace, the citizens and populace crowded to the piazza, -where the doctors and nobles assembled to accompany the priors. -Thither also came a hundred youths of good family, in doublets of -sky-blue velvet, with gilt swords by their side, followed by a -vast many children bearing olive-boughs. The new Duke having been -meanwhile dressed in white velvet and satin, with cap and plume of -the same colour, Captain-general Luc-Antonio Brancarini marshalled -the procession. The gonfaloniere marched first, in a jerkin of black -velvet under a long surcoat of black damask lined with crimson, -begirt with a gold-mounted sword; his cap on his head and his mace -lowered. He was followed by the nobility, the doctors, and citizens; -and on entering the palace they halted in the basement suite -towards the garden, which were all hung with tapestry, the windows -of the great hall being occupied by the Duchess and her ladies in -magnificent attire. When all was ready, the Prince issued forth into -the Piazza, and advanced to the cathedral, followed by the officials -and train. At the top of the steps he knelt on a rich carpet and -brocade cushions, whilst the bishop, chapter, and clergy came out, -and with the usual ceremonies brought him into the church, and to -the high altar, before which other ceremonials were gone through, -and he offered an oblation-coin of ten Mantuan ducats. Meanwhile his -charger was brought to the foot of the steps, covered to the neck -with a housing of silver tissue, and other trappings, including a -white plume. It was led by seven lads of the chief Urbino families, -Bonaventura, Peruli, Passionei, Cornei, Corboli, and Muccioli, all -richly apparelled, and two of them holding goads. There was also a -horse for the Gonfaloniere with velvet harness, led by two lads. -The fore-mentioned hundred youths and numerous children having -ranged themselves around, the Prince and Gonfaloniere descended the -steps and mounted their steeds, and the latter, drawing his sword, -proclaimed aloud 'THE DUKE, THE DUKE; FELTRO, FELTRO; GUIDOBALDO, -GUIDOBALDO!' the cry being taken up and repeated by all. The cortege, -making a circuit by Pian di Marcato, Valbona, Santa Lucia, and Santa -Chiara, returned to the palace, where the Duke dismounted. His -charger and mantle were then seized, as their perquisite, by the -youths, who, mounting one of their number, Antonio dei Galli, again -went through the city crying and making merry. The Duke, having taken -his seat with his consort, received the gonfaloniere, priors, and -citizens to kiss hands. - -[Footnote 49: _Correre la terra_ is the usual phrase for taking -sovereign possession, like "riding the marches" of Scottish burghs.] - -[Illustration: _Alinari_ - -? GUIDOBALDO II. DELLA ROVERE - -_From the picture by Titian in the Pitti Gallery, Florence_ - -(_Probably once in the Ducal Collection_)] - -"On the following morning, there came in envoys from various places -to offer their condolence, wearing mourning robes that swept the -ground. The first who had audience were the gonfaloniere and priors -of Urbino, and then those from San Marino. After breakfast, the other -communities were admitted without order, in consequence of a wrangle -for precedence between Gubbio and Pesaro, Cagli and Fossombrone, and -this continued till seven o'clock in the evening. Next Monday being -the festival of San Simone, the oath of allegiance was administered -on Tuesday. A stage covered with black was erected between the two -windows of the great hall, on which stood a bench with a coverlet of -black velvet, and thereon an open missal, with a miniature of the -crucifixion. After breakfasting, the Duke seated himself on this -stage, with Messer Stefano, one of the judges; and the deputies from -communes being assembled, with their commissions in their hands, -Messer Stefano called upon the magistrates of Urbino with about a -hundred of the citizens, desiring them to swear fidelity, as was -right and customary, which they did, formally placing their hands on -the crucifixion. Thereafter, the envoys of other communities were -brought up and sworn; but on account of the aforesaid wrangling, -those of Pesaro, Sinigaglia, Fossombrone, and Cagli were sent back -to take the oaths at home. Next day, however, on their humble -petition, those of Cagli and Fossombrone were received, along with -some other highland deputies who had come in late; but Pesaro, -Sinigaglia, and the vicariat, took the oaths before the vice-dukes -in their respective cities. On the following Tuesday, there arrived -four envoys from Fano, and two from Citta di Castello, to offer -condolence, who were honourably received; and next day came those -of Camerino and Rimini, men of high station. On Thursday, Messer -Quaglino, ambassador from the Duke of Ferrara, dismounted at Pesaro, -to condole with the dowager Duchess, and thence proceeded with a -suite of five to Urbino, where he was lodged for three days in -the Passionei Palace, and had audience. At the same time, the like -formalities were discharged by Vicenzo Schippo, who came with an -escort of ten, as representative of the Duke of Mantua. On Sunday, -deputations from all parts of the duchy went to offer their duty at -Pesaro to the widowed Duchess." - -The smouldering embers of the Camerino quarrel soon burst forth, -when Paul III. found that the Emperor's influence and the arms of -Venice were no longer arrayed against his grasping pretensions, and -that the weight of the struggle had devolved from a renowned warrior -to an untried youth. In order to supplement the legal deficiencies -of his case, the Pontiff had in 1537 conferred certain estates upon -Ercole Varana, on condition of his claims upon the succession of -Camerino being assigned to his own grandson Ottavio Farnese; but -the death of Francesco Maria having released him from the necessity -of temporising, he at once sent a body of troops into that duchy, -under Stefano Colonna or Alessandro Vitelli. The young Duke, relying -on the support of Venice and the Medici, was at first disposed to -resist, but finding himself deserted, soon abandoned the idea. He -had in the history of his family too many examples of the perils of -papal nepotism; and it was obvious that the times were past when -church feudatories had anything to hope from single-handed contests -with their over-lord. In the certainty that to provoke this would -be to hazard all, he made up his mind to an unwilling compromise, -surrendering his wife's rights to Camerino for a full investiture -of his own dukedom, and the sum of 78,000 golden scudi as a poor -compensation for her inheritance. This transaction was completed on -the 8th of January, 1539; nor was it the only mortification he was -destined to undergo from the ambition of the Farnesi. The Prefecture -of Rome, although held by his father and grandfather, was a personal -dignity at the disposal of the new Pope, who conferred it upon -his own grandson Ottavio. In the end of 1538, he also married that -youth, then but fifteen, to Margaret of Austria, natural daughter -of Charles V. and widow of Duke Alessandro de' Medici, who had been -slain by his cousin Lorenzino, within a year after his marriage. That -imperious dame, who brought Ottavio a handsome dower in lands about -Ortona on the Adriatic, wrought upon the weakness of Paul, until in -1545, she obtained for her husband's father, Pier-Luigi, natural son -of his Holiness, the sovereign duchy of Parma and Piacenza. In order -to put a gloss upon this dismemberment of the ecclesiastical states, -and to accommodate the whole arrangement to the modified nepotism -of his age, the Pontiff stipulated for a resurrender by Ottavio to -the Holy See of Camerino and Nepi. These remained part of the papal -temporalities, whilst their Lombard duchy gave to the Farnese family -an important position among the sovereign houses of Europe. - -Although the altered circumstances of Italy which humbled her -pride had also arrested her convulsions, these untoward events, -at the outset of his reign, proved to Guidobaldo that her few -remaining principalities were far from secure. To strengthen his -position became therefore a natural policy; and although neither -the Emperor nor the Venetian Signory had lent a willing ear to his -representations on the subject of Camerino, he sent to remind the -former of his promise to give him a company of men-at-arms, whilst, -with the Pope's permission, he accepted from the latter a two years' -engagement. The terms of this condotta, which was dated in 1539, -and continued in force until 1552, were one hundred men-at-arms and -as many light cavalry, with 4000 ducats of _piatto_ or yearly pay, -and an obligation to have in readiness ten of his father's veteran -captains, whose monthly pay was fixed at 15 scudi in peace, and 25 in -war. Four years later he was requested by the Republic to serve them -in another capacity, by complimenting Charles V. in their name on his -passage into Germany, on which occasion he was accompanied by the -vile sycophant Pietro Aretino. - -In our fourteenth chapter, we had occasion to consider the change -which military affairs underwent in Italy about the time of the -first French invasion, and we have seen in Duke Federigo of Urbino -one of the last condottieri of the old sort. But it was not until -the fall of Rome and Florence had extinguished Italian independence, -that military adventure was entirely abolished; and it is curious -to find in his grandson Duke Francesco Maria I., not only the -latest captain who gathered laurels under that system, but to see -him joining with the Pope and the Medici to exterminate those armed -hordes which survived its mercenary armaments, and which, like the -restless spirits of a departed generation, troubled the repose of -their degenerate sons.[50] Their occupation was indeed gone. Tamed -by invaders whom they were powerless to resist, domestic broils no -longer demanded their services. Their forays were become intolerable -in a land where peace was the price of freedom. How far the earlier -adoption of Machiavelli's plans of defence might have availed against -ultramontane hosts were now a vain speculation; they were only -destined for trial after the sacrifice had been consummated. The -national militia suggested by him was not enrolled until there was no -longer a nationality to defend--until it was needed but as an armed -police under foreign control. - -[Footnote 50: RICOTTI, IV., p. 129, quoting Adriani Storie, lib. II.] - -This new force had been embodied in our duchy under the name of the -Feltrian Legion, by a proclamation dated 1st of March, 1533, and it -so fully satisfied the late Duke's expectations that he gradually -increased his militia to five thousand men in four regiments. Such -was the description of troops which henceforward maintained order at -Urbino, or were subsidised on foreign service. But their sinews, -hardened by a rude climate and rugged homes, maintained for them the -reputation gained by their ancestors; and although Duke Guidobaldo -II. lived in quiet times, and pretended to no heroic aspirations, -we find him accepting of commands offered chiefly for the sake of -securing his hardy mountaineers. - - * * * * * - -The abject position in which Italy was left after the wars of Clement -VII. has already been noticed. Her internal conflicts were at an end. -Of those states whose struggles for independence or for mastery had -during long ages convulsed her, the lesser had been absorbed by the -more powerful, and these in their turn had bowed to foreign dominion -or foreign influence. She was tranquillised but trodden down, -pacified but prostrate. Her history became but a series of episodes -in the annals of ultramontane nations, on whom her few remaining -princes and commonwealths grew into dependent satellites. Even the -popes, no longer arbiters of European policy, sought a reflected -consequence by attaching themselves to the interests of France, -Spain, or the Empire. Nor were they losers by the change to the same -degree as other Peninsular powers. The papacy was indeed shorn in -part of its temporal lustre. It no longer directed the diplomacy of -Christendom, nor did it waste its resources upon bloody and bootless -campaigns. But as its energies were gradually weaned from general -politics, they became more concentrated upon ecclesiastical affairs. -The small speck on the horizon towards which Leo X. had scarcely -directed a look or an anxiety, was now rapidly overspreading the sky, -and already excluded the rays of Catholicism from a large portion of -Central Europe. His successors, threatened with the loss of spiritual -as well as temporal ascendancy, had the wisdom to make a stand for -maintenance of the former, leaving the latter to its fate. The -spirit of popery from aggressive became conservative; its military -tactics gave place to theological weapons. It was by Paul III. that -a vigorous opposition was first made to the Reformation, the primary -steps taken towards that Catholic reaction, which Paul IV. and Pius -V. afterwards so successfully promoted, as not only to check the -rapid progress of Protestantism, but to regain a portion of the lost -ground. Seconding the zeal of the old monastic orders, which had -been revived in the Theatines,[*51] he, in 1540, recruited to it the -cold clear-sighted cunning of the Jesuits. Two years afterwards he -re-established the Inquisition,[*52] and in 1545 opened the Council -of Trent, whose sittings were not finally closed until eighteen years -later, when it had completed that bulwark which still constitutes a -stronghold of the Roman church. Extirpation of heresy henceforward -became the pervading principle of the papacy, and the engrossing -dogma of its zealots; the object for which councils deliberated, -pontiffs admonished, legates intrigued. For an end so sanctified no -means were accounted base. When argument failed threats were at hand. -From reason an appeal lay to the rack. Thus was the wavering power of -the Keys restored or confirmed over much of Europe, and an alliance -was effected between political and spiritual despotism for their -mutual maintenance and common defence. The success which crowned -these new efforts far exceeded any that mere mundane aims had ever -attained. The re-influx of Catholicism was in some instances more -signal, as it was more inexplicable, than had been the recent spread -of the Reformation.[*53] Although fatal to freedom of thought, its -influence proved highly favourable to morals. The revival of religion -was attended with a happy reformation of manners, after examples -emanating from high places. The sins, or at least the scenes, that -had disgraced the Borgian and Medicean courts no longer met the eye, -but were replaced by a semblance of ascetic virtue. The new religious -orders, being of more rigid rule, tended by precept and example to -restore discipline, and to purify, at least externally, the cup and -the platter. Prelatic luxury was curtailed, brazen vice retired from -public view, and the free exercise of papal nepotism was finally -restrained by Pius V., who, in 1567, prohibited the alienation by his -successors of church property or jurisdictions. But in these themes -our narrative has no part. The battles of orthodoxy were chiefly -fought beyond the Alps; the reformed morality of the papal court was -exampled in its own capital: in neither had Urbino any near interest. - -[Footnote *51: The Theatines were a congregation of Clerks Regular, -founded by Gaetano Tiene, a Venetian nobleman, in 1524. They are -under the rule of S. Augustin. S. Gaetano Tiene died in 1547. In 1526 -Matteo di Basso of Urbino founded a reform of Franciscan Observants, -giving his followers a long-pointed hood, which he believed to be -of the same shape as that worn by S. Francis. These friars became -known as Cappuccini or Capuchins. At first they were merely a company -of hermits devoted to the contemplative life. They remained, in -fact, under the Observants till 1617. They are now a separate order -governed by a general. They live in absolute poverty.] - -[Footnote *52: The Inquisition was revived by a Bull of Sixtus IV. -in 1478. Two years later it was reinstated in Spain by the Catholic -kings. In 1526 it was established in Portugal; but it was only -introduced into Italy in 1546, at Naples, and came into Central Italy -only with many restrictions.] - -[Footnote *53: It might seem that those parts of Europe securely -within the Roman Empire of antiquity eventually remained Catholic.] - -Guidobaldo's condotta from the Signory being renewed in 1546 upon -more favourable terms (namely, 15,000 scudi of pay for his company, -and 5000 of _piatto_ for himself), he was invested about midsummer, -by an imposing ceremonial pompously described in the letter of an -eye-witness among the archives of Urbino. His jewelled cap and -diamond collar are mentioned as superb, and his sword is valued at -700 scudi. After high mass in St. Mark's, the great standard being -unfurled and supported by three bearers, and the baton of wrought -silver placed in his hands, the Doge thus addressed him: "Lord Duke, -we presented to your Excellency this standard of our St. Mark the -Evangelist, in the wonted form, and in token of supremacy; and we -pray the Lord our God that it tend to the weal and service of all -Christendom, but especially to the defence of this state. We give -it to your Excellency, confiding in your loyalty and prudence, well -assured that you will use it with courage and faith conformable to -your deserts. And we hand to your Excellency the baton, therewith -designing you head and governor of our forces, and transferring -to you the obedience of all our military: it is our will that you -be obeyed, honoured, and respected by our several condottieri and -soldiery, as representing our Signory itself. May it please the -Divine Majesty that all be well ordered, to the well-being and -furtherance of the Christian community, and of this our serene -Republic." The Duke replied, "I most willingly accept, most Serene -Prince, the distinction granted me by your Serenity, and with -the sure hope of maintaining the good opinion you repose in me, -which shall be nowise disappointed. I shall ever pray our Lord God -graciously to vouchsafe me an early occasion of honourably serving -your serene government, that I may thereby prove my good will. And I -feel sure that your Serenity will have cause to be well satisfied at -giving me this rank, which, without reserve of life or fortune, like -one aware of his obligation to your Serenity, it will be my care so -to hold as to augment my claims upon your favour." The function being -over, the Duke was escorted by an imposing military pageant to his -palace, where a splendid banquet was set out, of which, however, the -jealous regulations of the Republic did not permit her officials to -partake. - -The court having gone to spend Christmas of 1547 in the mild climate -of Fossombrone, the Duke, in January, 1548, again repaired to -Venice, intending to return home for carnival. On the frontier he -was met by news of his consort's serious illness, and immediately -sent expresses to summon from Padua and Ferrara, Frigimiliza and -Brasavolo, two famous physicians. Under them and her own doctors, the -Duchess rallied for a time, but died on the 17th of February,--"a -very religious, charitable, and lettered lady, and a great loss to -the state." Her body was borne by torchlight to Urbino with the -usual solemnities, and, after lying in state, was entombed in Santa -Chiara on the 19th. The funeral service was performed at Urbino the -24th of March, with due pomp, and a ceremonial preserved by Tondini. -The procession consisted of the Duchess's household, twenty-two in -number, with thirty-nine of the Duke's; Guidobaldo and his brother; -the ambassadors of five friendly states; twenty-two principal -nobility of the duchy; forty captains; the municipality of Urbino, -with seventy leading citizens; deputies from thirty-six other towns; -in all, about three hundred and sixty persons. The obsequies were -celebrated in the cathedral, which was illuminated by a hundred and -eighty-six wax lights of four pounds each, and above two hundred -torches. The funeral oration was pronounced by Sperone Speroni, and -is published among his works. - -Although, in somewhat startling contrast to these details of death, -we here introduce a letter written by the Duchess, which may interest -our lady readers. It is addressed to Marchetti, her steward of the -household, then at Venice, and is printed in his life by Tondini:-- - - "Master Steward, our well-beloved, - - "This is to inform you that, on your return with his - Excellency, our Lord and Consort, you must by all means - bring as much of the finest and most beautiful scarlet - serge, such as is made on purpose for the cardinals, as - may suffice to make us a petticoat, taking care that it be - at once handsome, good, and _distingue_. You can ascertain - the necessary quantity. Here they tell us that if the stuff - be two _braccie_ [a yard and a quarter] wide, at least - eight _braccie_ will be required, and more if narrower, say - nine or ten. See that you get full measure, and let the - quantity be ample rather than deficient, so that we may not - have to mar it for want of cloth. And if you cannot find - such serge, bring some beautiful, good, and thin Venice - cloth, being careful that it be light in texture, and that - the colour be of the most bright and lively scarlet that - can be found. Use all diligence that we be well suited and - satisfied, if you would do us a grateful service. Bring - also some of those books and rosettes, as they are called, - which are commonly made there of thin white wax tapers; - and so good health to you. From Fossombrone, the 6th of - October, 1541. - - "JULIA DUCHESS OF URBINO." - -The Duchess had given birth to a son in 1544, but was survived only -by a daughter Virginia: her marriage had been interested, and her -lord lost no time in contracting another from similar motives, on -the excuse of requiring a male heir. In August he went to kiss the -Pope's feet at Rome, on occasion of negotiating a new matrimonial -alliance with his granddaughter, Vittoria Farnese. On the 30th he -returned home, and next month again met his Holiness at Perugia. -The nuptials were interrupted by the assassination of the bride's -father, Duke Pier-Luigi, whose son had supplanted Guidobaldo at -Camerino, and whose tyranny in his new state of Parma sharpened the -daggers of his outraged nobles. The ceremony, however, took place on -the 30th of January, 1548, when Vittoria, who had been previously -affianced to Duke Cosimo I., was twenty-eight years of age. On the -2nd of February she visited Urbino, amid many demonstrations of -respect, among which was a muster of forty lads in her livery of -yellow velvet, to each of whom an allowance of seven scudi had been -voted by the city; but it was the Duke's pleasure that they should -pay for their own dress. Art, too, had contributed its honours, -and Vasari narrates how Battista Franco aided in decorating the -triumphal arches designed by Girolamo Genga for her reception. -Similar welcome was given her at Gubbio, where the youths wore purple -velvet with white sleeves and white lilies.[*54] Coincident with, -and in consequence of, this marriage, the Duke received from Paul a -new investiture of his states, and a cardinal's hat, with the title -of S. Pietro in Vinculis, for his brother Giulio, who, though but in -his fifteenth year, was soon after named Legate of Perugia. On the -20th of February, 1549, there was born a prince, who succeeded to the -dukedom as Francesco Maria II., and the grateful people manifested -their loyalty by customary congratulations and donatives.[55] These -happy events were, ere long, interrupted by the death of Paul III. -on the 10th of November, followed by that of the dowager Duchess of -Urbino, on the 14th of February, thereafter. - -[Footnote *54: Cf. PELLEGRINI, _Gubbio sotto i Conti e Duchi -d'Urbino_ in _Bolletino per l'Umbria_ (Perugia, 1905), vol. XI., p. -236 _et seq._] - -[Footnote 55: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 934, is an elaborate exposition of -the devices and mottoes displayed on this august occasion.] - -The little state of San Marino forms a solecism in the polity of -Europe, having preserved its petty limits and its purely popular -government during many centuries, whilst all the other republics -of Italy successfully yielded to personal ambition or foreign -conquest.[*56] For its independence during the ceaseless changes -of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries it was debtor to the -Dukes of Urbino, whose aid was ever at hand when their name proved -an inadequate safeguard. The nature of the protection which they -accorded to that republic is shown in the subjoined document, which -seems worthy of insertion from its resemblance to those letters of -maintenance usually granted about the same period by the greater -barons of Scotland, in favour of less powerful neighbours and -friends, among the minor nobility, and even the burgh communities. - -[Footnote *56: Cf. FATTORI, _Delle cause che hanno conservata la -Repubblica di S. Marino_ (Bologna, 1887).] - -"Protection under which, at the instance of the Liberty of S. -Marino, pressed by its envoys, the Lord Duke Guidobaldo II. assumes -the aforesaid Liberty, its men and territory, following therein in -this the course adopted by Duke Federico, Guido I., Francesco Maria -his father, and others of his house: promising to the best of his -ability, and at all times, to defend, protect, and guard it against -all persons whatsoever who may seek or wish to injure it, whether in -respect to its possessions, subjects, state, or pre-eminence, holding -its enemies for his enemies, and its allies for his allies; and -further, undertaking to accord to it all possible aid and favour in -the maintenance of its independence and freedom: the said envoys, on -the other part, obliging themselves to the Lord Duke, in name of the -foresaid, with all their exertion and power to assist, uphold, and -preserve the subjects, state, honours, and dignity of the said Lord -Duke, against whatsoever person, state, or potentate who may make -attempts against him; promising to hold the friends of his Excellency -as their friends, and his foes as their foes, and to pay him at -all times the respect due to a faithful and good protector. At the -requisition of Ser Bartolo Nursino, 20th May, 1549." - -It was Guidobaldo's policy to maintain with the Holy See those -amicable relations which his second marriage had established, and -he had accordingly, on the death of Paul III., sent some troops to -Perugia, in order to secure the quiet succession of Julius III. This -being effected, he went to Rome on a visit of congratulation to the -new Pontiff, accompanied by Aretino, whose venal appetites were ever -on the watch for opportunities of bringing his sycophancy to a good -market. The Pope disappointed him of the anticipated guerdon, but, -aware of the ready transition from adulation to slander, disarmed -his tongue of its venom by a gracious accolade, kissing the forehead -of this "scourge of princes." The first token of favour bestowed on -the Duke by his Holiness was his nomination as governor of Fano in -1551. In the following year he spent some time at Verona with the -Venetian army, accompanied by his boy, who there had an illness which -occasioned him much anxiety. This command was a somewhat anomalous -one, with the title of Governor of the Republican forces, which he -vainly negotiated to exchange for that of General. Disgusted by -this refusal, he listened to an overture from his brothers-in-law -for transferring his services to the French King. Ottavio Farnese, -now Duke of Parma, apprehending some hostile intentions from the -imperialists, had applied, in 1551, to the Pope for succours, in -order to guarantee his possession of that state; but, unable to spare -reinforcements or money, Julius had recommended him to take his own -measures for defence. Acting on this advice, he had recourse to -Henry II., from whom he accepted a condotta, on condition of Parma -being supplied with a French garrison. Such a step could not fail -to alarm the Emperor, who, representing that Ottavio had, in fact, -made over his duchy to France, brought upon him the thunders of the -Vatican. The inducement offered to Guidobaldo by the Farnesi for -following them into Henry's service was that the King should renounce -the supposed claims upon Urbino competent to his wife Caterina de' -Medici, in right of her father Lorenzo, its usurping Duke. But the -decided measures adopted by the Pontiff cut short this negotiation, -and we hear no more of pretensions which were doubtless vamped up to -serve a temporary purpose. Although the Pontiff was nominally a party -to the petty war which ensued in Lombardy, it was, in fact, but a -chapter in the prolonged struggle between the houses of Hapsburg and -Bourbon, with which our narrative has no concern. Another episode -in the same contest was more alarming to Central Italy, and, when -Tuscany became involved in the strife, it seemed well for Julius to -stand on the defensive. Accordingly, in January, 1553, he named -Guidobaldo captain-general of the Church, who, in April, proceeded -to Rome for his installation; and accompanied by a brilliant staff, -reviewed the pontifical troops. - -Siena, originally Ghibelline, had, during the recurring convulsions -of a nominally democratic government, remained in some measure -devoted to the imperialist party. But, irritated by the licence -of their Spanish garrison, and alarmed at a rumoured intention of -Charles V. to seize their state, and exchange it with the Farnesi -for that of Parma, the citizens, in 1552, foolishly listened to the -intrigues of French emissaries, and, with the Count of Pitigliano's -aid, ousted their oppressors. In the campaign which followed, -Siena was under French protection, whilst Florence efficiently -co-operated with the imperialists against her, the Pope maintaining -an armed neutrality. The duties of Guidobaldo were thus limited to -an occupation of Bologna, in order to protect the ecclesiastical -territories and his own state, on the passage of French troops into -Tuscany. That his wishes favoured the independence of Siena appears -from his having, at the election of Marcellus II., in April, 1554, -recommended an intervention in its favour; but it was too late, as -the city had already capitulated, and was soon after finally annexed -to Florence. - -The successor of Julius III., who died in March, 1555, was Marcello -Cervini, Bishop of Gubbio; and the Duke of Urbino congratulated -himself on seeing a personal friend mount the throne of St. Peter. -But his satisfaction was transient. Popular superstition awarded an -early death to any Pontiff who should take for title his Christian -name: the fate of Adrian VI. had verified the omen; and, after -a reign of but three weeks, Marcellus was carried to the tomb. -Guidobaldo immediately took armed possession of the Roman gates for -protection of the conclave; but the election of Cardinal Caraffa as -Paul IV. passed off satisfactorily, and his energy was rewarded by a -confirmation in his command, and the restoration of the Prefecture -of Rome, with reversion to his son, an honour which, though long -held by his father and grandfather, had been enjoyed for the last -seventeen years by the Farnesi. - - - - -CHAPTER XLIII - - The Duke's domestic affairs--Policy of Paul IV.--The Duke - enters the Spanish service--Rebellion at Urbino severely - repressed--His death and character--His children. - - -This somewhat barren portion of our narrative may be appropriately -enlivened by the marriage of Princess Elisabetta, sister of -Guidobaldo, to Alberico Cibo, Prince of Massa. The bride left Urbino -on the 26th of September, accompanied by the Duke and Duchess, and -remained at Castel Durante for two days. She was convoyed for some -miles farther by the court, and parted from her family with copious -tears on both sides. That night she slept at S. Angelo, and next -day reached Citta di Castello, escorted by an immense train of the -principal residents to the Vitelli Palace. There she was entertained -at an almost regal banquet, with about fifty gentle dames, each more -beautiful than the other, and all richly dressed; after which there -followed dancing, to the music of many rare instruments and choruses, -till near daybreak. Travelling in a litter by easy journeys, she -reached Florence in four days, and was welcomed with magnificent -public honours. She entered the city in a rich dress of green -velvet, radiant with jewels, and passed two days there, the guest -of Chiappino Vitelli, who spent 2000 scudi upon four entertainments -in her honour, including a ball and masquerade. On going to court, -she was received by the Grand Duke and Duchess as a sister, with -much kindness, and a world of professions. Near Pisa she was met by -her bridegroom, at the head of a cavalcade which resembled an army -marching to the assault of the city; and his mother, though almost -dying, had herself carried to the bed in which the bride had sought -repose, to embrace her with maternal affection. More acceptable, -perhaps, than this singular visit, was the present received from her -in the morning, of two immense pearls, and a golden belt studded with -costly jewels. The pair entered the capital next day, amid a crash -of artillery, martial music, and bells, preceded by fifty youths in -yellow velvet and white plumes. The festive arches delighted the -narrator, but still more the palace furniture, "where nothing was -seen but armchairs brocaded in silk and gold, and one everywhere -stepped on the finest carpets." The community offered six immense -vases, and a donative of bullocks, fowls, and wax. "But all this is -nothing to the excessive affection which the Lord Marquis bears to -his most illustrious consort: he does not merely love her, he adores -her. May God continue it, and maintain them in happiness."[57] This -kind wish had scanty fulfilment, for the Princess died nine years -later, her husband surviving to the patriarchal age of ninety-six. - -[Footnote 57: TONDINI, _Memorie di Franceschino Marchetti_, App., p. -16.] - -In 1556, Guidobaldo finished the citadel and fortifications of -Sinigaglia, which had occupied him during ten years, and which were -considered an important bulwark against Turkish descents on the -Adriatic coast. There also he instituted a college for the study of -gunnery; and he commemorated the completion of these establishments -by striking four medals, of which three are described by Riposati; -none of them, however, merit special notice, the beauty of Italian -dies being already on the wane. The court was now for the most part -resident at Pesaro, a situation excelling in amenity and convenience -the original capital of the duchy. Among its attractions may be -numbered the palace-villa of Imperiale, which has been described; -but it became necessary to provide a town residence, that in the -citadel, which had sufficed for the Sforza, being far too restricted -for the demands of growing luxury. Of the palace at Pesaro, -Guidobaldo II. may be considered the entire author,[*58] and if it -seem scarcely suited for the accommodation of so famed a court, -we must recollect that the golden days of this principality were -already passing away, that the military qualities of its sovereigns -and people had become less gainful, and the devotion of its dukes to -letters and arts was beginning to languish. Although extensive, the -aspect of this residence is mean, its buildings rambling. It exhibits -no appearance of a public edifice except the spacious _loggia_ or -arcade. Over this, its single external feature, is the great hall, -measuring 134 by 54 feet, and of well-proportioned height. Here we -find some interesting traces of the della Rovere, in those quaint -and significant family devices which it was their pride unceasingly -to repeat. The manifold compartments of its richly stuccoed ceiling -contain their heraldic badge, the oak-tree; the ermine of Naples; the -half-inclined palm-tree; the _meta_, or goal of merit, and similar -fancies.[59] These recur among delicately sculptured arabesques on -the internal lintels, and ornament the imposing chimney-pieces, -varied by figures of Fame strewing oak-leaves and acorns. This palace -was later the winter residence of the cardinal legates of Urbino and -Pesaro, of whom portraits, from the Devolution of the duchy to the -Holy See, in 1626, surround the great hall. In 1845, Cardinal della -Genga was the forty-eighth of this long succession. - -[Footnote *58: It was probably the work of Girolamo Genga (1476-1551) -and his son Bartolomeo (1518-58). It is now the Prefettura. It has -never struck me as "mean," but rather as being a somewhat imposing -building.] - -[Footnote 59: See these devices explained in No. V. of the Appendix -to Vol. I. The respective importance of the ducal residences is -marked by their colloquial epithets,--the _corte_ at Urbino, the -_palazzo_ at Pesaro, the _casa_ at Gubbio.] - -Paul IV. was seventy-nine years of age when he assumed the triple -tiara. His life had been one long exercise of holy zeal and ascetic -observance, and the Romans, again sunk in those habits of luxury -and indulgence from which Bourbon's army had roused them, saw with -little satisfaction the accession of one so intolerant. But they -were ill-prepared for a turbulence unparalleled during many years. -His policy leaned to the once favourite, but long dormant, idea of -expelling the Spaniards from Lower Italy; while, to the astonishment -of mankind, the almost abandoned pretensions of nepotism were revived -with unflinching fierceness by this octogenarian founder of the -strictly devotional order of Theatins. A trumpery outrage on the -French flag by the Sforza of Santa-fiore,[*60] in which the Colonna -were alleged to have participated or sympathised, supplied a pretext -for putting the latter to the ban; and their vast possessions, which -in the ecclesiastical states alone numbered above a hundred separate -holdings, were conferred upon the Pope's nephew, Giovanni Caraffa, -Count of Montorio. The Colonna flew to arms, and, being under the -avowed protection of Spain, were supported by troops from Naples, -against whom the Duke of Urbino was ordered to march; but fortunately -the ashes of civil broils were nearly cold, and peace would have -continued undisturbed, had not Paul, in the following year, issued -his monitory against Philip II. Although the Spanish intervention -in behalf of the Colonna formed an ostensible ground for this -aggression, its true motives are traced by Panvinio to more remote -and personal considerations, dating from the viceroyalty of Lautrec, -by whom the Caraffa, always adherents of France, had been harshly -treated. Reverting to the papal policy of half a century before, Paul -sought to avenge this quarrel through French instrumentality, and -although a pacification of unusual solemnity had been concluded in -February of this year between Charles V. and Henry II., preparatory -to the former retiring from the cares of sovereignty, he contrived, -by successful intrigues, to bring the two great European powers -once more into hostility, and to revive in the Bourbon King those -ambitious projects which had formerly brought his predecessors across -the Alps for the conquest of Naples. - -[Footnote *60: For all that concerns Santa Fiora and the -Sforza-Cesarini, see a forthcoming work by EDWARD HUTTON, with notes -by WILLIAM HEYWOOD, entitled _In Unknown Tuscany_ (Methuen). It deals -with the whole history of Mont'Amiata and its castles and villages.] - -Anticipating this threatened danger, the Duke of Alva marched an -army of fourteen thousand men into the Comarca, which he overran -in September, occupying Tivoli on the one hand, and Ostia on the -other, whilst Marc-Antonio Colonna scoured the Campagna, to the -gates of Rome. Guidobaldo, who appears to have been about this time -superseded, and his truncheon of command transferred to the Pontiff's -favourite nephew, contented himself with sending a contingent of two -thousand troops, under Aurelio Fregoso, for his Holiness's support. -The efforts made on all sides to conclude a harassing and useless -war, were rendered unavailing by the Pope's obstinacy and ambition; -the only terms he would agree to including an investiture of his -nephew as sovereign of Siena, in compensation for the Colonna estates. - -During the winter months, a horde of northern barbarians were once -more mustered to invade unhappy Italy. Fourteen thousand Gascons, -Grisons, and Germans, under command of the Duc de Guise, marched -early in the spring upon Romagna, which, though a friendly country, -they cruelly ravaged. Faenza having escaped their brutality by -denying them entrance, its citizens testified their gratitude for -the exemption, by instituting an annual triduan thanksgiving, and -dotation of two of their daughters. The Duke of Urbino did his best -to secure his people during the transit of this army, which crossed -the Tronto in April. It would be tedious to follow the fortunes of a -campaign in which he took no part, and which, whoever gained, was -the scourge of Italy. On the 26th of August, the Duc de Guise placed -his scaling ladders against the San Sebastiano gate, and Rome had -nearly been carried by a coup-de-main. At length the representations -of Venice and Florence, which had remained neutral, prevailed with -his Holiness, and, on the 14th of September, peace was restored, -leaving matters much on their former footing. Riposati assures us -that during this war the French monarch would gladly have secured the -services of Guidobaldo, now free from his engagements to the Pontiff, -but that Duke Cosimo of Florence interested himself to procure for -him an engagement from Spain. This was at length arranged, in the -spring of 1558, previously to which Charles V. appears to have -bestowed on him the Golden Fleece, the highest compliment at his -disposal.[61] - -[Footnote 61: Some authorities represent him as receiving this Order -eleven years later from Charles V., but that Emperor died in this -very year. He is said to have had knighthood from the Pope in 1561.] - -The terms upon which the Duke took service under Philip II. are -thus stated in a letter of Bernardo Tasso. The King guaranteed him -protection for his territories against all hazards, and bound himself -to supply and maintain for him a body-guard of at least two hundred -infantry, besides a company of a hundred men-at-arms, and another -of two hundred light horse. He further engaged to pay him monthly -1000 golden scudi for his appointments as captain-general, besides -maintaining for him four colonels and twenty captains. In return, -the Duke took an oath to serve his Majesty faithfully against all -potentates, the pontiffs alone excepted. The political results of -this arrangement were strongly and painfully felt by Bernardo, -who regarded it as establishing the tranquillity of Naples, the -security of Tuscany, and, in a word, the Spanish domination in -Italy. Inclined to the French interests (for there was no longer -an Italian party in existence), he would have gladly seen the -sovereign of a highland population, whose warlike sinews were not yet -quite relaxed, preserve his neutrality, or rather, like his father, -attach himself to the republic of Venice, which still possessed much -external power and internal independence. Indeed, he laments the -short-sighted policy of the Signory, in omitting this opportunity -of securing, as an available check upon Spanish influence, an able -confederate, and corn-growing neighbour; a blunder which was the -more unaccountable, as, in the opinion of Mocenigo, who was Venetian -envoy at Urbino many years later, the prepossessions of Guidobaldo -were even then in favour of a connection which had hereditary claims -upon his preference. On the first days of May the convention was -published at Pesaro, after solemn thanksgiving to the Almighty -for a dispensation so acceptable to the Duke.[62] The importance -to Spain of this condotta may be understood from a fact mentioned -by Riposati, that Gubbio alone sent forth, between 1530 and 1570, -three captains-general, two lieutenants-general, six colonels, and -sixty-five captains of note. Mocenigo says, there were in 1570 twelve -thousand soldiers in the duchy, ready at call. - -[Footnote 62: From an account of this engagement preserved among -the Oliveriana MSS., and slightly differing from that by Bernardo -Tasso (II., letter 166), we learn that the pay of officers was from -15 to 40 scudi a month, that of cavalry privates 5, and of infantry -3 scudi. It appears to have been worth to Guidobaldo in all about -35,000 scudi a year, but to have been irregularly received.] - -Our notices of Guidobaldo become ever more barren. In 1565 the -armament of Sultan Solyman against Malta spread consternation -throughout Western Europe, and, by desire of Philip II., the Duke -of Urbino sent four or five thousand troops to aid in the defence -of the knights. Prince Francesco Maria asked leave to accompany the -expedition, but his father, considering his time better bestowed in -visiting courts, sent him in this year to Madrid, with commission -to recover a long arrear of his own military allowances. In this he -was successful, but the sum scarcely sufficed to clear the expenses -of his journey. Particulars of this visit, and of his marriage in -1571, will be told from his own pen in next chapter. But there was -no lukewarmness on his father's part on the question of the Cross -against the Crescent. After the Prince returned from the naval action -off Lepanto, which will also be narrated from his Autobiography, -Guidobaldo prepared a Discourse on the propriety of a general war -against the Turks, the means of conducting the proposed campaign with -due regard to the security of Italy, the preparation of adequate -munitions, and the best plan for carrying the seat of war into -the enemy's country. It is unnecessary to dwell upon a matter now -so completely gone by: the paper emanates from a mind capable of -enlarged views, and fully conversant with the belligerent resources -and general policy of his age, as well as experienced in military -operations.[63] - -[Footnote 63: Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 2510, f. 201.] - -The _Relazioni_ of the Venetian envoys supply us with some notices of -Urbino about this time, and prove that the Duke's expenses were very -great, partly from frequent calls upon his hospitality by visitors -of distinction, but still more from his maintaining separate and -costly establishments for himself, the Duchess, the Prince, and the -Princess.[64] Mocenigo estimates his income from imposts, monopolies, -and allodial domains, at 100,000 scudi; adding that, "should he think -proper to burden his people, this sum might unquestionably be greatly -augmented, but, choosing to follow the custom of his predecessors, in -making it his chief object to preserve the affection of his subjects, -he is content to leave matters as they are, and live in straits for -money."[65] He also tells us that, though poor in revenues, he was -master of his people's affections, who on an exigency would place -life and substance at his disposal. The accuracy of these impressions -is in some degree impugned by what we are now about to relate. - -[Footnote 64: That of Mocenigo, 1570, is printed by Vieussieux, -second series, vol. II., p. 97, and in the _Tesoro Politico_, II., -169; that of Zen or Zane, 1574, in the same volume of Vieussieux, p. -315.] - -[Footnote 65: Of several statements as to the ducal revenue and -expenditure which I have seen, none is distinct or satisfactory. The -most detailed is in a MS. in the public library at Siena, K. III., -No. 58, p. 240, but the sums have been inextricably blundered by the -transcriber. See Appendix VIII.] - - * * * * * - -The most remarkable incident in Guidobaldo's reign was an outbreak -of the citizens of Urbino, dignified in its municipal history by -the name of a rebellion, which acquires a factitious importance -as the only symptom of discontent that troubled the peace of the -duchy, from the death of Oddantonio in 1443, to the extinction of -its independence in 1631. We shall condense its incidents from the -contemporary narrative of Gian-Francesco Cartolari, who designated -himself agent of the Duke, and who, notwithstanding his official -position, writes with apparent frankness and impartiality.[66] - -[Footnote 66: Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 3142, f. 165, and Oliveriana MSS. -No. 390, p. 63.] - -In August, 1572, the Duke intimated to the council of Urbino that -he had received authority from Gregory XIII. to impose a tax of one -quatrino per lb. on butchers' meat, and of two bolognini upon every -_staro_ of grain and _soma_ of wine;[67] and in October he made -proclamation throughout the duchy of these new imposts. It being -rumoured that the envoys of Gubbio had obtained for that community -a suspension of the obnoxious duties, discontent began to prevail, -and on the 26th December one Zibetto, a cobbler, in an inflammatory -harangue, at a public assembly dignified with the name of general -council, declared that these were exactions under which the poor -could not exist.[*68] On his proposal, forty delegates were chosen -from the nobility, and sworn to represent the matter to the Duke in -person. They repaired to Pesaro, and, on the 29th, had an audience -to present the memorial agreed to by the council, which Guidobaldo -received, and desired them to go home, promising that an answer would -be transmitted when he had considered their statement. They, however, -stayed a week, vainly looking for his reply, during which the council -met daily at Urbino, and at length they were recalled by an express -from the Gonfaloniere. Meanwhile a vice-duke had been sent thither, -who, on the 1st of January, 1573, published a suspension of the new -imposts throughout the whole state. This concession, however, did not -satisfy the discontented, who, in another general council, accredited -two envoys to Prince Francesco Maria, begging his intervention to -procure an answer to their memorial. Having failed in this object, -and finding that troops were being secretly organised to garrison -their city, the people of Urbino rushed to arms, closed the gates, -and, having mustered above a thousand men, began to strengthen -the defences and lay in stores. The Vice-Duke being thereupon -recalled, the general council assembled daily in such numbers, that -adjournments to one of the largest churches were found necessary, -and the inhabitants, setting aside private rivalries, co-operated -with one mind for the public safety, mounting guard, and making every -exertion to render their city tenable. The impossibility of doing so -against the Duke's military levies being however quickly apparent -even to the insurgents, an embassy of six was despatched to Rome to -beseech the Pope's mediation. Nor did the reaction stop there; a -general cry rose for the Prince, or his brother the Cardinal, the -opportune arrival of either of whom would have ended the _emeute_. -On the 29th, however, the Duchess came with a small suite, and was -received with cries of "Long life to the Duke, but death to the -_gabelle_!" The efforts of the magistracy and popular leaders to -make their peace were unavailing, in consequence of their having sent -representations to the Pontiff, and, on the 3rd of February, the -Duchess departed without effecting any arrangement, to the infinite -annoyance of all parties. The envoys could get no other reply from -his Holiness but that they must go home and make submission, and they -were followed by a brief from him, enjoining them to lay down arms -and seek his Excellency's unconditional pardon. As soon as this had -been publicly read by the Gonfaloniere, the people piled their arms -in the piazza, and the peasantry dispersed to their country homes. - -[Footnote 67: The _staro_ or _stajo_ corresponded to a bushel; the -amount of a _soma_ is doubtful. A _quatrino_ is 1/5 of a _bajocco_, -that is, of a halfpenny in present value. A _bolognino_ was about -7-1/3 farthings. See vol. II., p. 259.] - -[Footnote *68: In 1562 Guidobaldo had augmented the tax on grain -by leave of Pius IV. Cf. UGOLINI, _op. cit._, vol. II., p. 28, and -PELLEGRINI, _Gubbio sotto i Conti e Duchi d'Urbino_ in _Boll. per -l'Umbria_, vol. XI., p. 239 _et seq._, and esp. CELLI, _Tasse e -Rivoluzione_ (Torino, 1892), p. 39.] - -Notwithstanding this surrender, Guidobaldo advanced upon the city, -quartering his troops in the surrounding villages, so as to blockade -it, and all the public functionaries were superseded. Dreading a -sack, the citizens rushed to the monasteries with their valuables, -and, about the middle of February, sent fifty of the nobles to -crave pardon of their sovereign. After waiting at Pesaro for three -days, these were admitted to tender submission on their knees, -and were then placed under arrest at their inn for twenty days, -notwithstanding incessant petitions from their fellow citizens -for their release. Six of them were then committed to the castle, -and from time to time other leaders were brought from Urbino to -share their imprisonment. So terrified were the insurgents by -these measures, that those most compromised fled from the duchy, -and but few remained in their houses; a proclamation was therefore -issued that all exiles should return home within two months, under -penalties of rebellion. The property of the prisoners and exiles -was confiscated; the city was disarmed; public assemblies were -prohibited; and the magistracy were discharged from their duties.[69] -Such rigorous measures having inspired a general panic, the imposts -were again proclaimed at Easter, to include retrospectively the -previous year. These severities were perhaps scarcely beyond the -exigencies of the case; at all events, they cannot be justly regarded -as an extreme exercise of the despotic authority which the Duke -undoubtedly possessed; but those which ensued must be viewed with -abhorrence, alike from their own enormity, and from their prejudicial -influence in confounding vengeance with justice. - -[Footnote 69: The magistrates of Urbino were four in number, a -gonfaloniere chosen from the city nobles, a prior to represent the -merchants, and two priors of the trades. The general council seems to -have been open to all citizens.] - -A judge was brought from Ferrara to sit upon the prisoners, and on -the 1st of July nine of them were beheaded in the castle at midnight; -their bodies, after being flung out and exposed beyond the city, were -huddled together into an unconsecrated pit, until some days later -they were taken up by order of the Bishop of Pesaro, and received -Christian burial. Nor was the indignation of their sovereign appeased -by these revolting cruelties: others implicated were sent to the -galleys or died of hard usage. A commission sat at Urbino for two -months to realise the estates of those attainted, whose widows and -children were deprived of their dowries, and in some instances their -very houses were razed to the ground. The results were fatal to the -whole community, for magisterial business was suspended, the schools -were left without teachers, the town without medical practitioners, -trade of every sort at a stand. At length, in December, permission -was obtained to hold a general council, at which it was determined -once more to send ambassadors to intercede for mercy. For this -purpose about eighty of the principal nobility were selected to -accompany the Gonfaloniere and priors to Pesaro, their cavalcade -amounting to above a hundred persons on horseback. On the 27th of -December, they were admitted to an audience in presence of the whole -court, and the Gonfaloniere, after a very judicious speech, presented -to his Excellency a petition couched in the following terms:-- - -"Most illustrious and most excellent Lord Duke, our especial lord -and master! Inspired by a most ardent desire for your illustrious -Excellency's favour and good will, and having ever felt the utmost -grief and regret for the recent events, the city of Urbino, -with entire devotion and alacrity, has resolved to send to your -illustrious Excellency its magistrates, and the present numerous -embassy, in order that with every possible humility, they in our -name, and we likewise for ourselves, may supplicate you, with all -reverence and submission, to accord us grace and pardon, entirely -forgetting the provocations received, and, as our clement father and -master, full of charity towards us, to deign willingly to comfort -us, and receive us again, and restore us to your love and benign -grace; assuring your most illustrious Excellency, that this your -city will never, in fidelity, love, and obedience towards your most -illustrious person and house, yield to any other in the world, and -that it is, and ever will be, most prompt at all times and occasions -to expose our lives, and those of our children, and our whole goods -and possessions, in your service and honour; so that, in the event of -our receiving, as we desire and hope, forgiveness from your infinite -bounty and magnanimity, we, the humblest and most faithful of your -servants, thanking God with sincerely joyful hearts, may return, -singing in chorus--'Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, who hath -visited and redeemed his people,' and may ever keep in remembrance -this trusted day of grace, and render it a gladsome festival in all -time to come." - -To this petition the Duke returned the following gracious answer:--"I -hear with much good will and satisfaction the duty which you pay, the -free pardon which you ask, and the penitence which you exhibit, all -which induce me to confirm to you, as I now do most willingly, the -forgiveness I already have accorded: and the promise which you make, -of being ever faithful and loyal to me, proves you ready to second -your words with good purposes, as I readily believe you will do. I -also promise you from henceforward entirely to forget the past, and -to receive you into my pristine affection; and had it pleased God -that the warnings and persuasions which you received from my lips had -been taken by you at first, you would have been spared many evils, -annoyances, and losses, and I much displeasure. Nevertheless, take -courage, and, as I have already said, so long as you do your duty, -you will find me as loving in time to come as I have ever been, all -which you will report to your city."[70] - -[Footnote 70: Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 3141, ff. 160, 165, dated December -27, 1573.] - -This reply gave great satisfaction to the deputation, and after -being suitably acknowledged by their head, all of them knelt to -their Sovereign, the Duchess, and the Prince, kissing the hems of -their garments in humble attitude. Next day they returned home, -and summoned a general council, to which there was read a letter -from Guidobaldo, reinstating the city in its former privileges, -and removing the obnoxious imposts. Four deputies having been -commissioned to thank his Highness for these demonstrations of -returning favour, they were honourably received and entertained at -Pesaro. The council next voted a peace-offering of 50,000 scudi -towards paying the Duke's debts, which had been the primary root -of the evil; but, in consideration of their recent sufferings, he -accepted of but 20,000, payable in seven years. Although there -remained some symptoms of smouldering sedition, the Duke on the -14th of June suddenly started for Urbino, and was welcomed by a -deputation, and such other marks of respect as the short notice would -permit. During a residence of twelve days, he renounced 8000 scudi of -the donative, and conceded several privileges to the community, whom -he did not again visit during the brief residue of his life. - -The Urbino rebellion holds a place in the history of that state which -neither its incidents nor its issue deserve. It originated in a sore -of old standing, the Duke having for years comparatively deserted -the ancient capital of his duchy, and transferred his residence to -Pesaro. Influenced by this grudge, its citizens, instead of, like -the other communities, resting satisfied with his remission of dues -in January, 1573, kept up an agitation, and finally piqued their -sovereign by carrying their grievances to the papal throne. On the -whole, these transactions were in all respects most unfortunate, and -it was long ere the duchy recovered from the heart-burnings they left -behind. The Duke then forfeited the popularity of a lifetime, and -his fame continues blackened by the scurrilous traditionary nickname -of Guidobaldaccio, a usual diminutive expressing contemptuous -disparagement. Grossi says that, when too late, he regretted the -harshness of his after measures; and some doubt as to his good faith -in regard to an amnesty is hinted in the following letter from his -cousin-german Ludovico Gonzaga, Duke of Nevers and Rethel, which I -found among the Oliveriana MSS. at Pesaro. - - "Most illustrious and most excellent Lord, - - "Your Excellency's letters of the 15th of June and 9th of - July reached me together, at the forest of Vincennes, only - on the 10th instant, along with another addressed by you to - the most serene King of Poland, which I have not failed to - deliver in person to his Majesty, with such expressions as - seemed suitably to convey your Excellency's good wishes. - With these his Majesty was much satisfied and pleased, and - he returns to your Excellency many thanks. I have not as - yet been able to obtain his answer, as he went off suddenly - to Fontainebleau, whither I now am on my way, and on my - arrival shall get it sent you as soon as possible. - - "I have read the summary of the trials of these rebels, - of whom your Excellency advises me you had nine beheaded, - as to which matter I have been glad to be informed, in - order satisfactorily to answer those who occasionally - speak of it; and also being at all times glad to learn - that your affairs go on well and to your contentment. It - is my conviction that you have acted most justly, and done - everything for clear reasons; yet, I do not omit telling - you that some people are perplexed at these events, saying, - that your Excellency having granted a general pardon to - all the conspirators, they cannot see by what right you - afterwards let justice take its course against them. This I - mention purposely that you may be informed of everything. - - "It only remains to beseech that you will deign command - my willing services, in whatever respect you consider me - useful, as this is my ardent wish; and so I sincerely kiss - your hands, praying God to grant you all happiness. From - Paris, the last of September, 1573. Your Excellency's most - devoted, and most obliged cousin, - - "LUDOVICO GONZAGA." - -The account of these disturbances, given by the Prince in his -Autobiography, is as follows: "His father having by great liberality -and magnificence deranged his finances, found it necessary to augment -his revenue, and his subjects, unused to such burdens, began to offer -resistance. The Duke, not to let himself be thwarted in that way, -prepared to use force; but at last matters were restored to quiet, -by their humbling themselves, and receiving his pardon, not without -the punishment of some, as an example to the rest. At this juncture -Francesco Maria contrived so to conduct himself, that his father had -reason to be well satisfied with his services; and the people had -no cause to be discontented with him, his uniform endeavour having -been, to the utmost of his power, to mollify the one and moderate the -other, which was in the end effected." - -Of this dull reign little remains to be told. In the words of the -same Memoir,--"Guidobaldo went to Ferrara in the autumn of 1574, to -visit Henry III. of France, who was on his way from Poland, on the -death of his brother Charles IX. Returning to Pesaro during great -heats, he fell ill, and passed to a better life on the 28th of -September, aged sixty. On hearing of his illness, Francesco Maria -hastened to Pesaro from Castel Durante, where he generally stayed -for the hunting season, and finding his father in great suffering, -he attended him assiduously through the fatal malady. The funeral -ceremonies were performed with much pomp, in presence of many -deputies and ambassadors; and Giacomo Mazzoni pronounced a long and -elaborate oration, commending his clemency, liberality, bravery, -prudence, and other princely virtues." We are told by a contemporary -chronicler that his illness was a quartan, which became a putrid -fever, but that he bore it with patient and pious resignation, -supported by the aids of religion. His funeral took place in the -church of Corpus Domini, at Pesaro, in conformity with his own wish, -mindful perhaps, in his last moments, of his recent quarrel with -Urbino, where the ashes of his ancestors were laid. - -The character of this Duke, drawn by the Venetian envoys, is quite as -favourable as the few notices given us by Urbino writers. His habits -were free and social, and his liberality to friends and favourites -gave him a popularity at court which extended to his subjects and -soldiery. In affairs of honour his judgment was often sought, and -his decisions generally admitted. Though seldom in the field, he was -considered an authority on military affairs, and, without rivalling -the literary tastes of his son, he was a patron of letters, and -especially of music.[*71] The device which he selected was a goal or -winning-post, with a Greek inscription, "To the most devoted lover of -worth"; and Ruscellai informs us that he acted up to the sentiment -in encouraging merit. His hospitality is alluded to by Ariosto in -Rinaldo's journey to Lapidusa, and Count Litta ascribes to him the -institution of the Pacieri, an association of both sexes for the -purpose of preventing litigation. It is true that his failings of -character or temper were neither gilded by the military renown of his -father, nor redeemed by the pious philosophy of his son; but so far -as the meagre materials within our reach have enabled us to judge, -no great faults have been brought home to him either as a sovereign -or as a man. Indeed, we are enabled to adduce one satisfactory -instance wherein, under circumstances peculiarly irritating to a -person of impetuous disposition, his conduct was marked with great -forbearance and gentleness. His favourite undertaking of fortifying -Sinigaglia had been thwarted in 1556, from the obstinate refusal of -money by a Jew, who, though sent to him for the purpose of effecting -a loan, resisted his urgent persuasions to conclude it.[*72] After -mentioning the circumstance in a letter to his confidential favourite -Marchetti, he thus continues: "We avoided all expressions which might -seem to approve of his discourse, and so left him. However, to you -we shall just say that if they won't lend, may they meet with the -like.[73] We shall seek some other course, and obtain by other means -what is required for the operations. You may, therefore, after doing -your best for this purpose in Sinigaglia, proceed first towards La -Pergola, and then to Fossombrone, but there is no occasion to employ -in this matter threats or severe language. On the contrary, you are -only to seek out the people, to exhort and civilly urge them to what -is wanted, but of their own free will, and by no other means; and -if they will not agree, you need not break out upon them, but let it -stand over, that we may see what can be effected in some other way." - -[Footnote *71: Cf. a letter from Angelo Colocci to the Duke, printed -by MORICI, _Due Umanisti Marchigiani_ in _Boll. per l'Umbria_, vol. -II., p. 152; and for Music, ROSSI, _Appunti per la Storia della Musica -alla Corte di Francesco Maria I. e di Guidobaldo della Rovere_ in -_Rassegna Emiliana_ (Modena, 1888), vol. I., fascicolo 8, and _supra_, -p. 88, note *1.] - -[Footnote *72: Cf. CELLI, _Le fortificazioni militari di Urbino, -Pesaro e Senigallia_ (Castelpiano, 1896).] - -[Footnote 73: "Tal sia di loro," a phrase which may perhaps only mean -"be it so."] - -In absence of any contemporary estimate of this Duke's character, -we may cite one from the pen of a modern writer, himself a citizen -of Urbino, and an enthusiastic student of its history. "Although -possessing not the marvellous sagacity, the untainted justice, the -quick intelligence in public affairs, nor the other brilliant and -rare virtues of his ancestors and of his son, which have rendered -their names great, their authority respected, their memory dear and -popular; he had good sense, military experience, and much fondness -for all liberal acquirements. He protected and honoured the first -geniuses of his time; and his beneficent actions were splendid even -beyond his means. Could one page be blotted from his life, too -fatally memorable from its unjust and slippery policy, too detestable -and disgraceful to his name; and had his manners been more affable, -his nature less impetuous and violent, his temper less overbearing, -and his resolutions less inflexible; the people of Urbino would -probably have attempted no revolutionary movement, and he would have -acquired much of the reputation left by his great-grandfather, and by -his estimable son."[74] - -[Footnote 74: Padre Checcucci, Professor of Rhetoric in the -University of Urbino, 1845.] - -For the fine arts he seems to have cared little, and his memory has -suffered in consequence of this neglect. Angelo Bronzino is said to -have painted him during the life of his father, but the only original -portrait I have ever found of him is a miniature in the Pitti Palace. -Bernardo Tasso was the laureate of his court, and we shall mention, -in chapter L., the friendly welcome extended to that fortune-stricken -bard during part of his life-long struggle. Bernardo Capello and -Pietro Aretino were among his guests; and Ludovico Domenichini -of Piacenza, having dedicated to him an Italian translation of -Plutarch's _Lives_, visited Urbino in 1555 to present the work to his -patron. - -Guidobaldo left by his first wife one daughter,-- - - VIRGINIA, married in 1560 to Count Federigo - Borromeo, whose premature death is said to have frustrated - a project of his uncle, Pius IV., for investing him with - Camerino. She afterwards married Ferdinando Orsini, Duke of - Gravina, and, dying in childbed, left to her father about - 180,000 scudi. - -The children of his second marriage were,-- - - 1. FRANCESCO MARIA, his heir. - - 2. ISABELLA, married in 1565 to Nicolo Bernardino - di Sanseverino, Prince of Bisignano, a Neapolitan nobleman, - with a fine fortune, but greatly encumbered. She was a - princess of generous and attractive character, and died in - 1619 without surviving issue. - - 3. LAVINIA, said in the Venetian Relazione of Zane to - have been betrothed to Giacomo Buoncompagno natural son - of Gregory XIII., but the nuptials never took place. She - afterwards married Alfonso Felice d'Avalos d'Aquino, - Marquis of Guasto, son[*75] of the famous Vittoria Colonna, - and died in 1632, aged seventy-four. - - [Footnote *75: This is a mistake. Vittoria Colonna had - no children. There was, however, a Marchese del Vasto, a - cousin of her husband's, whom she adopted as her son, and - to whom she frequently alluded in her poems; one of her - sonnets bewails his death.] - - (From similarity of name, this princess has been - confused with her second cousin Lavinia Franciotti - della Rovere, wife of Paolo Orsini, whose intimacy - with Olympia Morata is well known to those who - trace the quickly smothered seeds of Protestantism - in Italy.) - -Guidobaldo left also two natural daughters,-- - - 1. ----, married, first, to Count Antonio Landriano of - Pesaro; secondly, to Signor Pier-Antonio da Luna of - Castella, in the Milanese. - - 2. ----, married to Signor Guidobaldo Renier. - - - - -BOOK EIGHTH - -OF FRANCESCO MARIA II. DELLA ROVERE SIXTH AND LAST DUKE OF URBINO - - - - -CHAPTER XLIV - - Autobiography of Duke Francesco Maria II.--His visit to - the Spanish Court--His studious habits--His marriage--Is - engaged in the naval action of Lepanto--Succeeds to the - dukedom. - - -In following the history of his father, we have details of the early -life of Francesco Maria. Upon these we now turn back, and shall avail -ourselves to the utmost of the Memoirs he has left behind him, which, -though brief and incomplete, afford a valuable illustration of his -character, and an interesting addition to our few autobiographies of -sovereigns. From the introductory sentence, we learn the motives by -which they were undertaken:--"As it is very usual for people to blame -the actions of others, and especially the proceedings of those who -have long directed the affairs of government, it has hence seemed to -me right to narrate simply, truly, and briefly, the incidents that -have occurred to Francesco Maria, second of that name and sixth Duke -of Urbino, in order that those who read this abstract may be aware -of the actual and candid truth." Upon a narrative thus modestly -prefaced it is unnecessary to make any critical remarks. Ere we close -this Book, their abrupt termination, before the marriage of Prince -Federigo, will be sadly but sufficiently accounted for.[76] - -[Footnote 76: For the life of Francesco Maria II. our materials -have been ample. His own Memoirs, extending from his birth to the -marriage of his son, have been nearly all quoted verbatim. The -autograph of this MS. I have examined in the Oliveriana Library (No. -384, folio 219 to 229), but have made my translations from the only -printed edition, in the twenty-ninth volume of the _Nuova Raccolta -d'Opuscoli_, known by the name Calogeriana, and published at Venice -in 1776. There too will be found an account of the Devolution of -Urbino to the Holy See, from the pen of Antonio Donata of Venice, -by whom that negotiation was concluded on the Duke's part. In -the Magliabechiana Library at Florence (class 25, No. 76) is the -autograph Diary of Francesco Maria from 1583 to 1623, which I have -closely searched. The rich MS. collections of the Oliveriana are -stored with original correspondence and other documents illustrative -of his reign, most of which have been looked into with scarcely -remunerative labour, but among the matter there gleaned, his -instructions to his son may be deemed of especial importance. -From a vast mass of such correspondence in these two libraries, a -general insight into his character and position, and those of his -son, has been acquired, as well as many minute traits of both; but -the Prince's brief and unhonoured span has been illustrated in a -great measure from collections made by Francesco Saverio Passeri, of -Pesaro, nephew of the naturalist Gianbattista Passeri, and printed -in the twenty-sixth volume of the Calogeriana Collection. *Cf. also -SCOTINI, _La Giovinezza. di F.M. II._ (Bologna, 1899).] - -"To them [Duke Guidobaldo II. and Duchess Vittoria] was born at -Pesaro, on the 20th of February, 1549, a son, who was named Francesco -Maria. Cardinal Duranti was sent by the Pope to perform the ceremony -of his baptism, which was celebrated with great splendour on the 1st -of May, Giacomo Soranzo acting as godfather in name of the republic -of Venice. He was in infancy brought up with becoming care, and at -three years of age was carried to Venice by his father and mother. -Guidobaldo was then general in the service of that state, and their -troops were chiefly stationed at Verona, whither Francesco Maria was -taken, and where he had a dangerous illness, recovered from which -he returned home. There, as he grew up, he was taught all fitting -exercises of mind and body, under the successive superintendence -of Muzio of Giustinopoli, Antonio Galli of Urbino, and Girolamo -Simonetta of Cagli: his masters in grammar were Vincenzo Bartoli -of Urbino, and afterwards Ludovico Corrado of Mantua, of literary -note. After some years, the Duke and his brother the Cardinal, -having resolved to amuse themselves with a visit to Venice, at the -fete of the Ascension, they took with them Francesco Maria, who was -received with great favour and much made of, being admitted into -the company delle Calze." This was in 1564, and even thus early his -taste for painting was noticed by Titian, and celebrated in a sonnet -by Verdizzotti. An establishment was maintained for him at Venice -apart from that of his father and uncle, and he gave many sumptuous -entertainments. - -"Having returned to Pesaro, and completed his sixteenth year, he -had a great wish to go forth and see the world and its usages, and -made much interest that his father should send him to some court, -preferring that of the Emperor, who was then at war with the Turk. To -this his father was pleased to agree, but desired first to consult -the Catholic King (Philip II.), in whose service he was, and who -in reply commended the plan, but desired that it might be carried -into effect at his own court, where the Prince would be welcomed and -treated as a son. His intentions being thus necessarily altered, at -the close of 1565, after the marriage of his sister Donna Isabella -with the Prince of Bisignano, he took his way to Spain, accompanied -by many knights, particularly by Count Francesco Landriani, and -Pier-Antonio Lonato. Choosing the route by Genoa, he passed through -Ferrara to Mantua, where he stayed fifteen days by his father's -desire, who in youth long inhabited that city; and hearing of his -uncle the Duke of Parma's return just then from Flanders, he went to -see him. On his arrival at Genoa he was lodged by Count Filippino -Doria, his vassal in the castle of Sassocorbaro, and, after being -visited and much distinguished by the Signory, he embarked in a -war-galley of the Duke of Savoy, which, with another fully armed, had -been sent on purpose for him, under the command of Admiral di Leini. -In it he went to Savona, the native place of his family, where he was -received into the house of Vigeri, who were his subjects, and being -storm-stayed during eight days of the carnival, was entertained with -festivities and serenades, as is customary in that country. - -"When the weather cleared, he re-embarked, and after a pleasant -voyage of a few days reached Palamos in Spain, whence he went by -land to Barcelona. In that city he passed most of Lent, to give -time for an apartment being prepared for him in the palace, but got -to Madrid for Easter week. He was met by the whole court and by -many grandees, especially by the Marquis of Pescara, who manifested -singular courtesy, attending to him as his own son; whence a most -intimate and enduring friendship arose between them. He got the same -quarters which the Prince of Florence had occupied shortly before, -and his treatment was precisely similar. Next day he waited upon the -King, Queen, and Prince Royal, the Princess of Portugal, and the two -sons of the Emperor [Maximilian II.], who were being educated there. -By all he was received with distinguished favour, which continued -during the two years and a half he spent at Madrid. He occupied -himself in all those noble exercises which there, more than anywhere -else, were attended to, practising military games on foot and -horseback in public, and also privately under superintendence of the -Marquis of Pescara, who was then considered unequalled in them. He -frequently went out hunting with Don Carlos, by whom he was received -into much intimacy; and enjoyed a close friendship with Don John of -Austria, afterwards the famed commander by sea and land. He also -paid court to the ladies, and learned the sports of the jennet as -practised there, from Don Pedro Enciquel, afterwards Count of Fuentes -and general in Flanders. - -"Some movements having occurred in Flanders, the King gave orders -to proceed there, and the court, including Francesco Maria, made -preparations to attend him. But the latter, wishing to see France, -asked permission to take that route by land, and so to rejoin his -Majesty, who was to go by sea. The King, desiring his attendance on -his person, refused his request, and so the opportunity was lost, -to his great mortification, and perhaps to the no small loss of his -Majesty. Subsequently occurred the imprisonment of Don Carlos, which -was thus effected by order of his own father. An hour after midnight, -the King, in his dressing-gown, holding a candle in his hand, having -gone down to the Prince's room with his council of state and but one -gentleman of his chamber, found him in bed. The Prince on seeing -them tried to reach the corner, where were his sword and a pair of -arquebuses, which he kept there always ready; but this was prevented -by the Duke of Feria, who had already secured these arms. Then, -rushing to his father, he exclaimed, 'So you are come to kill me?' -To this his Majesty replied, 'Not so, but because you must live as -becomes you, so be calm;' and never addressed him again. The Prince -then said, 'I see that I am taken for a madman, which I am not, -though a desperate one.' The King, having seen the doors and windows -nailed up, leaving only a shutter open for light, and having desired -the arms and all such things to be taken away, returned to his -apartment, leaving with Don Carlos his major-domo Ruggo Mez de Silva -(?) with several chamberlains and other officers of his household, a -guard of Germans being stationed outside of his door; and the court -was greatly vexed thereat." - -These details are curious, in illustration of the mysterious fate of -Don Carlos, eldest son of Philip II. It seems agreed that he was of -a most unhappy temperament, perverse, wilful, and violent, possibly -insane. The immediate cause of the unnatural scene here described has -never been satisfactorily explained. It is generally stated that he -was discovered in treasonable correspondence with the Dutch; though -others have attributed the behaviour of his father to jealousy of an -old attachment between his wife Elizabeth of Valois, and the Prince, -to whom she was said to have been previously promised. The Prince's -arrest occurred in January 1568: it was followed by no trial or -public investigation, but in the following July he ceased to live. -His death was understood to have taken place under some judicial -sanction, but whether by poison or the sword was never known. The -entombment of his head separate from his body renders the second -supposition more probable. - -We may here mention that, before embarking for Spain, the Prince -had, from his Cardinal uncle, the dukedom of Sora, yielding an -income of about 4000 scudi, which, however, proved quite inadequate -to his expenditure. Zane, the Venetian ambassador, asserts that the -large arrears of pay due to his father, which he was commissioned to -recover from the Spanish government, were more than absorbed by his -extravagance, and that this was the reason of his recall. His own -narrative, however, is entirely silent upon this subject. - -"Francesco Maria, having been at length recalled by his father, who -was anxious for the marriage of his only son and heir, took leave of -the King and Queen, and the royal family, and proceeded by Saragossa -to Barcelona, where he embarked in a galley with the Marquis of -Pescara, then going as viceroy to Sicily. After a prosperous voyage -of eight days, he reached Genoa, where he lived with Giovanni Andrea -Doria, with whom he had become intimate at the court of Spain. Thence -he went to Milan for some days, and was welcomed with distinction; -and then visited Madame of Austria at Piacenza; and at Parma stayed -with the Duke and his son, towards both of whom he maintained the -best intelligence and cousinship. He next passed through Bologna to -Ravenna, where his uncle, the Cardinal of Urbino, was archbishop, and -accompanied him to Pesaro. He arrived on the 11th of July, 1568, and -was received with the greatest joy by all classes. - -"After a few months, seeing that his father made no movement in the -affair of his marriage, he returned to his studies, interrupted -during his absence from Italy. He read mathematics with Federigo -Comandino, and afterwards philosophy with Cesare Benedetti -(subsequently Bishop of Pesaro), Felice Pacciotti, Giacomo Mazzoni, -and Cristofero Guarimone. At the same time he kept up active exercise -in arms, riding, hunting, ball, and racket." About this time -Mocenigo, the Venetian ambassador, praises his fine dispositions -and pleasing manners, as well as his progress in various pursuits, -especially mathematics and fortification; but says that his eager -exposure to fatigue gave rise to apprehensions for his health, which -were sadly realised. He adds that, since his return from Spain, -something of the hauteur which characterised that nation was noticed -in his manner. - -[Illustration: _Franz Hanfstaengl_ - -ISABELLA D'ESTE - -_After the picture by Titian in the Imperial Museum, Vienna_] - -"Finally the Duke decided upon his marriage with Donna Lucrezia -d'Este, sister of Alfonso, the last Duke of Ferrara, which took -place, though little to his taste; for she was old enough to have -been his mother. He went for this purpose to Ferrara, where the -nuptials were celebrated with great splendour, and with chivalrous -games and other festivities." - -Such is all that we learn from the Memoirs of Francesco Maria -regarding one of the most eventful moments of his life. Passeri, in -his collections for the life of Prince Federigo, mentions a rumour -of his attachment to a lady at the Spanish court as the immediate -cause of his recall home, and of the match with Princess Lucrezia -being concluded; indeed, I have seen, in the correspondence of the -Oliveriana Library, that a certain Donna Madalena Girona was the -supposed object of that early affection. That he made no secret to -his father of his distaste at the connection laid out for him, is -stated on the same authority, as well as the Duke's answer, that his -people's welfare was to be considered rather than his son's fancies, -whose youth made it the more requisite to mate him with a princess -of tried prudence and staid manners. How far these epithets were -borne out by Lucrezia's subsequent conduct will be presently seen; -meanwhile, the following letter, to one who long after continued an -especial friend and favourite, will show that the bridegroom gave no -outward signs of his discontent. - - "To Camillo Giordani. - - "My most magnificent and well-beloved, - - "I am confident that you feel the pleasure which you - express at the conclusion which it has pleased God to - vouchsafe to my marriage with Madam Lucrezia d'Este, and - at all other like occasions of joy which happen to me; and - the duty you have in this instance paid me in your letter - has been most truly acceptable, and has my best thanks. God - ever bless you! From Pesaro, the last day of [15]69. - - "THE PRINCE OF URBINO." - -The ceremony took place at Ferrara on the 2nd of January, 1571, and -on the 8th the bride was brought home to Pesaro. The people hailed -her with enthusiasm, and spent largely in shows and rejoicings to -welcome her arrival, besides giving to the Duke a donative exceeding -10,000 scudi. Yet Mocenigo, the Venetian ambassador accredited to -the marriage, while lauding the handsome and gracious Princess, -admits an early prepossession against her, on the part both of her -new subjects and her lord. It was the hope of a heir to the dukedom -that preponderated with the former; and, as she was many years older -than her husband, a chill of disappointment naturally mingled even -with their congratulations.[77] The same observer states it as the -general impression that, the Prince having compromised himself with -a lady in Spain, his father thought the best way of getting him out -of all difficulty with that court was to match him suddenly with a -princess of high rank, whose dowry of 150,000 scudi was by no means -unacceptable. Zane, another envoy from the maritime Republic a few -years later, describes the Duchess as below par in good looks, but -well-dressed: adding that difference of age accounted for the absence -of affection between her and her husband. - -[Footnote 77: Tesoro Politico, II., fol. 169. Relazioni Venete, serie -II., vol. II., p. 105. Litta says she was born the 16th December, -1535, making her thirteen years and two months his senior. Her -sister, Tasso's Leonora, was born the 19th of June, 1537.] - -The following letters from the Duke and Duchess of Urbino, -Prince Francesco Maria and his bride, were written in answer to -congratulations sent them on occasion of the marriage, by the -Cardinal de' Medici, who afterwards became Grand Duke of Florence, -by the title of Ferdinand I.[78] They have been introduced here -as an index to the feelings of the respective writers regarding -a union which turned out so unsatisfactory to all parties; but, -still more, as a specimen of the epistolary style then prevalent -between personages of exalted rank, and of the general formality and -barrenness of interest which characterise such documents. - -[Footnote 78: Bibl. Riccardiana, MSS. No. 2340, art. 116-19.] - - "My most illustrious, most reverend, and most respected - Lord, - - "The Marquis of Villa Franca has discharged towards me the - duty with which your most illustrious Lordship was pleased - to entrust him, and he has represented your gracious - sympathy towards our wedding in a manner most acceptable - to all. For the satisfaction we, and myself especially, - have derived from this, I do most heartily thank your most - illustrious Lordship, praying you to lend a willing ear to - the assurances of my affection, and of my wish for frequent - opportunities of correspondence, which I have given to the - Marquis, and which I do not doubt he will, without fail, - in compliance with my desire, fully repeat to you. I kiss - your most illustrious Lordship's hands, praying for you all - happiness. From Pesaro, the 15th of January, 1571. - - "Your most Illustrious Lordship's servant, - - "THE DUKE OF URBINO." - - - "My most illustrious, most revered, and most respected Lord, - - "The proof which your most illustrious Lordship has deigned - to give me, in your most kind letter, of the pleasure you - take in the marriage of the Prince my son, I esteem a great - favour; for not only do I desire your sympathy in all my - happiness, but I am also anxious in every circumstance to - find occasion of serving your most illustrious Lordship. - Thus will all my present and future occasions of joy be - valued by me in proportion as they may become subservient - to that object, and to the affection I bear your most - illustrious Lordship, whose hands I kiss, praying the Lord - God of his grace to vouchsafe you a happy accomplishment of - all your desires. From Pesaro, the 15th of January, 1571. - - "Your most illustrious and most reverend Lordship's most - humble servant, - - "THE DUCHESS OF URBINO." - - - "My most illustrious and most reverend Lord, - - "The Marquis of Villa Franca, who has handed me your most - illustrious Lordship's letter, will likewise report to you - my unceasing desire for your service, and the pleasure - wherewith I have received the courteous duty you have been - pleased on this occasion to send me, for which I certainly - am under many obligations, as the Marquis will more fully - show you. I, however, pray your illustrious Lordship to - afford me frequent opportunities of effectually proving to - you my good will; and I kiss your hands, beseeching for you - from our Lord God all the happiness you may desire. From - Pesaro, the 15th of January, 1571. - - "Your most illustrious and most reverend Lordship's most - affectionate servant, - - "THE PRINCE OF URBINO." - - - "Most illustrious and most reverend Lord, - - "Whatever pleasure my affairs may afford your most - illustrious Lordship is only the consequence of your great - kindness and courtesy; and as regards the expression of - it, which you have thought fit to communicate to me by the - Marquis of Villa Franca, and by your own letters, I can but - say that I kiss your hand for all your affection, assuring - you that every occasion of happiness you may enjoy will - afford me cause for quite as much congratulation as I now - have received from you: and referring you to whatever more - that gentleman will say in my behalf, I remain, praying God - to gratify you in all your desires, - - "Your most illustrious Lordship's very obedient, - - "LUCREZIA D'ESTE. - - "From Pesaro, the 16th of January, 1571." - -Renee of France, mother of Princess Lucrezia, had embraced the -doctrines of Calvin, who visited Ferrara about the time of her -daughter's birth, and Francesco Porta da Creta, preceptor of the -young Princess, was discovered to be tinged with the same principles. -Alarmed for the orthodoxy of his daughters, Duke Ercole dismissed -their instructor, and secluded his escort, in a wing of the palace, -from all intercourse with the children. A cloud of mystery hangs over -these transactions. - -"Soon after his return to Pesaro from his marriage, the Pope, -the King of Spain, and the Venetians having [on the 20th of May] -leagued together against the Turk, Don John of Austria came into -Italy as commander-in-chief, and Francesco Maria, with his father's -permission, set out on the 8th of July, to join him at Genoa. There -he embarked in the _Savoyard_ frigate[79] that had carried him to -Spain, commanded by the same Monsignor de Leini, who had orders from -the Duke of Savoy to receive him with that affectionate courtesy -which both he and his sovereign ever displayed towards him. Having -touched at Naples, he was there welcomed with the utmost favour and -distinction, and passed his time most agreeably. From thence the -fleet sailed to Messina, where he assisted at a general council of -war, as indeed he often subsequently did.[80] Leaving Sicily, the -expedition in a few days arrived at Corfu, and on the morning of the -7th of October fell in with the Turk. Don John drew up the Christian -fleet in order of battle, the Proveditore Agostino Barbarigo, of -Venice, having the landward squadron, and Giovanni Andrea Doria the -opposite and heavier one, with Don Alvarez di Bassano as a reserve; -the centre he kept for himself, where was also Francesco Maria, in -the foresaid frigate. Here was the thick of the fight, as at this -point the two admirals met. The Turkish at first selected the frigate -in which was Francesco Maria, whom he well knew, and who warmly -received his attack; but as soon as he distinguished the flag-ship, -he turned to engage it: and, after fighting for two hours, the Turks -struck, their admiral, Pacha Ali, having been killed by an arquebus; -the others were all put to the sword; and so was this long very -doubtful victory secured to the Christians. Meanwhile the _Savoyard_ -frigate fought two galleys, one ahead and the other astern, and -had enough to do, most of her company being killed or wounded. The -squadron under Barbarigo drove on shore many galleys, sinking and -taking others; but he was wounded by a splinter in the eye, of which -he soon after died. Doria had at first run out to sea, fighting all -the while; but seeing the wing exposed, he returned and made good -use of the opportunity, cutting up several galleys, and getting off -uninjured. Such is an abstract of this battle, wherein Francesco -Maria acquitted himself becomingly, for which Don John distinguished -him with many marks of regard, and assigned him, among other favours, -twenty-four Turkish slaves. The Admiral bearing for Sicily, he sailed -from Corfu in a Venetian galley to Otranto, and returned home by land -in November, to await orders, and rejoin the fleet the following -year." - -[Footnote 79: The word which I thus translate means literally a ship -or galley commanded by a captain.] - -[Footnote 80: The muster-roll of the armament at this time will be -found in V. of the Appendix.] - -The naval engagement of which Francesco Maria has given the preceding -sketch was that of Lepanto or Curzolari, where Passeri states that -he had with him a large body of his father's subjects, a fact which, -although passed over in his own account of this his only military -service, is confirmed by Armanni, who tells us that there were in the -fleet above fifty from Gubbio alone, thirty of whom were officers, -a circumstance on which the Prince was complimented by Don John. -It is unnecessary here to add to the Prince's details. The general -result of the engagement was most conclusive: the enemy's loss has -been calculated at thirty thousand killed, ten thousand wounded, and -fifteen thousand Christian slaves rescued from bondage, besides the -destruction or capture of six hundred sail, and a vast booty. The -Christian fleet consisted of above two hundred war-galleys, besides -many other vessels of various sorts. - -"On bringing his wife from Ferrara to Pesaro [in January, 1572], they -were magnificently received, and passed a gay carnival. In Lent he -repaired to Rome, after visiting the holy house of Loreto, and was -there entertained by his uncles, the Cardinals of Urbino and Farnese. -Pius V. insisted upon very graciously admitting him to an audience, -notwithstanding an illness of which he soon died....[81] Francesco -Maria was also distinguished by his successor, Gregory XIII., but, -on suddenly being recalled by his father, he at once, though -reluctantly, obeyed. Soon afterwards, he was attacked by a severe -illness, which lasted for three months, aggravated by a false rumour -of another naval engagement." - -[Footnote 81: Particulars of those intrigues in the conclave, by -which Cardinal Buoncompagni prevailed over his rivals Morone and -Farnese, are omitted, having no reference to our immediate subject.] - -The part taken by the Prince in the unhappy disturbances of Urbino -has been already shown from his own pen, and that of other narrators, -as well as his attendance upon his father's death-bed.[*82] We have -now, therefore, to enter upon his reign, and here again we have -recourse to his memoirs:--"The new Duke departed from Urbino, where -he showed himself at the archiepiscopal palace in his robes of -sovereignty, and then, as was usual, rode through the streets, on -a milk-white steed, dressed in white, and under canopy, thereafter -receiving the oaths of allegiance in the great hall of the palace: -all this he repeated at Sinigaglia." Among the Oliverian MSS. is this -account of the ceremonial, curiously illustrative of the manners -of the age:--"After mass of the Holy Spirit had been sung, the -Archbishop, Felice of Cagli, advanced to the door of the cathedral, -and thence, accompanied by the Gonfaloniere, the three priors, -and the people, went to bring forth the Prince from the palace. -He wore a riband and scarf of white damask; on his head a crown -of pearls, from behind which there hung some bands; and on his -shoulders a short cloak of white fur. When he reached the head of -the stair in the archiepiscopal palace, on which was a carpet and -a cushion, the Archbishop held the Cross for him to kiss. He then -entered the church, and approached the high altar, on which was -the Holy Sacrament, where, after the usual devotions, accompanied -with beautiful sacred music, the Primate read certain prayers and -pronounced the benediction, and his Highness made offertory of a -piece of ten scudi. He then retired to an adjoining chapel, and, -changing his dress, put on a mantle of white, with cap and feathers, -in which he issued from the church, and mounted a handsome charger. -The Gonfaloniere preceded him on horseback, his drawn sword in his -hand, calling aloud, 'Long live the Duke of Urbino!' and the people -followed, repeating the cry. Thus they went through the city and -returned to the palace. The populace then took off his cloak; and -M[aestr]o Antonio Fazino asked his cap, and received it. In like -manner he was stripped of his spurs; and his Highness then presented -his horse to the city youths, and Mo. Calber Galler mounted it. Mo. -Antonio Corboli and the Cavaliere Guido Staccoli next put him on his -spurs, Mo. Flaminio Bonaventura his mantle, and Mo. Antonio Fazino -held his horse. Having been by this formality elected, he went into -the great hall, where the Gonfaloniere and priors, with all the -deputies of other cities, by a formal instrument gave their oaths of -allegiance, whilst he, in a letter read in his presence by Mo. Giulio -Veterani, his secretary, promised to be to them a loving sovereign; -after which, all the people came one by one to kiss his hand. All -this was done with much rejoicing on the part of the public, and of -his Highness, to whom may God grant grace to rule his subjects to the -contentment of all." - -[Footnote *82: Cf. CELLI, _Storia della Sollevazione di Urbino contro -il Duca Guidobaldo, 1572-4_ (Torino, 1892).] - -The following letter, to the young Duke upon his succession, is -printed in the correspondence of Girolamo Muzio, his preceptor, whose -advices, though somewhat long, well merit attention, totally opposed -as they are in spirit to then prevailing principles of government, -and anticipating opinions even in our day charily developed in Italy. -It is, above all, interesting to discover, on such satisfactory -evidence, the political views which must have been inculcated on -Francesco Maria from his early years, and which bore some seed in -after life, notwithstanding the natural defects of his temper, and -the crotchets imbibed from a false philosophy. Had such counsels been -generally given and followed, constitutional government in Italy -would now have been neither a mockery nor a bone of contention. - - "Men tried by difficulties and crosses nerve themselves - to endure them; yet, knowing how your Excellency has - long suffered from many troubles and annoyances, I shall - undertake no vain task in wishing to offer consolation in - this your new vexation and trial. I need not now say with - what grief I have heard of the late sad event, knowing - as you do how true a servant I was of his Excellency our - Sovereign. On the contrary, I shall address myself to talk - of certain considerations which appear to me beseeming the - succession you have obtained, through a long and noble - ancestry, meaning to speak to you with the freedom and - loyalty which a servant should display when his master's - interests are at stake; and upon this understanding I shall - begin. - - "I remember more than once, while conversing with the - illustrious Duchess your mother, to have lamented the - manner in which I observed the government of the state - conducted, praying the Almighty to protect you from the - risk of being expelled from it, as there would have been - no reasonable hope of the people recalling you again; a - fact of which her good sense was fully aware. It would be - long and irksome were I to repeat the various matters that - I disapproved of, but from them I can deduce certain rules - which it seems to me you ought to adopt for regulation of - your authority, and the maintenance of justice, so as to - reacquire and preserve the affection of your subjects. But, - Sire, permit me to drop ceremonious designations, in order - more readily to express my views. - - "Let it be your first care, then, to endow the magistrates - and city authorities with the ample jurisdiction which - their duties require, enjoining upon them to execute - justice without respect to persons; command also your - courtiers not to interfere in private suits, and do you in - like manner yourself forbear meddling with such, leaving - the judges to proceed therein by the usual course. Further, - should the judge be suspected by either party, let the - cause be remitted to another, or let an assessor be named; - and, to such alleged suspicion, it is no sufficient answer - that any one may be doubted by anybody. In short, it is - enough that the judges proceed to pronounce sentence in the - regular way; and for such as feel aggrieved, the common and - appropriate remedies are open. In my time the custom was - abolished--I know not at whose recommendation--of sending - causes to be inquired into by a council of skilled persons - [a jury?]; it was an excellent and much approved mode of - judging, and on that account it would be more advisable to - return to it than to leave it off. Statutory penalties have - also been changed to arbitrary ones, which has effected - great alterations; for where the statutes condemned ten, - caprice has multiplied by hundreds, with what justice I - know not. This was, indeed, by advice of certain doctors, - who declared that the Prince's will ought to be held as - law,--a diabolical sentiment, since it is not the absolute - will, but the virtuous and upright opinion of the Prince - that should be deemed law; nor do I see how any virtuous - and honest opinion can contravene statutes confirmed by - mutual agreement, and sanctioned by oaths. - - "Be specially attentive in hearing those who bring - complaints of oppression or injury received from your - ministers or courtiers, and refuse not to listen even to - such as accuse those most dear to you; on the contrary, - lend them all your ears, for in proportion as your - favourites can reckon upon you, they are likely to consider - themselves safe in committing outrages and insults. Think - not you can have about you persons who will never make a - slip, whether from love, or hatred, or dishonesty. Hear, - therefore, by all means hear, and punish him who has - either done amiss, or who has brought a false charge. And - such audiences you may give at all seasons and places, - even when going to mass, or in your moments of recreation, - without engaging yourself for a future day; for quarrels - may arise requiring prompt remedy, and which cannot wait a - future day or hour. By these means you may easily secure - the execution of justice, because there will eventually - not be many such disputes, when once, by a few examples of - severity, you have brought your magistrates, your court, - and consequently the rest of your subjects, into such - discipline that you will have few complaints to listen to, - and will be able to govern your state with little trouble. - But see in the commencement to give proof of your vigour, - that matters may subsequently proceed favourably. - - "When others have suffered injury or offence, do them - justice, punishing offenders for the general satisfaction; - for you may be sure that to visit offences committed upon - others protects yourself from the like, whilst impunity - gives security to offenders. In the matter of third - parties, clemency need not be thought of, forgiveness of a - fault being a favour bestowed, which affects the interest - of the party offended; thus, he who pardons injuries - done to me, disposes of what I alone should dispose of, - which is unjust. It may be well to remit injuries done to - yourself, for that is your own affair, and it is worthy of - a magnanimous prince to pardon when he might punish; but a - sovereign ought never to forgive offences against others - without their special consent, which cannot be freely given - if he intimates such to be his desire. Should disputes - arise among your people involving individual honour, you - must be judge of this, as much as of charges touching their - life and property. Indeed, you ought to decide judicially - as to whose reputation is intact and whose compromised; and - by chastising any unworthy action, you will at once promote - justice and give satisfaction to the injured party. I - am touching briefly upon matters which require ample - consideration, but it is enough that I moot certain points, - knowing well that you have good sense to weigh and decide - them. And now to pass to another topic. - - "You ought to calculate the amount of your revenues, and - so proportion your expenses that at the end of the year - you have rather a surplus of ten than a deficiency of one; - for a short-coming of one to-day, and another to-morrow, - and another the day following, will bring you to ruin. - Surround yourself with a court more distinguished by the - qualities than the number of its members; let it not be - larger than you can support, and see that you maintain - the mastery, letting none there gain an ascendancy over - you. Let each have his department, and be satisfied to do - his own duty well, the chamberlain not interfering with - the counsellor, nor the sewer with the secretary. See - that all have their allowances punctually. Never aggrieve - merchants, citizens, nor peasants, by laying hands upon - their effects. True generosity will satisfy first those - who have rightful claims, not squandering upon gamblers - or buffoons; and when these are satisfied, will give to - the needy, and to other works of charity. Do not, to gain - an empty name for liberality, lavish your means on costly - hospitalities towards great personages: those who have - hundreds of millions do not so, while you who scarcely have - tens would do it! Entertain the master at dinner or supper - with yourself, but let the rest go to the hotel at their - own expense, and so will you avoid vast trouble and great - expense. - - "In towns all innovations are unpopular and annoying, - but especially new imposts; you cannot do anything more - generally offensive than to raise them, nor more acceptable - than to replace on their original footing those which - have been augmented. New taxes and extraordinary escheats - seem at first sight useful, but by a providential - dispensation they absorb ordinary revenues, making - these incomprehensibly to disappear. Let all keep their - own; resort to no compulsion of property nor of person; - interfere not with marriages; seek not to reward friends - or benefit servants out of other people's means: and be it - ever graven on your memory, that princes are sent for the - people's weal, not people for the benefit of princes. - - "These few observations have occurred to me, most excellent - Sire, for your remembrance. And I have to observe generally - and in fine, that you should render yourself amiable to - your subjects, being kind, considerate, affable, and - doing your utmost to recover their pristine affection, - which appears to a great degree lost. You could not by - force maintain this state against a powerful foe: let the - attachment of your people then supplement your strength; - and it can only be acquired by justice, equity, mildness, - and clemency. In the present juncture, you might by a - single act gain, confirm, and augment the good will and - devotion of all your subjects. That act is a grand amnesty, - and restoration of exiles and emigrants, embracing all - as your children, forgetful of the past. Ah, do this, - Sire! do it; it will be a welcome favour to your people, - to your friends, to your servants. On the strength of - such generosity, you will gain the name of a benign and a - magnanimous prince; and, besides having to hope from the - Almighty an eternal reward, I can ensure your receiving - from the Pope thanks and approbation. - - "I pray God that this letter of mine may be received by - your Excellency with the same feelings as those which - dictated it, and that He would vouchsafe you a long life - and happy reign; and I kiss your hands. From Rome, the 11th - of October, 1574." - -[Illustration: _Alinari_ - -DUKE FRANCESCO MARIA II. RECEIVING THE ALLEGIANCE OF HIS FOLLOWERS - -_After the fresco by Girolamo Genga in the Villa Imperiale, Pesaro_] - -Let us now see from his own narrative what effect these blunt but -precious counsels, and the prudent advices of his uncle Ottavio, -Duke of Parma, had upon his early measures. "His first act on -assuming the government was to raze those fortifications at Urbino -which had been made during the insurrection, and to reduce the impost -laid on by his father in his necessity; and this although the late -Duke's liberality had imposed upon him many burdensome expenses -to which his revenues were scarcely equal, besides heavy debts at -interest. He was thus obliged to restrict himself to the unavoidable -state expenses. - -"Further, he was disappointed of those aids he looked for from the -kindness of his Catholic Majesty, in whose service his father had -died, at whose court he had himself been brought up, for whom he had -fought in the battle of Lepanto, and to whose service he had ever -professed his intention steadily to adhere. But, during eight long -years his hopes dragged on without any result from that quarter, -and thus was he compelled to attend closely to his private affairs, -and prevented from carrying into execution an intention he had -always entertained of following the career of arms, which he was on -the point of commencing in Flanders, where he was already looked -for when he lost his father. He, however, succeeded in contenting -his subjects, and in effacing from their minds whatever bitterness -remained in consequence of the recent measures; and this chiefly from -their being aware that these events had been displeasing to him, and -that he had studied to assist their cause in so far as his parental -duty permitted." - -The moderate and self-denying measures to which the Duke thus -modestly alludes are the subject of more detailed commendation by -Zane, who was commissioned by the Venetians to congratulate him upon -his succession. At the moment of receiving the oaths of fidelity, he -abolished those imposts which had occasioned the recent discontents. -They were five in number, all upon exciseable commodities, yielding -about 16,000 scudi to the revenue. This course he followed up -by various grants and immunities to the respective cities, but -especially to Urbino. Even before his father's death he had obtained -a commutation there of the duties on casking wine and cheese, and -of the quatrino per lb. upon butcher-meat, for an equivalent of -20,000 scudi payable in ten years; but he now remitted entirely this -contribution. He restored to their property and privileges most -of the outlaws and their families; he recalled the proclamations -disarming the district; and, by destroying the fortifications erected -after the rebellion, he at once relieved the people of a garrison, -and demonstrated his renewed confidence in their fidelity. But what -had still happier effect, was his repeatedly visiting that capital -with but one or two attendants, in full and well-placed reliance upon -the affection of his subjects, of whom he ever spoke in public and -private with the most affectionate regard. Himself deeply imbued with -sentiments of religion, it was his aim to encourage the same among -his people. Nor was he indifferent to personal accomplishments, or -to the reputation which his predecessors had established, and which -Castiglione has immortalised. "There are ever at his court some -persons distinguished in arms or in letters, and it is the taste for -all to cultivate a refined urbanity of manner, and to be in every -respect perfect courtiers, a fashion of old observance there, yet -more than ever in repute since the Prince visited Spain." But it is -time to resume the Autobiography. - -[Illustration: _Alinari_ - -DUKE FRANCESCO MARIA II. RECEIVING THE ALLEGIANCE OF HIS FOLLOWERS - -_After the fresco by Girolamo Genga in the Villa Imperiale, Pesaro_] - -"Notwithstanding this state of affairs, he discovered a conspiracy -against his person, originating with men who had reason to apprehend -the consequences of their former proceedings. These were Pietro -Bonarelli of Ancona, on whom the late Duke had bestowed the countship -of Orciano, with other estates and great wealth, and Antonio -Stati, Count of Montebello. Orciano saved himself by flight, and -was condemned in absence; the other was put upon trial, and at -length, in due execution of justice, he was beheaded, and some of -his accomplices hanged.[83] Francesco Maria, nevertheless, laboured -for the good government of his people, with due economy of his time. -In the morning he gave audience to his counsellors and secretaries, -and in the evening to all who desired it, dismissing these with -despatch; and thus business went on well and rightly." We are told by -Gozze,[84] who seems to have been a contemporary, that at this period -he occupied himself much with criminal police, and exerted himself to -repress brigandage, and to reform the abuses arising from privileged -sanctuaries. His rigorous perseverance in such measures, and his -stern demeanour towards the nobility, acquired for him, with many, -a reputation for severity, which the infirmities of his temper must -have served to confirm. The only other reference to his system of -administration which the Autobiography contains, is as follows:--"He -attended assiduously to the government of his state, maintaining -peace, and administering justice with integrity and impartiality. He -passed the summer at Urbino, the winter between Pesaro and Castel -Durante. At intervals he visited his other residences, and when he -omitted doing this in person, he despatched one of the judges on a -sort of circuit, who in one year went to Gubbio, Cagli, Fossombrone, -and La Pergola; in another to Sinigaglia and Mondavio; and in a third -to the province of Montefeltro." - -[Footnote 83: The object of this plot is stated to have been the -Duke's assassination at a hunting party in the manors of Orciano, to -which he was invited by the conspirators.] - -[Footnote 84: MSS. Oliveriana No. 324.] - - - - -CHAPTER XLV - - The unsatisfactory results of his marriage--He separates - from the Duchess--His court and habits--Death of the - Duchess--He remarries. - - -Having thus thrown together all that the Duke has thought fit to -detail regarding the principles of his government and the early -events of his reign, we now proceed to narrate in their order, from -his Diary and from other sources, the few incidents afforded by -those peaceful and monotonous pursuits wherein many subsequent years -were passed. The first of these was of a painful domestic character, -arising out of the unsatisfactory terms upon which he had during -several years been with the Duchess. That love formed no ingredient -in the match has been already shown, and perhaps his speedy and -voluntary departure on a distant military expedition may be taken -as a proof that his indifference did not diminish after wedlock had -riveted his chains. In 1573, Lucrezia was laid up at Novilara with -a feverish cold, and was attended by her husband, who with great -reluctance consented to her return to Ferrara, on the excuse of -change of air being requisite for re-establishment of her health. The -truth seems to have been, that her marriage appearing unlikely to -give an heir to the family, the Prince was confirmed in his original -distaste, and this is said to have occasioned some disagreeable -scenes with his father, whom he blamed for having forced upon him -so unfortunate an alliance. The scandal to which these probably -gave rise, and the example of coldness towards her which he most -assuredly set, had, no doubt, rendered her position sufficiently -unpleasant, and, after exchanging it for the freedom of her brother's -elegant court, it is scarcely to be wondered that she hesitated to -return, even after her husband had succeeded to the sovereignty of -Urbino. That rumour was busy with gossip and conjectures is pretty -obvious, and the countenance which Muratori gives to an allegation -of Lucrezia's jealousy of his supposed infidelities may be taken as -the version current at Ferrara of their mysterious non-adherence. Of -this suspicion the life and character of Francesco afford an ample -refutation, but its existence induced an endeavour on his part to -bring about a better understanding with his wife. - -In 1577, accordingly, he employed the Bishop of Pesaro and -Father-general del Carmine to persuade her to return to his home. -In a paper of instructions for their guidance, preserved among the -Oliveriana MSS., he declares that the excuses she pleaded were of -no weight, and could not be the real motives of her absence. In -reference to pecuniary arrangements, he urges the great economy and -self-denial which his father's embarrassments imposed upon him, but -offers her the same establishment as his mother enjoyed, besides -Novilara and its dependencies, in all about 6000 scudi a-year. -But, in consideration of the slanderous and groundless imputations -against himself to which her absence had given rise, he intimates his -intention to select for her a suitable suite of respectable persons, -leaving her, however, to choose eight or ten from them to be more -immediately about her person. This negotiation having failed, the -affair was next year submitted for the decision of Cardinals Farnese, -Sforza, and d'Este: it would appear that an amicable separation was -then determined upon; at all events, the Duchess returned no more to -her husband's state. - -The notice of this disagreeable topic in the diary of Francesco -Maria is as follows:--"Meanwhile the Duchess wished to return to -Ferrara, where she subsequently chose to remain, a resolution which -gave no annoyance to her husband; for, as she was unlikely to bring -him a family, her absence mattered little. Her provision was amicably -arranged, and their intercourse continued uniformly on the most -courteous terms." In support of this last statement the following -letter from Lucrezia is conclusive. - - "To the most serene Lord my Consort the Duke of Urbino. - - "My most serene Lord and affectionate Consort, - - "I could not have heard any message with more satisfaction - than that which Count Alessandro della Massa has brought me - in your Highness's name, on presenting your affectionate - letters, nor could any present have been more gratifying - than the picture which you were pleased to send me: both - on account of its subject, and as coming from your hands, - it will be ever the most valued that I possess. On all - accounts, therefore, do I kiss your Highness's hand, - recommending myself to your goodness; and I pray the Lord - to preserve you ever in all happiness. From Ferrara, 28th - of May, 1586. - - "Your most loving and obedient consort and servant, - - "LUCREZIA D'ESTE." - -The Oliveriana MSS. contain many other letters from Lucrezia; but, as -usual with such princely documents, they are more rich in mannered -phrases of compliment than in those natural sentiments which form -the charm of epistolary composition, and afford a correct index of -individual character. Most of them are commendatory introductions -of priests and friars, a class of acquaintances more congenial -to her husband's disposition than her own, the chief foible in -her character being an immoderate addiction to those festive and -exciting pleasures, which, although the business of her brother's -court, met with little encouragement at that of her consort. Her -intercourse with Tasso will fall to be noticed in our fifty-first -chapter, when describing the sorrows of that wayward genius. After -her return to Ferrara, she interested herself in establishing at -San Matteo an asylum for wives, who, like herself, were separated -by incompatibility of character. Soon after his separation from -the Duchess had been arranged, Francesco Maria paid a visit to the -court of Tuscany, where he met with a distinguished reception, and -spent fifteen days very agreeably amid the many attractions of -Florence, varied by comedies and amusements of the chase. During the -ensuing carnival he introduced unwonted gaiety at Pesaro, holding -a tournament, at which he entered the lists in person. About this -time, too, his finances were recruited by a donative of 10,000 scudi -granted to him by that city. - -[Illustration: _Anderson_ - -FRANCESCO I. DE' MEDICI - -_After the picture by Bronzino in the Pitti Gallery, Florence_] - -The Duke's autograph Diary, from which we have recently quoted, -and to which we shall frequently refer, having been carried to -Florence with his other personal effects in 1631, remains in the -Magliabechiana Library (Class xxv., No. 76). It is a narrow folio -volume, like an index book, containing about two hundred pages -entirely in his own hand. The entries are limited to a bare notice -of facts without comment. The topics most frequently registered are -the passage of remarkable strangers through Pesaro; the births, -marriages, and deaths of persons of rank; his own periodical -movements to his various residences, and visits to other parts of the -duchy; his frequent hunting parties in autumn and winter, chiefly -from Castel Durante; his taking medicine, including regular semestral -purgations in spring and autumn. His taste for the physical sciences -is illustrated by noting the occurrence of earthquakes, unusual -storms, or other phenomena of nature, the recurrence of frost and -snow, of the cigala and the nightingale, of mosquitoes, and similar -signs of the seasons; also the appearance of any rare animal or -monstrous production of nature. The Journal commences in April, 1583, -and is continued without interruption until March, 1623, when it -terminates abruptly. - -The disappointment felt by the Duke at the fruitlessness of his -family friendship with the crown of Spain was removed by receiving, -towards the close of 1582, a military commission from his Catholic -Majesty. This was the only relic of the condottiere system that -survived the changes of the sixteenth century upon the political -and military aspect of Europe. It was the intervening link between -mercenary bands of the middle ages and standing armies of modern -times. No plan could have better suited all parties. The great -powers were thus enabled to command on sudden exigencies an ample -force, without waste of time or treasure. The petty sovereigns by it -eked out their inadequate revenues, without further burden to their -subjects than an occasional call upon the military services of those -who regarded arms as a pastime, and whose restless spirits, if not -thus employed, would have been dangerous at home. The people, without -abandoning the arts of peace, reaped a portion of the fruits of war. -These benefits were, indeed, purchased by a surrender of the last -vestige of independence, for the salary paid to the princes in name -of stipend was, in fact, the price of their political subserviency. -Yet it was but a nominal compromise, to sell the shadow when the -substance had long departed; and we find the example of Spain in -retaining friends throughout La Marca, for pecuniary considerations, -recommended for the imitation of Venice by one of her ambassadors -about this very time. The conditions of the Duke's service were -an annual pay of 12,000 scudi, which, in 1599, was augmented to -15,000, a company of men-at-arms in the kingdom of Naples, and ample -protection in all his undertakings; in return for which he was bound -to provide, when called upon by Philip II., three thousand militia, -and to take the field with them when his Majesty appeared there in -person. The amount of troops thus actually raised in the duchy for -the Spanish service during the next thirty years has been calculated -at seven thousand two hundred men, a sufficient proof that the -benefits accruing from the arrangement were mutual. The Pope now -granted Francesco Maria the honourable prefix of "Most Serene" to the -title of Highness, which he had enjoyed in common with other minor -sovereigns, a distinction said to have been accorded with difficulty, -and after long entreaty. The establishment of a Swiss guard is -another illustration of his partiality at this period to pomps which -he subsequently little esteemed. - -In the following year, the court of Pesaro was enlivened by the -Princess Lavinia's nuptials with Felice d'Avalos, Marquis del Vasto, -when twelve poetesses were said to have tuned their lyres at the -Imperiale, in honour of the joyous occasion. His marriage presents -to his bride, mentioned in her brother's Diary, consisted of a -necklace of jewels, a bag or muff of sable skin--the head and feet -studded with precious stones, called a _zebellino_, and similar to -that represented in Titian's beautiful portrait of her grandmother, -Duchess Leonora,--a set of fan-sticks, a gem mounted as a sun, two -pearls for ear-drops, a diamond cross and eagle, and an order for -3000 scudi: the whole was valued at 10,000 scudi. The happy pair -spent some months at the court of Urbino, while the Marquis often -joined the hunting parties from Castel Durante. But the sun that rose -thus brightly was soon clouded by his wretched and tyrannical temper, -which embittered his consort's life. Many years after, she married, -in her widowhood, the gallant Marquis of Pescara, her brother's -long-tried friend, and, finally, with her two daughters, sought -repose and peace in the convent of Sta. Chiara at Urbino, where -she died in 1633. In the end of 1583 the Duke began to build the -Vedetta, on the most commanding eminence of Monte Bartolo, which he -had obtained for this purpose from the Gerolimini convent. Of this -casino only the foundation remains, but it would seem to have been an -appendage of the Imperiale palace, whither the court ascended in the -summer heats, to inhale gentle breezes from the blue Adriatic, which -sparkled some hundred feet beneath. For such a purpose no spot could -have been better chosen, and the magnificent prospect, which we have -elsewhere noticed without attempting to describe, renders it probably -the most attractive site in all the fair duchy. - -As a further mark of favour, Philip II. of Spain sent him, in 1586, -the decoration of the Golden Fleece; and in order to confer it in -manner at once honourable and complimentary to his personal feelings, -his Majesty requested the investiture to be given him by his uncle -the Duke of Parma. That Duke was then suffering from gout, and -drawing towards his death, which occurred in the following autumn; -so Francesco Maria showed respect at once for the King and for his -relation, whom he revered as a parent, by proceeding to meet him -at Bologna. The two princely guests were magnificently entertained -by the authorities of that city, as well as by the Cardinal Legate -Salviati and the Archbishop Palotta: they were lodged in the -palace of the latter, who performed high mass in the cathedral at -the investiture. The collar and girdle of the order were set with -brilliants, and were accompanied by a rich present of jewels to -the Duchess, consisting of four hundred and twenty-six pearls, and -a handsome necklace, girdle, two pendants, and sixty buttons, all -enamelled in red and white upon gold, and studded with diamonds. - -Although, on the whole, a more popular sovereign than his father, we -have seen Francesco Maria subjected, in the early years of his reign, -to seditious movements on the part of some discontented nobles. Of -a similar attempt in 1586, few particulars have been preserved; but -this notice of it in his Diary exhibits him as a stern dispenser of -justice. "Count Giovanni de' Thomasi was beheaded in the fortress -of Pesaro for homicide, sedition, and bad service towards his -master; he died as a Christian and a brave man, and may God pardon -his sins." But, though of hard, and even stern manners, the Duke -retained the affection of his household, most of whom remained -long in his service. From a catalogue of the chief officers at his -court, compiled by Lazzari, we learn the emoluments belonging to the -principal places. - - _Scudi._ - - The superintendent of the household had yearly 1000 - The master of the chamber 400 - The master of the household 200 - The gentlemen cuirassiers 250 - The chamberlains 224 - The sewer or carver for visitors 250 - The philosopher or dilettante of poetry 300 - The physician 250 - The chaplain 150 - The auditors or judges 500 - The eight counsellors 400 - The chief secretary 400 - The secretary of justice 350 - The treasurer 250 - The fiscal advocate 350 - The captains of the guard 232 - The commandants of garrisons 300 - The castellans, besides perquisites 150 - The ambassador to Spain 1000 - The ambassador to Venice 400 - The agent in Rome 100 - -Francesco Maria had now reached the flower of manhood, and this may -be considered the most fortunate period of his reign. During the next -twelve years no untoward incident interrupted the smooth current of -his life, or the prosperity of his government. The healthful exercise -of the chase constituted his favourite relaxation from the cares -of state, and his Diary preserves more minute information on this -than on any other topic. He had within reach of Pesaro eighteen -preserves, stocked with roe-deer, goats, foxes, hares, pheasants, and -partridges, all of which were, in those days, considered fair game. -The more exciting sport of wild-boar was found in greatest perfection -near Mondolfo, and the following entry occurs in January, 1588. -"Hunted in the chase of S. Costanzo, and, in three hours, killed -nine wild boars, weighing 2580 lbs., besides offal. The largest one -weighed overhead 917 lbs. We cut off its head close behind the ears, -and hung it in the castle window over the great street of Mondolfo; -its weight was 59-1/2 lbs." - -But red deer were the Duke's noblest and favourite sport, which, -being only found in the highlands of his duchy, was his original -attraction to Castel Durante, whence the best forest coverts were -easily accessible. It was on that account selected as his chief -residence during his father's life, and continued his annual resort -in autumn so long as he could follow the game. When increasing -years precluded such pastimes, we shall find that he there provided -other appliances more befitting his circumstances, and that these -preserved for Castel Durante a partiality which increased to the -latest hours of his life. He was in use there to spend the autumnal -months, returning to Pesaro before the carnival, and moving to Urbino -towards midsummer. In the interval from the 7th of September, 1588, -till the end of the following January, twenty-eight hunting parties -are mentioned in his Journal, at some of which wolves and smaller -game were killed. Red deer must have been in great abundance: thus, -November, 1587, "We killed a dozen, six of them males, the largest -weighing 464 lbs., besides 380 lbs. of offal. We left Castel Durante -about noon, and returned at dusk, after losing nearly an hour in -watching a hind which took refuge in the broken ground of the Lady's -Park, when fell dead the famous hound Box-cur, the only British one -I had. The twelve deer weighed 2914 lbs., without offal." In the -subsequent season, "hunted red deer in the valley of S. Martino -with greyhounds, but without canvas or nets. Saw twelve, and chased -five of them; but, though the dogs came up with them, they were not -able to hold any." The park which he had inclosed in the beautiful -vale of the Metauro, just out of Castel Durante, was stocked with -fallow-deer: which, however, seem to have been kept chiefly for -ornament, though occasionally resorted to for greyhound coursing, -when age had relaxed his limbs for the rougher mountain sport. The -last hunting party he mentions was in 1615. - -Though reserved in manner, and little apt to indulge his court -in amusements uncongenial with his own unsocial temperament, he -sometimes relaxed so far as to have dancing fetes at the Imperiale, -where he mentions three hundred ladies as having on one occasion -been present. The representation of comedies was a frequent -carnival pastime. The manner of conducting these theatricals, and -the methodical punctuality of the Duke's character, are at once -illustrated in the following extract. In February, 1589, "a comedy -by the late Maestro Fabio Bagnano was recited in the great hall of -Pesaro, beginning at 4 p.m. The first act lasted an hour and ten -minutes; after which came an interlude for twenty minutes, from -the fable of Ulysses hearing his wanderings foretold by Tiresias; -then act second, in fifty minutes, with a musical interlude for ten -minutes; then act third, in half-an-hour, with, for interlude, the -marriage of Eolus and Deiopeia, in twelve minutes; then act fourth, -in forty-eight minutes, and its musical interlude, in seven minutes; -lastly, act fifth, in thirty-eight minutes, with its interlude of the -gods allotting their various dominions; but this was not finished in -consequence of a cloud which, by some mismanagement, did not descend -properly." Among the performances noted about this period are the -comedies of _I falsi Sospetti_ by Pino; another by the Cavaliere -Ludovico Odasio, _I Suppositi_; and an eclogue entitled _La Myrtia_. -The interludes between the acts were frequently moresque dances or -ballets representing mythological subjects, such as the fable of -Prometheus, that of Calisto, the birth of Venus; varied by more -familiar themes, as hunting the owl. In 1597, we find noticed, among -other gay doings during carnival, a tournament in the great hall of -Pesaro, wherein ten or twelve knights ran each three courses, and -which was followed by an exhibition of various pleasing conceits. - -Of Francesco Maria's literary pursuits we have various pleasing -memorials. Not satisfied with the valuable library of MSS. that -had descended to him from the Feltrian dukes, he formed another -of standard printed works. Indeed, he became an assiduous book -collector; and the letters of his librarian Benedetto Benedetti, -in the Oliveriana Library, are full of lists which his agents in -Venice, Florence, and even Frankfort are urged to supply. In his -own voluminous correspondence, we find constant offers from authors -of dedications or copies of their productions, the tone of which -is highly complimentary to his taste for letters. In 1603, the -Archbishop of Monreale, in Spain, transmits him the regulations he -proposed to prescribe in bequeathing his library to a seminary he -had founded in his diocese, expressing a hope that they might prove -useful to the Duke's collection, "at this moment without parallel in -the world."[85] Instead of quoting the vague testimony of courtly -compliment, as to the use which this philosophic Prince made of -these acquisitions, let us cite the brief records of his studies, -preserved in his own Diary. In 1585, "terminated an inspection of -the whole works of Aristotle, on which I have laboured no less than -fifteen years, having had them generally read to me by Maestro Cesare -Benedetti, of Pesaro." But his reading was not limited to such -speculative topics, and we presently find him imbibing knowledge from -a purer source. In 1587, "I finished my examination of the whole -Bible, with various commentaries, on which I have spent three years -and ten months." Again, on the "15th of December, 1598, completed -my second perusal of the entire Bible, which I read this time with -the commentary of Dionysio the Carthusian, occupying upon it eight -years." A curious inference of the contemplative character of his -mind may be drawn from the devices he successively assumed as -emblematic of his feelings. In youth he used a flame vanishing into -air, with the motto _Quies in sublime_, "There is rest on high:" -after he succeeded to the dukedom, he took a terrestrial globe with -the legend _Ponderibus librata suis_, "Self-poised." - -[Footnote 85: Bibl. Oliveriana, No. 375, vol. XI., p. 204.] - -The position of Pesaro, on the principal high road to Loreto and -Rome, exposed it to the constant passage of travellers of all ranks. -The former was the habitual resort of Roman Catholics, to whom holy -impulses, the hope of any specific blessing, or gratitude for mercies -vouchsafed, suggested an unusual devotional observance. The annual -functions of Easter, St. Peter's day, and Christmas, besides the -great occasional jubilees, attracted to the latter crowds of pious -pilgrims from all Christendom. The dukes were thus laid open to -frequent calls upon their hospitality, which the state maintained by -passing visitors often rendered most onerous. Thus, in 1589, Duke -Alfonso II. of Ferrara, on his way to and from Loreto, spent four -days at Pesaro, with his suite, consisting of fifty carriages, and -one hundred and fifty mounted attendants, at an expense to his host -of 3000 scudi. All royal pilgrims did not, however, thus mingle -worldly pomp with religious duties: ten years after, Ranuccio, Duke -of Parma, arrived incognito, in company with three others, who wore -red sack dresses, and travelled on foot. After passing the night at -Pesaro, they proceeded to Sinigaglia, on their way to the opening -of the holy door at Rome, in the jubilee of 1600. Eighteen years -later, Francesco Maria's Diary thus notes a more interesting visit: -"9th June, 1618, the Galileo arrived at Pesaro, on his return from -Loreto to Florence." The philosopher was then resident at the Villa -Segni, near his native capital, and suffered much from the effects -of a chronic illness caught in Lombardy some years previously, while -sleeping with an open window. Perhaps his pilgrimage to the holy -house may have been influenced by this circumstance. - - "'Twas he who, risking life and fame to crush - The idol-worship that enslaved mankind, - Restored its native freedom to the mind." - -In October, 1597, the direct line of the dukes of Ferrara closed on -the death of Alfonso II., whose object had been to secure to his -cousin Cesare, Marquis of Montecchio, the succession of his states, -as well as his private heritage. He had been able to obtain from the -Emperor a new investiture in his favour of Modena, Reggio, and Carpi, -but failed in procuring the like boon from Gregory XIV. as to the -Ferrarese holding. Immediately upon the vacancy, Cesare assumed the -dukedom, with full consent of his people, who dreaded the descent -to provincial rank which must have followed upon their annexation -to the papal state. Clement VIII., who then filled the chair of St. -Peter, answered a conciliatory embassy sent him by the claimant, with -a summons to appear at Rome, and, on his non-compliance, thundered -excommunication against him and his abettors. These decided steps -were followed up by a levy of nearly thirty thousand men, but ere -they could be brought into the field, Cesare d'Este gained some -partial successes near Bologna. Finding, however, that his position -was hopeless, he availed himself of the mediation of Lucrezia -Duchess of Urbino, who succeeded in reconciling him with the Legate. -The devolution of Ferrara to the Holy See was harmoniously completed -in February; but the lady has been accused of sacrificing the -interests of her cousin to an old grudge against his father, and to -a promise of the fief of Bertinoro. She did not, however, live to -receive the bribe, and her death is thus dryly noted in her husband's -Diary:-- - -"February 14th, I sent the Abbe Brunetti to Ferrara, to visit the -Duchess, my wife, who was sick. - -"---- 15th, Heard that Madame Lucrezia d'Este, Duchess of Urbino, my -wife, died at Ferrara during the night of the 11th. - -"---- 19, The Abbe Brunetti returned from Ferrara." - -In his Memoirs she is the subject of still more brief remark:--"Her -death occurred after some years, leaving him [the Duke] executor -by her will of many pious bequests." Considering that the largest -bequest was in his own favour, a less chilling notice might have -been bestowed! The sum she left him was 30,000 scudi: to her various -attendants and servants she gave 12,000 in small legacies, and 20,000 -among several convents, in masses for her soul. There was also a fund -to be mortified for the endowment of poor girls, half at Ferrara and -half at Urbino, and Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini, the Pope's nephew, -was named residuary legatee, a selection which has been ingeniously -ascribed to the countenance bestowed by his family on Tasso, in the -closing scenes of that minstrel's troubled life. - -The anxiety which had long been generally felt on the prospect of -a failure of the ducal family began to show itself after the death -of Lucrezia. The impediment of a childless marriage having thus -been providentially removed, men's hopes were again awakened, and -their wishes were not long in finding a unanimous expression. When -Francesco Maria appeared in public, his ears were greeted with -murmurs from the populace, which at length broke out in enthusiastic -demands for his marriage, and _Serenissimo, moglie_, "A wife, your -Highness," became the universal cry.[*86] The ferment thus created -was greatly increased by a circumstance which at first sight does -not appear much connected with the welfare of the duchy. In the -spring of 1598, Clement VIII., on his passage to take possession of -Ferrara, paid a visit to the court of Pesaro, where the magnificent -reception accorded him, and the long confidential interviews he had -with the Duke, were construed by popular jealousy into preparatives -for political changes. The extinction of the reigning line would -infer a lapse of their sovereignty to the Pope, similar to that which -had just degraded Ferrara: Francesco Maria's disinclination for -state-toils had already begun to show itself: the readiness of his -Holiness to secure so valuable a reversion, or even to anticipate it -by providing for the Duke an honourable retreat from duties which -he considered onerous, scarcely admitted of a doubt, an appetite -for annexation being naturally whetted by the recent acquisition -of territory. These ideas became a theme of discussion among the -multitudes who crowded from all quarters of the state to witness the -courtly shows at Pesaro; and when the Duke returned to the city from -escorting the Pope towards Ferrara, he was met at the gate by a host -of his subjects, whose loyalty and patriotism burst forth afresh in -tumultuous shouts of "_Serenissimo! moglie_." - -[Footnote *86: Cf. CALOGERA, _Memorie concernenti Franc. -Maria II._ (Venice, 1776).] - -That the object of Clement's visit had been faithfully construed by -the general voice seems more than probable from the document we are -about to quote; but upon this point the Memoirs throw no light. They -merely notice his reception of the Pontiff with all distinction, -and the remarkably friendly bearing of his Holiness towards himself -and the Duchess mother during a day spent at their court: mutual -presents passed between them, and Clement dwelt on the good service -which his father had afforded to Duke Guidobaldo. From the Duke's -Diary we learn that after meeting his Holiness on his southern -frontier, and again escorting him out of Sinigaglia, where he had -slept with a suite of sixteen cardinals, he took boat and hastened -to Pesaro. Next morning he proceeded to meet his visitor, who had -spent the night at Fano, and welcomed him to his capital. Passing -back to Rome in the end of the year, the Pope halted at Pesaro only -to say mass in the cathedral; and on both occasions he was preceded -one day by the Holy Sacrament. In the following year the Pontiff, -in acknowledgment, perhaps, of these hospitalities, accorded to his -host a dispensation, whereby the indulgences, to which the use of -certain rosary prayers and ave maria's entitled him, were united and -concentrated in a single _cavaliere_.[87] - -[Footnote 87: Rosaries, _corone_, and such were helpmates or -promptuaries to prayer, differing in form and varying in supposed -efficacy, according to the special privileges and indulgences -bestowed on them by ecclesiastical gift. A specimen of the nature -and powers of such indulgences will be found in the description of a -corona belonging to the Grand Duke of Tuscany in 1666. See Appendix -VI.] - -The predominant feeling of Francesco Maria, even at this period of -his life, appears to have been a selfish attachment to solitary -habits and pursuits, tempered by sincere anxiety to discharge his -public duties for the benefit of his people. An argument addressing -itself to both motives readily occurred to the wily Pontiff. An -immediate abdication would secure to the Duke personal ease, and the -consequent devolution of his government to the Camera Apostolica -might be guarded by stipulations for the public weal, which such -voluntary demission alone could entitle him to dictate. The art with -which these considerations had been urged, and the impression they -made upon the Duke, may be best gathered from a circular he addressed -to the magistrates of each city in his state, curiously exemplifying -him in that character of royal philosopher which it seems to have -been his ambition to attain.[*88] - -[Footnote *88: Cf. REPOSATI, _Della Zecca di Gubbio_, vol. II., p. -220 (Bologna, 1772-3). The date of this letter was June 7th, 1598.] - - "Most magnificent and well-beloved, - - "Ever since we understood that you so affectionately long - for the continuation and maintenance of our house, we have - had no wish more urgent than to conform to your desires; - and although for some time past we have been always anxious - to facilitate this resolution, yet the more we consider - it, the greater do the difficulties daily appear, not only - by reason of our age and infirmities, but much more from - the obligation laid upon us to take no step that might - turn to your prejudice, as we know this would do: for, - upon weighing the advantages that would accrue to you by - being placed after our death immediately under the sway - of the Church, there cannot, in our opinion, be a doubt - that this would be most beneficial; since, besides being - rid of the present inconvenient restrictions on trade in - grain, salt, oil, and similar commodities, you might well - hope, from a sovereign so powerful as his Holiness, many - exemptions and facilities which we, however well-disposed, - cannot, with due attention to the suitable maintenance of - our rank, accord you. Wherefore, we exhort and pray you, to - take all this into your most serious consideration; and, - along with it, those suggestions which your affectionate - devotion may prompt, in conjunction with our delicate and - advanced age, as these might, at all events, render vain - the hope of a succession, or at least might occasion you - to be some day left under a minority (ever a judgment of - God upon a nation), and us to die with such pain as you may - conceive the predicament of leaving a minor would occasion - us: whereas, on the other hand, were we to remain in our - present condition, looking, so long as God may vouchsafe - us life, for no other children than yourselves, we might - the more diligently apply to the cares of our government. - It is therefore our desire that you satisfy yourselves in - this matter, and, after having prayed in all sincerity - to our Lord and Saviour for His inspiration, that you - convoke a full meeting of your usual council, excluding - all officers of our government, and that, after reading to - them this our letter, they should decide by ballot what - they judge most fitting for the common weal, having sworn - the consuls to conceal nothing of the resolution they come - to; and you shall report their decision to the Bishop of - this city, who, keeping it secret from us and all others, - shall declare only the general result of this appeal to you - and to the other principal places of our state, to whom we - write in similar terms: and the opinion so expressed we - shall, in accordance to our love towards you, endeavour - to carry into effect even at the hazard of our life, - thus appealing to the faithful attachment you have ever - displayed towards our house and ourselves, as is well known - to all, but chiefly to us.--May it, therefore, please the - blessed God so to inspire you, that these our exhortations - and commands may be executed so as to bring about the best - results, and may He preserve you. From Pesaro, 7th June, - 1598. - - "FRANCESCO MARIA." - -The consequence of this singular appeal was a unanimous and urgent -resolution in favour of the Duke's immediate marriage; indeed nothing -else could well be looked for, the alternative contemplated by the -people being loss of their independence, and the substitution of a -foreign legate, changed every few years, for a hereditary and popular -sovereign. Passeri conjectures that this result was in fact less -distasteful to Francesco Maria than the tone of his letter might -infer; and that the whole expedient was adopted in order to obtain -a satisfactory answer to the importunities of the Pontiff, whom the -stern measures lately adopted towards Ferrara had rendered the Duke -peculiarly averse to thwart, by opposition to his scheme. From the -Memoirs so often quoted, we learn nothing beyond the obvious facts, -that the marriage was undertaken in compliance with urgent entreaties -of the Duchess mother and of the people of Urbino, and that the bride -was his own choice. - -Of Cardinal Giulio della Rovere's two natural sons we have already -spoken.[89] In the correspondence of Francesco Maria, there occur -some proofs of a bad understanding between him and these cousins, -the origin and circumstances of which it is unnecessary to examine. -To Ippolito Marquis of S. Lorenzo, there was born in 1585, of his -marriage with Isabella Vitelli, Princess dell'Amatrice in the -Abruzzi, a daughter Livia, who was educated in the convent of Sta. -Caterina at Pesaro; and on her fell the choice of Francesco Maria, -as announced in the following extract of a letter to the Archduchess -Maria of Austria. A selection so obviously ineligible may have been -dictated in part by that shrinking from close contact with strangers -which his reserved habits were calculated to generate, and partly too -by the sad experience he had already reaped of a marriage of state -policy. - -[Footnote 89: Above, p. 82.] - -"Moved by the unremitting entreaties of my subjects, I have been -forced to establish myself by a new alliance: yet as my age and other -considerations would have prevented me from taking this resolution -but for their satisfaction, I have chosen to combine with their -wishes a due consideration for my own, by selecting one of my proper -blood, and brought up in this country, in whom are combined many of -the qualities suited to my views." - -Of the domestic life of Francesco Maria after his second union no -record has been preserved to us. The circumstances in which it was -effected were not such as to promise a high degree of matrimonial -felicity, to which his cold nature, advanced age, and reserved -character were virtually impediments. Nor could the monotonous -seclusion of his habits be attractive to a youthful bride, -transported from a convent to the rank of sovereignty with few of its -gauds. That she had the good sense simply to conform to her position -may be inferred from the rare occurrence of her name in the documents -which I have inspected. The brief notices of her in her husband's -Diary merely prove that they were seldom apart, and in one instance -she is mentioned as accompanying him to his favourite pastime of deer -hunting. Regarding preliminaries for their marriage, that record is -silent, and the only allusion to it is in this concise phrase: "26th -April, 1599, I married the Lady Livia della Rovere." But letters of -the Duchess, written long subsequently, to her granddaughter, of -which a specimen will be introduced below, exhibit her character in a -light so amiable as to warrant our regret that it has not been more -prominently brought into view, in the few materials which we possess -for this portion of our narrative. - -Francesco Maria's affection to his mother would have been beautiful -in any rank. Besides anxiously providing for her comfort by a -suitable establishment, he made her his friend and confidante through -life; and during his first marriage she filled at his court the place -which in happier circumstances would have been occupied by his wife. -The ailments of her advancing years he tended with affectionate -anxiety, and thus notices her decease on the 13th December, 1602, -after a long indisposition. "Most deep was the public grief for the -loss of this excellent and sainted Princess. She was beloved by -all, but most by her son, who felt her death as no common sorrow, -and testified both in public and in private the sincerity of his -feelings. Her funeral oration, pronounced by Leoni, was very fine, -though his praises necessarily fell far short of her real merits." -The Venetian Relazioni from the della Rovere court bear witness to -her sound judgment and business habits, to her generous disposition -and beneficent charities, as well as to the piety of her character, -and the exemplary conduct observed by her household. - -Her remains were interred by those of her husband, with an epitaph -which will be found in No. VII. of the Appendix, and her son appears -from his Diary to have worn mourning for her for upwards of a year. - - - - -CHAPTER XLVI - - Birth of Prince Federigo--The Duke's retired habits - and aversion to business--His constitution-making - experiments--His instructions to his son--The Prince's - unfortunate education and character. - - -Although the patriotism and loyalty of his people had been gratified -by the gracious manner in which he had assented to their eager desire -for his marriage, yet was there wanting somewhat to the full fruition -of their cherished hopes. The health of the Duchess was watched -with anxiety, and when months had passed away without the promise -of an heir, apprehensions more restless than before spread over the -land. In a matter beyond the limits of human will, recourse was had -to the Dispenser of all events. Prayers were offered up in public -and private. Vows were solemnly registered by all the towns, by -confraternities, even by village communities and private individuals, -for the erection and dedication of churches and altars, especially -to S. Ubaldo, once bishop of Gubbio, who had been assumed as special -protector of that city and of the race of Montefeltro. About the -beginning of 1605, it was announced that these devotional appeals -had been crowned with success: the gloomy anticipations of the -citizens were turned to joyous hope; and so formidable to the public -tranquillity did the reaction of enthusiasm appear, that orders were -issued for transporting into the fortress of Pesaro all the state -archives, in case any tumult or conflagration might endanger their -safety. - -As the Duchess's confinement drew near, the subject seemed -exclusively to engross men's minds, and when her hour was reported -to have arrived, the piazza in front of the palace was crowded -with an impatient multitude, who remained a day and night in eager -expectation. At length, on the morning of the 16th of May, the -festival of the patron saint Ubaldo, to whom their prayers had been -addressed, about nine o'clock, the Duke appeared at a window of the -great hall, and announced with a loud and clear voice, "God has -vouchsafed us a boy!" The cheer of joyous triumph which rang through -the palace-yards was but an inadequate expression of the general -exultation, and the precautions taken to preserve the peace proved -but too limited; for the insensate popular excitement vented itself -in an attack upon the Jews' quarter, and succeeded in sacking and -burning their synagogue and shops, in spite of exertions by the -military, who had been held in readiness to quell the outbreak. -Meanwhile salvoes of artillery proclaimed the Prince's advent; and in -grateful acknowledgment of his good fortune, his father proclaimed -pardon to many prisoners, and favours to various classes of his -subjects. At the same time, with due regard to good order, he checked -the longer continuance of noisy and tumultuous festivity, and in -particular prohibited discharges of fire-arms under the heavy penalty -of 100 scudi. - -Any scepticism which might have been secretly entertained of the -infant being truly a _dieu-donne_, in special answer to the thousand -prayers that had been proffered to or through S. Ubaldo, was removed -or silenced by his arrival on the fete of that saint whose hold on -the devotional feelings of the people was thus marvellously riveted. -Among the couriers speedily despatched over the duchy to bear boot -and spur the happy news, one directed to Gubbio, the city and diocese -of S. Ubaldo, was charged with a special letter from Francesco -Maria.[*90] Arriving in hot haste, he found the whole population -assembled in arms in the piazza, with the magistrates at their -head, to whom he delivered the welcome missive; after publication -of which the multitude formed a solemn procession to the cathedral, -to render thanksgivings to S. Ubaldo, its and their protector. In -that church the community of Gubbio lost no time in erecting a new -chapel commemorative of the occasion, and placed on the altar a -picture, in which the Madonna and Child smile benignantly on the -suppliant saints, John Baptist and Ubaldo (the former their original -patron), whilst in the lower part is seen the courier's arrival with -the ducal despatch. Other places were scarcely less enthusiastic -in redeeming their pious pledges, though enthusiasm seems to have -been occasionally tempered by meaner considerations. Thus, in the -communal records of S. Angelo in Vado, I found appeals from the Duke -to quicken the tardy contribution of 500 scudi towards the erection -of a votive church to S. Ubaldo; and months were spent in discussions -among the magistracy how that sum was to be raised, by an assessment -upon the artisans, and a duty upon butcher-meat. I know not whether -we are to regard as an economical solution of the difficulty an altar -picture in the church of S. Filippo there, in which S. Ubaldo is -represented as introducing to the Madonna and Child the young Prince, -led up by S. Crescenzio, the patron of Urbino, while St. John Baptist -intercedes in his behalf. Federigo seems a child about five years -old, in a very richly embroidered dress, and strongly resembles a -portrait of him which came into my hands from the Vatican Library, -and which is here introduced.[91] - -[Footnote *90: Cf. PELLEGRINI, _op. cit._, in _Boll. cit._, vol. -_cit._, p. 506 _et seq._ There seems always to have been an -antagonism between Gubbio and Urbino, and now Gubbio could certainly -crow. She appears to have done so. See note 2, p. 506, of work -quoted. The country was not quiet after the rejoicing till May 30th, -the festa being kept in all the cities. CORRADI, _Feste per il -nascimento di un Principe nel sec. XVII._ in _Il Giornale di Foligno_ -(Foligno, 1887), No. 28 _et seq._ describes the rejoicing in Cagli.] - -[Footnote 91: In 1843-6, a variety of duplicates and objects of -art belonging to the Vatican Library were exchanged away, with the -sanction of Gregory XVI., whilst my lamented friend Monsignore -Laureani, the librarian, was forming, by that Pontiff's order, -from very limited resources, a most interesting series of early -panel pictures illustrating the progress of Christian painting. -The portrait of Prince Federigo now belongs to my friend Andrew -Coventry, Esq., Edinburgh, and appears the production of a scholar of -Baroccio.] - -According to the religious usages of the age, the measure of -gratitude due by the sovereigns of Urbino for their long desired heir -would have remained incomplete without a pilgrimage of thanksgiving -to the Madonna of Loreto. Benedetto Benedetti, librarian to the -Duke, writes, on the 20th June, 1605,[92] that the Duchess was to -set out next day on this holy mission, "carrying with her a plate -of solid gold, the size of a half sheet of writing paper, on which -was portrayed in oil by a young pupil of Baroccio the infant Prince, -who is one of the most lovely babes I should wish to look upon; fat, -of good complexion, and comely features, his eyes large and black, -unlike those of the Duke, and his mouth resembling his mother's." -It appears, however, from the Diary of Francesco Maria, that he -had already acquitted himself of this pious debt by attending the -festival of the Corpus Domini at Loreto on the 9th of June. On the -29th the Duchess carried her son to Urbino. At the gate they were met -by twelve youths in blue damask trimmed with gold, and twenty-four -children in white and gold; and the Prince, with his nurse, was borne -by these youths in a close chair to the palace, through streets -embellished with fountains and other ornaments. - -[Footnote 92: Oliveriana MSS. No. 375.] - -Three days after the child's birth he had been privately baptised -by the Bishop of Pesaro on Ascension Day, and named Federigo Ubaldo -Giuseppe. His public baptism took place on the 29th November at -Urbino, on which occasion his father, in deference to the loyal -joy of his subjects, broke through his wonted habits of quiet and -retirement, and celebrated the solemnity with a pomp more congenial -to the pageant observances of Italian courts than to his own tastes. -Every community of the duchy, by special invitation, sent their -deputies, expensively arrayed, and bearing costly gifts. The states -of Italy likewise were there, represented by ambassadors rivalling -each other in magnificence. But chief among all was the Marquis -of Pescara, envoy of Philip III. of Spain, who, before its birth, -had promised to stand godfather to the infant. We pass over the -ceremonial with which he was welcomed, but must pause for a little -upon the spectacle of the baptism, as described in a contemporary -narrative.[93] - -[Footnote 93: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 818, f. 444.] - -From the houses in front of the Duomo were displayed those rich and -many-tinted hangings which add so much to the effect of an Italian -pageant. The short space from the palace was closed in by an awning -of green, red, and white, the ducal liveries. The whole interior -of the church was hung with magnificent decorations, in which were -mingled tapestries and brocades, pictures and heraldic blazonry. The -high altar was profusely furnished with statues, vases, candlesticks, -all of solid silver. Into the cathedral thus prepared was seen -advancing, about two hours before mid-day, under a bright and genial -sun, a most imposing procession. The principal public functionaries, -and the most distinguished of the nobility, were followed by -twenty-five pages of high birth, dressed in Damascus blue. Then came -representatives of the seven principal cities, bearing the massive -silver vessels to be used in the ceremony. At their head walked Count -Alessandro Tiane, Gonfaloniere of Urbino, conspicuous not less by -his handsome person than by the rare splendour of his costume. He -wore a close-fitting dress of white, brocaded with gold and silver; -his flowing mantle of purple velvet was lined with violet and gold; -and on his neck and cap was displayed a profusion of costly jewels. -A scarf embroidered with pearls and precious stones suspended from -his neck a white cushion, whereon lay the babe in "toys of quaint -apparel," which the writer attempts not to describe. The nurse, -attended by sixty noble matrons arrayed in gala, closed the cortege, -amid the clang of artillery and martial music. The sacred rite -was administered by the Bishop of Fossombrone, and the religious -function having been auspiciously ended, the company proceeded to a -ball, followed by a supper, where the grotesque taste and elaborate -ingenuity of Italian confectioners were lavishly displayed in the -table-ornaments. - -About seven in the evening, the guests were summoned by trumpet to -the windows and balconies to witness a triumphal representation of -the glories of Duke Federigo, whose name had that day been revived -in the infant Prince. The space in front of the palace was fitted -up as a vast stage laid out with woodland scenery, in the midst -whereof rose a mountain, emblematic of the Apennines. Near its -summit a cavern exhibited antique trophies and elephants, among -which was a broken bust of Asdrubal, allusive to the defeat of the -Carthaginian army near the Furlo pass. The whole was overshadowed by -two vast oaks personifying the Duke and Duchess, under which were -grouped shepherds playing on their national instruments. Across this -mimic representation of the duchy of Urbino a gorgeous procession -passed with military music, in the following order. The car of -Fame advanced, glittering with the precious metals, and drawn by -winged horses. On its front, amid garlands of flowers, was perched -a black eagle crowned, the monarch of birds, and heraldic bearing -of Montefeltro; and it contained figures of Fame, Time, and Truth. -Fame stood winged upon a globe, to which were yoked two dolphins; her -robe of gold and silver tissue was _seme_ with countless eyes, ears, -and mouths, and in her hand she held a golden trumpet. Before her -sat old Time, with his hour-glass; behind, Truth chanted stanzas in -compliment to the hero of two mottoes which were displayed over the -car:-- - - "TO THESE AND EARTH'S MOST DISTANT LANDS ARE SHOWN - OUR FREDERICK'S GLORIOUS DEEDS, HIS HONOUR AND RENOWN." - - "BY MARTIAL VALOUR WERE HIS TITLES WON." - -In the procession which followed, were borne the armorial insignia -of Duke Federigo, and of the sovereigns in close alliance with him; -his various decorations of knighthood, the golden rose, the sword and -baton of the Church, and similar badges of his dignities. Then came -another car, drawn by four horses, and magnificently ornamented with -cornucopias of public prosperity, intermingled with devices used by -the various Dukes, amid which sat Justice, Bravery, and Prudence. -Next marched by, an imposing military pageant, with the banners and -ensigns of those states and cities over which Federigo had been -victorious, and with the batons of command entrusted to him by the -different powers whom he had served. To these succeeded a third car, -still more magnificently decked out, which was dedicated to martial -glory, and bore a figure of Pallas copied from the antique; it was -laden with pictures and mottoes, allusive to his principal triumphs; -and over a mass of books was the legend,-- - - "MINERVA'S LIBERAL ARTS HIS VICTORIES DID CROWN." - -This lengthened procession having all passed, the various figures -who had performed in it assembled upon the stage and executed a -melodramatic ballet, which lasted till about 10 p.m.; and the -ceremonies of the day were wound up by a splendid display of -fireworks.[94] It has been stated in most accounts of the baptism, -that the Golden Fleece was conferred on the infant by the Marquis -of Pescara in name of his master Philip III. But, from the Diary of -Francesco Maria, we learn that this decoration had been transmitted -to himself some weeks before, that he, as a knight of that order, -might invest the Marquis with it, which was duly done on the 1st of -December. - -[Footnote 94: A comparison of this stately entertainment with the -ceremonial at the baptism of Prince Henry of Scotland in 1594, as -given in the _Lives of the Lindsays_, vol. I., 382, from a rare -contemporary pamphlet, shows how Italian revels influenced the -courtly displays of our ancestors, due allowance being made for the -difference of climate and the somewhat more material attractions of -the northern festivity.] - -The Duke's advancing years had by this time considerably modified -his personal habits. To the pleasures of the chase succeeded the -less fatiguing interests of a large breeding stud. His partiality -for animals and natural history had long induced him to give his -attention to improve the race of horses, and he notes in his Diary -frequent arrivals of stock of all sorts from various quarters, -purchased or received in presents. Thus, in 1588, he had fifty-four -young horses at one time from the Duke of Savoy, and he mentions -paying 300 to 500 ducats for stallions. After his second marriage, -entries of this sort became more frequent, and details of hunting -less so. The great breeding establishment was maintained on Monte -Corciano near Cagli, where the young stock ran at grass during -the summer months; in winter they were brought down to Mirafiori, -where those which were sufficiently advanced went into the hands of -breakers. This was a casino just without the walls of Pesaro, so -called from a flower-garden the Duke had made there, whither rare -and beautiful plants were brought from all parts at great expense. -In it too was preserved a very rich armoury collected by him, which -is mentioned with admiration by Scotti in his published travels, and -which afterwards passed to the grand-ducal family of Tuscany. - -But the most marked alteration of his character was his growing -aversion to public business, and increasing proneness to gratify -his secluded and selfish habits by devoting an undue portion of -time to his private relaxations of study and books. The tendency to -solitude which had been gradually stealing upon him was checked for -a season after the birth of his son. This joyous occasion seems to -have in some degree revived the elasticity of his youthful feelings: -his visits to Pesaro were more frequent, and, in 1606, the Comedy -of _L'Ingannata_ was repeatedly performed in the palace there. Ere -long, however, his mind gradually relapsed into a sort of morbid -abstraction which was constitutional to him, and the retirement of -Castel Durante became more and more attractive. It would indeed have -been difficult to find a spot more congenial. Known originally as -Castel del Ripa, a title appropriate to its position on a peninsula, -formed by the rugged ravine of the brawling Metauro, it had been -destroyed about 1277, in a foray of the people of Urbino, whence it -is distant about nine miles. Pope Martin IV. ordered it to be rebuilt -by his Legate in Romagna, Guglielmo Durante, a noted canonist, who -gave it his own name. Having subsequently passed in seigneury to the -Brancaleoni of Mercatello, it was obtained, under the title partly -of conquest, partly of inheritance, by the Counts of Montefeltro, -in 1429. After that dynasty had been extinguished, it owed to papal -munificence a second re-edification in 1636, when Urban VIII. raised -it to the rank of a city, suffragan to the Bishop of S. Angelo in -Vado; and the improvements he made upon it are commemorated by his -statue erected in the town, and by another change to its present name -of Urbania. - -Its situation is singularly beautiful. Surrounded by wooded hills, it -occupies the nearest point of the upper valley of the Metauro, which -extends to the Mercatello in a stretch of rich alluvial land that -pleasingly contrasts with the rest of this highland province. Adapted -equally for the sports of the chase, and for a peaceful retreat -from the busy world, it was in all respects suited to the wants of -Francesco Maria, in youth and in advancing years. His usual residence -was a large palace which, entering from the street, overhangs to -the back the romantic river; and which, like many more of the ducal -possessions, has passed to the Albani, and is doomed to the neglect -consequent upon absenteeism and protracted litigation. It was here -probably that he built a library, to which in 1609 he transported -from Pesaro the many books which he had collected, leaving at Urbino -those which had been amassed by his predecessors. On the opposite -bank he enclosed an extensive park, and stocked it with fallow-deer -and smaller game. Within that enclosure, on the slopes of Monte -Berticchio, he built, after his second marriage, another palace, and -surrounded it with a delightful garden. The park walls also included -the convent of Franciscan Observantines, which still stands about a -mile to the west of Urbania; and to them perhaps may be attributed -the beginning of that monkish influence which tinged his latter -years. But they were eventually superseded in his regard by the -Minims, for whom, in 1617, he purchased the church of the Madonna -della Neve, just beyond the park gate, and changed its name to that -of the Crucifix. He there built for them a small convent, and invited -to it twelve monks, distinguished for learning and acquirements in -those philosophic pursuits which chiefly occupied his mind. Thus, as -years advanced, did he become more and more inordinately attached -to Castel Durante, where, leaving in his capital the trappings of -sovereignty, he surrounded himself with a small and select suite, and -sought in books and philosophic discussions, those gratifications -which, since the chase had lost its charms, were most conducive to -his humour. Here accordingly we find him corresponding with Isaac -Casaubon, as to a MS. of Polybius, which, by desire of Henry IV., -he had forwarded for an edition then in preparation at Paris, and -urging its restoration, on the plea that MSS. of such value were not -removed from the library, even for his own use.[95] It was doubtless -the same Polybius which Giunta tells us was returned by that monarch -under a military escort.[96] - -[Footnote 95: Brit. Mus., Burney MSS. No. 367, f. 64.] - -[Footnote 96: MS. Albani Library at Rome.] - -It being the whim of Francesco Maria to unite in his person -the opposite characters of monarch and philosopher, manifold -inconsistencies were the natural consequence. In the address to his -subjects, which we have quoted in reference to his second marriage, -we have seen him dwell on the government of a minor as the greatest -evil that could befall a people. Yet scarcely had he obtained the -blessing of an heir than he began to devise steps for devolving -prematurely upon his child the responsibility of sovereignty, and -thereby releasing himself from those cares of state which reached him -even at Castel Durante, and jarred upon his morbid love of seclusion -and books. To this motive, at least, seem attributable the measures -which we are now to detail, although he apparently excused them to -himself as a wise precaution, in anticipation of his own death ere -his son should have attained maturity. But, whatever may have been -his real inducement, the scheme, so novel in that age, of imparting -to his subjects a share in the government, was obviously calculated -to gratify his love of philosophic speculation, while it threw upon -others those duties and anxieties from which the prevailing desire of -his advancing years was to escape. - -His first step towards this plan was taken in 1696, by ordaining -that the episcopal cities of Urbino, Pesaro, Gubbio, Sinigaglia, -Fossombrone, Cagli, and S. Leo, with the province of Massa Trabaria, -should send him a leet of their inhabitants most qualified for the -administration of affairs. Selecting one from each, he constituted -them into a council of state, to sit permanently in Urbino: on this -body he conferred the most ample powers to govern in his name, and, -in the case of his death, to become the regency. In order fully to -explain this project, we quote the state documents relating to -it, which have been printed by Marini in his _Saggio di S. Leo_. -These will be rendered more intelligible by premising that the -inhabitants of towns were then divided into four classes,--the -nobility, the merchants and wealthy citizens, the master artisans, -and the operative artisans. Each of these chose their own prior, and -the prior of the nobles was the gonfaloniere, to whom, among other -duties, was confided the standard in battle. These political rights -did not extend to peasants, menial servants, nor mechanics of the -baser callings. - - "To the magnificent and our well-beloved, the Gonfaloniere - and Priors of S. Leo, and to the Four, and the Parliament - of the province of Montefeltro, THE DUKE OF URBINO. - - "Magnificent and well-beloved, - - "Ever since the birth of the son whom God has vouchsafed - to us, it has been our fixed intention, in consideration - of the age we have attained, to leave behind us such a - form of government as may, during his minority, secure - your welfare, and be in conformity to your wishes; and - the desire increases with the affection which we bear to - you, and to which you are so well entitled. For this end - nothing seems more suitable than that you should govern - the commonwealth and him also. To carry our design into - execution, your council of S. Leo, uniting with the Four - and the Parliament of the province of Montefeltro, will - elect three or four well-qualified persons, without - reference to their rank or station, or to their being - members of council or parliament. From these we shall - select one, who, together with those from the other seven - communities, may represent our whole state, and give - their undivided attention to such important matters for - the general weal as shall be impartially proposed by us, - with a view to your own benefit, and that of our house. - The enclosed draft is sent to you as a foretaste of this - plan of government. Be careful, therefore, to complete - the election as soon as possible, as it is our intention - to make trial during our life of this mode of government, - and so to introduce it that, after us, it may proceed with - the more facility, and in better order, in the name of - the Almighty. From all this we feel assured that you must - perceive the great confidence which we have in you, and - which we firmly hope will much contribute to those good - results of our plan so strenuously desired by us and by - you. May the Lord God protect you. - - "From Urbino, the 24th of August, 1606. - - "FRANCESCO MARIA." - - [_Draft enclosed in the preceding letter._] - - "The form of government by the persons elected shall be as - follows. All the Eight shall reside at Urbino, with the - same absolute rules as I myself enjoy, attending with all - diligence and loyal fidelity to the guidance of the state - and of their pupil. And, further, each of them shall make - oath before the auditors to exercise their functions in - the manner prescribed, and, in due time, to execute to the - letter my testament, and all such written memoranda as I - may leave behind me. - - "They shall have two secretaries, one for foreign affairs - and correspondence, the other for those of the interior, - and shall assemble with them twice a day, or oftener if - necessary. They shall take their seats at the same side of - the table in their respective order; and those whose rank - may have been matter of dispute shall decide by lot who is - to take precedence at first, and shall thereafter enjoy - it by turns, changing each succeeding month. They shall - observe the same order in voting and on all occasions of - meeting for public business, but at other times they are - to have no sort of rank. And this rule shall be observed - as to all questions of precedence that may arise, until it - be modified by consent or legal authority, always without - prejudice to the rights of individuals; and, if any one be - discontented therewith, the others shall be entitled to - administer the state with unimpaired authority. - - "They shall enjoin the secretaries to make minutes of all - that occurs, writing them afterwards into a book for the - purpose. The Eight, or whatever be their number, shall - discuss verbally all motions, and ballot upon them, the - resolutions supported by most balls being carried; and this - shall be specially minuted, with the signature of both - secretaries. In case of an equality of votes, the president - of the bench of auditors shall be called upon to decide the - point. - - "All their resolutions, letters, and documents shall run - in name of the sovereign, with the ducal seal, and with - signatures of the first in rank, and of the two secretaries. - - "In absence of one or more from illness, or the like lawful - cause, the others shall continue vested with the same - authority, provided there be a quorum of five; but, if - fewer, the auditors must make up that number. And, should - one die, or become permanently disabled, his place must be - forthwith filled up by election of another leet as at first. - - "The courts of law [_udienza_] shall continue to enjoy the - same authority as heretofore, but subject to the first of - the eight deputies, to whom shall be submitted memorials of - all cases for pardon, in the same way as has been hitherto - observed. By these courts shall be named the officers of - justice for the state, who, in absence of cause shown to - the contrary, shall be confirmed by the deputies, on whom - shall depend absolutely all the other officers of the - household and state. - - "And, in order that these deputies may give undivided - attention to their official duties, they shall each receive - from the treasury 300 scudi a year."[97] - -[Footnote 97: Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 3184, f. 154. The salary of 300 -scudi was increased to 400.] - -Four days after date of the preceding letter, the provincial -parliament of Montefeltro, and the council of S. Leo, met to -deliberate thereon, by summons from the commissioner of the province -and the podesta of the town. The parliament consisted of four -delegates from the landward districts, and twenty-nine others from -as many townships; the council was composed of the gonfaloniere, -three priors, and twenty-nine citizens. They elected four deputies -by ballot, excluding, by a majority of black beans, two of those -proposed; and, from these four, one whose election had been unanimous -was selected by the Duke as deputy to the council. Similar forms -having been observed by the remaining cities, the council entered -upon their duties on 22nd of January, 1607, and Francesco Maria -resigned himself more than ever to the selfish ease of his solitary -and abstracted life at Castel Durante, flattering himself (to use his -own words) that "they would inform themselves fully of all matters of -internal policy and foreign relations, and would direct these for the -service of God, and to the benefit of his subjects, and of his heir." - -It would be tedious and unnecessary to notice all the minute -instructions issued from time to time to the Eight on matters of -police, of patronage, or of trade. The following memorandum, however, -written out by Francesco Maria himself for their guidance, in 1611, -affords some insight into his views of general policy:-- - -"In order to continue hourly more fully satisfied with you, I give -you the following suggestions, which seem to me called for at -this moment. Ever have before your eyes the three objects which -I have often enforced upon you--plenty, peace, and justice. The -first of these will be secured if the old plan for plenty be not -re-established, which, indeed, might be more appropriately called -perpetual scarcity, as it was adopted solely for enriching six or -eight of the worst citizens who managed it; and should it become -necessary to purchase grain, let an advance from my funds be made -to the public, always endeavouring to clear off such loans as -remain undischarged. And never permit the local councils to meddle -with matters that concern them not, seeing that I, by adopting the -contrary plan for their satisfaction, fell into errors which turned -out ill. - -"As to maintaining peace among my subjects, this may easily be done -by chastising the riotous and sowers of dissension and discord, whose -punishment ought to be public and severe; above all things preventing -persons of whatsoever rank to pretend to or maintain retinues of -followers, or to domineer over others. - -"Justice will be observed by insuring the prompt issue of suits, -and by punishing judges when they fall into error; but especially -by enforcing an inviolate observance of all orders, decrees, and -proclamations; by rarely, and only from necessity, suspending the -prosecution of outlaws; and by receiving few fugitives from other -states. Prevent so great an increase of lawyers and notaries, and -offer obstacles to their admission. Show no undue favour to parties -in suits. Vigilantly defend our authority, ever covertly assailed; -but do this by fair means, avoiding if possible open ruptures. Eschew -partiality and prejudice, rigorously maintaining justice and your -duty. - -"In the despatch of business promptitude is requisite, avoiding -arrears, which occasion oversights, and lead to a wholesale -transaction of affairs, without the accuracy necessary to their -being done well; and although full consideration and discussion -be required, there are few matters which cannot be exhausted by -employing on them one's entire energy during two hours; after -which they should be carried into effect quickly, without further -discourse, but with secrecy. Provided you do all these things with -that affection upon which I rely, I doubt not of their happy issue; -but I again, and for the last time, remind you that your chief -care should be the punctual execution of all my injunctions and -commands."[98] - -[Footnote 98: Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 3134, f. 158.] - -Whatever may have been the immediate effect upon the management -of public affairs of the Duke's wayward conduct, its mischievous -influence on the character of the young Prince was not long dormant. -His education was entrusted, in 1607, to the Countess Vittoria -Tortora Ranuccio Santinelli, whose husband was major-domo to the -Duke; but the anxiety felt for a life so precious was unduly -exaggerated by certain symptoms of childish delicacy, and the -system adopted was that of unbounded indulgence, balanced by no -obligation to apply himself to anything. Before he had completed -his second year, Philip III. settled upon him in reversion his -father's retaining pension of 15,000 golden scudi, and company of -men-at-arms in Naples, assuring him of ample protection. That the -Duke was sensitively anxious to prepare his mind for the duties of -manhood thus crowded prematurely upon him, is interestingly shown by -a paper of instructions, written in the anticipation of his being -left an early orphan. To find in it maxims directly opposed to the -writer's own practice may afford scope for saddening speculation to -a philosophic moralist, and must have greatly detracted from their -influence upon the boy to whom they were addressed. The length of the -document, and its interruption to our narrative, will be excused from -its importance as illustrating the character of Francesco Maria. - - "Believing that at my advanced age I cannot be much longer - with you, I have resolved to write down certain memoranda - which I consider it most necessary that you should - remember, preserving them not merely under your eye, but - impressing them deep on your heart; for by none can they be - offered you with more affection, or perhaps with greater - experience, from the affairs which I have conducted. - - "I would, therefore, desire you chiefly to endeavour - with all your might, to live in the favour of our Lord - God, devoutly honouring His holy name, and being careful - never to offend Him, firm in His most holy faith without - superstition. As to priests and monks, after securing them - in the position which is their due, do not establish with - them much familiarity beyond what your devotional duties - call for; but leave them to look to their proper business, - whilst you attend to yours without their assistance, - further than their prayers in your behalf. - - "Be not merely faithful to his Holiness the Pope, but also - obedient, doing all that in you lies for his service, and - with sincere attachment seeking to exalt the Holy See. - - "In the service of his Catholic Majesty show yourself at - all times most zealous, performing it with constancy, and - never quitting it until it becomes inconsistent with your - honour, which I feel assured it never will be. And further, - be ready to display your devotion in a befitting manner; - and should his Majesty take the field in person, fail not - to be there also, and to identify yourself with him, from - which you cannot fail to derive great reputation: remember - also, to treat all Spaniards with amiable courtesy. With - other sovereigns and princes cultivate the most friendly - terms, obliging them when opportunity offers, especially - neighbouring powers. - - "Maintain towards all, sincerity and truth with mildness; - but beware of being deluded, and for this purpose be slow - to credit any one. - - "When called upon to form any important resolution, examine - both sides of the question, and attach yourself to that - which seems safest. - - "Remember that you leave not for the morrow what can be - done on the instant; and so will your affairs generally - succeed according to your wishes. When just, your - undertakings will ever be forwarded and directed by the - Almighty; and thus will the labour be less to yourself than - if they are allowed to go on accumulating. - - "In the government of your subjects and dependants be most - decided; to your associates and well-wishers be gracious - and pleasing; towards others just and strict. - - "At the hour most convenient to yourself give daily - audience to all who seek it, hearing them patiently and - without interruption, and tolerating them even while - trifling a little. Leave the judges free from interference - in the lawful execution of their duties, dispensing mercy - where it is justly merited, and reluctant to the punishment - of death. In all but aggravated cases, commute it into - a minor penalty, especially by sending culprits to the - Venetian galleys, since this is an old usage in our family, - and as these protect our seas from pirates. - - "Choose for your service faithful and prudent nobles, - neither selfish, greedy, nor partial. - - "See that your ministers and counsellors be men who, as the - proverb goes, take the cart road, and boast not themselves - inventors of new theories, which, however specious and - fine at first sight, are most difficult in practice, and - in their issue full of mischief. Show no favour towards - rash ventures or novel expedients, but give your attention - rather to forward measures that have been determined on. Be - not anxious to make many new laws, but, on the contrary, - endeavour to condense the old ones. - - "Encourage not your relations to meddle in the affairs of - your government, lest they should in consequence arrogate - to themselves undue influence; but contrive to keep them in - good humour by honouring them yourself, and by taking care - that others respect them. - - "Visit in person, annually, your whole state; or, when - prevented from doing so, send one of your judges. - - "Be courteous to ecclesiastical dignitaries, giving them - such honours as are their due, and exacting the like in - return. - - "See that your household be discreet and in nowise - quarrelsome, and divide annually among the most deserving - of them some donative from escheated property; but I - recommend you to keep hold of all castles, and never - alienate them, unless to those who have done you some - signal and most important service. - - "Be liberal in your expenditure, but never exceed your - revenues, managing so that every year you may have - something in hand; for if you do not attend to this, you - will probably find yourself tempted by necessity to seize - upon what belongs to your subjects,--a thing you must ever - guard yourself from, as well as from any attempts upon the - honour of their wives, especially those of the nobility. - - "Be to all benignant and affable, entering freely into - conversation with men of letters or military acquirements, - and, above all, with those skilled in politics and affairs - of state. - - "Do not be too anxious to devote yourself to scientific - studies, which both preoccupy the mind from more important - subjects, and sadden it. Be satisfied with a thorough - knowledge of your native tongue, so as to read in it all - old and modern histories, and at fit times some devotional - book; but trust to acquiring knowledge of the sciences - from the discourse of their respective professors. It - is advisable to learn other languages; indeed, Spanish - is necessary, as you are in the service of his Catholic - Majesty. - - "Practise all healthful exercises, especially, ball, - hunting, and the manege. In the first of these you may - indulge almost daily; for the second, once a week is - sufficient, as it loses the entire day, and when too - frequently followed is apt to render one coarse. Make - use of the third when you feel inclined, maintaining a - small breeding stud, for which your country is admirably - adapted, with about thirty fine horses always at your - disposal. I warn you, however, not to over-exert yourself - in this or similar exercise, for excessive fatigue brings - on many infirmities, as has happened to myself. Fencing - is likewise most needful, especially that called wide - fighting, for close-quarters are dangerous, and of little - real avail. Instrumental music and singing are excellent - recreations, as well as dancing to give the body freedom. - Swimming is also an excellent preservative, especially in - travelling. - - "Do not indulge too much in sleeping. Eat and drink of - everything indifferently, without reference to diet such - as is recommended by physicians, of whom keep aloof while - you can, never calling them in until you are ill; but when - really so, obey them strictly, committing yourself first to - God, and secondly to their skill. - - "Remember, as soon as convenient, to complete your - marriage with the sister of the Grand Duke of Tuscany; - for no alliance could be found better or more entirely - suitable for this state, for our house, or for yourself. - To her, as your wife, be ever most affectionate; yet see - that she meddle not in the affairs of government, but - more particularly that she does not interfere in matters - regarding the administration of justice. Endeavour always - to maintain a most friendly footing with her family, paying - to the Grand Duke the deference due to a father, and - consulting him on every incident of importance. - - "Should God grant you more than one son, purchase for one - of them a fief, however small, in the kingdom of Naples, - and other property, yielding in all 12,000 scudi of - revenue, but give him no lands in your own state: by this - means you will found a second house, and avert the danger - in which our family was at the time of your birth. Your - other sons you may provide for by making one a churchman - with the Pope's assistance, and by giving to the rest such - savings as will in that case be very requisite. Forget not - to treat your eldest son like a brother, admitting him to - share with you the government and administration, which, if - God grant me life, I shall certainly do towards you. - - "Lastly, I assure you, that those who have been faithful - and attached to me will, if you avail yourself of their - services, be the same to you; others you may seek to attach - to you, but abandon not these. - - "Such is the little I would impress upon you, not without - difficulty and much consideration; but take courage, - and the execution of it will become easy. I give you my - paternal benediction, praying the blessed God to confirm - it."[99] - -[Footnote 99: Bibl. Oliveriana.] - -But though it seems agreed that the seed thus kindly and carefully -sown fell upon a soil not naturally ungenial, and though to much -childish beauty the Prince is stated to have joined a fine temper, -a remarkably quick apprehension, and an uncommon memory, he was -destined sadly to verify a remark of Dante, that,-- - - "Rarely into the branches of the tree - Doth human worth mount up." - -The good fruit of almost spontaneous growth was speedily and entirely -choked by rank weeds, fostered under an erroneous system of early -discipline. An only child, he was deprived of playmates of his own -rank, and even of the companionship of the higher nobility, for whom -were substituted those whose flattery and indulgence provoked and -pandered to all the worst passions of a spoiled brat; and so early -and fatally was this perversion effected, that he had scarcely passed -the years of infancy ere the people, who had hailed him as a gift of -Heaven, ominously deprecated his accession to power. On his eighth -birthday, he was sent by the Duke, with a suitable attendance, to -pay his vows at the shrine of his patron saint in the cathedral of -Gubbio, and to offer there a small bust of himself chased in gold. -On this occasion the aged courtiers, who assembled to do honour to -his reception, were heard to draw the most melancholy forebodings, on -observing the overbearing and fiery temper which he was at no pains -to control or conceal.[*100] - -[Footnote *100: Cf. PELLEGRINI, _op. cit._, in _Boll. cit._ vol. -_cit._, p. 509 _et seq._ who gives two contemporary accounts of the -visit of Federigo in 1618.] - - - - -CHAPTER XLVII - - The Prince's marriage--The Duke entrusts to him the - government and retires to Castel Durante--His dissolute - career and early death--Birth of his daughter Vittoria--The - Duke rouses himself--He arranges the devolution of his - state to the Holy See--Papal intrigues. - - -The anxiety of Francesco Maria for continuance of his line, and for -the maintenance of his state against the risk of a minority, led him -to select a match of policy for his son while yet a mere infant. In -October, 1608, he sent a confidential adviser, Count Francesco Maria -Mammiani, to attend on his behalf the marriage of Cosimo Prince of -Tuscany; and during its prolonged festivities, a negotiation was -happily concluded for the betrothal of Princess Claudia, youngest -daughter of the Grand Duke Ferdinand II. to Prince Federigo. The -death of her father, soon after, did not delay the ratification of -an engagement so advantageous to all parties, and on the 24th of -April following, it was publicly announced,--the united ages of -the childish couple amounting to eight years and a half, and the -Princess being the elder by eight months. In November, she sent -to "her husband" the appropriate presents of a nicely accoutred -pony, a poodle taught to leap, a jackdaw, and an inkstand in the -form of Mount Calvary containing various conveniences. In honour, -probably, of the same auspicious occasion, was a gift of jewels from -Philip III. of Spain to the Duke and Duchess in 1609, consisting -of a girdle, necklace, and brooch of gold; the girdle containing -twenty-eight, and the necklace eighteen links, studded with a -hundred and twenty-six diamonds; sixty gold buttons enamelled in -white and red, each with three diamonds; and a string of two hundred -and twenty-six pearls of various sizes.[101] - -[Footnote 101: Oliveriana MSS. No. 375, vol. XXXI., p. 62.] - -[Illustration: FEDERIGO, PRINCE OF URBINO - -_From the picture once in the possession of Andrew Coventry of -Edinburgh_] - -The long and friendly intercourse of the Dukes of Urbino with the -crown of Spain had moulded their court to a tone of Spanish gravity, -and a certain severity of manner, which the cold character, reserved -habits, and strict morals of Francesco Maria had served to confirm. -To this the conduct of the youthful Prince soon offered the strongest -contrast. Wilful in all things, and impatient of control, he endured -no constraint upon his gratifications. These were generally of the -most trifling and childish description; and in one respect alone, -and that an unfortunate one, did he exhibit any manly quality. His -precocious gallantry was a scandal to the staid manners of the court, -and proved ruinous to his own constitution. Too late was his father -made aware of follies and vices which he had allowed to attain a -dangerous height; and to the counsels of his advisers, that even -yet a decided check should be applied, he weakly replied, in the -subtleties of a false philosophy, that restraints now imposed would -but irritate his son, and surely lead to greater excesses so soon as -they could be removed or burst. In truth, the old man shrank from -the exertions which his interference would require, and selfishly -calculated on being removed from the scene ere the mischief was fully -matured. But, whatever may have been the Duke's motives, his refusal -to interfere was quickly reported to the Prince, who, thus secured -against control, was emboldened to new excesses. - -Finding that years only confirmed those vicious symptoms which the -Prince had manifested from childhood, and which a bad education had -not even attempted to eradicate, his father thought fit to try the -experiment of sending him forth to see the world, where, in the -intercourse of courts, and in contact with men of distinction, he -might observe those qualities which mankind deem worthy of honour, -and might learn the reputation acquired by his ancestors. This plan, -which had more good sense than most of those which Francesco Maria -was in the habit of forming, unfortunately failed, and brought about -results exactly the reverse of those which had been anticipated. - -On his journey through Romagna towards Florence, Federigo's evil -genius brought him into the company of some strolling comedians -returning from Venice. Delighted with their loose manners, he threw -himself among them without reserve, and a taste for their pursuits -was formed at first sight, which disgracefully occupied the few -remaining years of his life. Such is the account given by Passeri; -and two entries in the Duke's Diary mention that the Prince set out -to visit Florence on the 1st and returned on the 22nd of October, -1616. During the following month the Grand Duke Cosimo II. arrived -from Loreto on a visit to Pesaro, with his brother the Cardinal; they -travelled with a large suite partly in coaches and six, partly in -litters, or on horseback, escorted by a guard of cuirassiers, being -in all not less than six hundred persons. The Prince met and welcomed -them at the head of a hundred mounted gentlemen, and accompanied -them on a hunting party. They stayed six days at Pesaro, and thence -proceeded to Rimini, leaving many presents, among which the Grand -Duke gave Federigo a beautiful little office-book in a case, worth -1000 golden scudi. Regarding his youthful irregularities the Journal -maintains a uniform silence, and the few notices of amusements at -court scarcely afford us any index of his tastes. It would seem that -up to his marriage he rarely left his parents' residence. During that -time we find but two theatrical representations mentioned. In the -carnival of 1617 nine couples of knights fought within a barrier, -where there were also two chariots, one of Pallas, the other of -Venus. The following year a wild boar, caught near Mondolfo, where -it had attacked various peasants, was baited in the palace-yard at -Pesaro with large dogs and spears; and some days thereafter the -Prince, with five others of his age, held a mimic tourney in the -great hall. - -The melancholy turn which the Prince's folly had taken determined his -unhappy parent at once to conclude his marriage, which, even should -it unhappily fail in rescuing him from a disgraceful career, might -at least secure the continuance of his family. The Princess had a -character for high spirit, not free from hauteur, but accompanied -with decided talent; qualities that seemed likely to influence her -destined husband, or, at all events, to maintain his dignity against -the debasing tendency of dissolute habits. An intimate alliance with -so powerful and so close a neighbour was in every view politic, but -especially at a time when the duchy of Urbino had become a more -than ever desirable adjunct to the Papal States. If any further -inducements were wanting to render this the most advisable marriage -for the Prince, it was supplied by the dowry of 300,000 crowns of -gold. But an arrangement so eligible seemed fated at every step to -be thwarted by the unsparing hand of death. When all was ready for -publishing the betrothal, the bride's father was, as we have seen, -called away; just as the nuptials were on the eve of celebration, -thirteen years later, her brother, the Grand Duke Cosimo II., died on -the 28th of February, 1621. The urgent and advantageous circumstances -of the connection again superseded the formality of court etiquette, -and an early day was fixed for the marriage. - -On the 19th of April the Prince sent on a confidential envoy with the -following letter to his bride[102]:-- - - "To the Princess Claudia, Consort of the Prince of Urbino. - - "Most serene Highness, my Lady, and most affectionate - Consort, - - "Giordani precedes me, and will give your Highness certain - assurance of my arrival next week, by the favour of God. I - beseech your Highness to accompany me on this journey with - the favour of your good wishes and prayers; and meanwhile - I, with all my heart, kiss your hands. From Pesaro, the - 16th of April, 1621. - - "Your Highness's most affectionate servant and husband, who - loves you more than himself, - - "THE PRINCE OF URBINO." - -[Footnote 102: Bibl. Oliveriana MSS. No. 396, p. 131.] - -The same day Federigo went to visit his father, and on the 22nd left -Castel Durante. At the Alpine frontier he was met by a guard of -honour, under whose escort he arrived on the 25th in Florence, where, -after a pompous entrance into the city, the Villa Baroncelli was -assigned for his reception. The ceremony was performed on the 29th, -the respective ages of the parties being sixteen and seventeen.[*103] -The public joy felt in the duchy at a step which promised to secure -the continued succession of the ducal house, and with it the -nationality of the state, was proportioned rather to the importance -of those objects than to the merits of Federigo. As yet, however, his -faults had been shown to but a limited extent, and by most of those -who were cognisant of them were generally believed the exuberant -but passing growth of boyish folly, which time, and, above all, a -respectable marriage, would surely eradicate. The Duke was willing -to second the manifestation of these feelings, and the festivities -wherewith the event was celebrated at Pesaro were consequently very -elaborate. Among the most striking novelties was a device by -which discharges of artillery were so regulated as to harmonise, -or rather to beat time with the military bands, and the great hall -of the palace was fitted up as a theatre for the performance of -entertainments similar to what we have lately described.[104] - -[Footnote *103: The ceremony was performed on the 28th February -without any pomp. Cf. UGOLINI, _op. cit._, vol. II., p. 437.] - -[Footnote 104: See p. 177.] - -[Illustration: FACSIMILES OF SIGNATURES AND MONOGRAMS] - -The Prince preceded his bride, and, after passing a day with his -father at Castel Durante, reached Pesaro on the 15th of May. On the -21st, she set out on her ill-fated journey, and on the 26th was met -at Lamole by her husband. Although it is only within the last few -years that the Apennine range has been there opened up by a road -equalling in convenience any of the celebrated Alpine passes, a -hasty effort was made to render her route practicable for a carriage -from the frontier to her new capital. In the communal records of -S. Angelo in Vado, I noticed an instruction that the town should -bear its portion of the repairs of the way from Borgo S. Sepolchro, -preparatory to her passage, and should contribute towards the public -rejoicings, triumphal arches, and other complimentary demonstrations. -Among the ingenious devices adopted in honour of the occasion, was -the construction in wood of a colossal equestrian figure of the -Prince on horseback, part of which still remains in the public hall -of S. Angelo. Tradition ascribes it to Frederico Zuccaro, but his -death in 1609 places him beyond the suspicion of executing what seems -to have been little creditable to the artistic skill of his townsmen. -The bridal party, after sleeping at Mercatello, proceeded by easy -journeys to Pesaro, spending only a forenoon at Castel Durante with -the Duke, who, unequal to the journey, had deputed his principal -courtiers, escorted by a hundred gentlemen on horseback, to receive -the Princess on the Apennines, and conduct her home. Among the -deputations which on this occasion attended to welcome her to her -future dominions, was one from S. Leo, the ancient capital of the -original fief of the Feltrian race, bringing a donative of twelve -silver cups valued at 500 scudi, to whom she returned the following -answer:-- - - "To the most magnificent and my much loved the Gonfaloniere - and Priors of the city of S. Leo. - - "Most magnificent and well-beloved, - - "On entering this state, I brought with me a firm - resolution impartially to favour all, but this I shall - especially observe towards you; for I have particularly to - acknowledge your affectionate devotion, and gratefully to - accept the duty you have expressed towards me by the mouth - of your deputation, and by the compliment of plate you have - given me in token of your attachment. I shall ever cherish - towards you the like good will, and a desire of usefully - testifying it. May God preserve you. From Pesaro, 19th - December, 1621. - - "Your most loving, - - "CLAUDIA, PRINCESS OF URBINO."[105] - -[Footnote 105: MARINI, _Saggio di S. Leo_.] - -With infatuation unequalled perhaps in the long catalogue of -parental errors, Francesco Maria now gave the finishing stroke to -a system which had trained up his only child to become the scourge -of his people and the ruin of his house. We have seen him deprecate -a minority as a national misfortune; we have now to witness him -anticipating all its evils, by voluntarily entrusting the reins to -one whom youth, education, inexperience, and follies combined to -render utterly inefficient for their management. That this plan had -long been cherished as a favourite speculation, may be gathered from -those instructions to his son which have been already quoted; that -its most attractive feature was the escape it secured to him from -the business and duties of his station, admits not of a doubt. -Flattering himself that, in providing the Prince with an honourable -and eligible match, he had done his utmost to retrieve past errors -and secure a prosperous future, he hurried the execution of his -scheme, apprehensive perhaps that delay would render its absurdity -more glaring, or bring to light some new disqualification in -Federigo. In absence of any rational explanation of such a step, it -has been supposed a secret stipulation with the Grand Duke at the -time of the marriage, but of this there is not a shadow of evidence. -The motive imputed by Gozzi, that it was a device of the Duke to -prevent his son from longing for his death and for the delights of -sovereignty, seems quite reconcileable with the false philosophy by -which he so perversely regulated his general conduct. We turn with -interest to the Diary at a moment thus important to his history -and that of his state, but find it here more than usually meagre, -alluding neither to the fact of his abdication, its manner, nor its -motives.[106] Like King Lear, the old man already felt-- - - "How sharper than a serpent's tooth it is - To have a thankless child," - -and his Memoirs abruptly conclude with the negotiation for the -Prince's marriage. From Passeri's investigations, we only learn -that he one day called round him his son and principal officers, -and, after addressing to both a long exhortation on the new duties -about to be devolved upon them, made over to the former the reins of -government.[107] Reserving for his own use one-third of the private -revenues of his family, which from various documents seem to have -amounted to about 300,000 crowns, he shut himself up more closely -than ever in his-- - - "Boasted seat - Of studious peace and mild philosophy." - -Among the Oliveriana MSS. I found a list of his court taken to Castel -Durante, which, though undated, probably refers to the arrangements -made at this period. - - 1 counsellor, 1 secretary, 5 gentlemen of the household 7 - 4 captains, 5 chamberlains, 4 assistant chamberlains 13 - 1 dwarf or hunchback, 1 watchmaker, 1 barber 3 - 1 master of the wardrobe, 2 porters, 4 pages and their 2 servants 9 - 1 physician, 1 apothecary, 2 chaplains, 3 readers 7 - 18 household servants, 10 stable servants 28 - __ - Total 67 - -[Footnote 106: As a specimen of the style of this most disappointing -MS., and in proof of its small historical importance, I extract -all the notices for August 1621, the month in which, according to -Passeri, this transaction took place. - -"6. News arrived of the death of the Archduke Albert, which happened -at Brussels on the 13th ult. - -15. Vespers began to be performed in the church of S. Rocca of Castel -Durante. - -21. A stag was killed, weighing fully 530 lbs. - -26. Four large English dogs coursed in the park, which belong to the -Prince; they killed two fallow deer."] - -[Footnote 107: It appears that on the 25th of July the Prince arrived -from Urbino, and stayed two days, during which probably this scene -took place.] - -Yet the theoretical tendencies of his mind had not prevented him -from establishing, in the early portion of his reign, many practical -regulations conducive to the acceleration of business, and to the -due order of public affairs. His sway had been upon the whole a -mild one; and on a retrospect of two centuries, the government of -his predecessors must be pronounced to have promoted, in a degree -rarely paralleled, general happiness and public decorum, and at the -same time the true glory of their state. But all this was now to be -changed, and the brilliant dynasty of Urbino was doomed to expire, -exhaling a vile and loathsome odour. That court which the refined -tastes of the Feltrian Dukes and the polished pen of Castiglione had -rendered a model to the world, which the literature and conduct of -its later sovereigns had maintained in like honourable distinction, -was about to present a melancholy spectacle of unexampled -degradation. To enumerate the debasing excesses successively -introduced by Federigo is a sad and sickening task, which it were -well briefly to go through. His fancy for music was indulged, to the -exclusion of more serious avocations. His casual acquaintance with -the company of Venetian comedians was ripened into an intimacy, which -gradually monopolised his time and thoughts, and was followed out -with frenzied enthusiasm. These persons, belonging then to the vilest -classes, and treated accordingly, became the Prince's associates in -public and in private. Conforming his morals to theirs, he admitted -the actresses into his palace in daring defiance of decency, and -openly established one, named Argentina, as his mistress, feting her -publicly in Pesaro, and lavishing upon her large sums. Advancing -from one extravagance to another, this petty Nero of a petty court -delighted to bear a part in their dramatic representations before -his own subjects, generally choosing the character of a servant or a -lover, as most congenial to his degraded capacity. His people, imbued -with respect for the traditionary glories of their former Dukes, and -accustomed to the gravity of Spanish manners, stood in consternation -at such spectacles. But they scarcely dared express their feelings or -hope for redress, for, whilst he thus - - "Moiling lay, - Tangled in net of sensual delight," - -the Prince had adopted the most severe precautions to prevent his -father becoming cognisant of what was passing. - -But, however he might succeed in blinding one who was probably too -happy to shut his eyes and ears against all that occurred beyond the -limits of his favourite park and convent at Castel Durante, those -who owed the youthful tyrant no allegiance of apprehension carried -rumours of his doings to Florence. The family of the Princess anxious -to interrupt a career so disgraceful to her husband, so miserable for -herself, invited Federigo to visit them; and we find from the Diary -so often quoted, that he went to Florence on the 12th of September, -and returned on the 3rd of December, 1622. - -The Princess still fondly hoped (for women's hopes when fed by their -wishes die slowly) that the case was not desperate; she accordingly -received her husband with the joy and affection of a faithful wife, -and ordered a salute of a hundred cannon to welcome him back. But her -trust was doomed to a grievous disappointment. The recent restraints -of a foreign residence were speedily compensated by new indulgences, -more scandalous, if possible, than before. The buffoonery he had -learned on the stage was carried into the streets, through which -he sallied in some low disguise, insulting all and sundry, and -striking them with the flat of his sword, till frequently obliged -to discover himself to the astonished spectators. The time which he -could spare from such ribaldry, and from his comedians, was devoted -to the stable. Besides driving his own horses, an occupation in those -stately days exclusively menial, he performed about them the vilest -offices of farrier and stable-boy. At length, in executing a feat, -unattempted, perhaps, by subsequent Jehus, that of driving eighteen -horses in hand, he galloped over a poor child. This outrage, having -reached his father, provoked him, in a fit of passionate indignation, -and in forgetfulness of his abdicated powers, to pronounce sentence -of exile from Pesaro against the Prince,--an order which, of course, -was not enforced. The reserved inanity of the Diary throws no light -whatever on the Duke's knowledge or feelings in regard to such -occurrences, though the following notices are scarcely reconcileable -with his ignorance of one excess of his son's headstrong career. - -"1623, February 24. The Duchess went to Urbino for the comedy -represented there the following day, and returned on the 26th. - -"----, ---- 27. The comedy was performed in Castel Durante."[108] - -[Footnote 108: The succeeding entry abruptly concludes the -Journal:--"March 7. The Prince arrived about 10 A.M., having left -Pesaro the preceding day, and returned there the 10th;" probably his -last meeting with his father.] - -Resuming Passeri's Memoir, to which, although incorrect in many -details, we are mainly indebted for this portion of our narrative, we -find that the Prince moved to Urbino early in the summer, the company -of actors forming the strength of his court, and there nightly -performed with them, amid the acclamations of a rabble audience. With -a view to conciliate his mother-in-law, the Grand Duchess of Tuscany, -whose interference in behalf of her insulted daughter he had too good -reason to anticipate, he prepared a magnificent coach and six costly -horses as a present to her. On the 28th of June he acted as usual -on the stage, the part which he sustained on this occasion being -(according to Galuzzi) the degraded one of a pack-horse, carrying -about the comedians on his back, and finally kicking off a load of -crockery with which he was laden. About midnight he retired to rest, -worn out by this buffoonery, after giving orders for a chasse next -day at Piobbico near Castel Durante. At dawn, hearing the clatter -of the horses which were setting out for Florence, he rose and gave -some orders from the window in his night dress. In the morning his -attendants, surprised at not being summoned, and fearing he would be -too late to attend mass before noon, knocked in vain at his door. -Three hours passed away in doubts and speculations, and at length two -of the courtiers burst open the door, exclaiming "Up, your Highness, -'tis time for the comedy!" But for him that hour was past; the -well-known and welcome words fell on an ear whose silver cord was -broken. His body was under the icy grip of death; his spirit had fled -to its awful account. - -The body was discovered on its back, bleeding at the nose and mouth, -the left hand under the pillow, one leg drawn up, and the mattress -much discomposed. The Prince always slept alone, and locked himself -in, without retaining any attendants in the adjoining apartment. -Six strangers, with the Tuscan accent, had been observed about -the palace the day before. From these circumstances, and from his -odious character, suspicions of foul play were entertained; but most -of the accounts which I have seen attribute his death to apoplexy, -resulting probably from premature and excessive dissipation. The -body was opened, and no traces of poison were detected; but a small -quantity of water was found upon the brain, which the medical -report attributed to over indulgence in athletic sports, and to the -bushy thickness of his hair, which he greatly neglected. The most -probable explanation of this catastrophe was that of the astrologer -Andrea Argoli, who, after an elaborate calculation of the Prince's -horoscope, pronounced him to have died of an epileptic fit, induced -by the chill of the morning air; a conclusion dictated, no doubt, -by medical experience, rather than by the study of those malignant -planetary influences which the quack thought fit to quote as decisive -of the question. - -On the first alarm the Princess had rushed to the room, breaking -through all opposition, and exclaiming, "What! my Lord is ill, and -am I not to see him?" but finding him dead, she fainted. The chief -anxiety of all was how to break the dire news to the "way-worn and -way-wearied" Duke, who was suffering from a severe fit of gout, in -his wonted retirement. At length, the Bishop of Pesaro, nominally -head of the court, undertook the painful mission. Having arrived at -Castel Durante, he sent in by a chamberlain a sealed note, containing -the words "The Prince is dead." This the Duke at first desired to -be laid aside till later, with his other letters; but on being told -that the Bishop was in attendance, he read it without emotion, -and exclaimed in Latin, "The Lord gave, the Lord hath taken away; -blessed be the name of the Lord." This Christian stoicism might seem -inexplicable, but from the context of the narrative, which states -that to the lamentations of his attendants, he without a sigh or tear -supplied consolation, assuring them that the event was irremediable, -and one for which he had long been prepared; and adding, with Sancho -Panza-like resignation, "He who lives badly comes to a bad end, -and one born by a miracle dies by violence." He then with perfect -self-command gave directions necessary for the funeral, and for the -exigencies of the government; and at supper ordered the reading of -Italian and Spanish books of edification to be continued as usual. - -In an age when omens were observed with a heathenish superstition, -the people began to take note of these before they considered the -recent event in its practical and political bearings. It was now -recollected that the journey of the Prince and Princess, on their -return from their marriage, had been interrupted, before they reached -Pesaro, by an extraordinary tempest, which flooded their capital, and -delayed their public entry. On the day month preceding Federigo's -death, a flight of brown moths passed over Urbino towards the sea, -darkening the air for hours. Again, during the fatal night, a strange -and threatening cloud was seen by many to cast its gloomy shadow -over that city, and, after successively assuming the forms of the -eagle of Montefeltro, and the tree of Rovere, to disperse and vanish -in the direction of Rome. Others saw serpents and similar monstrous -apparitions wrestling in mid-air, and contributed their quota to the -strange saws and marvellous instances which fed the popular craving -for prodigies. It is scarcely necessary to observe that these facts, -or at all events their application, had called for no remark until -men's minds were filled with the catastrophe of which they were then -interpreted as the precursors. But it may be thought singular that -those who busied themselves in finding out ominous coincidences -omitted to note a circumstance chronicled by the often-cited Diary, -that, on the 21st of August, 1604, nine months before the Prince's -birth, lightning struck the Duke's chamber at Castel Durante. Thunder -on the left was hailed by the Roman augurs as lucky, but this -visitation seems too violent for a good omen. - - * * * * * - -The honours of a royal sepulture were lavished on one whose life had -been thus unworthy of his station; and such was the magnificence -displayed in the trappings of death that, besides many overcharged -narratives of the funeral, portraits were multiplied of the Prince -laid out in his richly-silvered robes. He was deposited in a tomb -which Francesco Maria had destined for himself in the grotto or crypt -of the metropolitan cathedral, with an inscription to the following -purport:-- - - In this tomb, - Prepared for himself by - Francesco Maria II., Last Duke of Urbino, - Rest the ashes of - His son Federigo, - Who was cut off by a sudden death, - On the 29th June, MDCXXIII., - Aged XVIII. years. - -On a tablet in the church of Sta. Chiara, his fate is thus touchingly -commemorated:--"The waning day saw Federigo Prince of Urbino, in whom -sank the house della Rovere, sound in health, and pre-eminent in -every gift of fortune; the succeeding dawn beheld him struck down by -sudden death, on the 29th of June, 1623. Stranger! pass on, and learn -that happiness, like the brittle glass, just when brightest is most -fragile."[109] - -[Footnote 109: See these and other monumental inscriptions of Urbino -sovereigns, Appendix, No. VII.] - - * * * * * - -The first year of the Prince's marriage had given him a daughter, -born at Pesaro, on the 7th of February, 1622, whose advent, as we -learn from her grandfather's Diary, was marked by the appearance of -three suns in the heavens. She was baptized Vittoria, and was hailed -by the Duke and his people with joyful anticipations of a fruitful -union, which were destined never to be realised. Francesco Maria's -age and infirmities cut off all hopes of a new alliance, and the -male line of the Rovere race, to whom were limited the ducal dignity -and state, was obviously doomed to extinction in his person. It was -true that a similar failure of rightful heirs had, in the preceding -century, been supplied by a substitution of the heir-general to this -very fief; but that transaction was, in fact, a new investiture, -dictated by papal nepotism, and scarcely veiled under the guise of -a heritable title. The spirit of the papacy had, since then, been -greatly changed in the ordeal of the Reformation; and the ambition of -its successive heads, purified from selfish motives, had been long -concentrated upon advancing the spiritual and temporal supremacy of -the Holy See. But here the question rested not merely on such general -principles of law and policy. The foresight of Paul V. had interposed -a barrier clause in the marriage contract of Federigo, whereby the -Grand Duke's solemn renunciation of all pretensions in behalf of the -female issue of that union was distinctly recorded. - -As soon as the widowed princess had rallied a little from an advent -which, however shocking to her nerves, could not be supposed -very long to weigh upon her feelings, she despatched a courier -to Florence with the news, and soon prepared to leave for ever a -country which she had adopted with bright hopes, quickly turned to -bitter experience. After paying a brief visit to the Duke, in whose -hands she left her child at Castel Durante, she returned to her -family, to forget the troubled dream of the last two years. That she -succeeded in banishing it from her thoughts may be presumed from her -remarriage, three years after, to the Archduke Leopold of Austria; -and it is interesting to notice that the latest jotting in the Diary -of her former father-in-law, long after its regular entries had -ceased, runs thus:--"On 26th March, 1626, Count delle Gabiccie was -sent to Florence to visit Donna Claudia, Archduchess of Austria." - - * * * * * - -The situation into which Francesco Maria found himself thrown by the -Prince's death was one requiring the support of all that philosophy -which it had been the chief pursuit of his life to attain. His house -was desolate; his line suddenly extinguished; his sovereignty about -to lapse. But these crushing blows were accompanied by aggravating -circumstances, which called for immediate exertion. The brief reign -of Federigo had proved equally detrimental to his state and ruinous -to himself. The government was falling to pieces, the finances -were in hopeless confusion. Thus was the literary retirement which -the Duke had thought to secure from the residue of his life rudely -interrupted, and the cares of sovereignty he had shaken off were -thrown back upon him, more inextricable than ever. The good order at -home and influence abroad, from thirty-seven years of prudent and -popular sway, had, in two brief years, been scattered, and there -remained to the old man but the choice of recommencing the labours -of a lifetime, or abandoning the reins of government now thrust back -into his unnerved hands. Judging from his dispositions and past -history, it would not be difficult to conjecture which of these -alternatives had the greater attraction; yet at this juncture, sense -of duty for a time triumphed over the dictates of inclination, and -Francesco Maria showed himself every inch a monarch. - -After consulting for a few days with the Bishop of Pesaro, Count -Francesco Maria Mammiani, his favourite, and Count Giulio Giordani, a -friend of forty years' tried service, he thus matured his measures. -The papal chair being vacated by the death of Gregory XV., on the 8th -of July, he sent to the College of Cardinals an official intimation -of his son's death, and a full assurance of dutiful devotion. He -accompanied the like notification to his subjects with an injunction -for the election of a new council of eight, to whom he proposed to -commit the administration of civil and criminal justice, for the -burden of which his years were incompetent. To the widowed Princess -he made every overture which affectionate sympathy could suggest. -Finally, he resumed the ducal mantle, and the functions which he had -so unfortunately devolved; and, dismissing the whole administration -which his son had employed, he entered upon the government, with -the assistance of a small but select cabinet. His first thoughts -were bestowed upon the destiny of his orphan granddaughter, and, -notwithstanding the suggestion of his counsellors, that he should -keep her as an instrument whereby the policy of neighbouring -powers, who would doubtless aspire to so eligible a match, might be -made subservient to strengthen his relations abroad, he insisted -upon some immediate arrangement, which would relieve him from the -apprehension of leaving unprotected a prize so tempting to papal or -princely ambition. The question was brought to a speedy solution by -a well-timed offer from the Grand Duke Ferdinand II. of Tuscany, to -receive and educate in his family his niece, and eventually to make -her his consort, on condition of her being declared heiress of all -the Duke's allodial and personal property. To secure the intimate -alliance and support of the Medici had, as we have seen, long been -the cherished policy of Francesco Maria, and the importance of a -connection sufficiently powerful to maintain the rights of the -Princess, in that revolution which must succeed immediately upon his -death, was self-evident. But there was another consideration equally -cogent, for, on the extinction of her father's family, nature and -law pointed out her maternal cousin as the most suitable guardian of -her childhood and education. Having decided in favour of a proposal -at once advantageous to his granddaughter, and releasing him from -one of the greatest anxieties of his position, the Duke lost no time -in sending her to the court of Tuscany, under protection of Count -and Countess Mammiani. Indeed, these arrangements were all concluded -within four months of his son's death. - -On the 6th of August, the conclave elected Cardinal Maffeo -Barberini, of a family originally Florentine, who had only attained -his fifty-fifth year; a man respectable at once from his talents, -his habits of business, and his moral character. It was observed -that, during the sittings of the conclave, a hive of bees swarmed -under one of their windows, an incident rendered notable from -the Barberini carrying that insect in their arms. On ascending -the chair of St. Peter, the first business which occupied Urban -VIII. was the important accession to the ecclesiastical state -promised by the Prince of Urbino's death. There was no legal doubt -that the fief, limited to the male line of Guidobaldo II., must -lapse on that of the old Duke; but the struggles whereby church -vassals had formerly supplied, by steel or gold, similar defects -of constitutional title, were not forgotten, and the College of -Cardinals looked upon the infant Princess as a subject of keen -interest.[*110] It was, therefore, not without jealousy that they -learned her sudden betrothal to so powerful a sovereign; and the -Pontiff's remonstrances, though avowedly grounded on the conclusion -of that important transaction without enabling him to display his -friendly respect for the parties, were probably intended to keep -the arrangement open for after cavil. A brief interval supplied new -grounds for anxiety, on the arrival of a messenger from Francesco -Maria with tidings of an overture on the part of the Emperor -Ferdinand II., directly at variance with the pretensions of the Holy -See. Ferdinand had accompanied his condolence with a proposal that -the Duke should recognise the imperial title to the countships of -Montefeltro and Castel Durante on his death, as being original fiefs -of the empire, and offered to renew the investiture of these in -favour of the infant heiress. But, faithful to his ecclesiastical -allegiance, the Duke courteously declined availing himself of -a favour which seemed more likely to reawaken the slumbering -controversies (though scarcely now the conflicts) between Guelph -and Ghibelline, than to secure any available benefit to Princess -Vittoria. Pleading a disinclination to open up questions that might -disturb the peace of his declining years, he left it to the Emperor, -when these should close, to transact any such arrangement directly -with the Holy See; a reply which pleased neither him nor the Grand -Duke. - -[Footnote *110: Cf. _Memorie istoriche concernenti la devoluzione -dello stato d'Urbino alla Sede Apostolica_ (Amsterdam, 1723).] - -The Emperor being uncle of the Grand Duke, his proposition could -not be viewed in any other light than as an attempt to establish a -legal basis for whatever claims on the states of Urbino it might -suit the husband of Vittoria hereafter to make. It was accordingly -met by Urban with very decided measures. He delegated three prelates -of tried fidelity to the circumjacent provinces of the Church, with -instructions to watch closely the affairs of the duchy, and, in case -of any movement adverse to the ecclesiastical interests, to march -troops at once across the frontier. He then made a formal appeal to -the Duke, as the faithful and devoted adherent of the Holy See, to -resign into its safe custody S. Leo, which, besides being considered -the most impregnable fortress in Italy, was capital of the countship -of Montefeltro, and formed part of the mortgage assigned by Clement -VII. to the Medici, in security for alleged debts, still unsettled -since the usurpation of Lorenzo de' Medici. This unceremonious -proposition was accompanied by a distinct avowal of the Pope's -resolve to make sure of the devolution to the ecclesiastical state of -every morsel of the dukedom; and an intimation that any refusal would -necessitate military demonstrations at Rimini and Citta di Castello. -So decided, indeed, was his Holiness to abate nothing of the renown -which he anticipated from effecting this important accession to -the pontifical temporalities, that he is said to have avowed his -resolution to fall under the walls of Urbino, or be hanged on its -battlements, rather than yield one tittle of his demands.[*111] - -[Footnote *111: It is curious to note the shameless zeal, astuteness, -and cunning of the papacy in this matter. I believe a work on the -subject is promised by Professor C. SCOTONI. The Pope could -not have proved his right to Urbino in any tribunal. His claim was -really more absurd than the claim of the Emperor.] - -But this precipitation failed in its object. The Duke was startled -by what seemed at best a harsh return for the leal and true faith -towards his ecclesiastical over-lord which had actuated his conduct. -His suspicions thus aroused placed him on the defensive in his -interviews with the legate Pavoni, whose persuasions were coldly -repelled, and whose tone of menace called up all the old man's pride. -He briefly and indignantly replied that death alone should deprive -him of a sovereignty which he was fully able to maintain; that the -extinction of his family was a dispensation of God; but that the -Pontiff's demand was an insinuation against his good faith, which -was far beyond question; finally, that his Holiness would do well -to await the close of his few remaining days, when he would obtain -everything in the due course of nature. To show that he spoke in -earnest, he the same night despatched a reinforcement to the garrison -of S. Leo; and his jealousy being thoroughly awakened, he refused -to perform the alternative which the Legate had, with modified -tone, suggested as a satisfactory solution of the difficulty, by -writing a formal acknowledgment that his entire state was held under -the Church, and a promise to do no act that might compromise or -prejudice her rights over it. Monsignor Pavoni, interpreting some -hasty expression of the Duke into a dismissal, was about to set out -for Rome the same night; but, having remained till morning to allow -time for cooler consideration, he obtained, under the hand of his -Highness, such a declaration as he had suggested. On his return, he -met Cardinal Cennino, another ambassador whom the impatient anxiety -of Urban had despatched to insist with still greater urgency on the -original terms. It were useless and irksome to follow the thread of -diplomatic intrigue now brought to bear on the poor bereaved Duke. He -felt himself demeaned even by the document which he had consented to -give; but when he found it was but a prelude to new demands,--when -he ascertained that a war establishment was ready along the -ecclesiastical frontier to pounce upon his territory on the slightest -pretext,--and when he was actually called upon to administer to the -governors of his principal fortresses, and to the officers in command -of his militia, an oath ensuring their allegiance to the Pope from -the day of his own death, accompanied with a promise on his part not -to appoint any one to those situations who had not taken a similar -oath, indignation brought on an attack of illness which had nearly -put an end to all difficulties by carrying him to the grave. This -new misfortune, far from obtaining for the old man relief from these -persecutions, stimulated the papal emissaries who surrounded him to -fresh importunities. Urban's apprehensions were augmented by measures -which Francesco Maria had taken for garrisoning his principal -fortresses with troops from Tuscany and Naples, and by rumours of a -new intrigue for transferring the hand of Vittoria to Leopold, son -of the Emperor, thus giving to the latter a direct interest in this -already involved dispute, which Philip IV. of Spain, jealous of the -prospective aggrandisement of the Church, showed every disposition -still further to complicate. The Pope, in order to forward his views -upon the duchy, had, without consulting the Duke, promoted Monsignor -Paulo Emilio Santorio from the see of Cesena to be Archbishop of -Urbino, a man of violent temper and coarse manners, whose nomination -was regarded as an insult by Francesco Maria, and who injudiciously -substituted threats for conciliation in his intercourse with the -Duke. This example was followed by subordinate agents who surrounded -his sick bed, and wore him out by alternately working on his -irritable disposition, his avarice, and his superstitious belief in -astrology. Every turn of his malady was watched, and reported to Rome -as matter of hope or fresh anxiety, whilst his palace was beset by -troublesome and meddling spies. - -Nor were his negotiations with the Pontiff the only sources of -irritation which daily accumulated upon the unhappy Francesco Maria. -The cares of state, from which he had of late escaped, returned more -irksomely than before. The brief misgovernment of the Prince had -thrown upon him a greatly aggravated burden of anxiety and labour -in the direction of these affairs; and his old favourites and tried -counsellors were dropping around him, just at the crisis when he most -required their services. His constitution, impaired by years and -broken by gout, gave way under his agony of mind, and a paralytic -seizure made fresh breaches upon his system. With a frame thus -enfeebled, a mind thus disgusted, he sent for Antonio Donato, a noble -Venetian long resident at his court, who had been at various times -employed in political affairs, and addressed him in words which his -Narrative of these events has preserved to us:-- - -"Your Lordship sees to what a condition God has reduced me. My house -he has left unto me desolate: he has taken from me my dominion, my -health, and my honour. I have sold myself to one skilful in profiting -by my misfortunes: I am reduced to the shadow of sovereignty, and -continually exposed to new inroads. To await death in so miserable -a plight is impossible, to anticipate it were a crime: unable to -recover what is gone from me, all now left me is to die without -disgrace, after living for seventy-six years with nothing to regret. -To you I would impart my ideas, that we may consider whether, by -surrendering what remains, I might mitigate my vexations. I think of -entreating the Pope to send me any one he pleases, who may govern -this country, dependent upon me and by virtue of my authority, which -I shall delegate to him as fully as it is vested in my person. -Thus may his Holiness more effectually secure the return of these -states after my death under the sway of the Church, and thus will -he be enabled to liberate me from the restraint of obligations and -oaths, no longer necessary when his own deputy is invested with the -government, leaving me, in these my last hours, time to think of -death, and to prepare myself suitably to meet it, as I well know it -cannot be distant.... And perhaps this plan, which I own is hard -to digest, may be less irksome in practice than it now seems in -discussion; for in truth, I am no longer what I once was, nor ought -I at this juncture to think but of my people's peace and my own. -After all that has occurred, this ecclesiastical governor may prove -the least annoying expedient; at all events it will free me from the -irritation and slavery which past events have brought upon me." - -After having at first argued against the measure thus suggested, -Donato was at length induced to carry the proposal formally to the -Pope, without previous consultation with any one else. Suspicious -perhaps of so sudden a change in the sentiments of Francesco Maria, -the Sacred College raised difficulties in order to gain time for -deliberation; but when, with his wonted impatience, he proposed to -recall Donato and reconsider the matter, with a view to some other -measure, the proffered devolution was accepted without further delay. -The papal brief to that effect was dated the 10th December, 1624, -and on the 20th, the Duke executed a blank warrant, making over his -whole sovereign authority to the governor who might be named, and -reserving only the empty name of his subject's allegiance. - -The Devolution was effected on the following terms. Along with all -sovereign rights, there were conveyed to the Holy See the various -fortified places in the duchy, and the residences at Urbino, Pesaro, -and S. Leo. The Camera was allowed a preference in purchasing -such warlike instruments, ammunition, and stores, as these places -might contain, and was to pay to the Duke 100,000 scudi in name of -expenses and ameliorations. To him and his heirs were reserved the -furniture and movables in these three residences, and the whole -allodial possessions of the family, including the palaces of Castel -Durante, Sinigaglia, Gubbio, Cagli, Fossombrone, Novilara, and Della -Carda; the _palazzetti_ or villas of Imperiale, Montebello, Monte -Berticchio, Mirafiori, Velletta, and Barchetto, the three last being -at Pesaro; many parks, forests, vineyards, houses, and particularly -thirty-two mills. The Grand Duke of Tuscany was a party to the deed -of devolution, which was executed on the 30th April, 1624, and he -therein specially renounced for himself and his family all claim -to the dukedom and states.[112] The assertion of Muratori, that -Francesco Maria often regretted this step is not borne out by any -authorities I have consulted. - -[Footnote 112: Oliveriana MSS. No. 324. Many documents regarding -these transactions are printed in Riposati, vol. II.] - -In these arrangements the party most immediately interested had no -voice, for the consent of the governed was then little studied in -such transactions. Though the eloquent historian of the Italian -republics maintains, upon true Guelphic principles, the blessings -of the ecclesiastical sway compared with that of the petty -seigneurs,[*113] those who have read the preceding chapters may -hesitate ere they apply this doctrine to the duchy of Urbino. Four -times have we seen the people throw off the transient rule of the -Church, and recall their native princes to maintain that microscopic -nationality which, to an Italian, is far dearer than personal -liberty. Guicciardini admits that those who, under the princes, -were maintained in ease with little personal exertion, generally -hated papal domination. But under the popular dynasty of those dukes -whose lives we have endeavoured to sketch, the loyalty implanted -by selfishness was watered by affection, until its mature growth -overshadowed the land. The extinction of their race was therefore -bewailed by a grateful people, whose degradation to provincialism was -felt as a still greater, and, in the circumstances, an irremediable -misfortune. - -[Footnote *113: Here I heartily agree with Dennistoun. If the people -preferred the ecclesiastical sway to that of the Signori, why was the -whole state of Urbino so eager to get Francesco Maria II. married? -And if we want another example from more recent times, why, in 1860, -did the people of Perugia turn out _en masse_ and tear down the papal -fortress, leaving a desert, which they still gloat over, in its -place? The temporal rule of the Church has been bad everywhere at all -times and in every way. That is why we have beggared her.] - -It is but justice to Urban to contrast his conduct on this occasion -with the eagerness displayed by many of his predecessors for the -aggrandisement of their own houses, by investing them with the lapsed -fiefs of the Church. The obstacles to such an arrangement were no -doubt increased by the altered spirit of the age, by the curtailed -influence of the papacy, by the watchful jealousy of the great -powers, and by numerous bulls directed against such alienations. Yet -other ambitious pontiffs had trampled upon parchments, had braved -public opinion, and had deluged Italy in blood for less tempting -baits, and Muratori hints that such an attempt might, in the present -case, have been sanctioned by Spain. Whilst, therefore, we blame the -discourteous manner in which his Holiness made the aged Duke feel, -with unnecessary acuteness, his bereaved and enfeebled position, we -give him credit for a self-denying policy becoming the head of a -Christian church.[*114] - -[Footnote *114: This is amusing of Urban VIII., of whom Pasquino -said-- - - "_Quod non fecerunt Barbari - Fecerunt Barberini._"] - -The first governor delegated by the Pope was Monsignor Berlinghieri -Gessi, Bishop of Rimini, who took possession on the 1st January, -1625. The Duke assigned to him his palaces, and a salary of 2000 -scudi, paying also the other officials, and the only internal change -in the government was the dismissal of the council of Eight. Indeed, -the deference shown by the people for those forms under which they -had long been governed, obtained a guarantee for their continuance -during ten years; and we are told that the chief innovation upon -them consisted in an extension of literary academies, which had been -discouraged by Francesco Maria on an apprehension of their taking -a political tendency.[115] In January, 1626, the Bishop received a -scarlet hat, and was succeeded as governor three years subsequently -by Monsignor Lorenzo Campeggi, Bishop of Cesena, afterwards of -Sinigaglia who held that office until the death of Francesco Maria. - -[Footnote 115: Brit. Mus. Lib. Add. MSS. Ital. No. 8511, art. 3.] - -But, though happy to escape from the personal superintendence of the -government, - - "The old man, broken with the storms of state," - -did not consider himself exempted from all concern in the welfare of -his subjects. We accordingly find, in a collection of his letters -made by his secretary Babucci,[116] a very long remonstrance -addressed to Cardinal Gessi regarding certain malversations in the -management of public affairs. His complaints were directed against -abuses of patronage, by conferring places of trust upon young and -inexperienced persons, especially in the army, where many officers -were rather children than soldiers; against a laxity of manners -and conversation among the women, extending even to the nunneries; -against the indiscriminate bearing of arms, which had already led to -numerous homicides, and to the extirpation of game in the preserves. -To Campeggi, the next governor, he complains, in 1628, of an -increasing expenditure with impaired revenues. - -[Footnote 116: Dr. Antonio Babucci transcribed for the press a number -of letters written by the Duke after the Devolution, and dedicated -them to the Grand Duchess Vittoria. The MS. is preserved in the -Magliabechiana Library, class xxv. No. 77, and fully bears out the -commendation we have given to his epistolary style at p. 213.] - - - - -CHAPTER XLVIII - - The Duke's monkish seclusion--His Death and Character--His - Portraits and Letters--Notices of Princess Vittoria - and her Inheritance--Fate of the Ducal Libraries--The - Duchy Incorporated with the Papal States--Results of the - Devolution. - - -After his release from the cares of state, and from all anxiety as to -the fate of his subjects and of his granddaughter, Francesco Maria -was left to employ his unimpaired powers of mind on more congenial -topics. His few remaining years were passed in the society of those -monks of the order of Minims,[*117] whom he had brought to the new -convent, and who had been selected for their literary acquirements. -He made them the companions and aids of his studies, and discussed -with them such subjects as his reading suggested. Though ever -respectful of the doctrines and observances of religion, fanaticism -had no part in his character; and it is clear from his last will, -and other evidence, that, in circumstances peculiarly favourable to -an undue exercise of priestly influence, he kept himself free from -its thraldom. Yet was he exemplary in pious preparation for the -change which his sinking frame, as well as his philosophy, taught -him to regard as at hand. To blighted hopes, parental anguish, and -a desolate old age, were added great bodily sufferings. Gout, to -which he had been subject from his thirty-fourth year, had by degrees -so twisted his limbs that he was fed like a child, and a fresh -paralytic seizure at length completed his decrepitude. Still, amid - - "The waste and injury of time and tide," - -his mind continued unclouded. To the end his letters maintained their -clear and graceful style; and the frequent correspondence he kept up -with his granddaughter, a child in years rather than in ideas, formed -the latest link that connected his thoughts and hopes with mundane -objects. Of this correspondence, so creditable to the hearts of the -writers, a few specimens will be found at p. 220. - -[Footnote *117: An order not of monks but of friars, founded by -S. Francis of Paola in Calabria in 1436. The rule is based on the -Franciscan, and the religious are mendicants.] - -The registers of the Roman convent of Minims of S. Lorenzo[*118] -enable us to trace the closing scenes of the old man's feeble -existence. During the autumn of 1630 a change took place, and he was -chiefly confined to bed during the subsequent winter. The rapid decay -of his digestive organs was accelerated by rigid fastings during -Lent, in which he persisted despite of his confessor's remonstrances. -From the debilitating effects of this discipline, exhausted nature -could not rally; but life ebbed so slowly, that four days elapsed -after extreme unction had been administered, ere his flickering pulse -was still. At length, on the 28th of April, 1631, he passed away, -bewailed by his subjects, regretted by all Italy. To the citizens of -Castel Durante his death was an especial bereavement. "They wept for -a beloved father, the chastener of the bad, the rewarder of the good, -the stay and advocate of the poor, the protector of the orphan, the -support of the weak and oppressed, the consoler of the afflicted, the -benefactor of all."[119] Thus deprived of the glorious and desired -shade and shelter of their goodly OAK, which, transplanted -from the Ligurian shores, had branched out so boldly in their -mountain soil, his people saw their independence extinguished, and -their position in provincial insignificance riveted for ever. - -[Footnote *118: This I know not. Their present _Casa generalizia_ is -at S. Andrea delle Fratte. The basilica of S. Lorenzo is now in the -care of the Franciscans.] - -[Footnote 119: CIMARELLI, _Istoria dello Stato d'Urbino_.] - -He lay in state during two days, arrayed in the ducal mantle of -silver tissue lined with purple taffetas; on his head a coronet -of gold surmounted the velvet cap of maintenance; the collar of -the Fleece was on his neck, the ring on his finger, the sceptre in -his hand. In these trappings of sovereignty, a last tribute to the -station which he had quitted for ever, and which none remained to -fill, he was by his own desire interred. Seven years before, he had -prepared for himself an unornamented tomb under the holy-water vase -in the church of the Crucifixion, at Castel Durante. There he chose -his final resting-place, amid sites endeared as the scene of his -youthful sports, the relaxation of his busy manhood, the retreat -of his chastened age. Thither he was escorted by a procession of -five hundred gentlemen, besides a numerous attendance of priests -and monks. Each of the latter received a scudo and a pound of wax; -and by one of them, Padre Ludovico Munaxho, the funeral oration was -pronounced. At his own desire, this prayer, from the liturgy of his -church, was inscribed under the front, in lieu of epitaph:--"O Lord, -incline thine ear to our prayers, wherein we supplicate thy mercy, -and that thou wouldst establish in peace, and in the realms of the -elect, the soul of thy servant Francesco Maria II., Duke of Urbino, -which thou hast summoned from this life, and that thou wouldst ordain -it to be received into the company of thy saints, through Christ our -Saviour. Amen. He died in the year of God MDCXXXI., and of -his age LXXXIII." - - * * * * * - -[Illustration: FRANCESCO MARIA II., DUKE OF URBINO - -_From a picture once in the possession of James Dennistoun_] - -The character of Francesco Maria presented many strange -contradictions. The manifold inconsistencies of his precepts and -practice have already been pointed out; and the opinions of his -contemporaries varied, not only from the estimate with a perusal of -such memorials as I have discovered of his reign would lead one to -form, but also from each other. It may be well to give the judgments -of those who had best opportunities of forming just conclusions, -leaving the reader to reconcile their discrepancies. Donato, his -chief counsellor in the Devolution of his state, whose experience was -chiefly of his latter years, writes of him as follows:-- - -"For sixty years did he enjoy his dukedom, ever loved but ever -feared by his subjects, and highly esteemed by foreigners. Having -had always about him the most famous literary characters of his -time, having himself mastered many sciences, and read a multitude -of books, it would be difficult in a few words to do justice to his -finished knowledge, to his acute genius, to his profound memory, to -his elegant and unaffected style in speaking and in writing, to his -intimate acquaintance with natural history and geography, as well -as with the political relations of states. Nor was he less skilled -in the more important acquirements of theology and sacred subjects, -upon which he was accustomed to dispute with those whose business -it was to teach these doctrines. He was a prince of great piety, of -exemplary manners, of austere address. He lived as a sovereign, but -spoke like a simple gentleman. His modesty veiled the pride of his -station; his strict justice obtained for him the respect due to a -king; his conduct was on all occasions exemplary. Fond of despatch, -he was impatient of dilatory measures and superfluous discussions. He -would have been a paragon for princes, and worthy of undying fame, -had not the irritability which unaccountably swayed his temper, and -his violent fits of passion in matters regarding himself, hurried him -unrestrained by his many virtues into numerous excesses and errors. -Among such may be accounted his throwing up the reins to his son, -his abandoning himself to the guidance of favourites, his credulous -adherence to first impressions, his abhorrence of those who had once -alienated his regard. Timid and suspicious from his solitary habits, -he was averse to generosity, cautious in his expenditure, but, -punctual to his promises, was fully to be relied upon for an exact -performance of his word. In person he was well-proportioned, neither -stout nor thin. He was a good knight, skilled in arms and equestrian -exercises; he was devoted to the chase and all manly exercises; -attached to persons of accomplishment and high birth." - -Thus speaks his courtier Donato; and he is in the main confirmed by -a somewhat less favourably coloured testimony from Gozze, who seems -to have been a contemporary, and whose narrative is contained in No. -324 of the Oliveriana MSS. According to it, he was singularly active, -skilful in all manly exercises, and particularly fond of racket -and of hunting. He was hasty in temper and in speech; impatient of -contradiction, and obstinate; so cunning that one scarcely knew when -he was in favour. He had much practical good sense, but was wayward, -choleric, discontented, selfishly inconsiderate of those about him, -and, having taken offence, was apt to brood over and resent it. He -was most exact in business, and habitually regular in its duties; -punctual in payments, but most strict in accounting with those who -managed his affairs. He was fond of magnificence, and maintained a -numerous court, though less brilliant than his father's. He had but -one favourite at a time, keeping all others at a distance; indeed, -his stern manner overawed even when his words were gracious. He -was handsome, in person scrupulously nice, but neither effeminate -nor extravagant in his habits. His disposition was retired and -melancholy, and he indulged it much by reading, writing, or walking -in solitude. He was ostensibly devout, and was regular in the -observance of religious duties. He spoke and wrote very well and -solidly, studying a terse and simple style. His tastes were decidedly -literary, with a partiality for the graver sciences, and he ever -maintained about him persons distinguished in letters and art. - -Writing at an interval of nearly a century and a half after his -death, but with the advantage of access to many original documents, -Passeri thus characterises Francesco Maria II. "In him military -skill, intercourse with courts, and scientific studies, combined to -form the rare instance of a sovereign philosopher. No prince of the -day was more wise, more courtly, or more attached to his people; and -his systematic government by means of excellent ministers might be -adopted as a model. To men of letters he paid the greatest honour, -and he willingly sought their converse; none such ever passed through -Pesaro whom he did not receive with distinction. It was his desire to -introduce all sorts of manufactures, that his subjects might have no -occasion to send their money abroad for the purchase of necessaries; -indeed, they exported silks, woollens, leather, and majolica, which -produced a large balance over their imports. The improvement of -agriculture shared his anxious care, and the means he adopted to -effect this merit high encomium. He wrought to advantage the iron -mines of Lamole, and those of copper at Gubbio. Thus did his state -become populous and wealthy, while lightly taxed, for the expenses of -his court were nearly limited to the income of his private estates, -and to the profits derived from the importation of grain out of the -dominions of the Church. He maintained a sort of standing militia of -thirteen thousand men in the pay of Spain, who, in peace, pursued -their occupations at home, but, in war, were placed under the command -of that power. From this arrangement great benefit resulted; for -thus had the military spirit, for which the country had always been -remarkable, an ample and safe outlet, whilst the talents so developed -often led to individual distinctions and promotion." - -From a narrative of Urbino, compiled in 1648,[120] we gather one -or two anecdotes of this Duke. When irritated he used to apply -contemptuous epithets to his various cities, founded upon the -temperament he had discovered in their inhabitants. Thus he called -the people of Urbino proud and foul-mouthed; those of Pesaro, -cowards; of S. Leo, Mantuan sheep; of Cagli, bum-bailiffs; of -Fossombrone, tax-gathers; for the citizens of Mondavio alone he -reserved a compliment, saying that they were born courtiers. Though -fond of letters, he ever set his face against the establishment of -academies, alleging that they might degenerate into revolutionary -conventicles. To the just views which guided his political -arrangements the best testimony is supplied by the fact above -mentioned, that his people interceded for a prolongation of all -his government institutions during the ten years succeeding the -Devolution, and that, Urban having consented, these were found so -well adapted to the well-being of the province, that they remained -undisturbed after that period of probation had expired. - -[Footnote 120: Maruccelli MSS. C. No. 308.] - -In person, Francesco Maria was handsome, and, from being puny and -stunted in childhood, grew up active and graceful, but with a -complexion of almost effeminate beauty. He was, therefore, fortunate -in having for his court painter one whose men and women, as Sir -Joshua Reynolds has happily remarked, seem nourished by roses. -Although it is improbable that Baroccio executed the swaddled effigy -of him in the Pitti Gallery, there can be little question that the -four portraits we shall now mention are by that artist. One of these, -in the Tribune of the Uffizi at Florence, with a repetition of equal -merit in Baron Camuccini's choice collection at Rome, represents to -perfection a strikingly elegant youth in the gorgeous uniform worn -on his naval expedition in 1571.[*121] There is in my possession a -half-length, with one of Ambrogio Baroccio's curious timepieces -upon the table, which came from the Durazzo Gallery at Genoa; and -the head introduced above, at p. 151, done in full manhood, when the -cares of sovereignty had begun to furrow his features with "lines -of anxious thought," was purchased by me at Pesaro, in 1843. In the -Antaldi Palace there, I saw a head of this Duke ascribed to Baroccio, -but evidently done some years after his death. It is a slight -sketch, thrown off at a sitting, and painfully preserving features -whereon age and sickness, sorrow and anxiety, have set their seal. -Portraiture can show no contrast more startling than that time-worn -figure, with glassy eye and ghastly visage, offers to the glowing -cheek and gallant bearing of the richly accoutred hero of Lepanto. -But still more melancholy the change that had come over the man, -then gladsome in youthful beauty, rising fame, and chivalrous hope, -burning to enjoy the advantages of high station, to maintain and -transmit the respect and popularity of a long-honoured name. - -[Footnote *121: No longer in the Tribuna, but in the Sala di -Baroccio. It is the painter's masterpiece [Cat. No. 1119].] - -We have referred to letters of the Duke written during his last -years, as interesting expressions of his state of mind. Besides -the collection of Babucci already quoted, a considerable number of -these are preserved in two other MSS. in the same library; also many -others, addressed by her relations to the Princess Vittoria, with -her answers, dated between 1627 and 1632.[122] The whole exceed -two hundred in number, and form a series of royal correspondence -equally remarkable for Christian sentiment and domestic affections. -In the following pages we give literal translations of a few of -them, which pleasingly illustrate these virtues in the Duke and -Duchess, in their daughter-in-law, now remarried to the Archduke -Leopold, and in the young Princess herself. By the first letter, the -Archduchess announces to her daughter the birth of a brother; by the -second, Francesco Maria intimates his confidence in the husband he -had chosen for his grandchild. In Nos. 3 and 6 the warmth of his -attachment to her is gracefully tinged with the pious resignation of -a dying Christian. Nos. 4 and 5 relate to his making over to her his -family jewels, a precaution, perhaps, against any difficulties that -might arise after his decease. No. 7 was his last letter, dictated -about a month before his release from sufferings. The remaining four -refer to that event, and to the affliction of his nearest relatives. - -[Footnote 122: Magliabechiana MSS., class viii., Nos. 60, 61.] - - 1. _The Archduchess Claudia to the Princess Vittoria._ - - "My most serene and beloved daughter, - - "Now that you have obtained from God your little brother, - after, as you tell me, having prayed for him (who, when he - is grown tall, will love you well), it remains for you to - thank the same God, who is the giver of all good. You say - that you wish to have this little brother for yourself; and - I agree to humour you under these conditions: First, that - your prayers obtain for me another next year; second, that - you come hither yourself to take him, so that you may have - the pleasure of seeing me, and I you; third, that, in the - meantime, you in everything obey Madam [the Dowager Grand - Duchess] and your other superiors, and that you often pray - for the health of the Lord Duke, to whom you owe so much. - And now I and my Lord your [step] father [the Archduke - Leopold] give you our blessing, beseeching for you a divine - one much more ample and perpetual. 3rd June, 1628. - - "Your most affectionate mother, - - "CLAUDIA." - - - 2. _The Duke Francesco Maria to the Princess Vittoria._ - - "Your Highness having now attained the age of seven, his - serene Highness the Grand Duke, your betrothed husband, has - intimated to me that, the better to secure his intentions - in your behalf from the speculations and gossip of the - public, he will forthwith voluntarily contract with you - the sacred rite of marriage. But, as I have adopted my - measures, after taking every conjuncture into account, I - cannot allow myself to suppose any purpose of drawing back - in the mind of a prince of his station, endued with virtues - which must ever render him estimable to posterity, and a - worthy grandson of the great Ferdinand. I have, therefore, - declined his request, and have offered my consent that the - contracts already executed and concluded between us should - be carried into effect when most agreeable to himself. And, - though I should not be then a party to these arrangements, - as, surely, I am little likely to be, considering the years - and ails which, lame as I am, hurry me with long and great - strides towards the tomb, yet is it my hope to behold from - heaven the comfort of your Highness, which I pray God may - be perpetual, and uninterrupted by any misfortune. I have - informed you of this that you may be aware of what is going - on, and I salute you," &c. - - - 3. _The Duke Francesco Maria to the Princess Vittoria._ - - "Most serene Lady, my grandchild, - - "Your Highness has much reason to send me happiness, for, - as I am so closely united to you, and love you so much, it - will all return to you for your own benefit. But, feeling - myself reduced to such a state that I can no longer find - it in this world, I shall take it as a great favour that - your Highness pray God Almighty to grant me, instead of - such enjoyments as are prized in this life, patience - amid the great sufferings wherewith he visits me, and to - account these as meritorious for my glory in the next. Keep - yourself well and joyous; love me as always; and command my - paternal benediction: and I kiss your hands. From Castel - Durante, 7th January, 1630. - - "Your Highness's servant, and grandfather, who loves you - from his heart, - - "THE DUKE OF URBINO." - - - 4. _The Duke Francesco Maria to the Princess Vittoria._ - - "I send to your Highness all the jewels remaining in this - house after its many calamities, and I consign them to - you during my life, since God knows what may happen after - my death. Your Highness will accept them in token of my - sincere affection towards you, and in good time will - ornament with them your person, forgetting not first to - adorn your mind with those virtues which become ladies - of your station, and which may render you more and more - dear to your most serene husband. And so I salute your - Highness." [9th April, 1630.] - - - 5. _The Princess Vittoria to the Duke Francesco Maria._ - - "Most serene Lord, my most respected grandfather, - - "I know that I ought always to pray God more for your - Highness's health and long life, seeing how, for affection - to me, you never cease to consider what may be for my - benefit. On Saturday morning I received your Highness's - letter of the 9th, by your master of the wardrobe, and - had the greatest joy in hearing that your Highness has - been pleased to send me the jewels. Yesterday too, after - breakfasting at the palace with Madam my most serene - grandmother, and the Lady Princess Anna, I had such delight - in seeing them all in presence of the most serene Grand - Duke my spouse. And as they are already brought to this - convent, your Highness may rest assured that they will - be kept in safe custody, and will serve to adorn me as - I may choose, as well as the others of the most serene - Archduchess my mother, which also I willingly believe she - will reserve for me. The thanks I shall render to your - Highness are my prayers for your behalf, which I shall - continue devoutly to offer several times a day, having no - other way of doing you a service; and I give you my most - humble duty with all my heart. From Florence, 15th April, - 1630." - - - 6. _The Duke Francesco Maria to the Princess Vittoria._ - - "Most serene Lady, my granddaughter, - - "I am sorry to trouble your Highness with so many of my - letters, but the love I bear you, and the news I have from - your city so contrary to my wishes, compel me to this. - Your Highness must therefore bear with it, and believe - that in writing I fancy myself with you, and find in this - a satisfaction even beyond what I derive from knowing - that you are settled where no demonstration of courtesy - and affection will ever be wanting to you. I pray God - to send a change of weather, that so I may feel assured - your Highnesses are exempt both from danger and from - its consequent anxieties. I augur for your Highness a - continuance of health and every good; and I endearingly - kiss your hands. From Castel Durante, 29th November, 1630. - - "Your Highness's servant, and grandfather, who loves you - from his heart, - - "THE DUKE OF URBINO." - - - 7. _The Duke Francesco Maria to the Princess Vittoria._ - - "Most serene Lady, my granddaughter, - - "My usual ailments have for the last several days so - harassed me, that the prayers which your Highness addresses - to God for me have been most appropriate. For these I - heartily thank you, and since His great goodness gives - me a hope that the Almighty listens to them, I beg of - you to continue them for that divine assistance of which - we all have need, but I in particular, who in age bear - so many additional ills. I hear from the letters of your - most serene spouse, that he, your Highness, and all his - most serene house are in health, and that the prevailing - epidemic may be considered extinct. On this I heartily - congratulate your Highness, of whom I would daily learn - some new good fortune and happiness, and by such would - esteem myself fully recompensed for the sufferings to which - my few remaining days must be subject. And with all my - heart I kiss your Highness's hands. From Castel Durante, - 2nd April, 1631. - - "Your Highness's servant, and grandfather, who loves you - heartily, - - "THE DUKE OF URBINO." - - - 8. _The Duchess Livia to the Princess Vittoria._ - - "Most serene Lady, my beloved granddaughter, - - "As, by connection of blood and of affection, our - consolations are in common, so also are our griefs and - afflictions. We have lost, by the death of the most serene - Lord Duke, more than I am able to express on paper, but - I know that your Highness's ready comprehension will be - sensible of this. It pains me to have to send you the - sad and mournful tidings of his death, which took place - last Monday, about half-past three o'clock; but since I - could not give you such news without sorrow, I pray you to - excuse me and console yourself, as I myself do in so far as - possible. And I affectionately kiss your hands, only adding - that to ensure your receiving it I have sent a duplicate of - this. Castel Durante, 2nd May, 1631. - - "Your Highness's servant, and most affectionate mother, who - loves you more than herself, - - "LIVIA DUCHESS OF URBINO." - - - 9. _The Princess Vittoria to the Duchess Livia._ - - "My most serene Lady, and respected grandmother, - - "I feel deeply the bad news of my grandfather, and though - they do not say he is dead, I much fear it, for they do not - speak plainly. Should it have pleased God to call him to - glory after such sufferings, I cannot but pray for his soul - in my devotions. And in the extreme grief which I shall - feel under so great a bereavement, and so heavy a loss, I - shall beseech your Highness to consent to come and stay in - this serene family, where I know you are much wished by all - their Highnesses, for this will be the utmost consolation - I could have. Meanwhile I await that of your Highness's - letters and commands, and I make you my reverence, praying - God to grant you every happiness. From Florence, 3rd May, - 1631." - - - 10. _The Princess Vittoria to the Archduchess Claudia._ - - "My most serene Lady, and respected mother, - - "The most serene Lord Duke my grandfather is at length - dead, to my infinite sorrow, and I seem to stand abandoned - by all; for I never knew other father but him; and your - Highness, though my mother, is so far away, that I feel - not the warmth of your affection, as I in some measure - felt that of my Lord grandfather, by his proximity and the - frequent comfort I had from his loving letters and other - tokens. Your Highness will therefore sympathise with me, - whilst I condole with you on so great a loss and severe a - misfortune, and I beseech you to give me what consolation - you can. And I make you my reverence, praying God ever to - increase your happiness. From Florence, 10th May, 1631." - - - 11. _The Archduchess Claudia to the Princess Vittoria._ - - "Princess, my beloved daughter, - - "The regret has been universal for the departure of your - grandfather, the Lord Duke of Urbino, to a better life, and - for the loss of a prince who maintained the superiority - of his rank by that of his merits; no wonder, therefore, - that it has been so great in you, for this is just by the - laws of blood, and due as a debt of gratitude. I too have - found it bitter, partly on your account, partly from my - own obligations. But considering that the good Lord has - gone from us at an age when life began to be a burden, - and death desirable, I resign myself to the divine will, - conforming to that which He had from eternity ordained. - This surely you also have done, after the first bursts of - feeling, to which, rather than to your reason, I ascribe - your lamenting to me your bereavement of him as a loss of - all support, and your entire abandonment. And, my daughter, - I should be much distressed, did I not believe that by - this time you have changed that view, so injurious to the - affectionate solicitude your Lord grandfather took in so - well providing for your future. Though distant from you, - I bear you in my heart, and your little brothers grow - up with a thousand inducements to love and serve you, - prompted by nature and my suggestions. Their Highnesses, - too, are always most disposed to caress and honour you, - in particular Madam my Lady [Dowager Grand Duchess], who - will fill my place in administering with watchful affection - to all your sympathies and wants. You have likewise your - lady grandmother, whom you should ever most affectionately - respect, and from whom you may expect a lively interest in - your welfare and success. You have, lastly, what is still - more important, the protection of the Lord God, provided - you fail not to deserve it, by acquiring those virtues, - which, if displayed by you, will prove to the world that - the glory of our race is not entirely extinguished. Be - careful, then, to grow up cheerfully; and be it your aim - to fulfil the expectations generally entertained of your - good abilities, assured that the greater your attainments - the more will be my comfort in you. Humbly kiss in my name - the hem of your serene grandmother, and beseech the blessed - Lord our Saviour that he would listen to my prayers and - longings, the first of which are for your prosperity and - happiness. From Inspruck, the 24th May, 1631. - - "Your most affectionate mother from the heart, - - "CLAUDIA." - -Princess Vittoria seems to have merited the affections of her -relations, so warmly expressed in these and many similar letters. On -arriving at her future capital, she had been placed for education -in a convent, where her progress was so rapid that before she was -eight years old, she composed as well as penned her letters, and -within two other years could write them in Spanish. From the period -of her betrothal, she was always addressed as Grand Duchess, and her -marriage was privately celebrated in 1633, when she was under twelve, -her husband being then double her age. Four years later, the public -celebration of this union took place with suitable demonstrations of -joy, and in due time it produced two sons, Cosimo, afterwards Grand -Duke, and Francesco Maria, Cardinal de' Medici. In her grandson, the -Grand Duke Giovanni Gaston, the male line of the Medici expired in -1737, when their state passed to the house of Lorraine. The portraits -of Vittoria preserved in the Pitti Gallery represent her as an -overgrown but comely matron, of good-humoured expression. Her matured -character did not realise its early promise. Proud, vain, suspicious, -and weak, she inherited her grandfather's predilection for the -society of priests; and her bigotry, increasing with her years, so -contrasted with the frank and lively temperament of her husband, that -a separation became advisable. These faults she transmitted to her -favourite son Cosimo, under whose reign they bred many public evils. -She died in 1694, after twenty-four years of widowhood, disliked by -her subjects as much as her husband had been esteemed. The Duchess -Livia retired a few weeks after her bereavement to her paternal -estate of Castel Leo, near Sassoferrato, where she lived in great -retirement, and in religious exercises, varied by visits to Assisi -and Loreto. She left her whole property to her granddaughter the -Grand Duchess Vittoria. - -The Duke must have taken great pleasure in will-making, as his Diary -frequently mentions his being employed in that way. At his death it -would seem that more than one valid testament was found, the general -provisions of which, as stated in a contemporary abstract,[123] were -as follows:--He desired to be buried in the church of the Crucifixion -at Castel Durante, and that two thousand masses should be said for -his soul. He instituted his granddaughter Vittoria his universal -heir and executrix, burdened with these legacies: To his Duchess -Livia, 50,000 scudi, and an annuity of 4000 scudi; to his sister, -the Marchioness del Vasto, the palace and garden at Montebello, in -which she was living; to the Marquis of Pescara, a jewel, a gold -watch, and 2000 scudi; to the Duke of Modena, the Marquis del Vasto, -and the Cardinals Farnese and de' Medici, each a gold watch; to the -Zoccolantine monastery in the park of Castel Durante, 50,000 scudi; -among his servants 12,000 scudi; to the community of Urbino, the -library of MSS. and printed books in his palace there, with the -Campo dei Galli under the fortress for maintenance of a librarian; -to the convent of Minims, at Castel Durante, the library he had at -that residence. In case of the death of his granddaughter without -issue, he substituted the Dukes of Parma, Modena, and Aiello, to his -succession. - -[Footnote 123: Magliabechiana MSS., class viii., No. 74.] - -The inheritance thus conveyed was immense. The lowest estimate I -have seen states its amount at 2,000,000 of golden scudi, though -probably somewhat impaired by a litigation which arose with the -Camera Apostolica, in consequence of involved questions, as to what -were public and what allodial rights of the late Duke. It included -lands in Naples worth 50,000 scudi, and estates in the duchy, which, -in 1648, were computed to yield 15,000 scudi a year, besides the -residences and their dependencies, worth 4000 more.[124] The personal -property was valued at 340,000 ducats, exclusive of family jewels -previously sent to the Princess, and of the libraries otherwise -bequeathed.[125] - -[Footnote 124: Maruccelli MSS. C. No. 308. Mercurius Gallicus, 1624.] - -[Footnote 125: Such particulars of the wardrobe inventory as relate -to objects of art are included in the last No. of the Appendix.] - -The fate of the two famous Urbino libraries deserves more special -inquiry, and it is very disappointing to offer but a meagre result. -Those who have glanced over our eighth chapter will be aware that -the collection of MSS. made by Duke Federigo was the wonder of his -age, and the admiration of all who have celebrated the glories of -his lettered dynasty. The circumstances under which it was amassed, -the accommodation provided for it in the palace of Urbino, and the -most beautiful of its contents, have already been introduced to the -reader. The losses it had sustained during the Borgian usurpation -by plunder and accident were, we are assured by Paulo Maria, bishop -of that metropolitan see, nearly supplied by the anxious care of -succeeding Dukes; and, though none of these appear to have been -bibliomanes, literary as they were in taste, and ever surrounded -by men of high acquirement, it may be supposed that their library -was from time to time recruited with works issuing from the press. -But this casual supply was inadequate to the wants of the studious -Francesco Maria II. Instead of disturbing the old library at Urbino, -he drew from all quarters to his residence at Pesaro a numerous and -choice store of printed books which he eventually transported to -Castel Durante, for the amusement of his leisure hours. - -Such were the two libraries separately bequeathed by the Duke's will, -to which we have just referred. He left "to the community of Urbino -his library of MSS. in that city, as well as all MSS. and drawings in -that of Castel Durante, as soon as they can be transported thither; -and, in order that the said community may maintain a person to take -charge thereof, he conveyed to them certain lands for his support; -expressly enjoining that the said library shall never be removed -from the place where it then was, nor be diminished by a single -volume, under forfeiture of their right thereto, in favour of the -company Confraternita della Grotta of Urbino." The library remained -under charge of Vittorio Venturelli, a man of some literary note; but -ere many years had elapsed, the destination by Francesco Maria was -defeated. In 1657, the community had formal notice from Alexander -VII. of his wish to transport the collection to the Vatican, "for the -increase of its splendour, and the benefit of Christendom." After -some delay and hesitation, this proposal was reluctantly acceded to -by the magistracy, who took the opportunity of stipulating certain -favours and immunities for the public. The chief of these were a -diminution of the contingent of interest payable by Urbino on the -state debt; exemption from certain imposts; the establishment there -of educational institutions under charge of the Jesuits; the removal -thither from Urbania of the Minims, with the other library left to -them by the late Duke; an annual sum for repairs of the ducal palace; -the preservation of their library in the Vatican under its proper -name, and the perpetual appointment of a native of their city among -the librarians there; lastly, a surrender to the community of the -property bequeathed for the support of their librarian. The Pope's -interference seems to have been suggested, or perhaps only excused, -by a rumoured intention of the community to sell the collection to -some foreign prince. The MSS., numbering 1793 volumes, were finally -sent to Rome in sixty-three cases; and a tradition is still current -in Urbino that they were removed secretly, and during night, to the -bitter mortification of the inhabitants, who regarded this as the -last relic of sovereignty and independence remaining to them, and who -probably esteemed it more as a monument of better days than from a -just appreciation of its real value. The MSS. were assuredly worth -a far higher ransom than was obtained by the citizens, but there -can be little doubt that their safety and utility were enhanced by -the transfer. They were deposited in a section of the vast corridor -at the Vatican, where an obscure lapidary inscription informs us -that "in 1658, Alexander VII. added to the Vatican collection the -ancient MSS., of all sorts and in all languages, which formed the -library of Urbino, thereby insuring their preservation and proper -treatment, after compensating those who assigned over the boon."[126] -The printed books of this library, in number 233, were retained in -Urbino.[127] - -[Footnote 126: - - Alexander VII. Pont. Max. - Antiqua omnis generis omniumque linguarum - Urbinatis bibliothecae manuscripta volumina - Repenso cedentibus beneficio - D. tutiorem custodiam atque proprietatem - Vaticanae adjunxit an. sal. MDCLVIII.] - -[Footnote 127: Most of these particulars have been gleaned from the -communal archives at Urbino, R. No. 30.] - -It remains to trace the library at Castel Durante. In the archives of -the Convent of Minims at S. Lorenzo in Lucina, at Rome, I discovered -a copy of a settlement by Francesco Maria, dated 1628, in which -he leaves the Minims of the Crucifixion, at Castel Durante, "all -the library of printed books which may be in Castel Durante," with -the room in which they are, and the shelving, etc.; but under an -obligation "that before taking possession thereof, they shall without -delay send to the library of Urbino, at the expense of the heir, all -such MSS. and books of designs as may be among them." There is also -a special condition that, if these monks permit any part, however -small, of the collection to be removed from thence or transported -elsewhere, the bequest shall lapse to the Confraternita della Grotta, -at Urbino; and a small provision is made for maintaining a librarian. -The active interest taken by Urban VIII. in Castel Durante (now -Urbania) did not overlook the benefit which such a public library -was likely to afford to that town, and he provided for its perpetual -security by proclaiming ecclesiastical censures against such as -should dilapidate or carry it away. - -About twenty-seven years after the Duke's death, Alexander VII., -being at a loss how to furnish with books the library of his -newly-erected university, the Sapienza, at Rome, bethought himself -of the collection at Castel Durante; and on the assumption of its -very limited utility there, and of the excellent purpose to which it -might be made subservient at the Sapienza, transported it thither. -He had previously obtained a sort of forced consent on the part of -the monks of the Crucifixion to this arrangement, by promising to -the convent of their order at Rome the custody of the new library, -and other favours: the opposition of the Confraternita della Grotta -he had also neutralised, by purchasing their reversionary interest -in the bequest. The transaction was enveloped in great secrecy, in -anticipation of opposition from the grand-ducal family, or from the -citizens of Castel Durante; indeed, when the removal of the books -was begun, the latter manifested such indignation and discontent, -that about five hundred volumes were allowed to remain for their use. -Notwithstanding this concession, and their unwillingness to agree to -the arrangement, the monks were for a long time greatly persecuted by -the people; their Provost fled in terror of his life, and nothing but -dread of papal censures would have induced their compliance. Upon the -pretext that persons bound to reside in a cloister, at some distance, -could not be efficient guardians of the new library at Rome, even -the promised boon was withheld from their brethren of S. Lorenzo, -who received in compensation the lectureship of moral philosophy at -the Sapienza, along with certain exemptions affecting the internal -discipline of their order. - -The consulting catalogue of the Vatican Urbino MSS., now used by -the librarians, was compiled in 1797 by Mauro Coster, and being -alphabetical, does not show the number of MSS.; but the numeration -of articles exceeds 4000. In it, at No. 1388, will be found another -catalogue by Stefano Gradio, wherein the numeration of volumes, many -of them containing several articles, amounts to 1361; but in the -general catalogue for reference, the volumes are only 1026. Under -the regulations prohibiting indiscriminate access to the Vatican -catalogues, I have not been able satisfactorily to reconcile these -discrepancies, nor to pronounce upon the accuracy of any of these -calculations; they, however, afford sufficient data to estimate -the extent of the Urbino MSS. Their value is probably greater in -reference to their number than that of any other component portion of -the Vatican collection; indeed, than any existing library except the -Laurentian; but this point, too, must remain unresolved, so long as -the present restrictions are maintained.[*128] - -[Footnote *128: I am not able to state more accurately than -Dennistoun the number of volumes from the Urbino collection now in -the Vatican. Unhappily there is not a library in all Italy that -possesses a catalogue fit to use. For the MSS. to-day existing in the -library of the University at Urbino, see _Le Marche_, An. iv., p. -212.] - - * * * * * - -As soon as the Duke's demise seemed to be certainly approaching, -Urban had directed his nephew, Prince Taddeo Barberini, -general-in-chief of the ecclesiastical troops, to occupy the -frontier, who, on that event, marched through the state to receive -its allegiance, and thus secured its unopposed Devolution to the -Holy See, to the infinite satisfaction of the Pontiff. Another -nephew, Cardinal Antonio Barberini, was soon after named Legate, -under whom the ancient Dukedom passed at once into its new position -as a province of the papal state. But after a few months he resigned -the appointment, and it was bestowed upon his brother, Cardinal -Francesco, who, preferring Rome as a residence, governed the province -for many years by a vice-legate. The Pontiff, in proof of his -paternal affection for his new subjects, conferred a Cardinal's hat -on the Bishop of Gubbio, and established in that town a branch of the -Inquisition! - -The revenue drawn by the Camera from the state of Urbino, in the -years immediately subsequent to the Devolution, fell considerably -short of the expenses; but after the imposts had been augmented, the -income, in 1648, exceeded 40,000 scudi, leaving a balance at the -credit of the government. The population was then above two hundred -thousand. The change from independent to provincial rank had already -become painfully manifest. The vaunted fidelity of the natives was -degenerated into servility of demeanour. Everywhere their eyes rested -on some symptom of departed grandeur. The palaces of their dukes were -falling into neglect, crumbling and grass-grown; the gardens, overrun -by rank weeds, sadly recalled days of past festivity; the degraded -castles testified to an impoverished and absentee nobility. The -glories of Urbino were gone.[129] - -[Footnote 129: Maruccelli MSS. C. No. 308. See App. No. VIII. for -statistical notices of this period.] - -But the cup was charged with a bitterness beyond these humiliations. -Surrounded by ecclesiastical provinces, the inhabitants of the duchy -had long a foretaste of their coming fate, which amply accounted for -the exultation with which they had hailed the promised continuance -of the ducal line, and their sullen despair on witnessing its -inevitable extinction. The Venetian Relazioni, quoted by Ranke, -supply us with the opinion of disinterested contemporaries as to -the condition of the papal state during the seventeenth century. -In 1600, its "nobles and people would gladly cast themselves upon -any sovereign whatever, to escape from the hands into which they -had fallen." Ten years later, the very blood of the inhabitants -was wrung from them by excessive taxation, and their enterprise -was crushed by commercial restrictions. "The foreign traders had -quitted Ancona, the native merchants were bankrupt, the gentry -impoverished, the artizans ruined, the populace dispersing." A -year or two after the last Duke's death, his people are described -as grumbling much at the change, calling the new government a -tyranny, and sneering at the priests as interested solely in -accumulating wealth, and aggrandising themselves. In 1666, we have -this calamitous but probably overcoloured picture:--"It is palpably -evident that the ecclesiastical realm is quite overburdened, so that -many landholders, unable to extract enough from their possessions -to meet the extraordinary public imposts, resort of necessity to -the abandonment of their estates, in order to seek fortune and -sustenance in less rapacious communities. I speak not of duties and -customs, from which nothing eatable is excepted; because the taxes, -donatives, subsidies, and other extraordinary extortions would excite -pity and astonishment, even if the terrible commissioners sent -from Rome into these cities, with absolute authority to inquire, -sell, carry off, and confiscate, did not exceed all belief; no -month ever passing without a flight of griffins and harpies, in the -guise of commissioners, either of the fabric of St. Peter's, or of -pious bequests, or of movable goods, or of archives, or of some -five-and-twenty other Roman courts, by all which the already drained -purses of the helpless subjects are tortured to the last degree. And -thus,--setting aside Ferrara and Bologna, to which some consideration -is extended, and which are favoured by nature and art with excellent -soil, and with manufacturing industry,--all other cities of Romagna, -La Marca, Umbria, the Patrimony, Sabina, and the Campagna are utterly -wretched; and, to the disgrace of the Roman government, in none of -them do woollen or silk factories exist, nor even of gold stuffs, -except in a few such little towns as Fossombrone, Pergola, Matelica, -Camerino, and Norcia, although the abundance of wool and silk might -afford a most advantageous trade. The ecclesiastical territory is -merely an estate leased out to tenants, who give no thought to its -improvement, but only to extract the greatest possible amount of -its produce from the unhappy land, whose scourged and arid soil -will be unable to yield more than very barren crops to succeeding -occupants.... The more hateful and abhorred they find themselves, -the more merciless do they become; and dragging their hats over -their brows, they look no one in the face. They glean all sorts of -corn into their sheaves, intent wholly upon their own interests, -without the smallest regard to the public." By the end of the -century, matters had become worse, the country being "depopulated -and uncultivated, ruined by extortions, and destitute of industry." -The duchy of Urbino, which, according to the preceding extract, was -the last refuge of the silk trade, had then fallen into deep decay, -and the corn commerce of La Marca was clogged by export dues and -injudicious restrictions.[130] - -[Footnote 130: The state of feeling in the duchy, even under the -comparatively beneficent sway of its native pope, Clement XI., may be -inferred from an incident of trifling moment. Having obtained trace -of a petition or remonstrance addressed to that Pontiff among the -MSS. of the Bibliotheca Borbonica at Naples, I was refused a sight -of it by the Archbishop then at the head of that library, on the -ground of its injurious allegations against the authorities. Verily -such overcaution may defeat its own end, by leaving an exaggerated -impression of the mischief it would veil. So Gergorovius was turned -out of the Vatican Library.] - -[Illustration: _Anderson_ - -VITTORIA DELLA ROVERE, GRAND DUCHESS OF TUSCANY - -_From the picture by Sustermans in the Pitti Gallery, Florence_] - -These plaintive notes might still [1859] find not a few echoes -along the papal coasts of the Adriatic--the focus of Italian -discontent,--over-taxation to maintain a distant government being -ever the burden of their song. But the question is not, in truth, -one of financial administration. However open to stricture the -fiscal details may be, when tested by sound principles, the amount -of revenue raised is moderate in consideration of the wealth there -lavished by beneficent nature, in a degree denied to other not less -burdened districts of the Peninsula. Nor can the papal sway, however -objectionable, be in fairness regarded as otherwise than mild. But -centralisation is necessarily alien to the spirit of a people long -broken up into miniature communities, as it was formerly uncongenial -to their ancestors, whose personal pride, political influence, -and hopes of promotion, equally turned upon the continuance of a -sectional independence. Hence the popular dissatisfaction rests -as much upon traditional evils as upon existing and obvious -misgovernment. Four centuries ago there were above a dozen capitals, -flourishing in the balmy atmosphere of as many gay courts, and -basking in patronage and prosperity, all within the circuit of that -province where now a few priestly legates perform the functions of -sovereignty without either the taste or the means for indulging its -trappings, and dwell in princely palaces without the habits or the -popularity of their ancient lords. - -But these are not matters for casual discussion. From the accession -of Count Guidantonio in 1404, till the Devolution by Duke Francesco -Maria in 1624, this little state had enjoyed two hundred and twenty -years of a prosperity unknown to the neighbouring communities. Her -sovereigns were distinguished in arts and arms, respected abroad, -esteemed at home; her frontiers were comparatively exempt from -invasion, her tranquillity unruffled by domestic broils: within her -narrow limits were reared or sheltered many of the brightest names in -literature, science, and art; her court was the mirror of refinement, -her capital the Athens of Italy. Since the Devolution, she has passed -an equal number of lustres in provincial obscurity and neglect. -It has been the object of this work to portray somewhat of the -splendours of that former period, though the subject would require -colours more brilliant, and a hand more skilled. Here our task must -close, for to follow her destinies to their decline and fall were one -of few attractions. - - "Kingdoms are shrunk to provinces, and chains - Clank over sceptred cities, nations melt - From power's high pinnacle, when they have felt - The sunshine for a while, and downward go!" - - - - -BOOK NINTH - -OF LITERATURE AND ART UNDER THE DUKES DELLA ROVERE AT URBINO - - - - -CHAPTER XLIX - - Italian literature subject to new influences--The - academies--Federigo Comandino--Guidobaldo del Monte--The - Paciotti--Leonardi--Muzio Oddi--Bernardino Baldi--Girolamo - Muzio--Federigo Bonaventura. - - -"For a long lapse of years, Italy had been an organised body of -highly civilised states, different in their origin, laws, and -constitutions, divided by local jealousies and opposite interests, -constantly engaged in their endeavours to establish a political -equilibrium by the manoeuvres of a wary and even unprincipled -diplomacy, baffled oftentimes in their ambitious schemes, and brought -into sudden collision, but still deriving new energies from their -very rivalry, and promoting, with their own, the interests of social -progress."[131] - -[Footnote 131: MARIOTTI'S _Italy_, II., p. 177.] - -It was in a state of things thus happily described that letters and -art attained their zenith of glory in the Peninsula. But the close -of the fifteenth century had introduced elements of change, which -a fatal policy permitted to spread. Those foreign aggressions and -domestic convulsions which we have seen extirpating nationality and -crushing independence were not less destructive to mind and its -efforts. A struggle of thirty-five years against her ultramontane -invaders,--a series of unavailing because ill-directed and discordant -efforts,--closed with the coronation of Charles V., and left Italy -for nearly two centuries at the mercy of Spain. The states which -escaped the direct miseries of that iron domination, and retained -a nominal independence under the papal sway or their native -dynasties, sank unresisting before an influence affecting at once -their politics, their manners, and their literature. The pride of -the Spaniard had long been proverbial, and was little susceptible -of modification even in a new country. The conquered race quickly -conformed to fashions which they could neither shake off nor -exclude. They aped a pompous bearing that sat with singularly bad -grace upon a vanquished people, and the affectation which at first -loaded their language with fulsome epithets, soon corrupted their -writings by elaborate adulation. It is difficult for those whose -taste has been formed upon the models of a less copious language to -judge fairly of Italian ornamental literature, for its authors, in -availing themselves of the resources at their command, are prone to -lavish them too unsparingly. When tried by such a standard their -prose may seem tedious or tumid verbiage, their epics may teem with -overstrained hyperbole, and even their lighter poetry may appear -to substitute subtle conceits and elaborate epithets for graceful -ease and flexibility. But these idiomatic peculiarities are but -echoes of the national genius, and ought not perhaps in fairness to -be subjected to canons of criticism unknown to their authors. Yet -it cannot be denied that facilities such as the language of Italy -affords to flowery composition are virtually premiums on feebleness, -and that decorations of style afford a tempting disguise for -indolence of mind or poverty of matter. The influence of petty courts -was peculiarly and fatally favourable to such qualities. Trifling -incidents there assumed an importance that justified magniloquence -befitting loftier themes, whilst the narrow views common to limited -circles found ample scope in exaggerated phrases of metaphor and -hyperbole. Thus came abundance without fertility, exuberance yielding -only redundancy. - -Associations and clubs for political or social objects being -then incompatible equally with the spirit of governments and the -habits of the people, men readily formed themselves into religious -confraternities or literary academies. But these academies acted as -drags upon the progress of that literature which they were instituted -to promote; they clogged its chariot wheels with devices originally -dictated by pedantry, and soon degenerating into puerile verbiage. -From the draughts of inflated poetry and corrupted rhetoric which -they manufactured, every stimulating ingredient was gradually -withdrawn, while opiates were freely introduced in their stead. They -thus lulled to sleep what little public spirit had survived the -subjugation of the Peninsula; and the governments of the new regime, -quickly aware of their emasculating tendencies, lavished upon them -patronage until they deluged the land, and stifled the energies of -the national mind in all-prevailing mediocrity. The classic spirit -of the fifteenth century had originated this mischief, by diverting -letters from the sphere of popular sympathy, and nourishing that -affectation to which an almost exclusive study of the dead languages -must ever lead. But the evil was aggravated by Spanish influence. -Ingrafting frigid forms and stately phrases upon the lively -intercourse of a naturally light-hearted people, it did for the -manners what pedantry had effected for the letters of Italy. Nature -and originality were replaced by imitation and servility. Parodies -suppressed inspiration, compliments chilled cordiality. In both -cases genius languished, epithets multiplied, and terse and vigorous -diction passed with independence to happier lands. - -In all histories of Italian literature the academies occupy a -conspicuous place, and we have already noticed the Assorditi of -Urbino, for whom municipal vanity has asserted an origin in the -reign of Duke Federigo.[132] They appear to have occasionally met -as early at least as that of his successor, although not formally -constituted until about 1520. Their name, like that of most similar -associations, being probably adopted from some foolish whim, the next -step was to invent a badge suited to the humour of the times, so they -assumed "the ship of Ulysses surrounded by sirens"; and for motto, -playing at once on sound and sense _Canitur surdis_, "They sing to -the deaf." The word _assorditi_ properly means "the deafened," but -its signification might be stretched by punning to include absurdity, -niggardness, or filth, none of them very flattering qualities to -connect with the epithet. The rolls of this fantastic association -included many authors who were harboured at Urbino, but it is in no -way identified with their reputation. Having fallen into neglect, it -was revived in 1623, and, after nearly a century of provincialism, -was once more reconstituted in 1723. - -[Footnote 132: See vol. II., p. 112.] - -As these literary associations rose, their predecessors, the -scholastic academies, declined. That which Lorenzo the Magnificent -had founded at his villa of Carreggi, was closed in 1522, and -Platonism having consequently waned, the Stagirite philosophy was -once more master of the field. But another and more deadly struggle -awaited it. When men began to study nature and base their reasonings -upon her laws, the deficiencies of their old guide were detected, and -its authority was impugned. Yet the peripatetic system was too deeply -founded to be at once dismissed, and the ingenuity of its disciples -was long directed to accommodate its dogmas to modern discoveries,--a -vain effort which only divided their ranks and led them into -inextricable dilemmas, until Galileo appeared "to furnish forth -creation," and conduct them clear of the labyrinth by a silver thread -of truth. But though a new light had dawned, new snares beset the -way. From bold investigation and speculative inquiry, ecclesiastical -authority and civil despotism had much to lose, nothing to gain. -Their side was therefore soon chosen. War was declared against -thought, backed by the whole armoury of oppression. Where prevention -failed, persecution followed, and the censor's veto was enforced by -rack and faggot. - -Thus was it that the Reformation had but an indirect influence on -the Italian mind. The scanty seeds wafted across the Alps fell upon -stony ground, and ere long withered away. But the great reaction of -the papacy was not only directed against the new truths; it waged -war upon every thing calculated to afford them a disguise under -which they might become dangerous. The policy of pontiffs and the -duty of the Inquisition tended to exclude all light, lest any rays -of Protestantism should reach the faithful. During three centuries -have these efforts been continued; and when we consider the talent by -which they have been directed, the stern ministers by whom they have -been carried out, we well may wonder that the Italian mind has not -been utterly debased by foreign tyranny and priestly domination. They -have sown the wind; it remains to reap the whirlwind. - -The fashion for classic imitation was succeeded in Italy by an -age of rhetoricians, with Bembo at their head, and the academies -as their strongholds. But they either encouraged or inadequately -repressed a too fluent facility which has ever since been the -blemish of their mellifluous language. In Boccalini's satirical -_Ragguagli di Parnaso_, some prolix writer is condemned to a perusal -of Guicciardini's narrative of the Pisan war; but, after a brief -essay, he avows his preference for the galleys to pursuing, through -dreary details, the siege and capture of a pigeon-house. This biting -jest is applicable in a far greater degree to other writers of the -sixteenth century, whose cumbrous grandiloquence is often diluted -by trivialities, or tinselled with factitious pomp. Yet there were -some authors of purer taste, who resisted such extravagance, and it -is curious to find Caro, della Casa, and Bernardo Tasso concerting -measures for curtailing the use of superabundant compliments. The -two principal points of their attack were the recent substitution -of the feminine pronoun in the third person singular for the second -person plural in addressing any one, and the indiscriminate use -of Lordship, Excellency, Gentility, as courteous phrases, to the -entire exclusion of Master and Madam. Against the former of these -abuses Caro and Tasso declare open war; but, although they unite in -condemnation of the latter as still more fatal to vernacular purity, -and avow themselves ready to support any onset, each shrinks from -leading the charge. "This age of ours is altogether given up to -adulation. Every one, in inditing a letter, bandies 'lordship'; all -expect it when addressed. And not, forsooth, our grandees alone, -but even the middle classes and the very plebeians aspire to such -distinctions, taking affront if they receive them not, and noting -as blunderers all who do not offer them the like. Most silly and -revolting does it seem to me that we should have to speak to one -person as if he were another, always talking to a sort of ideal -abstraction, quite different from the individual himself. Yet this -abuse is now established and general." Thus far Caro, to whom Tasso -replies, "Oh the wonderful charm of Italy, which every one seeks -to destroy! It sufficed not that the Goths, the Vandals, and other -strange and barbarous nations have sought, and still seek, to possess -thee, and that multitudes flock hither from earth's farthest corners; -even Lordships, never previously seen or known here, quitting their -native Spain, are come in swarms to sojourn among us, and have so -mastered our vanity and ambition that we cannot shake them from our -shoulders." In a subsequent letter to Claudio Tolomei, Bernardo -congratulates him on having applied the lash to such empty titles, -and promises to follow his example by retrenching them all when he -revises his own letters for the press.[133] But these attempts met -with little success; redundant superlatives still lead Italian -literature, and an Italian letter is little more than a tissue of -exaggerated epithets, from its address to its signature.[134] - -[Footnote 133: _Lettere di Bernardo Tasso_, edit. 1733; vol. I., pp. -14-22 and 427-30.] - -[Footnote 134: In proof of this I give in IX. of the Appendix a -letter of introduction, of which I was bearer, from one of the most -accomplished _professori_ of Rome.] - - * * * * * - -Few branches of human knowledge more flourished during the palmy -days of Italian literature than the exact sciences, especially -in connection with military affairs, and the elegant arts. Their -application to both objects was received with marked favour by the -successive Dukes of Urbino, who, for a century and a half, combined -the pursuit of arms with the patronage of art. We have seen this -done by Federigo and Guidobaldo I., for the defence of their duchy -and the decoration of their capital; we now have to mention the -progress of similar studies under the della Rovere princes. During -the latter epoch, pure mathematics were brought into fashion by -numerous translations of standard Greek works into Latin or Italian, -a labour shared by various literati of Urbino, but especially by -Comandino, Baldi, and Alessandro Giorgi. This, however, but served -to facilitate their practical development in pursuits more congenial -to those martial dispositions for which the inhabitants of Romagna -have in all ages been noted. Whilst the revived literature of Greece -and the philosophy of Plato flourished on the banks of the Arno, -the exact sciences were cultivated in the highlands of Umbria, and -took the practical turn of strengthening those fastnesses with -which nature had provided that mountain-land. Francesco di Giorgio, -of Siena, was less in request by Dukes Federigo and Guidobaldo as -architect of their stately palaces, than as the most famous military -engineer of his time. Events which made their duchy the seat of -repeated invasions early in the sixteenth century, as well as the -warlike character of Francesco Maria I., maintained a demand for -fortifications, and, from the school which thus grew up in his -capital, there issued a series of military architects whose fame and -services extended beyond the Alps. - - * * * * * - -The first of these whom we shall mention was FEDERIGO -COMANDINO, born at Urbino, in 1509, of a noble family. His -grandfather was secretary of Duke Federigo, whose last confidential -instructions he received, when death surprised that veteran general -in the fens of Ferrara. Baldi has claimed the invention of those -bulwarks in fortification called _baluardi_ for his father, Gian -Battista,[135] who built the walls at Urbino in the beginning of -the sixteenth century. After a liberal education, Federigo passed -several years at the court of Clement VII., nominally as a privy -chamberlain, but really to amuse with learned disquisitions the -Pontiff's leisure hours, on whose death he repaired to Padua, where -he devoted ten years to the study of philosophy and medicine. Having -graduated, he settled for clinical practice at Ferrara, but seems -soon to have abandoned the healing art for mathematical research. -He accompanied his sovereign, Guidobaldo II., to the camp at Verona -when in the Venetian service, and, having gained his confidence by -successfully treating him in a severe illness, he was selected to -instruct him in astronomy and cosmography, as well as in military -tactics and engineering. Soon, however, resuming his more abstruse -studies, under the patronage of Cardinal Ranuccio Farnese, brother of -Duchess Vittoria, he was carried by him to Rome, and introduced into -the society of Annibale Caro, Fulvio Orsini, Baldassare Turrio, and -Cardinal Cervini, the last of whom was cut off too quickly after his -election as Marcellus II. to be able to benefit his friends. But for -Comandino ambition offered few temptations, and courts had no charm. -In studious retirement he devoted to the exact sciences the matured -powers of a comprehensive and most retentive mind. He explored all -that classical authors were known to have left on these subjects, and -rendered again accessible much that lay forgotten among the rubbish -of by-gone learning. He translated, and copiously edited, Ptolemy's -treatise on the planisphere, which was published at Venice, in 1558, -and, four years afterwards, gave to the world a work on the analemma, -founded upon the same author's previous and imperfect discoveries. -His labours were then transferred to the writings of Archimedes, -several of which he printed for the first time, as well as the -dissertations of Serenus and Apollonius upon conic sections, all with -elaborate commentaries. - -[Footnote 135: This has also been imputed to Francesco di Giorgio, to -Sanmichele, and to Bartolomeo Centogatti of Urbino.] - -After spending the prime of life in these pursuits at Rome, he -returned to his native duchy, where his instructions in mathematics -were sought by Prince Francesco Maria, with whom he read and -expounded Euclid's _Elements_; and afterwards, at the request of his -pupil, published a Latin translation of them. It was about 1569 that -he was visited there by a young Englishman named John Dea, whose -love of the exact sciences induced him to seek so distinguished a -professor, and who supplied him with some Arabic MSS., hitherto -unknown.[136] Six years thereafter he was surprised by death, with -many unfinished works on his hands, part whereof saw the light under -the superintendence of the Marquis Guidobaldo del Monte. The life of -a hard student is rarely one of varied incident; and even the voluble -pen of his pupil Baldi has failed to illustrate that of Comandino -with interest, beyond his scholiast labours.[137] Yet severity formed -no part of his social character, and he was ready at all times to -relax his toils by Epicurean indulgences, which are said eventually -to have curtailed his life. To the last, however, his engrossing -pleasure was in books; and, although his works number more -translations than original compositions, he is ranked by Montucla -among the most able and judicious of commentators. - -[Footnote 136: GROSSI, _Uomini Illustri di Urbino_.] - -[Footnote 137: It is printed in the Raccolta Calogeriana, XIX., 140.] - - * * * * * - -One of the pupils whom Comandino left in his native state was -GUIDOBALDO, MARQUIS DEL MONTE, who was born of distinguished -lineage, in 1544. Tiraboschi has cited, as a singular proof of the -engrossing nature of his studies, the fact that his life offers a -nearly total want of incident. So tranquilly did his days flow on -at his castle of Monte Baroccio, amid abstruse occupations, that he -seemed to have forgotten a world unconscious of his very existence, -and the only memorials of his life are his works. His treatise upon -Perspective successfully carried forward what had been indicated -by Pietro della Francesca in the preceding century, and he was -afterwards engaged upon the doctrine of Planispheres, the correction -of the kalendar, and the solution of astronomical problems. But -though thus devoted to abstruse science, he spared a portion of his -thoughts for its practical branches, working upon mechanics, and -translating from Archimedes. It is unnecessary here to go into an -examination of results which modern discoveries have left far behind; -the ground has been well sifted by Montucla, whose work indicates -whatever is still of value in this class of now somewhat superseded -labours. The Marquis was addressed by Torquato Tasso in a sonnet -beginning _Miserator de' gran celesti campi_, and died early in the -seventeenth century, survived by a younger brother, Francesco Maria, -who had been made cardinal by Sixtus V. - - * * * * * - -Among the names distinguished in Urbino for mathematical talent, -that of PACIOTTI was conspicuous. Jacopo Paciotti, who held several -situations of trust under the two first Dukes of the Rovere dynasty, -was father of three sons, all eminent proficients in the exact -sciences. Felice was one of those commissioned to rectify the -Gregorian Kalendar, and invented an instrument for constructing -dial-plates. Orazio became a military engineer, and erected -fortresses for the States of the Church, for Savoy, and for Lucca, -with such reputation that his services were sought for Poland and -for the Emperor Rudolph. But the most remarkable of the family -was Francesco,[*138] who, after enjoying a liberal education, and -thoroughly grounding himself in architecture under Girolamo Genga, -went to Rome, where, in 1550,[*139] he was named engineer-in-chief -by Julius III. Next year, he was employed to fortify Ancona against -the dreaded descents of the Turk; but, leaving this undertaking to -be completed by Fontana, he passed in 1551, to the service of the -Farnesi, and thence to that of Emanuel Duke of Savoy, with 60 scudi -of monthly pay. He soon afterwards published a plan of Rome; but his -attention was chiefly devoted to military architecture, in which his -reputation rapidly spread. In 1558, he was employed by Philip II. to -survey, and report upon, the principal defences of the Low Countries, -for which he was remunerated with 6000 scudi, and a massive gold -chain. - -[Footnote *138: Cf. MADIAI, _Il Giornale di Francesco Paciotti da -Urbino_ in _Arch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria_, vol. III., p. 48 -_et seq._] - -[Footnote *139: This is the year in which the journal begins. In 1551 -he tells us he left the service of the Pope to enter that of the Duke -of Parma.] - -Paciotti was now on the ladder of royal favour, and, having -accompanied Duke Emanuel to Paris, for his marriage, was decorated -by Henry II. with another magnificent chain worth 1000 scudi. The -gorgeous compliment, however, nearly cost him his life, for, while -wearing it next day, he was set upon by two robbers, one of whom he -slew, and wounded the other, a feat which procured him new marks -of favour. The next ten years of his life were chiefly spent in -the service of Savoy; but he was at various times summoned for -engineering purposes to Spain and Flanders. The warm personal regard -in which he was held by Philip II. was proved by his winning a bet, -that he would make that proud monarch hold a light to examine his -plans, and was more substantially shown by many rich presents which -he carried from that court. In consequence of recommendations from -his Catholic Majesty, he had from the King of Portugal the order -of Jesus Christ; and in 1578, at the Duke of Savoy's request, the -Castle of Montefabri was erected into a countship in his favour, by -Francesco Maria II. of Urbino. After for several years superintending -fortifications in the papal states, and those of the Grand Duke of -Tuscany, he retired to his native place, and passed the remainder -of his life in honourable ease, enjoying from various sovereigns -pensions of above 3000 scudi a year. He died in 1591, aged seventy, -leaving behind him a European reputation, and three sons, in whom the -mathematical talents of the family were hereditarily developed, all -being military engineers of some note; one of them, Federigo, became -a Knight of Malta, and Guidobaldo was blown up by a mine, while in -the service of Charles V. - - * * * * * - -GIAN GIACOMO LEONARDI is mentioned by a recent writer[140] -as "one of those extraordinary men, so abundant in Italy during -the fifteenth and following century, who have left little fame to -posterity, and who, though universally known in their day, were -after death forgotten, and overlooked by subsequent writers." Nor -is this surprising in his case; for his distinction, gained in -the camp, was spread still wider by his diplomacy. He was at one -moment referred to on delicate points of honour between knights and -sovereigns; at another consulted on questions of legal intricacy; -whilst his writings have remained unedited and unknown. They are all -upon fortification and engineering, and are enumerated by Promis in -his elaborate compilation upon these subjects. His services, though -eagerly sought by great monarchs, were affectionately devoted to his -native princes, being long companion in arms of Francesco Maria I., -and ambassador to Venice from Guidobaldo II. He was born at Pesaro, -near which he had from the latter the countship of Monte l'Abbate in -1540, with permission to bear the name and arms of della Rovere, and -died about 1560. - -[Footnote 140: _Trattato di Architettura da Francesco di Giorgio_, -edited by C. Promis, Turin, 1841.] - - * * * * * - -Although we have been led to mention engineers in connection with -mathematical science, they were in these days usually architects, and -regarded as belonging to the class of artists. Ricotti informs us -that no vocation was more varied or laborious. Uniting the practice -of arms with an intimate knowledge of design, their services were -sought for in every part of Europe, either to plan fortresses, build -palaces, cast statues, paint frescoes, execute hydraulics, or command -troops. Lazzari, in his _Uomini Illustri del Piceno_, enumerates -sixteen such as conferring lustre upon Urbino, but of these we shall -only name one more. MUZIO ODDI was nobly born there, in -1569. In 1595, he accompanied, as military engineer, a contingent -sent by the Duke into Burgundy; and, three years after, employed his -architectural skill for the festive decorations in honour of a visit -by Clement VIII. to his native city. He had less success in placing a -cupola upon the cathedral there, in 1604, which was said to contain -100,000 pounds of iron-work and 80,000 of lead, the weight of which -brought it down in 1789. On some indistinctly recorded charge, he was -thrown into the citadel of Pesaro, and there detained many years in -a loathsome dungeon. Denied the use of books or writing materials, -he made for himself ink of charcoal and candle-soot, mixed with -water in a walnut-shell, and, by pasting together shreds of paper -with bread-dough, contrived to jot down mathematical treatises on -sundials and the square, using for compasses a couple of twigs tied -together. On his liberation, in 1609, he passed into Lombardy, and -spent above twenty years of exile in sighing for his country; nor was -it till within two years of the close of life that he was appointed -mathematical professor at Urbino. He died at seventy, leaving a -Treatise on Mathematics, in two volumes 4to. - - * * * * * - -BERNARDINO BALDI[*141] has a double claim upon our -attention, as the most prolific writer whom the duchy has produced, -and as one who devoted a large share of his literary labours to the -illustration of his native state. He was born at Urbino in 1553, of -a family which, during several generations, had held with credit -various important situations in the magistracy. By force of that -extraordinary diligence, which continued to stimulate his entire -life, his youthful studies advanced with precocious success; yet it -is singular to find him confessing that his early inclinations were -all towards painting, and that his preference of his pencil to his -grammatical exercises often brought him into intimate acquaintance -with the birch. We cannot echo the observation of his biographer -Affo,[*142] that this discipline may have deprived Urbino of a -second Raffaele; but though he assuredly was gifted neither with the -lofty genius nor the pervading sense of beauty which characterised -his countryman, a deep devotional feeling would doubtless have -inspired his paintings. The peculiar connection which existed at -Urbino between the exact sciences and the liberal arts frequently -attracts our notice; and this it may have been which led the thwarted -painter to turn with his accustomed energy to mathematical studies, -under Federigo Comandino, for whose edition of Euclid, published -in 1572, he is said to have drawn the diagrams. It was about this -time, that, urged by his parents to choose between law and medicine -for a profession, he preferred the latter, rather, as he tells -us, from its analogy with philosophical inquiries than with any -special liking for the healing art. With these views he was sent -to the University of Padua, where he brought his vast application -successively to bear upon logic, and ethical and physical philosophy, -varied by his favourite mathematics, and by a comprehensive cycle of -Greek literature. To that seat of learning there then resorted the -youth of ultramontane lands, whose harsh language so piqued Baldi's -curiosity, and developed his prodigious philological talents, that -in an inconceivably short time he mastered French and German. But -these multifarious pursuits did not suffice his versatile mind, -so he enlivened them by draughts of the Castalian spring. There -may seem something ludicrous in an epic, entitled "Artillery," and -illustrative of gunnery practice; but a theme so ponderous for -poetry was suited to the spirit of the age, as well as congenial to -its author's thoughts. A visit to the mountain home of Petrarch, at -Arqua, gave, however, a lighter turn to his muse, and taught his -number to flow in madrigals, to the honour of some nameless Laura of -his love or fancy, containing more borrowed classicism than inspired -passion. - -[Footnote *141: Cf. ZACCAGNINI, _La vita e le opere edite e inedite -di B.B._ (Modena, 1903); UGOLINI, _Versi e prose scelte di B.B._ -(Firenze, 1859); see also MADIAI, _Pierantonio Paltroni e B.B. -biografi di Federigo da Montefeltro in Le Marche_ (1902), vol. II., -pp. 5-6.] - -[Footnote *142: Cf. AFFO, _La Vita di B.B._ (Parma, 1783).] - -In 1575 he returned home, to share the last labours, and watch the -death-bed, of his friend Comandino, and to encounter from his parents -many a remonstrance as to his neglected professional acquirements, of -which, in the various food with which he had appeased his literary -craving at the university, he seems entirely to have lost sight. But -their efforts were vain. The Eugubinean tables, that philological -enigma, having attracted his attention, he boldly encountered their -solution, and studied Arabic as a stepping-stone to the lost dialects -of Central Italy. His biographers insert Etruscan in the catalogue -of his polyglot acquirements, but the tables of Gubbio remain a -puzzle to antiquaries. Those who made literature a profession, -before there existed a "public" to remunerate their exertions, -looked for maintenance to princes or private patrons; and in 1580 -Baldi gratefully accepted the offer of Don Ferrante Gonzaga, Lord -of Guastalla, to instruct him in mathematics, on an allowance of -ten scudi a month, besides board for himself and a servant,--an -appointment which made him favourably known to Cardinal (afterwards -St.) Carlo Borromeo, uncle of that prince, and to many persons of -literary reputation who frequented his miniature court. There his -time was divided between mathematical and poetic compositions, -until, in 1586, a sudden change took place in his position by his -adopting a clerical habit, at the request of Don Ferrante, in order -that he might hold the Abbacy of Guastalla, the emoluments of which -yielded him about 320 golden ducats. This promotion brought out a -curious feature in the character of so hard a student, and we find -him immediately repairing to Rome, to canvass for the higher honours -of a titular bishopric, on being refused which, he struggled for -permission to wear some trifling distinction in his canonical robes -with pertinacity befitting a worldling rather than a philosopher. -Neither was it from such a character that we should have looked for -a zeal in the maintenance of ecclesiastical discipline, which led -him beyond the bounds of prudence in wielding his inquisitorial -powers.[*143] - -[Footnote *143: In Rome he pursued too his artistic studies; it was -this sojourn which inspired the _Sonetti Romani_. He seems to have -passed the years 1592-1609 between Rome, Urbino, and Guastalla.] - -Those theological studies which usually precede ordination were -in his case followed out with his wonted energy, after obtaining -the preferment to which they are generally intended to lead, and -it was probably then that he added Hebrew and Chaldee to his -accomplishments. But his first great undertaking, after thus gaining -a position of leisure and independence, was a General Biography -of famous mathematicians. This he never completed for the press; -but a sort of vidimus of the three hundred and sixty lives, which -it was intended to contain, was printed after his death, with the -title _Cronica de' Mathematici_. Several minor works in science and -literature at the same time occupied his pen, among which were his -Description of the Urbino palace, his Eulogy of that state, and his -History of Guastalla. Nor were his poetic inspirations neglected, -and, besides a variety of occasional effusions, his _Nautica_, or -the Art of Navigation, was printed at Venice in 1590. We may include -among his lighter labours an Essay on History, dedicated in 1611 -to the Duke of Urbino, and lately published by Cardinal Mai.[144] -Although, like most similar essays, some of its observations are -trite and even trivial, the various topics are well handled, and -many useful suggestions are offered as to the best method and style -for history, the qualities requisite in its author and desirable -for its students. It would have been well had Baldi attended, in -his historical biographies, to his own recommendation, that the -prolix and copious diction of Livy should be chastened by that terse -and sententious manner found in Tacitus and Sallust. Nor were it -amiss that he had construed less literally the maxim by which Pliny -the Younger pleads for mediocrity, Content yourself to do much -indifferently, if it be beyond you to do a little well.[145] - -[Footnote 144: _Spicilegium Romanum_, I., xxviii., from Vat. Urb. -MSS.] - -[Footnote 145: Satius est plurima mediocriter facere, si non possis -aliquid insigniter. Lib. V., Epist. 5.] - -Although Baldi appears to have entered the Church rather from -temporal considerations than any spiritual vocation, no priest -was ever more tenacious of rights and privileges; and it was his -misfortune to find, in the exercise of his ecclesiastical functions, -ever-recurring misunderstandings with his clergy or the civil -authorities, and even with the superior tribunals at Rome. Through -these we shall not follow him. As early as 1590, the Duke of Urbino -interfered as a friendly counsellor to recommend him moderate -measures; but new jars from time to time recurred, and in 1609 he -carried into effect a step which he had proposed seventeen years -before, by resigning his benefice, under reservation of two-fifths -of its income. But these wranglings penetrated not within the portal -of his study, where his active mind and adamantine pen laboured -assiduously, through good report and bad, upon the most incongruous -matters. - -The Abbot renounced his preferment on the plea of family matters, -requiring his presence in his native city, and, faithful to -this domestic duty, declined an offer from Cardinal d'Este of a -situation in his household. His own sovereign received him with that -friendship he ever extended to men of piety and literary merit, -and, in 1612, sent him on a mission to congratulate the New Doge of -Venice.[*146] The remainder of his life passed in peace, amid the -varied resources of an ever-busy mind, interrupted only by those -occasional bereavements, whereby, as years wear on, death warns us -that our turn will also come. Besides sad breaches in his domestic -circle, Baldi had to mourn his long-attached friend Baroccio, the -painter, who died in 1612. Prepared by such proofs of human frailty, -he resigned his spirit on the 10th of October, after a lingering -but lenient malady, and was carried to the tomb amid the sincere -regrets of many friends and admirers.[*147] It was remarked that, -in his long and minute will, he left no instructions regarding his -multifarious unpublished works, most of which passed into the library -of his relations, the Albani, where they remain at Rome. His epitaph -reckons his compositions at forty-eight,[*148] and the languages he -knew at twelve, which Crescimbeni increases to sixteen--substantial -testimony to that avidity of application which is said to have been -habitually appeased by perusing the Fathers whilst at table, and -by conning over Euclid in Arabic, as an aid to digestion. To detail -and criticise the results of labours as Protean as Herculean is a -task which we cannot attempt. His diligent biographer Affo enumerates -about thirty printed works, running to above two thousand 4to pages, -and seventy left in manuscript, some of which have been since -published. They may be thus classed:-- - - Printed. MSS. - In Theology and biblical criticism 13 - " Mathematics 7 14 - " Philosophy 2 - " Geography 2 - " Law 2 - " History 1 8 - " Topography and antiquities 4 4 - " Poetry 10 8 - " General literature and philology 4 16 - -[Footnote *146: Cf. ZACCAGNINI, _Un'ambasceria di B.B._ in _Rassegna -Crit. d. Lett. Ital._, vol. VII., p. 201.] - -[Footnote *147: He died in Urbino, October 10th, 1617.] - -[Footnote *148: I record the more important. In 1575 he wrote a -poem on _Artiglieria_, and in 1579 another on the _Invenzione del -bossolo da navigare_; this was published by CANEVAZZI (Livorno, -Giusti, 1901). Cf. concerning it, PROVASI in _Le Marche_ (1902), and -ZACCAGNINI in _Rass. Crit. d. Lett. Ital._, vol. VII., p. 166. His -masterpiece, _Nautica_, written between 1580-85, is a didactic poem -in four books imitating the Georgics. Concerning it see ZACCAGNINI, -_Le fonti della Nautica_ in _Giornale St. d. Lett. Ital._, vol. -XL., p. 366, and PROVASI, _Contributo allo studio della Nautica di -B.B._ (Fano, 1903). The _Egloghe Miste_ were dedicated to Ranuccio -Farnese in 1590, and consist of nineteen poems in various metres -in a Theocritan vein. Cf. RUBERTO, _Le Egloghe edite e inedite di -B.B._ in _Propugnatore_ (1882), and for _Epigrammi_, RUBERTO, _op. -cit. An. cit._ His youthful erotic poems were published under the -title _Lauro_ (Pavia, 1600), and, not to speak of other volumes, the -_Sonetti Romani_ appeared in _Versi e Prose_ (Venice, Franceschi, -1590). His works in prose were very numerous. I note here _La -Descrizione del Palazzo Ducale d'Urbino_ (_circa_ 1587), and the -_Vite_ of Federigo and Guidobaldo I. of Urbino, the first published -in Rome in 1820 and a bad edition of the second in Milan, 1821. He -wrote also a _Cronaca_ (Urbino, 1707), a life of Federigo Comandino, -the _Encomio della Patria_, cf. ZACCAGNINI, _Uno scritto inedito -di B.B._ in _Le Marche_ (Fano), vol. I., p. 4; and the _Lettere -Familiari_, cf. POLIDORI, _Lettere di Baldi_ (Firenze, 1854), -RONCHINI, _Lettere di B._ (Parma, 1873) and SAVIOTTI, _Lettere di B._ -(Pesaro, 1887).] - -Of these a number were translations, chiefly from Arabic and other -Oriental tongues. It is evident that his own preference lay towards -his compositions in verse, a judgment which wants confirmation if -continued popularity be the test. Yet several of his fugitive poems, -and especially some sonnets on the ruins of Rome, possess much lyric -beauty; and, though his epic on the Deluge is but a wretched attempt -at novelty in versification, that on the Art of Navigation is a -work of merit for the age which produced it. Hallam, after classing -it with Bernardo Tasso's _Amadigi_, as two of the most remarkable -productions of that sort then written in Italy, pronounces the -_Nautica_ "a didactic poem in blank verse, too minute sometimes, and -prosaic in detail, like most of its class, but neither low, turgid, -or obscure, as many others have been. The descriptions, though never -very animated, are sometimes poetical and pleasing. Baldi is diffuse, -and this conspires with the triteness of his matter to render the -poem somewhat uninteresting. He by no means wants power to adorn his -subject, but does not always trouble himself to exert it, and is tame -where he might be spirited. Few poems bear more evident marks that -their substance had been previously written down in prose." But what -he wanted in genius--for therein lay his great deficiency--he in -some degree supplied by wonderful versatility. Whichever of his many -subjects he took up seemed that in which he was born to excel. Of his -painstaking diligence we have said much, but we may add the pertinent -remark of Grossi, "that so extensive was his reading as apparently -to leave no time for writing, and yet that he wrote about as much -as it seemed possible for any one to read." To this Tiraboschi adds -the more flattering testimony that "his praises would be appropriate -to almost each chapter of this history, for there was scarcely any -department of literature and science in which he did not apply -himself and attain excellence." - -By an author so prolific, redundancy and diffuseness, the -blemishes of his age, were inevitable. But in his lives of the two -Montefeltrian dukes, these are conjoined with a tendency to elaborate -his details into microscopic minuteness, which weary and distract -the reader, and which, though valuable adjuncts to the testimony of -an eye-witness, engender more suspicion than credit in a narrative -compiled, after a long interval, from less specific authorities. -Being, however, a shrewd observer and diligent narrator, anxious -to do full justice to his subject, these works, although deficient -in personal interest, and relieved by no enlarged views or general -application, fulfil the task prescribed by his patron, the last -Duke della Rovere; and, were his life of Francesco Maria I. to be -published,[149] Baldi would be our standard historiographer of the -duchy. In him are, indeed, wanting the qualities of a philosophic -historian,--elevation of sentiment, variety of matter, selection -of incident; but they belonged not to his age, and were scarcely -compatible with his position. The fate of Scarpi and Varchi gave -timely warning to the literary world, that historic verity might have -its martyrs, as well as metaphysical speculation of religious truth. -His life of Duke Federigo, written in 1603, was printed in 1824; -that of Guidobaldo I., completed in 1615, saw the light in 1821. -The substance of these narratives had, however, been appropriated -and published by Reposati, omitting imaginary conversations and -supposititious harangues. Of the degree of impartiality with which -they were compiled, an idea may be formed from the following extracts -of letters addressed to their author by his sovereign, proving that -his judgment was not by any means left unfettered:--"It has given me -satisfaction to hear all that you have written me in regard to the -life of Duke Federigo of happy memory, and I fail not to acknowledge -with pleasure your devotion and diligence. In mentioning my house, -I approve of your naming it of Montefeltro rather than Feltrian, -but as to seeking out its source and foundation, I do not recollect -telling you to pass these over in silence. On the contrary, I deem -it necessary to discuss this, yet not in the way I saw it treated at -Urbino, attributing to it a mere bourgeois and private origin, much -humbler than its deserts. It will, therefore, be well to keep this in -view, observing in your eulogies, and generally throughout the work, -a becoming consideration and regard for it, such as, without further -hint, I look for from your sound discretion."--"As to the Life of -Duke Federigo, only a few days have passed since I have done looking -through it; but we must talk it over together more than once, ere -anything can be decided on."[150] - -[Footnote 149: Vat. Urb. MSS., No. 906.] - -[Footnote 150: Oliveriana MSS. In 1602 the Duke instructed his -resident at Venice to procure for Gian Battista Leoni access to its -archives for the life of Francesco Maria I. he had commissioned him -to write, which was published three years later.] - -Had Baldi lived among our fathers, he would have dwelt in Grub -Street, and become, by his powers of application and memory, a -successful book-maker; among ourselves, he would have proved valuable -as a penny-per-line scribe. In Italy, his renown was, for a time, -more brilliant, but it has now passed into comparative, and not -unmerited, neglect. Yet his is a name of which his native city may -justly be proud, and may cherish with respectful approbation this -epitaph, once proposed for his tomb:-- - - "Ah! happy he who spent a lengthened span, - Not in the vulgar dreams of grovelling man, - But passed his days in living truly well; - Urbino's honour! Passenger, farewell." - -Among the literary labourers of this age GIROLAMO -MUZIO[*151] is entitled to a prominent place, more from the -variety and volume of his writings than from their actual worth. The -epithet Giustinopolite, usually applied to him, is latinised from -Capo d'Istria, the adopted home of his family, who were originally -emigrants from Udine, and spelt their name Nuzio. He, however, was -born at Padua, in 1496, and, after receiving a good education, -finding himself dependent upon his own exertions, was fain to sell -his services of sword or pen to the highest bidder. The same rule -of self-interest that actuated Italian condottieri was too often -followed by literary adventurers in that country, conscience and -glory being generally made subservient by both to a livelihood. -Girolamo had a double chance, in his twofold capacity of soldier and -author, and tells us "that it was ever his fate to earn his bread -by serving in the armies and courts of popes, emperors, kings, or -petty princes; sometimes with one Italian commander, sometimes with -another; now in France, then in Upper, again in Lower Germany." -Through these vicissitudes it were needless to follow him. For a -time he was rival or successor of Bernardo Tasso in the promiscuous -affections of Tullia d'Aragona, a lettered courtezan, and, without -her sanction, published, in 1547, her Dialogue on the Infinitude of -Love. In the preface he avowed a connection which occasioned him -neither compunction nor shame, and which, in days when love was a -science as well as a passion, was openly shared by Varchi, Speroni, -Strozzi, and Molza. Four years later a dangerous illness taught him -reflection on his past ways, and brought him to a devotional frame -of mind. It was about the same time that he became an inmate of the -court of Urbino, receiving from Duke Guidobaldo the ample pension of -400 scudi, with permission to "attend to his studies, appearing only -when he chose." The Duchess Vittoria countenanced him much, and he -spent a good deal of time in her society, probably in consequence of -his appointment as governor to her eldest son, and of his marrying a -lady of her suite. From thence he went to reside at Rome, about 1567, -and died in Tuscany, in 1576. - -[Footnote *151: On Muzio, see GIAXICH, _Vita di Girolamo Muzio_ -(Trieste, 1847); MORPURGO, _Girolamo Muzio_ (Trieste, 1893), NOMI, -in _Miscellanea Stor. della Valdelsa_, No. 24; NOTTOLA, _Appunti sul -Muzio poeta_ (Aosta, 1895).] - -Tiraboschi declines the task of compiling the long catalogue of -his various writings, in poetry, sacred and profane history, moral -essays, and familiar letters,[*152] nor need we undertake it. A large -portion of his works were directed against protestant doctrines, and, -having reformed the habits of his somewhat stormy youth, he lent -willing and efficient aid in strangling the progress of Calvinism in -Italy, after a protracted struggle, upon which the investigations of -Dr. M'Crie have thrown much valuable light. Muzio is alleged to have -exhibited in this contest more of martial dexterity than theological -acumen; but his controversial effusions, being published in Italian, -and clothed in a homely slashing style, were probably supposed quite -as efficacious against the progress of heretical opinions among his -countrymen, as the disquisitions of more profound theologians. It was -not, however, for the dogmas of faith alone that Muzio wielded his -pen. The soldier of fortune was quite as happy, and more at home, on -topics belonging to the chivalry of his profession. His treatises -on Duels and the Point of Honour were suited to the spirit of the -age, and had in consequence a considerable run of popularity, now of -course long ago past. The like fate has befallen his didactic poem -on the Art of Poetry, in the literature of his own country. What -most concerns us are his Lives of Dukes of Urbino. That of Federigo -is dedicated to Guidobaldo II., and the original is deposited in the -Vatican Library. Having been compiled with considerable care, it -continues our best narrative of his reign, and has been greatly drawn -upon by Baldi and Riposati. The edition printed at Venice in 1605 is -but an abridgment, containing less than half the original matter. His -Life of Francesco Maria I. was left unfinished, and remains unedited -in the Vatican.[153] - -[Footnote *152: The fullest collection of his letters seems to -be that of GIOLITI, 1551. Cf. also ZENATTI, _Lettere inedite_ -(Capodistria, 1896).] - -[Footnote 153: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1011, and No. 1023, f. 50.] - -We shall mention but one more prose writer of Urbino. FEDERIGO -BONAVENTURA was born in 1555, and owed to Cardinal Giulio -della Rovere a fashionable education at Rome. On his return home, -the marked favour of Francesco Maria II. was attracted by his good -sense and winning manners; but finding his courtly accomplishments -unequal to the profound pursuits of that young prince, he laboured -assiduously to supply his own deficiencies. By close application, his -progress in Greek, mathematics, and natural philosophy was amazingly -rapid; but these studies were happily blended with the business of -life, and, directing his powerful judgment to political affairs, he -established his reputation by a work on public polity, which, for the -first time in Italy, methodised the principles of government. These -talents his sovereign turned to account by sending him on various -diplomatic missions. Conforming in many respects to the maxims -inculcated by the Cortegiano, he filled in the Duke's court somewhat -the same place which Castiglione had done in that of Guidobaldo I., -and died in 1602. - - - - -CHAPTER L - - Italian versification--Ariosto--Pietro Aretino--Vittoria - Colonna--Laura Battiferri--Dionigi Atanagi--Antonio - Galli--Marco Montano--Bernardo Tasso. - - -The liquid vocables of the Italian language flow in melody with a -facility perilous to genius, fatal to mediocrity: its stream is -equally apt to dilute Castalian inspiration, or to quench poetic -fire. Hence the poets of Italy are far outnumbered by its versifiers; -and hence among the laureates of Urbino we find but few historic -names. But, in absence of native bards, the dukes of the second -dynasty attracted to their court several of those most conspicuous -on the Ausonian Parnassus, under whose influence a great change -came over the manner and spirit of national poetry. Hitherto their -predecessors had before them two models, whose excellence is still -universally admitted. Dante, in founding an epic literature, chose -the grandest and most difficult theme ever dared by man, and his -success, by immeasurably distancing his few competitors, has deterred -competition. Petrarch addressed himself to passions and sympathies -essentially earthly, and constructed a lyrical versification -demanding no sustained exertion; whose trammels sufficed, in his -melodious and pliant idiom, to stimulate ingenuity without imposing -labour; whose perfection depended rather upon elaborate polish than -upon originality or vigour. Thus, while Dante continued a model, -Petrarch became a snare; and hence, a "multitude of imitators, -satisfied with copying the latter in his defects; who could easily -follow him in the choice of his subject, but not in the beauty of -his style, the variety of his knowledge, and the elegance of his -imagery." Sonnets are indeed the most peculiarly Italian form of -poetry, but they are avowedly ill-suited to the naive expression of -pure and artless feelings. Their laboured strain and studied melody -are adapted to an artificial cast of sentiment; they encourage -exaggeration and tend to mannerism and commonplace. Singly they -are charming, but "when taken collectively we become indifferent -to their unity, felicity, and grace, and accuse them of what under -other circumstances we might possibly commend, their recurring -metaphors, their uniform structure, and the unfailing sweetness of -their versification."[154] Yet in their complex form, a prolonged -repetition of the same rhyme tends, like the return to a simple air -amid difficult variations, touchingly to renew the feeling originally -and pleasingly evoked; and thus is it that sonnets often possess -a charm of which, in their ambitious attempts, their authors were -probably quite unconscious.[155] - -[Footnote 154: British and Foreign Quarterly Review, xi. 376.] - -[Footnote 155: See above, Vol. II., cap. xxv.] - -It is not now our object to analyze the varied metrical arrangements -to which the fertile language of Italy willingly lent itself, and -which its minstrels, - - "A mob of gentlemen who wrote with ease," - -delighted to mingle and multiply. Enough, in addition to the polished -sonnet, to name noble canzoni, sublime odes, and tender elegies. But -the absence of ballad poetry, with its wide-circling echoes of long -antecedent events and feelings, is remarkable, and has been imputed -to an early addiction of the nation to prosaic habits of trade. This -solution is, however, little satisfactory in itself, and is equally -at variance with the genius and the language of the people. Perhaps -it would be more just to assign a diametrically opposite cause, and -to seek in their vivid imaginations, and in the exuberant facility -of their melodious tongue, that universality of versification which -tended to depreciate its quality, or, at all events, to diminish -the estimation bestowed even on their most popular compositions. -It is accordingly in nations among whom poetry is a rare gift, and -whose idiom can embody it in terse and simple diction, that we find -those lyrics which, possessing a traditional popularity, are at once -the germ and index of national sentiment.[*156] We seek in vain -for such among the recognised literature of Italy; and though the -dulcet chants of the Venetian gondolier, and the monotonous lazzaroni -ditties of Naples, may be deemed of that class, their infinite and -ever-changing variety appears to divest them of the historic charm -that attaches to the chivalric redondillas of Spain, and to the -pensive minstrelsy of our fatherland. - -[Footnote *156: How could Italy have a ballad poetry full of national -sentiment before she became a nation? Her living poetry then and -for centuries before, as now, is the _Rispetto_. Cf., for the -_Poesie Popolari_ generally, D'ANCONA, _La Poesia Popolare Italiana_ -(Livorno, 1906); for the Marche especially GIANANDREA, _Canti -Popolari Marchigiani_ (Torino, Loescher, 1875).] - - * * * * * - -In poetry alone did the age of the della Rovere excel that of the -Montefeltri, and among the great names whom it was their pride to -shelter were Ariosto and Tasso, the only ones worthy to rival those -of the bards of Hell and of Love. - -[Illustration: SUPPOSED PORTRAIT OF ARIOSTO - -_After the picture by Titian in the National Gallery_] - -LUDOVICO ARIOSTO[*157] was born of noble parentage at -Reggio, in 1474, and, after a precocious struggle against the -uncongenial legal career for which he was intended, was left by his -father to follow the bent of his genius in favour of general -literature.[*158] From an early age he had composed dramas on Thisbe -and similar themes, and had secretly drilled his brothers and sisters -to perform them; but when about seventeen, his youthful inclination -was gratified by accompanying Duke Ercole I. to Pavia and Milan, -for diversion, and to enact certain comedies. These boyish efforts -have not been preserved, but the Cassaria and Suppositi, composed in -1494, engraft upon classic models the licentious speech of his age. -Though well-born, he had the double misfortune to require a patron, -and to find an ungrateful one in Cardinal Ippolito d'Este, whose -ferocious character and lax morals exceeded even the ordinary licence -then permitted to members of the Sacred College, and whose taste -for literature, or perhaps emulation of a prevailing fashion, led -him to favour men of genius. The services of Ariosto were invoked, -as a soldier and diplomatist, when Ferrara was exposed to imminent -danger in the wars following the League of Cambray. As ambassador to -Julius II. in 1512, he braved perils greater perhaps than those of -the field; but his fine temper and knowledge of the world ensured -his safety, and bespoke the regard even of that domineering Pontiff, -whose threats mellowed into favours before his conciliatory bearing. - -[Footnote *157: I shall not attempt to give a bibliography, however -scanty, of Ariosto. He has really nothing to do with Urbino, and -the work done concerning him would fill a library. The best life -after those of Baretti, Campori, and Baruffaldi is that of Cappelli -prefacing the _Lettere_ (Hoepli, Milano, 1887). The best edition -of his poems is that of PAPINI (Firenze, Sansoni, 1903). For -_Bibliographia Ariostesca_, see FERRAZZI (Bassano, Pozzato, 1881). -For the controversy, Ariosto-Tasso, see VIVALDI, _La Piu Grande -polemica del Cinquecento_ (Catanzaro, Calio, 1895). Consult also -EDMUND GARDNER, _Dukes and Poets at Ferrara_ (Constable, 1904), a -charming and a learned book.] - -[Footnote *158: Ariosto has told us in great part his own life in his -_Satire_; best edition that of Tambara (Livorno, 1903).] - -The time at which he first visited Urbino is uncertain; but in -1515, when the designs of Leo X. upon that duchy and Ferrara, the -only Romagnese principalities which still withstood the grasping -policy of the papacy, had given rise to anxieties in the families of -d'Este and della Rovere, the Cardinal repaired to Francesco Maria -I., in order to concert measures for their common safety. Ariosto -accompanied him on this journey, and, having been detained at the -Furlo pass by an attack of fever, which in his eighth Capitulo he -mentions as dangerous, he repaired to recruit his health at Urbino, -whilst Ippolito proceeded to Rome. The greeting which met our poet -at that lettered court partook of the discriminating hospitality -which genius could ever there command; and though his own poetical -reputation was as yet but dawning, his intimacy with Guido Posthumo -of Pesaro was probably a claim in his behalf to special distinction, -which the publication of his _Orlando Furioso_, before the end of -that year, firmly established. On proceeding to Rome, the favour -bestowed upon him at the Vatican was not such as either to satisfy -his just anticipations, or to do credit to the Pontiff's discernment. -In his third and seventh Satires, Ariosto comments upon the long and -intimate friendship of their former years, when the Cardinal de' -Medici had proffered him a fraternal partiality, and vows that never -again will he rely on other men's promises, postponed from ides to -calends, and from calends to ides. The reception he at first met with -might well give confidence to his hopes; for on his presentation Leo -stooped forward to press his hand, saluting him on both cheeks. But, -as the Venetian envoy caustically observed, his Holiness promised -largely, but performed not. All that followed this flattering -accolade was a privilege of copyright, not even gratuitously issued; -and as those substantial benefits, which his merits deserved and -his position required, were vainly expected, the poet quitted Rome -"with humbled crest," a disappointed man. Yet he was of too kind a -nature to harbour malice, as well as of a temper too easy for courtly -struggles. He returned to the quiet of his native state, content to -seek some respectable employment, and avowing his indifference to -scenes of wider or more varied ambition. - - "Let him who golden spur or scarlet hat affects - Serve king, or duke, or cardinal, or pope; - This suits not me, who care for neither gaud."[159] - -[Footnote 159: Part of this third Satire will be found translated in -ROSCOE'S _Leo X._, ch. xvi., where the demands of nepotism -upon his Holiness are playfully exposed.] - -Whether his patron's proverbially slighting reception of a dedication -of the first fruits of his epic muse proceeded from obtuseness, -or, as Tiraboschi suggests, was a poor jest, it could not but be -mortifying to a man of delicacy and conscious genius. Ere long a -breach occurred between them, on Ludovico declining to attend the -Cardinal in a distant and fatiguing embassy to Hungary.[*160] This -occurred in 1517; but he was soon after admitted into the Duke -of Ferrara's service with a monthly salary of seven crowns, and -allowances for three servants and two horses. His first employment -in this new sphere was a mission, in 1519, to condole with Lorenzo -de' Medici, the usurping Duke of Urbino, on the loss of his consort -Madeleine of France; but ere he reached Florence, Lorenzo's own -death had supervened. It was on this occasion he composed his first -Capitulo, where, and in his Stanze, he speaks of that prince in the -usual fulsome style of courtly bards, alluding to his uncles Leo and -Giuliano as - - "Twin suckers from that long descended laurel stem, - Which in its verdure decked a golden age." - -[Footnote *160: Cf. Satire II., vv. 1-24, 85-93, 97-114, 217-231, -238-265, and III., 1-81.] - -How little the duty thus imposed upon him consisted with his own -tastes may, however, be gathered from an incident characteristic -of the age. The venal conduct of Duke Francesco Maria's Spanish -followers having brought to a sudden close his attempt to regain -his patrimonial states, in the manner detailed in our thirty-sixth -chapter, one of their number resented an imputation to that effect, -cast upon his comrades by some gentlemen of Ferrara. A challenge was -the result, each party selecting a bravo to maintain their cause. -This duel by deputy took place on the Neapolitan territory, and, of -the combatants, who fought naked with swords, the Spaniard was left -dead on the field. The victor returned to be feted in the capital -of the d'Este; and Ariosto composed his thirty-fifth sonnet upon -"Ferrara's true paladin, of truth, genius, worth, and valour, who -has cleared up the Spaniard's slippery trick upon the good Duke of -Urbino, and testified to Italian bravery." We may well suppose the -satisfaction with which the minstrel saw this "good Duke" restored -to his station in 1521, and may conjecture that he paid him homage -in his mountain capital. A room in the ducal palace there, decorated -with his portrait, went by his name, and he was enrolled among the -_Assorditi_ academicians.[161] In 1532, a few months previous to -his death, Prince Guidobaldo wrote to ask of him an unacted comedy, -for representation at Pesaro, to which he replied, regretting his -inability to comply with the request, as he had long ceased to write -such things. - -[Footnote 161: See above, pp. 255-6.] - -Ariosto's life presents few remarkable incidents, considering the -space which his name justly occupies in the literary annals of Italy. -Though honoured and complimented by the Dukes of Urbino and Ferrara, -and by Leo X., he seems to have incurred few solid obligations from -these Maecenases of his age. The only promotion awarded to him was -the administration of Garfagna, a mountain-holding under the d'Este -family, chiefly peopled by banditti, which he obtained in 1522, but -resigned after three years' sad experience of the turbulent charge. -His coronation by Charles V. is apocryphal, although he is understood -to have received from that Emperor a diploma as his poet laureate. He -died on the 6th of June, 1533, in his home at Ferrara, and was buried -in the old church of S. Benedetto. In 1573 his body was transported -to the new church, and in 1801 to the Public Library of Ferrara. - -It would be foreign to the object proposed in these pages to -enter fully into the merits of works so universally known, and so -little connected with our immediate subject, as the heroic poems -of Ariosto. But we have ample evidence of the popularity enjoyed -by his _Orlando Furioso_, during the first half-century after its -publication, in the testimony of one not likely to be partial to a -successful rival: "And if the aim which a good poet ought to keep -in view be that of imparting pleasure and enjoyment, it is obvious -that this was accomplished by Ariosto; for there is neither artisan, -nor man of learning, nor boy, nor girl, nor old person, who is -satisfied with a second perusal of him. Are not his stanzas a solace -to the jaded pilgrim, who sings them to alleviate the irksomeness -of his hot and weary way? Do you not hear them chanted all day long -in the highways and the fields? I believe that there have not been -printed as many copies of Homer or Virgil as of the _Furioso_, during -the time that has elapsed since that most accomplished gentleman -published his poem; and if so, as cannot be doubted, is not this a -clear proof of its beauty and excellence?"[162] We set aside the -minor faults which have been found in the execution, and most gladly -escape from all critical discussion of the vexed question, as to -its due observance of unity and sustained action. The absence of -perfections so questionable is by many accounted a charm. Nowhere -has imagination been more freely indulged, nowhere the poetic vein -left to play such fantastic tricks; but in its sallies, effort and -restraint are alike unknown. As the figures in a magic-lantern, or -the endless changes of the kaleidoscope, its phantasmagoria appear -and pass by, without our being aware of the machinery which called -them up; yet, from time to time, there occur images of life so -veracious, traits of nature so touching, that we are again summoned -to the realities of existence and the sympathies of humanity, with a -startling effect scarcely less marvellous than the wild creations -which precede and follow these charming episodes. Even extravagance -thus ceases to be a blemish, whilst facility and freshness are -ever multiplying new beauties. Episodes and incidents, serious or -grotesque, capriciously introduced into the poem, give it a motley -and heterogeneous aspect; variety of matter and diversity of style -are its familiar characteristics; and its unequal execution is, -perhaps, less pardonable than the desultory character of its plan. -Nor is it only by its novelty that this freedom of action sustains -the interest of the work. The introduction of real personages and -recent events relieves the tedium of long continued allegory, -and stamps nature and individuality on adventures in themselves -extravagant and apocryphal. - -[Footnote 162: Bernardo Tasso, Lettere, II., No. 165. In a privilege -of copyright granted in very complimentary terms by Leo X., the -_Orlando_ is pedantically described by Bembo as "a work in vernacular -verse regarding the feats of those called knights-errant, composed in -a ludicrous style, but with long study, and the laborious application -of many years."--Bembo, _Epistolae nomine Leonis X._, Lib. X., No. 40.] - -In estimating the rank of this poet, critical judgment has too often -been diverted from the quality of his verses to the fittingness of -his style; and in comparing him with Tasso, the argument resolves -itself into a contrast between romantic and classic poetry. Upon such -a discussion we purpose not to enter. Ariosto found his countrymen -under the charm of old legendary histories, perpetuated by tradition -from the days of Charlemagne and his paladins, and more recently -popularised in Pulci's burlesque epic of the _Morgante Maggiore_, -and by Boiardo's unfettered fancy in the _Orlando Innamorato_. He -was content to sail with the stream, spreading his canvas to the -prevailing breeze, rather than to strike out another course, and -steer in search of newer attractions. This decision necessarily -limited the scope of a highly original genius to varying the details -and episodes of inventions already familiarised to his readers by -other less inspired pens; and it were difficult to account for his -thus contentedly following their track, except from the conviction -that none else was so certain a guide to success. Domenichi and -Berni, aware that Boiardo had unworthily handled his theme, were -content to employ themselves in recasting it into more attractive -shape, and Le Sage's French translation is a mere paraphrase. But -Ariosto chose the higher aim of taking up the story where Boiardo had -left it incomplete, and working it out in forms less exaggerated and -fanciful, but far more nobly conceived, and executed with infinitely -greater polish and poetic beauty. - - * * * * * - -PIETRO ARETINO[*163] has been designated by Ariosto[164] -"the scourge of princes," a description somewhat more just than -the epithet of "divine," which is added possibly in irony; for few -men, it is hoped, have been so destitute of those high aspirations -which form the link between human and divine nature. He has been -aptly compared to an ill-conditioned cur, ever ready to yelp and -snap at all who do not feed or fondle him, but to such as do, the -most fawning of his species. He was born at Arezzo in 1492, and was -natural son of one Luigi Bacci. After serving his apprenticeship -to a bookbinder at Perugia, he went to push his fortunes in Rome, -where his first remarkable productions were verses illustrating a -set of engravings by Marcantonio, after designs by Giulio Romano,--a -work so scandalously offensive to decency that scarcely any copies -have escaped destruction.[*165] After the death of Giovanni de' -Medici _delle bande nere_, his earliest patron, he went to Venice, -and subsequently visited most of the Italian courts. His foul -scurrilities and loathsome adulation were dealt out with equal -readiness, as best served his insatiable avarice and undisguised -selfishness. These base qualities, tempered by tact and great -readiness, gained for him a success equally unaccountable and -undeserved; he became rich, caressed, applauded, dreaded, and is -said to have earned not less than 70,000 scudi during his career. -The popularity which his writings enjoyed among all ranks seems an -infatuation,[*166] considering their very moderate merit, and must -be viewed as symptomatic of a generally depraved taste, though no -doubt his own ineffable conceit and insolence contributed to the -delusion. "There truly never was a man who combined such haughty -presumption with equal ignorance of literature, meanness of spirit, -and debauchery of morals. His style possesses no elegance or grace; -indeed he seems to me one of the first to introduce those ludicrous -hyperboles and extravagant metaphors that came so generally into use -during the next century. Never assuredly have I met with books so -empty and useless as those of this impostor, whose baseness equalled -his profound ignorance, and the sole object of whose writings was -self-interest and lucre. As to his manners, they are amply testified -by his works, wherein, besides a prodigal sprinkling of obscenity, -there are mentioned the women with whom he intrigued, and the -children these bore him; they in fact prove him destitute of moral or -religious principle; and if ever he makes a show of compunction or -amendment, it is but to relapse speedily into his wonted profanity. -Truly such a fellow, who ought hardly to have ventured to show -himself in public, stands unequalled in presumptuous arrogance. -But the most surprising thing is to see a majority of European -princes, and not a few learned Italians, humbling themselves before -him without a blush, and rendering him a degrading tribute of gifts -and eulogies. Chains of gold, considerable sums of money, pensions, -and handsome presents of every sort, came in so constantly from -various quarters, that he confesses to receiving from different -princes 25,000 scudi within eighteen years. The most amusing part -of it is that these rich donations were made because he assumed the -proud epithet of _scourge of princes_, on the plan, as it would -seem, of threatening them with his indignation, and with attacks -upon their actions in his writings; yet never was there a more -sordid adulator of the great, and no work of his contains a single -word against any sovereign." It would be difficult to select words -more graphic or more just than this description by Tiraboschi, which -we have preferred adopting, to the task of reviewing so filthy a -character.[*167] We shall elsewhere allude to him in connection with -Michael Angelo and Titian, and other notices might be selected of -his intercourse with Duke Guidobaldo II. The self-assumed privilege -of his position did not however always protect him from the merited -consequences of his meanness and malevolence. Boccalini (an author -scarcely less mordent than himself, who is said to have expiated -his satiric vein by being beaten to death) calls him "a magnet -of fisty-cuffs and cudgels, whose enemies' hands, rivalling the -promptitude of his own pen, had scarred him all over with as many -lines as a navigator's chart." Among those who met him with his -own weapons was Antonio Francesco Doni, a literary adventurer of -Florence, whose arrival about 1552 at the court of Guidobaldo II. -inspired Aretino with jealousy which exploded in an impertinent -letter. The intruder, however, maintained his ground till 1558, the -year after his opponent's characteristic death, and retaliated in a -volume published in 1556, entitled _Doni's Earthquake, overthrowing -the great beastly colossal Antichrist of our Age; a Work composed -in Honour of God and the Holy Church, and in Defence of good -Christians_, and dedicated "to the infamous and rascally source and -fountain of all malice, Pietro Aretino, the putrid limb of public -imposture, and true Antichrist of our time." - -[Footnote *163: A good edition of the _Lettere_ of ARETINO -was published under the care of Vanzolini and Bacci della Lega, -in four volumes, in Bologna, 1873-75. The best edition, now very -rare, of _I Ragionamenti_ is that of Florence, 1892. See also -FABI, _Opere da P.A._, Milano, 1881. For his life, consult -LUZIO, _P.A. nei primi suoi anni a Venezia e la corte dei -Gonzago_ (Torino, 1888); GAUTHIEZ, _L'Aretin_, 1492-1556 -(Paris, 1895); and SINIGAGLIA, _Saggio di uno studio su P.A. -con scritti e documenti inediti_ (Roma, 1892). It was, I think, Mr. -Claude Phillips who wittily called Aretino not the scourge but "the -screw of princes." Nevertheless, those who knew Aretino best will -appreciate him most. Titian was wise enough to have him for a friend, -and, indeed, he was capable of many very human and even beautiful -actions, as when he would daily throw wide his doors at nightfall and -take the lost and the beggars into his house. After all, those he -blackmailed were blackmailers themselves. He made even the Pope fear -him.] - -[Footnote 164: _Orlando Furioso_, XLVI., st. 14.] - -[Footnote *165: These designs have lately been found and photographed -and published in Paris. They are impossible, but extremely vigorous -and lovely. The verses are even more terrible than the drawings, but -splendid too, with a sort of fullness of joy.] - -[Footnote *166: His writings have much of the undoubted fascination -of the daily paper, but are on the whole less vulgar and probably -less harmful and enervating.] - -[Footnote *167: This is sheer hypocrisy. Aretino's intercourse with -Urbino was so slight as to be easily ignored, and Dennistoun, as a -fact, says next to nothing of it.] - -[Illustration: _Alinari_ - -PIETRO ARETINO - -_After the picture by Titian in the Pitti Gallery, Florence_] - -Still more pungent was the epigrammatic epitaph proposed for him by -Francesconi: - - "Arezzo's hoary libeller here is laid, - Whose bitter slanders all save CHRIST essayed: - He for such slip this reason good can show,-- - 'How could I mock one whom I do not know?'" - -Aretino, returning a Roland for his Oliver, rejoined: - - "Francescon, wretched rhymer, here is laid, - Who of all things save asses evil said: - His plea in favour of the long-eared race, - A cousinship that none could fail to trace."[168] - -[Footnote 168: - - "Qui giace l'Aretino, poeta Tosco, - Che d'ognun disse male fuorche di Christo, - Scusandosi col dir--'Non lo conosco.'" - - "Qui giace Francescon, poeta pessimo, - Che disse mal d'ognun fuorche del asino, - Scusandosi col dir--che egli era prossimo."] - -But enough of such ribaldry. The writings of Aretino and his -biography are in one respect useful to the historian of his time. The -degrading views of human nature afforded by both form a contrast to -the bright luminaries which yet lingered above the horizon, whilst -by their shadows they complete the verity of the picture. Favoured -by fortune far beyond his deserts during life, his memory is equally -indebted to art. The encomium of Ariosto has already been quoted, and -the pencil of his friend Titian has preserved his person in several -portraits; one of them, which, though unfinished, is perhaps the -noblest commemorated on Vecellio's canvass, adorns the Pitti Gallery, -and almost persuades us that Aretino was a gentleman. - - * * * * * - -From an age too prolific in parasitical literature and in shameless -morals, there has descended to us a name radiant with genius, and -unsullied in reputation. The historian of Urbino may contribute -a leaf to the garland which fame has hung upon the brows of -VITTORIA COLONNA,[*169] for her mother was a princess of -Montefeltro, and to her maternal ancestry she seems indebted for -her heritage of talent. She was daughter of Fabrizio Colonna, by -Agnesina daughter of Duke Federigo of Urbino, and was born in 1490. -When but four years old she was betrothed, in conformity with the -usage of her times, to a mere infant. Yet her marriage may be deemed -fortunate, for her husband, Ferdinando Francesco Marquis of Pescara, -was not only a cadet of the very ancient house of Avalos, which had -accompanied Alfonzo of Aragon from Spain to Naples, and had married -the heiress of Aquino and Pescara in the Abruzzi, but, among the -warriors of an era still fertile in heroes, none was more early -distinguished or promoted. He died prematurely at thirty-three, -while in command of the imperial troops. His consort, imitating her -grandmother Battista Sforza, had learned to console the childless -solitude of his prolonged absences by habits of study, and in them -found resource amid the bereavements of a widowhood which no offer -of marriage could tempt her to infringe. But though she sought not -the world or its incense, her high rank, wealth, and personal graces, -gained many an admirer, whilst the elevated beauty of her poetry, -the charms of her conversation and correspondence, attracted to her -the respectful adoration of the learned. She cherished her husband's -memory with rare constancy, modifying grief by spiritual solace. In -her piety there was neither blind superstition nor cold formality. -Devotional exercises and religious intercourse shared her hours with -poetry and literature tinged by their influence, and among her most -welcome visitors were some of those Italian divines who favoured the -Reformation. On this account she has been claimed as a convert to -protestantism, but upon insufficient grounds. She adhered apparently -to the faith of her fathers, and was spared by a timely death, in -1547, from witnessing the persecutions undergone by her friends of -the new creed.[*170] Among those to whom the sympathies of genius and -piety united her was Michael Angelo, who testified his respect by a -visit to her death-bed, and his regret by a touching sonnet to her -memory.[*171] Not less gratifying was the tribute to her worth which -Ariosto has embalmed in seven stanzas of the Furioso, canto xxxvii.:-- - - "One will choose, and such will choose, that she - All envy shall so well have overthrown, - No other woman can offended be, - If, passing others, her I praise alone; - No joys this one but immortality, - Through her sweet style, and better know I none." - -[Footnote *169: For the life of Vittoria Colonna, see CAMPORI, -_Vittoria Colonna_ in _Atti e Mem. della Dep. di St. Pat. -dell'Emilia_, N.S., vol. III., (Modena, 1878). LUZIO, _V.C._, in -_Rivista St. Mantovana_ (1885), vol. I., p. 1 _et seq._ On her -mother, Agnese di Montefeltro, cf. CASINI-TORDI, in _Giornale -Vittoria Colonna_, vol. I., No. 10. On her poems, cf. MAZZONE, _V.C. -e il suo Canzoniere_ (1900). She was born at Marino in 1492. She was -married 27th December, 1509, in Ischia, to Ferrante d'Avalos Marchese -di Pescara. Miss MAUD JERROLD has published recently (Dent, 1907) a -work in English on Vittoria Colonna which should be excellent.] - -[Footnote *170: See, on this subject, RODOCANACCHI, _V.C. et la -Reforme en Italie_ (Versailles, 1892), and TACCHI-VENTURI, _V.C. -fautrice della riforma cattolica_ (Roma, 1901).] - -[Footnote *171: For her relations with Michelangelo, see RACZYNSKI, -_Les Arts en Portugal_ (Paris, 1846, pp. 1-78).] - -Of her writings few remain, and these but fugitive pieces.[*172] -We are happy in being able to make our readers acquainted with -them through the graceful translations of the late Mr. Glassford, -selecting three sonnets in which she tenderly alludes to the blight -of her widowhood, mildly inculcates the cloisters' quiet, and clothes -in glowing language orisons of holiest fervour. - -[Footnote *172: For her writings, see FERRERO e MULLER, _Il Carteggio -di Vittoria Colonna_ (Torino, 1859), with the supplement (1892) of -TORDI, who has also published (Pistoia, 1900) _Il codice delle rime -di V.C. app. a Margh. d'Angouleme_, and some unpublished _Sonetti_ -(Roma, 1891).] - - I. - - "Methinks the sun his wonted beam denies, - Nor lends such radiance to his sister's car; - Methinks each planet mild, and lovely star, - Has left its sweet course in the spangled skies. - Fallen is the heart of noble enterprise, - True glory perished and the pride of war; - All grace and every virtue perished are, - The leaf is withered and the floweret dies. - Unmoved I am, though heaven and earth invite, - Warmed by no ray nor fanned if zephyr blow; - All offices of nature are deranged: - Since the bright sun that cheered me vanished so, - The courses of the world have quite been changed; - Ah no! but sorrow veils them from my sight." - - - II. - - "If those delights which from the living well - Above are dropped into the heart contrite - Were also visible, and others might - Know what great peace with love divine can dwell, - Perhaps it would be then less hard to tell - Why fame and fortune have been counted light, - And how the wisest men transported quite - Would take their cross and seek the mountain cell, - Finding that death-sweet life; and not alone - In prospect, but now also while the blind - And erring world from the shadows will not cease. - When the awakened soul to God has flown - With humble will to what He wills inclined, - Then outward war to such is inward peace." - - - III. - - "Thanks to thy sovereign grace, O God! if I - Am graff'd in that true vine a living shoot, - Whose arms embrace the world, and in whose root, - Planted by faith, our life must hidden lie, - But thou beholdest how I fade and dry, - Choked with a waste of leaf, and void of fruit, - Unless thy spring perennial shall recruit - My sapless branch, still wanting fresh supply. - O cleanse me then, and make me to abide - Wholly in thee, to drink thy heavenly dew, - And watered daily with my tears to grow. - Thou art the truth, thy promise is my guide; - Prepare me when thou comest, Lord, to show - Fruits answering to the stock on which I grew." - -In Italy the Muses have ever had numerous priestesses, welcomed with -an enthusiasm measured rather by the gallantry of their admirers than -by their real deserts. Among these was LAURA BATTIFERRI, -born at Urbino in 1522-3, whose genius has inspired the pens of Caro, -Varchi, Mazzuchelli, and others; and whom by a questionable, and, -as regarded her morals, a most unmerited compliment, Pietro Vettori -compared to Sappho. Following a very different model, she, like -Vittoria Colonna, composed many devotional pieces, often versifying -the sadder portions of sacred writ, two volumes of which were -published at Florence. Rarer perhaps, and more creditable than her -poetic celebrity, was the reputation for moral worth transmitted to -us in connection with her name, which she happily exchanged by her -union with Bartolomeo Ammanati, notwithstanding frowns from a high -quarter. The Duchess Vittoria, proud of her talents, laid upon her -an injunction not to marry out of her native state. This restriction -had the usual result; her husband was a Florentine sculptor, and it -required all the influence of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese with his -sister to obtain pardon for such flagrant disobedience. - - * * * * * - -"In 1558, there were at the court of Urbino--of old the resort -of talented persons--many great and famous poets, such as Messer -Bernardo Capello, Messer Bernardo Tasso, Messer Girolamo Muzio, -and Messer Antonio Gallo, whose whole occupation it was, like -white gentle swans, emulously to sing, and celebrate in verse, the -eminent beauty, and far more eminent virtues, of the illustrious -Duchess." With these names might be coupled Dionigi Atanagi, the -writer of this euphuism, and also Annibale Caro, Antonio Allegretti, -Marco Montano, and Cornelio Lanci. Of Tasso and Muzio we elsewhere -speak. Caro and Capello were connected with the ducal family only -by one or two complimentary effusions, in return for occasional -hospitality. Allegretti indited an epithalamium on the marriage of -Duchess Vittoria, in which, alluding to the heraldic bearings then -united, he celebrated the prudent hand of the wise shepherd (Paul -III.), who transplanted that virgin Lily into good soil under the -shadow of the mighty Oak; in conclusion, he summoned the attendants -to scatter acorns and _fleurs-de-lis_ before the bridal pair. Lanci's -comedies no longer "fret and strut their hour upon the stage," but -they are said to deserve the praise of comparative purity in an age -when decency was no necessary ingredient of scenic merit. Three names -remain for consideration, who, as natives of the duchy, may claim a -brief notice. - -DIONIGI ATANAGI was born at Cagli, and, after twenty-five -years spent at the Roman court, returned, in 1557, to recruit his -constitution in his native air. He was invited to Pesaro by his -sovereign, at the suggestion of Bernardo Tasso, who wished him to -revise the _Amadigi_; but there he found his health still further -impaired by mental fatigue. Several of his sonnets are addressed to -members of the ducal family and court; one of them, inscribed to -Guidobaldo II., lauds him as "a prince and captain of invincible -valour, of wisdom superhuman, of bounty and benignity past belief, -of ineffable eloquence, of incomparable liberality and magnificence, -a paragon of religion, the lofty stay of Italian honour and renown. -Being the natural sovereign as well as special patron and singular -benefactor of the author, whose every hope rests in him next to -God, it is his desire, in the full knowledge how much is due to his -Excellency's infinite merits, to fill with heroic praises of him -whatever work he may undertake; but overwhelmed by the grandeur of -the theme, his silence is broken only by excuses for his deficiency." -This fulsome trash is no unfair specimen of such compositions. The -following invitation to Urbino, as an asylum of the Muses, is in a -somewhat happier vein, which we have endeavoured to render:-- - - "Anime belle, e di virtute amiche, - Cui fero sdegno di fortuna offende, - Si che ven gite povere e mendiche, - Come e lei piace, che pieta contende; - Se di por fine alle miserie antiche - Caldo desio l'afflitto cor v'incende, - Ratte correte alia gran QUERCIA d'oro, - Ond'avrete alimento ombra e ristoro. - - "Qui regna un Signor placido e benigno, - Ch'altro ch'altrui giovar unqua non pensa, - Cortese, e d'ogni real laude degno; - Che ciascun pasce a sua ricca mensa, - E 'n buon revolge ogni destin maligno, - Mentre le grazie sue largo dispensa - GUIDOBALDO, di principi fenici, - Che puo col guardo sol far l'uom felice. - - "Qui le buone arti ed i nobili costumi, - Senno, fede e valor, fido albergo hanno; - Qui fioriscon gl'ingegni, e chiari lumi - Via piu ch'il sol spargendo intorno vanno: - Qui mel le piante, qui dan latte i fiumi; - Qui pace e queta senza alcuno affanno; - Qui 'l vizio e morto, e virtu bella e viva - Beato chi ci nasce e chi ci arriva." - - - 1. - - Ah! beauteous souls, to virtue ever prone, - Whom evil Fortune's cruel grudge offends, - Bereft of every stay, and left to groan - By her caprice, while heavy grief impends; - If in your aching hearts that grief evoke - A wish such lengthened miseries to close, - Speed 'neath the umbrage of the golden OAK - To share its genial shelter and repose. - - - 2. - - A gentle and benignant Prince there reigns, - On other's weal exclusively intent, - Courteous, and worth all praise in royal strains, - From whose well plenished table none are sent. - Each evil destiny by him disarmed, - His gracious boons are scattered widely round; - E'en by his winning glance is each one charmed, - Phoenix of princes, GUIDOBALDO crowned. - - - 3. - - Ennobling arts and noble manners here, - With wit, and faith, and courage have their home, - While genius' meteor gleams more bright appear - Than Phoebus flickering in the skiey dome. - Here honey-laden meads and milky streams - To painless peace attract, and gentle rest; - Here vice is dead, while worth resplendent seems: - Happy such duchy's native, or its guest! - -Among the men of letters whom it was the pride of Guidobaldo II. to -attract round him, was ANTONIO GALLI, of Urbino. His uncle, -the Cavalier Angelo, had preceded him, both in the cultivation of the -muses, and in the good graces of the Dukes, having been employed on -various political missions by Guidantonio, Oddantonio, and Federigo; -during his leisure hours he had composed sonnets and canzonets in -imitation of Petrarch, then the popular model for minor poets. For -Antonio has been claimed the questionable honour of introducing -pastoral dramas, which long exercised a debilitating influence on the -literature of Italy, and spread from there the vitiating style to -other lands. He, too, held diplomatic appointments at the courts of -Rome and Spain, and to the republic of Venice; and having acquired -the reputation of a man, not less of business than of letters, the -Duke entrusted him with the superintendence of Prince Francesco -Maria, until his death in 1551. His contemporary and friend MARCO -MONTANO enjoyed his sovereign's favour without sharing any -public employments. In youth he had been secretary of Cardinal Carlo -Borromeo, and afterwards addicted himself to Latin and Italian verse, -with a success sufficient to gain him applause from Baldi, and from -Tasso the compliment of being ranked next to Guarini among the living -bards of Italy. The suffrage of these partial friends has not been -confirmed by posterity; for Montano's poetry lies forgotten, and his -name is cherished only in connection with the literary history of his -native state. - - * * * * * - -Among the names which shed a lustre upon Urbino, in return for -hospitalities received at that court, was that of BERNARDO -TASSO,[*173] whose splendour would have been more conspicuous -in the galaxy of Italian poets, had he not given birth to a son of -yet brighter genius. The house of Tasso was of ancient descent in the -Bergamasque territory; but Bernardo drew his first breath at Venice, -the home of his mother, a lady of the Cornari. Of his youth we know -nothing, except that he enjoyed the advantage of a liberal education, -and that his morals were no exception to the lax habits of the age. -An avowed lover of the matronly Ginevra Malatesta, he sang her beauty -in strains complaining of her continence; and at Rome he dangled in -poverty after Tullia d'Aragona, one of those splendid examples of -wasted powers and successful vice over which the philosopher puzzles -while the historian sighs, whose talents were given to the Muses, -whose graces were devoted to Venus. - -[Footnote *173: Cf. PASOLINI, _I Genitori di T. Tasso_ (Roma, 1895).] - -[Illustration: BERNARDO TASSO - -_From a picture once in the possession of James Dennistoun_] - -Finding himself past thirty without either an independence or a -career, he commenced the life of a literary courtier, for which the -social condition of Italy under her many principalities held out -considerable inducements. His first essay was as private secretary to -Count Guido Rangone, a warrior chief of some distinction; and during -the Lombard campaign in 1526 Bernardo was sent by him on missions of -importance to the Doge of Genoa and to the Pope.[*174] He remained -with the latter on Bourbon's approach, and was commissioned by his -Holiness to seek out Lannoy at Siena, and urge him to repair to -Rome, take command of the imperial troops, and put an end to their -outrages. In this journey the speed of his Turkish charger enabled -him to escape from an assault which proved fatal to one of his -attendants. Though unsuccessful in the negotiation, his dexterity -recommended him as papal envoy to the court of France, in order to -arrange the advance of Lautrec, whom he accompanied into Italy. After -the destruction of the French army before Naples, we find him for a -time secretary to Laura Duchess of Ferrara, and he accompanied the -Marquis of Vasto on the Turkish campaign in Hungary. - -[Footnote *174: He went in 1528 to Paris on behalf of Conte Guido.] - -It was in 1531 that he entered the service of Ferdinando or Ferrante -Sanseverino, Prince of Salerno, whom he attended to Africa in the -expedition of Charles V. against Tunis. His patron was a prince of -ample means, and of corresponding generosity to persons of literary -merit; and Tasso, having distinguished himself by several published -collections of verses, as well as by the able performance of his -more immediate duties, was rewarded by offices and pensions yielding -him about 1000 scudi a year. Finding himself thus independent at -forty-six, he married Porzia de' Rossi, the beautiful, accomplished, -and well-dowried daughter of a noble family in Pistoia, and settled -himself at Sorrento, where he spent the best and happiest years of -his life, and, with occasional interruptions of business and calls to -the camp, pursued his poetical studies.[*175] - -[Footnote *175: Cf. CAPASSO, _Il Tasso e la sua famiglia a Sorrento_ -(Napoli, 1866).] - -On that plain which matures a tropical luxuriance of vegetation, -and where nature lavishes the brightest of her varying tints, -his inspiration was developed, and the more brilliant genius of -his son imbibed its earliest impressions. The casino in which -Torquato first saw the light[176] commanded a view of unparalleled -beauty;--the bright bay and its far-off islands of picturesque -outline,--Naples, with its endless line of white suburbs glittering -along the shore,--Vesuvius, the marvellous workshop of volcanic -wonders,--golden sunsets of unclouded glow, and mellowed combinations -of mountain and marine scenery awaiting the pencil of Salvator Rosa. -Nor were these the only charms which the poet found in this spot. He -has celebrated in his correspondence its balmy and healthful climate, -and the courteous hospitality of its inhabitants. These qualities -still attract strangers to the Piano di Sorrento, and the villa which -sheltered Torquato on his escape from Ferrara is now a comfortable -hotel, inviting them to gaze from its beetling cliff on the scenes of -his youthful inspiration. - -[Footnote 176: On the 11th of March, 1544; Bernardo was born the 11th -November, 1493.] - -The _Amadigi_ was commenced in that genial spot, and the Prince of -Salerno complacently anticipated the extended reputation which it -promised to his protege. But the storm, meanwhile, gathered, which -was to sweep patron and poet from their palmy state. The Prince, by -entanglements which we need not trace, found himself compromised with -the Viceroy, Don Pedro Toledo, and, from mingled alarm and pique, -sacrificed his vast hereditary stake, by passing over to the French -service. This happened in 1552,[*177] and Tasso followed his fortunes -without being involved in his treason. After accompanying him to -France, he came, in 1554, to Rome, where he took up his abode, in the -hope of soon being joined by his wife and family, and of establishing -himself there. But she was detained at Naples, for the purpose of -recovering part of her husband's property, or at all events her own -fortune, which had been escheated on his flight. Her difficulties -were increased by the selfish conduct of her own relations, and -at length, in the spring of 1556, she died suddenly, not without -suspicion of poison. "I have lost," writes her husband, "a woman -whose virtues and estimable qualities rendered her beloved and -endeared to me as life itself, who was worthy of general admiration, -and in whose bosom I had hoped peacefully to pass the closing years -of my old age!" But other cares were falling thickly around him. -Though joined by his son Torquato, he could never rescue his only -other child Cornelia from her maternal relations, and suffered -intense anxiety for her welfare. Still nominally in the Prince of -Salerno's service, and actually employed as his confidential agent, -he found himself estranged from his regard, his correspondence -interrupted, and his salary irregularly paid. Bitterly experiencing -the not unfrequent guerdon of fidelity to fallen dignitaries, he thus -addressed his patron in February, 1556:-- - -"Your Excellency has now to learn the influence of unstable and -malignant fortune upon this your unhappy servant. You know how often -you have quoted me as an instance of happiness, saying that I had a -beautiful and virtuous wife, by whom I was beloved, and on whom I -doated; that I had the finest children, ample means, an excellent -house well decorated, as well as comfortably furnished; and that I -enjoyed the respect and good opinion of the world, as well as that -most important advantage of all, your favour. Now you may see in -how brief an interval I have fallen from that height of happiness -into the depths of misery. I have lost my means, earned, as all -know, most honourably, and with no small fatigue and peril. I have -lost my independence; and, in a word, my every comfort. I have been -deprived of my dearest wife, and with her have occasioned to my -unhappy children the sacrifice of their mother's dowry, and of all -my remaining prospect of maintaining them, and conducting them to -that position which every respectable and affectionate parent would -desire. But, worst of all, I perceive from obvious symptoms, that I -have forfeited your favour without having given you the slightest -cause. The reason of my sinking into these misfortunes, being obvious -to the whole world, should not be concealed from you. I am so -situated, that any one refusing to compassionate me must be devoid of -pity and all good feeling; and if you still retain the smallest share -of that magnanimity, generosity, or gratitude which you were wont so -honourably to manifest to your servants, you will yet have pity on -me, and will endeavour to raise me from that abyss of wretchedness -into which I have fallen in your service." - -[Footnote *177: 1547.] - -This sad appeal meeting with no response, he retired from the -Prince's service with a nominal pension of 300 scudi, which seems -never to have been paid him. Writing to a friend, he says, "I have -thrown out into this sea of troubles many anchors of reason, to save -my tempest-tost mind from shipwreck. But I fear that, in the long -run, if not conducted into port by a favouring breeze from some -benignant prince, I may be swamped, from the cable of my constancy -parting; for it is hard from prosperity and happiness to fall into -misery, and struggle with famine." Scared away from Rome by the din -of coming war, in the renewed strife between France and Spain for the -domination of the Peninsula, and - - "Eating the bitter bread of banishment," - -he had reached Ravenna, when an invitation arrived from Guidobaldo -II., Duke of Urbino, a cousin of his late patron, whose court offered -to genius just such a haven as he had hoped for. In October, 1556, -he reached Pesaro, where the Duke assigned as a residence for the -poet his casino called the Barchetto, a house which still stands -within the walls of Pesaro, surrounded by a smiling garden. Its -very limited accommodation, now used by the gardener, cannot have -afforded a commodious dwelling, but such as it was, it appears to -have satisfied Bernardo, who after a few weeks was encouraged by the -Duke's courtesy to send for his son, with a view to establishing -himself in that capital. His residence there somewhat exceeded two -years, during which we gather from his correspondence few incidents -beyond his literary occupations. Though avowing himself in the -service of Guidobaldo, he does not seem to have had from him either -employment or a fixed maintenance, but was probably supported by his -hospitality. He now put the finishing touches to his _Amadigi_, begun -fourteen years before, and repaid the favours bestowed upon him with -the usual homage of a courtly poet. Anxiously clinging to the hope -of making his peace with Spain, in order to recover his own and his -wife's property which had been confiscated at Naples, he obtained -the mediation of several courts in his favour, and even had recourse -to the good offices of Cardinal Pole with Philip II., then husband -of the English Queen Mary. In this object Guidobaldo particularly -interested himself, and it was at his suggestion that Bernardo -dedicated his poem to that monarch, whose praises, with those of -his consort, had been already sung in its eleventh canto. But his -pearls were lavished unavailingly on one incapable of appreciating -either the gift or the donor, and a long apologetic letter from -Girolamo Ruscelli, which accompanied the peace-offering, remained -unacknowledged. - -In these times literary advertisements were unknown, but the -reputation of a forthcoming work was heralded by a scarcely less -effectual expedient. Passages of it were handed about in manuscript -among literary circles, and criticisms were requested from the -author's more intimate friends. Thus was it with the _Amadigi_; and -Bernardo has not shrunk from giving to the world the letters by which -he sought for or replied to such suggestions. Dionigi Atanagi was -summoned from Cagli by the Duke, for the purpose of making those -verbal corrections which were rendered irksome to the poet by weak -sight. Sperone Speroni writes to the author that, in two revisions, -he had removed the vulgarisms, roughnesses, and redundancies, -cancelling above two hundred stanzas, and that, in a third reading, -he would probably delete as many more. The first conception was that -of a regular epic; but the cold reception which it met with from his -friends induced Bernardo to adopt a manner more conformable to the -romantic and less fettered taste of the age. In the summer of 1557 -he read a canto each night, at Urbino, to the Duchess Vittoria and a -select audience. Having thus raised public anticipation, the poet was -anxious to reap the fruits of his labours in honour and emolument; -but he found a double difficulty in obtaining the 500 scudi required -for the expense of an edition, and in procuring the papal licence -without having the work submitted regularly to the censure. At -length, in 1560, it issued, by the aid of Guidobaldo, from the press -of Giolito, at Venice, in which town Tasso had chiefly resided for -eighteen months, and where he, for a short time, acted as secretary -to a literary academy, established in 1558, before which he read his -Essay on Poetry. His remaining years produced few incidents. After -an ineffectual overture to take service at the court of Savoy, he -became chief secretary to the Duke of Mantua, who made him governor -of Ostiglia. There he died on the 4th of September, 1569; and the -epitaph penned by his son, but never placed over his ashes, runs -thus:-- - - Erected by his son Torquato to - BERNARDO TASSO, - Distinguished for the fertility and eminence - of his genius, in the relaxation of poetry - and in the affairs of princes, in both of which - he has left memorials of his industry, as - well as for the fickleness and inconstancy of - his fortunes. - He lived LXXVI. years, and died IV Sept. MDLXIX. - -His bereavement was thus intimated by Torquato to the Duke of -Urbino: "On the 4th of September it pleased the Lord God to call to -himself the blessed soul of my father, whose death, although in all -respects mature, is nevertheless felt by me as most untimely, and, -I am persuaded, will be very unacceptable to your Excellency, who -by so many proofs of regard considered him among your most esteemed -servants, and towards whom I know his especial reverence. Of this -respect, and of the infinite obligations under which he lay to your -Excellency, I am most willingly the representative; and if that -favour which your Excellency ever extended for his protection, and -that of his interests, be devolved upon me, I shall deem it an ample -patrimony that he has left me. And herewith praying a happy issue to -all your honoured desires, I humbly kiss your hands. From Ferrara, -the 28th September, 1569." - -An amiable disposition and agreeable manners procured for Bernardo -Tasso, in all the fluctuations of his career, troops of friends, -including the brightest names of his age. In the many situations of -trust which he filled, his prudence and address, his fidelity and -sincerity, acquired for him general estimation. Although his literary -reputation now hangs, in a great degree, upon that of his son, his -contemporaries, who knew not what the latter had in store for them, -regarded him as the first epic poet of his age, comparing him even -with Ariosto, whom he freely and avowedly imitated. To draw out some -fifty-seven thousand verses on a borrowed and almost barren theme, -in a style anticipated by several preceding minstrels, was an effort -repugnant to fine genius, and susceptible of no marked success. Its -necessary failing is diffuseness, varying from inflation to languor; -its redeeming merit an acknowledged facility, sustained at times -by fertile images, and by delicately beautiful descriptions. It is -generally flowing, though, at times, feeble; yet is considered by -Panizzi "unquestionably the best romantic narrative from amongst -those not founded on the traditions respecting Charlemagne." Indeed, -his poetry, while sharing with coeval productions the blemishes -of exuberant ornament and quaint conceits, is seldom surpassed in -pathos, and his dulcet numbers reconcile us to his faults of manner. -What, to its author, was probably its most important quality, is now, -perhaps, its greatest defect,--the profuse flattery of which it was -made the medium. "To eat the bread of others" was the often hard, -usually degrading, tenure self-imposed on court poets; and to such, a -subject admitting of endless episodes, and the frequent introduction -of existing personages, in their real characters or under transparent -allegories, was a harvest of princely favour and of wealth. This, -however, was an error of the age, which ought not to be charged on -any single poet, least of all on one who had given his best and -worthiest efforts to a barren soil. The fugitive poetry of Tasso -partakes largely of this adulatory colouring. But, for him is claimed -such praise as the invention of the Ode deserves; and this was deemed -creditable service to a literature which has often invested trifles -with undue importance. - -Bernardo was a secretary ere he became a poet, and his reputation -rests more surely upon his correspondence than on his verses. That -rhetoric which Bembo inculcated by precept and practice had become -a fashion among men of literary pretension; their letters were -composed as models of style, and manuscript or printed collections of -them were in very general circulation. Such compositions, when thus -written for the public, wanted the freshness and simplicity which -constitute their best charm; but they gained attractions of another -sort, and came to be read more for their manner than their matter. To -this class belong the letters of the elder Tasso: nitid in style, but -cold in feeling, they exhibit the niceties of Italian idiom, rather -than the familiarities of Italian life. A very favourable specimen, -but too long for insertion here, is that in which he proposes to his -wife the principles which ought to guide her in bringing up their -children, and in the formation of their manners and character. Though -sometimes smoothed down to commonplace, it breathes a fine spirit of -paternal affection, and combines religious observance with a becoming -knowledge of the world. - - - - -CHAPTER LI - - Torquato Tasso--His insanity--Theories of Dr. Verga and Mr. - Wilde--His connection with Urbino--His intercourse with the - Princess of Este--His portraits--His letter to the Duke of - Urbino--His confinement--His death--His poetry--Battista - Guarini. - - -Our passing notice of Italian song would be incomplete without the -name of Italy's favourite bard, even had TASSO[*178] found -no hospitality at Urbino, no sympathy from its Duchess Lucrezia. -Yet what shall we say of one whose loves and woes have filled -many volumes,--whose life, character, and motives, after baffling -biographers, and puzzling moralists, are still matter rather of -controversy than of history, of speculation than of fact. That he was -imbued with true genius, with its failings as well as its powers, is -fixed by the unanimous verdict of posterity. That his misfortunes -have tended greatly to enhance the sympathising veneration which -hangs around his name, may be quoted in proof of the eternal justice -of Providence. The rolls of Parnassus may exhibit names more gifted, -the annals of human suffering are inscribed with greater calamities -and deeper griefs, but in no other case, perhaps, have talents and -trials been more mingled together on an equally prominent stage. -His supposed persecutor was elevated enough to command the world's -gaze, and upon him there accordingly has been heaped the blame -of a wretchedness in a great measure self-imposed, and inseparable -from a morbid and diseased temperament. The complaints of the poet -have been embodied in notes alternately of wailing and of fire, by a -poet of a nation whom he would have deemed barbarous.[179] The charge -which history has recorded against Tasso is to this purpose. That, -whilst a retainer of Alfonso II. of Ferrara, his heart was enslaved -by that Duke's sister, Princess Leonora d'Este, and that his passion -was ill-concealed in the verses it inspired. That Alfonso having -suspected the audacious fault, harshly visited it with a series of -persecutions, and finally shut him up for seven years in bedlam as a -lunatic. - -[Footnote *178: For the life of Torquato Tasso, see SOLERTI, in -three volumes (Torino, 1895). The first contains the _Vita_; the -second, _Lettere inedite e disperse di T.T. e di diversi_; the third, -_Documenti e appendici_. See D'ANCONA'S review in _Rass. Bibl. Lett. -Ital._, vol. IV., p. 7 _et seq._ The most complete modern edition of -his works is Rosini's, in 33 vols., 8vo. (Pisa), and of the _Rime_, -that of SOLERTI, in 3 vols. (Bologna, 1898-99).] - -[Footnote 179: BYRON'S _Lament of Tasso_.] - -[Illustration: TORQUATO TASSO - -_From a picture once in the possession of James Dennistoun_] - -From infancy he manifested decided symptoms of "a genius to madness -near allied." Indifferent to toys, he seemed exempt from the emotions -and the tastes of childhood. Precocious in all mental powers, he -spoke intelligibly at six months, knew Greek and wrote verses at -seven years, and at eighteen published the _Rinaldo_, a sustained -and applauded epic.[*180] The reverses of his early days on which we -have already dwelt in our notice of his father, the premature loss -of his mother, the injudicious liberty of thought and action allowed -him by Bernardo, and the rough criticisms to which his writings -were subjected ere his character and knowledge of mankind were -developed--all these tinged deeper the gloom of his constitutional -sadness, and formed a training the most fatal to one of innately -morbid sensibilities. The results were obvious. Bald before his -time, his digestion enervated, subject to faintings and fevers -intermittent or delirious, his health at thirty was ruined, his -nerves and brain shattered. The natural consequence of his precocity -was an overweening pride in his accomplishments, which rendered him -jealous, touchy, and quarrelsome; and though destined from youth -to wander in search of given bread, nature had neither granted him -the humble resignation required for such a lot, nor imbued him with -a daring spirit to rise above it. Men who live in courts must be -prepared to encounter intrigues; those who publish poetry should lay -their account with unsparing strictures; and the smaller the court, -or the more prominent their poetic merits, so much the greater need -have they of forbearance and philosophy. But Tasso possessed neither; -and the jealousies of Pigna and Guarini, the malice of the della -Crusca critics, stung him to the quick.[*181] A slight or fancied -affront, which he met with from one of the courtiers of Ferrara, -though avenged by a duel, brought his symptoms to a head.[*182] From -that moment, when in his thirty-third year, we find him a victim to -the restlessness, suspicions, fears, sad forebodings, and hopeless -misery, which afflict lipemaniacs. - -[Footnote *180: See on the _Rinaldo_, PROTO, _Sul Rinaldo di T.T._ -(Napoli, 1895).] - -[Footnote *181: Cf. D'OVIDIO, _Di una antica testimonianza circa la -controversia della Crusca con Tasso_ (Napoli, 1894) and VIVALDI, _La -piu grande polemica del Cinquecento_ (Catanzaro Calio, 1895). SOLERTI -reviewed this last in _Giornale Stor. d. Lett. Ital._, vol. XXVII., -p. 426.] - -[Footnote *182: It was in September, 1576. Tasso had in July thought -himself insulted by Ercole Fucci and his brother Maddalo; he boxed -Ercole's ears. Then, in September, they met him and assaulted him. -There was no duel. Only Solerti has found out the truth.] - -Under such sinister influences the crisis speedily arrived. Whilst -seated in the Duchess of Urbino's apartment, in her mother's palace, -he rushed with his dagger on an attendant who chanced to enter. -This, whether a premeditated assault, or an idle hallucination, -seems to have been the ground on which he was, by order of Alfonso, -placed under restraint; but when the paroxysm was passed, he was -reconducted to the Duke's presence with ample assurances of pardon. -The iron had, however, entered into his soul, and the idea that he -was in disgrace, owing to the malicious backbiting of foes real -or imaginary, could not be driven from his mind. He retired from -their supposed persecutions to a Franciscan convent,[*183] but, -finding in its quiet no peace for his troubled spirit, he fled in -disguise from these illusions, and, led perhaps by the bright memory -of his early days, arrived on the sunny shores of Sorrento, where -he sought a refuge with his married sister. But alas! the charms of -that radiant land shed no gladsome influence on his soul. Ere a few -months passed, he returned to Ferrara, in hopes of proving to the -Duke that the crimes and the frenzy, of which he believed himself -accused, were equally calumnies. In the festive and kindly reception -with which he was greeted, the wayward poet found new grounds for -jealousy, imagining a plot to be formed against his literary fame, -by plunging him in a round of dissipation, whilst "others" (meaning -his patron) should reap the glory and profits due to his creative -genius. That conduct so provoking should have brought upon him real -slights, in addition to his imagined wrongs, can scarcely be doubted; -and, wounded at heart, he again had recourse to flight, wandering -aimlessly by Mantua, Padua, and Venice, to Pesaro, the refuge of -his happier youth. We shall elsewhere introduce the letter which -he there addressed to the Duke of Urbino; though it obtained him a -compassionate welcome, his new host naturally counselled his return -to the home of his adoption, as the place where he was most certain -to be cared for. But in a fresh access of disease, he escaped from -such suggestions, and obeyed them not until after he had visited -Turin, disguised by poverty and filth. - -[Footnote *183: He was placed under restraint in S. Francesco, in -Ferrara, in fact.] - -If these views of Tasso's malady[*184] are as conformable to truth -as they appear to be with the representations of his biographers, -the time seems to have been now fully arrived for his seclusion, -as a measure of justice to himself and of security to others. It is -quite another question how far the treatment he met with at Sant'Anna -was that best suited to his symptoms. Had he lived in times when the -pathology of mind was more fully understood, and more ably managed, -his genius might, by timely care, have been saved from a miserable -wreck; but his brain surely then required such aid as medical science -could afford. If this be granted, the defence of Duke Alfonso is -complete, whatever might have been the discipline resorted to in the -hospital. Yet it may be well to remember, from the testimony of the -poor maniac, as well as of others, that the delusions which for years -had haunted him, regarding wrongs supposed to have been received -from that sovereign and his courtiers, had given bitterness to his -words, and pungency to his pen, little in accordance with the fulsome -language of his age, or the haughty temper of his patron; that if -the poet was a victim of imaginary affronts, the Duke had met at his -hands with real insults. But even were Alfonso's motives not those -of unmixed kindness, the necessity of seclusion for Tasso cannot be -affected by any such consideration, nor by the consequent aggravation -of his malady from defective skill. - -[Footnote *184: On the whole subject of Tasso's madness, see CORRADI, -_Le Infermita di T.T._ in _Memorie dell'Istit. Lombardo_ (1880), -vol. XIV.; RONCORONI, _Genio e Pazzia in T.T._ (Torino, 1896); and -GAUDENZI, _Studio Psicopatol. sopra T.T._ (Vercelli, 1898); and -SOLERTI, _op. cit._, _supra_.] - -An admission of Tasso's mental alienation was made by his intimate -friend Manso, and has been repeated by various writers; yet other -biographers, anxious to relieve their hero from the reproach of -madness, have essayed to screen him by charges of cruelty against the -Duke of Ferrara. Whilst Verga's theory appears to place the poet's -malady upon its proper footing, and, by implication, to absolve his -patron, that author goes a step further, and maintains that the -oldest and best informed authorities bear out a belief in the uniform -and considerate kindness of Alfonso towards his wayward laureate, and -prove that the allegations of Torquato's insanity having been but -the pretext of a stern tyrant, bent on punishing the presumption of -an unworthy aspirant to his sister's love, were piquant additions of -after writers. We shall presently have a few words to add in regard -to this entanglement; meanwhile, let us see the conclusion drawn by -Dr. Verga, from his able argument. "We may, therefore, infer that -the Duke shut up Tasso in Sant'Anna, neither as a punishment for -ambitious love, or unguarded and offensive expressions, nor as an -obstacle to his conferring the illustration of his genius on rival -courts, but simply because he saw that the poet's melancholy rendered -him beside himself, dependent upon skilful treatment, and perhaps -dangerous to others. I repeat, in the name of common sense, that his -madness was the sole cause of his seclusion, not the effect of it, as -some would persuade us." - -[Illustration: _Neurdein Freres_ - -LAURA DE' DIANTI AND ALFONSO OF FERRARA - -_After the Picture by Titian in the Louvre_] - - * * * * * - -Although we have passed rapidly over those circumstances that impart -to Tasso's life its romantic and mysterious interest, we must detail -somewhat more fully the various links connecting the thread of his -chequered existence with the ducal house of Urbino. The arrival of -his father, Bernardo, at the court of Pesaro, in 1556, has been -already mentioned[185]; and six months later he was joined by -Torquato, then completing his thirteenth year, who was permitted -to share the education of the hereditary Prince, and to mingle -occasionally with the accomplished circle at the Imperiale, until -Bernardo carried him to Venice, in 1559. On a mind of such premature -powers these opportunities were not wasted, and the remembrance of -them cheered many an after hour of despondency. The homeless position -and unsettled habits of his father, whose wanderings he generally -accompanied, interfered somewhat with his education, which was then -directed to the law, as his future profession. But whilst supposed -to be engrossed by canonists and civilians, the youth was secretly -devoting his hours of study to the muses. Fearing to avow these -derelictions to his father, he imparted his boyish efforts to Duke -Guidobaldo, who showed them to Bernardo in 1562, when the latter -came to offer him a printed copy of his _Amadigi_. It was not, -however, for two years more that the paternal sanction was obtained -for publishing the _Rinaldo_, a dedication of which is said to have -been declined by the Duke, perhaps from a fastidiousness which ere -long he had to regret. Encouraged by the unlooked-for success of -this poem, written by him in ten months at the university of Padua, -Torquato began his great epic, of which he had already selected -the theme. Whilst pursuing his studies at Bologna, in 1563, he is -believed to have transcribed the first sketch of it, under the title -of "_Il Gierusalem_," which is now No. 413 of the Urbino Library at -the Vatican. It is preceded by a short notice of the subject, and -consists of a hundred and sixteen stanzas, eventually incorporated -into the three opening cantos of the poem; but its variations from -the printed version are so extensive, that it has been given entire -in the collected works, published at Venice, in twelve vols. 4to, -1735. The dedication was this time accepted by Guidobaldo. - -[Footnote 185: At p. 303 above.] - -At twenty-one, he first saw the court of Ferrara,[*186] which, in -honour of his marriage with the Archduchess Barbara, the magnificent -Alfonso was then rendering - - "The revel of the earth, the masque of Italy." - -[Footnote *186: On the Court of Ferrara, cf. CAMPORI e SOLERTI, -_Luigi, Lucrezia e Leonora d'Este_ (Torino, 1888), and SOLERTI, -_Ferrara e la Corte estense nella secunda meta del sec. XVI._ (Citta -di Castello, 1899).] - -It was in these festive scenes that the bard made acquaintance with -the Princess Lucrezia. Among the portraits in the Palace of Courtesy, -whither _Rinaldo_ was conducted, and which, by an ingenious turn of -flattery, are made to represent those personages whom Tasso was most -disposed to conciliate, were those of Duke Guidobaldo and his son, -with their respective consorts. The passage may be thus literally -rendered:-- - - "He of expression stern and brow severe, - His mien ennobled by a royal state, - The great Francesco Maria's son, is here, - In peace superior, in the field his mate; - Beneath whose prudent sway, no peril ere - Urbino's favoured duchy shall await, - While o'er her happy vales, and golden plains, - A joyous and enduring summer reigns. - - "Such is the sire to whom our planet owes - Yon youthful gallant, with expression bright, - Second to none, a terror to his foes, - A wary leader though a dauntless knight: - On him the weight of thousand wars repose, - A thousand armies guiding to the fight. - Whoe'er is doomed to immortality - Shrined in men's hearts and mouths, HE may not die. - - "Turn your admiring gaze to yonder side - On all that heaven of loveliness can yield, - Elsewhere unmatched within Sol's circuit wide, - From whose bright beams no beauty lies concealed; - The ducal crown and robe can scarcely hide - The regal bearing on that brow revealed: - Vittoria she, from great Farnese traced, - Courteous and gentle, generous and chaste. - - "Lucrezia d'Este is yon other fair, - Whose dazzling tresses seem a treasure given - For guileless love therewith to weave a snare - And toils, purveyed by Him who rules in heaven. - Say, do Minerva and the Muses share - Praise and disparagement in portions even,-- - Praise, since she them to imitate is fain; - Blame, that their rivalry with her is vain? - - "These dames, in charms and chastity compeers, - And proudly rich in every virtue rare"-- - -Such compliments from a poet of promising fame could not be -indifferent to one taught to prize genius as almost the equal of -rank; nor were they the less acceptable to a lady of thirty-one, -that their author had barely attained manhood. She received him with -her sweetest smile, and presented him to her father the Duke, and -to her sister Leonora, in terms which secured him a most flattering -reception. Love and chivalry were fashions of the day, cultivated -in common by all who strove to shine in the brilliant atmosphere -of Ferrara, and the genius of Torquato lent itself gracefully to -both. In many phases of Italian literature, it has been difficult -for posterity to decide whether the fervour of amorous poetry was -kindled by successful passion, or fanned by affected sentiment. The -like mystery overhangs the love-notes which Tasso warbled in these -palace-bowers. That his aspirations were not free from pedantry is -proved by their, on one occasion, selecting the form of a public -disputation, after the most approved scholastic models, wherein, -during three days, he maintained against all comers, a series of -abstract propositions regarding love and its developments. And though -such singular exhibitions may sometimes have been suggested by -deeper feelings, or accepted as the incense of the heart, they were -doubtless in other cases but tournaments of gallantry, in which the -name of some fair lady was adopted, to inspire the combatants to a -victory extending not beyond the lists. Equally platonic might have -been such love-tissued lyrics as our minstrel ever and anon dedicated -to the sister Princesses, without any scandal, and probably without -compromise of their purity. One of these, in supposed allusion to the -favoured sister, having been specially excepted from the sentence of -posthumous destruction pronounced upon many of his fugitive pieces by -the poet when about to take a journey, must have ranked high in his -estimation, and is thus translated by Glassford:-- - - "Now that my charmer breathes another air - In woods and fields, how barbarous to remain - In this deserted place, where grief, and pain, - And darkness dwell, a region of despair! - Nothing is joyful here, and nothing fair: - Love grows a boor, and with the rustic train - Now feeds his flock, and now in sultry plain - Handles the scythe, or guides the pondrous share. - O, happy wood! O smiling banks and gay, - Where every beast, and every plant and stone, - Have learned the use of generous customs mild. - What shall not yield to her whose eyes alone - Can, as they lend or take their light away, - Polish the groves, and make the town a wild." - -During the four years which glided by in this charmed existence, the -youthful bard appears to have remained faithful to his first friend -Lucrezia; and it was not until her marriage to the Prince of Urbino -in 1571, that the superior charms of her younger and more sedate -sister effected for her that alleged conquest of his heart, which -long-continued assertions have almost established as a truth. - -It would be interesting could we fix the comparative encouragement -which the bard enjoyed from the sisters, and ascertain the amount -of favour severally vouchsafed him; on this much contested but -conjectural ground we shall not, however, enter.[*187] Love-making, -which is frequently a science rather than a passion, becomes -almost invariably so where its flame is habitually fed by poetry -or pedantry, and such were naturally the loves of Tasso in the -atmosphere of a court whose polish was heightened by these -accomplishments. The siren-notes of Italian song draw their melody -from epithets calculated to soothe the ear even when they reach not -the heart, and seldom afford evidence as to which of these organs -they are meant to fascinate. This uncertainty gives life to a tribe -of commentators, and has originated volumes of idle speculation as -to the material existence of Laura and Beatrice, the platonic or -passionate intercourse of Torquato with the Princesses of Este. The -language of sonnets and _canzoni_ is equally suited to express or to -feign, to indicate or to veil, heartfelt homage; and those of Tasso -thus are capable of whatever interpretation best accords with the -temperament or the theory of his critics. Such, for example, are the -tributes of his muse on the marriage of Lucrezia, wherein, however, a -suspicion of somewhat undue tenderness might attach to such lines as-- - - "Sad as a mourning convoy seems to me - Your merry dances, and your Hymen's torch - Will to my funeral pile a flame supply."[188] - -[Footnote *187: Cf. D'OVIDIO, _Il carattere, gli amori e le sventure -di T.T._ in _Studi Critici_ (Napoli, 1879); see also CAMPORI e -SOLERTI, _op. cit._, _supra_, p. 229, note *1.] - -[Footnote 188: - - "Liete danze vegg'io, che per me sono - Funebri pompe ed un istessa face - Nell'altrui nozze, e nel mio rogo e accesa."] - -In a _canzone_ of the same date, he makes that god descend from -Parnassus to preside at her nuptials[189]; but the deity seems to -have turned a deaf ear to this tuneful invocation, and we have -elsewhere seen that no favour of his crowned the inauspicious union. - -[Footnote 189: "Lascia Imeneo Parnasso, e qui descende."] - -On his return from France in 1572, Tasso was, by intercession of -the Princesses, received at Ferrara as a salaried courtier; and -in the following spring, his pastoral drama, the _Aminta_,[*190] -was performed at the palace. Anxious to witness a representation -elsewhere so universally applauded, the Princess of Urbino invited -him to Pesaro, where he recited his poem in presence of the old -Duke, who hailed in him the honoured son of his former protege. -From thence he accompanied Francesco Maria and his consort to their -_villeggiatura_ at Castel Durante, and it was then, perhaps, -that their domestic peace was most endangered by the poet. The -field-sports and manly exercises which attracted the Prince to -that secluded spot had no charm for Lucrezia, long accustomed to a -life of artificial splendour; and whilst he passed his days in the -far-spreading forests, she was exposed to the temptations of ennui, -added to the perils of opportunity. It is, therefore, not surprising -that a warmer tone pervades the _componimenti_ addressed to the -Princess in this retirement. Two sonnets, in particular, sing, in -cadences of sweetest harmony, her hand imparting perfume to the -scented glove, that enviously veiled, from her minstrel's greedy -eyes, a whiteness before which the snow would blush, and her bosom, -the garden of love, the paradise of the poet, its ripened charms -surpassing the budding beauties of early spring.[191] - -[Footnote *190: Cf. MAZZONI, preface to his edition of _Rinaldo e -l'Aminta_ (Firenze, Sansoni, 1884).] - -[Footnote 191: "La man ch'avolta in odorate spoglie:" and--"Non son -si vaghi i fiori onde la natura."] - -To write amatory verses on a lady of appearance as matronly as her -years, required singular tact; but Tasso boldly met the difficulties -of his theme. In another sonnet, excelled by nothing in the whole -range of passionate song, after seeking for a parallel to her -"unripe" youth in the opening rosebud, or in the unearthly beauty of -the early dawn, that gilds the mountains and scatters pearls along -the plain, he avows the flower to be most attractive when its leaves -have unfolded their odours, just as the mid-day sun outshines its -morning lustre. The same delicacy of allusion was needful in regard -to both the princesses, of whom Leonora appears to have had the -advantage in looks more than in age, for she was but a year younger -than her married sister. We again avail ourselves of Mr. Glassford's -paraphrase, in order to present it to such readers as are not -acquainted with the charming original. - - "We saw thee in thy yet unripened green, - Like folded rose, whose damask leaf unspread - To the warm sun, still in its virgin bed - Retires and blushes in the bud unseen. - Or rather--for such earthly type is mean-- - Like to Aurora, who with earthly red - Pearls the plain and gilds the mountain head, - Kindling with smiles the dewy sky serene. - Nor is thy riper year in aught less fair; - No youthful beauty in her choice attire - Can so engage, or equal charms display. - Thus sweetest is the flower when to the air - Unbosomed; thus the sun's meridian fire - Exceeds the lustre of its morning ray." - -But these seductions did not divert Torquato from the loftier theme -which engaged his muse. Far from the gaieties and the squabbles of -Ferrara, he drew a fresher inspiration from glorious nature, and -among the delightful descriptions suggested by the scenery around -Castel Durante are generally numbered those of the gardens of Armida. -Whatever may have been the true footing on which the poet's devotion -was received by the Princess, and whatever the secret cause of her -domestic misunderstandings, her husband never showed, on this or -any future occasion, jealousy of his early playmate; and in 1574 -Tasso returned to Ferrara, laden with compliments and presents from -the august circle at Pesaro, including a jewel of price from the -Princess, which his necessities afterwards obliged him to dispose of. - -Lucrezia had become Duchess of Urbino in 1574, and her separation -from the Duke took place three years later, in circumstances of which -we have elsewhere spoken.[192] Released from ties in which affection -had never any part, she sought in her brother's palace distractions -more suited to her lively temperament, and renewed her intimacy with -its silver-tongued laureate. Among the reasons which incline us to -believe that this connection was chiefly sought upon her side, is -the desire which Tasso about this time manifested of exchanging the -protection of the d'Este for a residence at Rome. His intention was -not realised, for his visit to the Eternal City did not extend -beyond a month, and before the close of 1575 he was at Florence. - -[Footnote 192: At pp. 153, 154 above.] - -On returning to Ferrara in January, 1576, a new tie was created to -the reigning family, by his appointment as its historiographer, on -the death of Pigna. This was the turning point of his existence, -whence the symptoms of mental disease gradually and fatally advanced -until June, 1577, when, after that outbreak of insanity in presence -of the Duchess of Urbino, to which we have already alluded, he was -interdicted by Alfonso from corresponding with her. This command -she observed, but Leonora occasionally consoled him by letters -during his flight to Naples, of which we have spoken in tracing the -progress of his lipemania. It was in the autumn of 1578 that he -arrived at Pesaro, after his second flight; and, in this melodious -but unfinished _canzone_, bespoke shelter under the mighty oak [della -Rovere] watered by the Metauro:-- - - "TO THE RIVER METAURO. - - "O thou illustrious child - Of mighty Apennine, humble though you lie, - In story brighter than thy silver tide; - O stranger fleet and wild, - To this thy friendly and protecting side, - Well pleased, for safety and repose I fly. - The lofty OAK, with mantling branches wide, - Bathed by thy stream, and from thy cisterns fed, - Shadowing the mountains and the seas between,-- - Embower me with its screen! - Inviolate screen, and hospitably spread, - Thy cool recesses undisturbed and sweet - Shroud me in deepest covert, thick entwined, - So hid from blind and cruel fortune; blind, - But not for me, whom still she sees to meet, - Though far by hill or valley I should stray, - Or in the lonely way - Have passed at midnight, and with noiseless feet; - And by this bleeding side well understood, - Her aim unerring, as her shaft is good. - - "Since first I breathed this air, - Ah me! since first I met the glorious light, - Which never to these eyes unclouded shone, - I was her fatal care, - Chosen to be her mark and her despite; - Nor yet those early hurts by time outgrown. - Well to that spirit pure my words are known, - Beside whose sainted tomb my cradle stood. - Might they have laid me in the peaceful ground - When I received the wound! - Me from my mother's bosom fortune rude - Tore while a child: O yet I feel those last - Kisses and burning tears upon my cheek, - With sighs remembered; still I hear that weak - And ardent prayer, caught by the rising blast, - Then parted ever; no more face to face - Folded in strict embrace - And held by close and loving arms so fast, - Ah! but like Ilus or Camilla hied, - With steps unequal, by my father's side. - - "In banishment I grew - And rigid want, instructed by our strange - Disastrous flight to shed untimely tears, - Nor childhood's pleasure knew; - But bitterness to me of chance and change - Brought immature the bitterness of years. - Despoiled and bare, his feeble age appears - Before me still. Alas! and is my store - Of griefs become so scanty, that my own - Are not enough to moan? - That others than myself I must deplore? - But seldom, though I bid, will come the sigh, - Or from these wells the gushing water spring, - In measure suited to my suffering. - Dear father; now my witness from the sky, - Whom sick thou knowest how I moaned, and dead - Poured on thy grave and bed - My ardent heart; thee, in thy mansions high - All bliss beseems, and unalloyed with pain; - Only for me the sighs and tears remain."[193] - -[Footnote 193: GLASSFORD, p. 203.] - -The morbid feeling and heart-stricken melancholy which, in the -language of Gibbon, "disordered his reason without clouding his -genius," and which thus exaggerated the trials of his early life, -gave way to another train of thought in the following letter, -addressed by him, about the same time, to Duke Francesco Maria, which -we insert as the most satisfactory record left us of the friendship -and protection bestowed on him by that Prince. - - "TASSO TO THE DUKE OF URBINO. - - "If any action of mine has tended to confirm the rumour - of my insanity, it surely was my directing my steps after - my flight otherwise than to the court of your Excellency. - For certainly I could not have repaired elsewhere without - some degree of danger, or at all events some indignity - and inconvenience; nor could I hope to find in any other - quarter more acquaintance with my real position, nor - greater courtesy, knowing no prince more generous, more - efficiently compassionate to my misfortunes, or more - prompt in the protection of my innocence. Hence, to pass - by an asylum near and secure, as well as suitable and - honourable, in order to make my way, without comfort, or, - at all events, with little credit, to a distant and less - safe place, was, if not a sign of folly, at least a proof - of impudence and stupidity. Notwithstanding all this, - unlike other men who blush and repent when made aware of - a blunder, I derive from my ill advised step pleasure - and comfort rather than shame and regret, because, being - conducted, not where I desired, but whither I ought to - go, and having there found the haven which I had supposed - far off, across the high seas, I clearly perceive that my - steps have been guided by wisdom from on high. And it must - be much more pleasing to me to have been brought hither - by divine Providence than by human prudence, seeing how - much the more infallible guide is the latter to the best - appointed end. And although, had I come here in reliance - on being received under your Excellency's protection, it - would have afforded me much satisfaction to find my hopes - realised, and your courtesy equal to my anticipations; - yet my gratification is certainly, and beyond comparison, - greater, seeing that you have not only anticipated, but - overmatched, my desires, and that you have at once equalled - and exceeded my expectations. I say exceeded them, because - upon the obliging demonstrations of affection and pity - which you have shown me, and on your promise to undertake - my protection, I found rather an assurance than a hope of - safety, peace, and honour. Enough, indeed more than enough, - for me, is that which you have promised. Were I to doubt - as to the rest, or look forward with such every-day hope - as one is apt to entertain regarding uncertain prospects, - I should discredit your Excellency's affection, judgment, - authority, and power, and I should prove myself unworthy, - not only of what you are about to perform, but of what you - have already done in my favour. Thus, be assured that I - live not only securely, but happily, under your protection. - On this account my regrets are less at being so fiercely - and iniquitously buffeted and beaten down by fortune, than - is my satisfaction at being raised again by the arm of your - Excellency; and were there no other way to lead me to you, - and to place me in the shadow of your favour, but this most - hard and rugged one, with its toils and persecutions, still - I should delight to arrive by it; and I account as not only - endurable, but as joyful and well-timed, those pangs which - brought me to be yours, as it was ever my wish to be, even - in my days of less adversity. It is for this reason I dare - to appropriate these famous words of Themistocles, 'I were - undone, did I not rush upon my ruin.' - - "I shall now pass by the long and melancholy tale of - my wrongs as indeed superfluous, since the little that - your Excellency has heard of my mishaps has sufficed to - move your magnanimous heart to extend me aid. Nor shall - I try to awaken in your soul any compassion beyond what - it voluntarily fostered, without artifice of mine; for I - rejoice that in this noble and courteous act my exertions - have no part, all being your own, and springing from the - greatness and compassion of your individual mind. Most - gladly should I thank your Excellency for what you have - done, and will do, in my behalf, could I invent words and - terms fit for such thanks; but what can I, or what should - I say to you? To you I neither can nor ought to use such - phrases as servants employ to their masters, benefited - to their benefactors, favoured to those who confer - obligations, because, as my misery was incomparable and - unprecedented, so it would become me to invent expressions - signifying how much I owe to your Excellency who rescues - me from it. I shall, therefore, say, that since, thanks - to you, I emerge from a condition so low, so disgraced, - so wretched, and so reduced in reputation and in the - opinion of mankind, who looked upon me as virtually - dead, I seem to have received a new health from you, by - reason whereof I acknowledge your Excellency, not only as - a prince and benefactor to whom I owe much, but it may - almost be permitted me to add, as a creator, and I seem - to say but little in avowing myself your most obliged and - highly favoured servant, if I add not _creature_.[194] - Such, accordingly, I shall formally avow myself, and in - that light I pray you for the future to regard me, and - to contrive that I am regarded by others, taking entire - possession of me and of my free will, which I fully submit - to your sway. And this I should do with all my affairs, - were it in my power; but some of them are not at my own - disposal, or they should be placed at that of him to whom I - have surrendered myself. And herewith humbly I kiss your - hands, assuring you that these words have been engraven by - me on my heart, ere they were traced upon this sheet." - -[Footnote 194: The letter is taken from an old transcript, No. 430, -of the Oliveriana MSS., p. 210, but it has been printed at vol. IX., -p. 104, of the Venetian edition of Tasso's works.] - -The expectations which dictated this touching letter were amply -realised. After a reception of singular kindness, the good Duke -recommended medical advice for Tasso's now obvious malady; and an -issue prescribed for his arm was dressed by the Princess Lavinia -della Rovere, whose sedulous care was rewarded in a madrigal. By such -solace his restlessness, however, prevented him from long profiting. -After reaching Ferrara some months later, his mania broke out in -more threatening symptoms, and, on the 21st February, 1579, he was -consigned to the hospital of Sant'Anna. - -From the sadder scenes and secrets of his life it were useless to -raise the veil. Even the year after he entered it, Montaigne, a -shrewd and unbiased witness, whose testimony may countervail much -hearsay and conjecture, found him in "most pitiable state, surviving -himself, neglectful of his person and works." Seven years had worn -away in pitiable isolation, when a violent fever nearly closed his -darkened existence, after which, whether from an abatement of his -phrenetic symptoms, or in the hope of contributing to his physical -restoration, Alfonso sanctioned his liberation, at the request of -Prince Vincenzo of Mantua, the supposed assassin of our Admirable -Crichton, who undertook the watchful care which his case required. -Princess Leonora died in 1581, and, on various subsequent occasions, -Duchess Lucrezia interfered with little success in his behalf, but, -from the time of his leaving the hospital, his intercourse with her -family was at an end. He had written from thence several letters to -the Duke of Urbino, and, after his convalescence, addressed to him a -rambling discourse on his real and imaginary grievances, which shows -a mind still shaken, if not unhinged. But, though the kind feelings -of his early playmate underwent no change, Tasso returned not to -Urbino during many after wanderings, fearing perhaps to revisit, in -circumstances so altered, the scenes of his brighter days.[195] The -nine remaining years of his life were, on the whole, less afflicted; -for, though ever restless in body, and often haunted by imaginary -evils and visions, he enjoyed intervals of comparative serenity, -especially in his beloved Bay of Naples, and at the house of his kind -friend and biographer Manso, of which, half a century later, John -Milton was the honoured guest. - -[Footnote 195: With that constitutional coldness we have seen in his -life, the Duke spares but one line of his Diary to notice Torquato's -death.] - -His death partook of the melancholy shade that had overhung his -career. Declining a new invitation from Duke Francesco Maria, in -1594, he brought to Rome all that mental and bodily sufferings had -left him of broken health and blighted genius, to receive the honours -of a laurel crown; and, in the monastery of S. Onofrio, he awaited -the issue of arrangements which the warning voice of exhausted -nature told him were made in vain. From thence he addressed to his -friend Constantini[*196] the following touching farewell:--"What -shall my Antonio say, when he hears the death of his Tasso? Nor, in -my opinion, will the news be long delayed; for I feel my end to be -at hand, having found no remedy for this troublesome malady, which, -added to my many habitual ailments, is evidently sweeping me away -like an impetuous and irresistible torrent. To say nothing of the -world's ingratitude, which would prove its triumph by consigning -me in penury to the tomb, the time is now past for speaking of my -inveterate fortune; yet, when I think of the glory which this age -will derive from my writings, in despite of all opposition, I cannot -be left entirely unrequited. I have had myself brought to this -convent of S. Onofrio, not only because the air is commended by the -faculty more than that of any other part of Rome, but also, to begin -as it were from this elevated spot, and in the conversation of these -holy fathers, my celestial intercourse. Pray to God in my behalf, and -rest assured that, as I have ever loved and respected you in this -life, I shall do the like towards you in a better, as is the part of -true and unfeigned affection; and to the Divine grace I commend you -and myself. From Rome, at S. Onofrio." - -[Footnote *196: Cf. D'ANCONA, _T.T. ed Ant. Costantini_ in _Varieta -Storiche e Letter._ (Milano, 1883), vol. I., p. 75 _et seq._] - -Tasso's mind was habitually under devotional influences, which -grew upon him as he experienced the delusive results of his early -ambition, the emptiness of success, and the bitterness of failure. -Religion was in him a deeply rooted sentiment; it soothed long hours -of suffering, cheered the decline of life, and brightened those -hopes for which the laurel crown had lost its charm. Gazing from -the convent garden over a scene of all others the most inspiring to -the poet, the most solemn to the moralist, he caught the seeds of -malaria fever. His springs of life were already dried up by twenty -long years of suffering, and, after a few days of peaceful and -resigned preparation for a change that to him had no terrors, his -spirit was released from its shattered tenement. He died on the 25th -April, 1595, wept by many warmly attached and pitying friends, and -lamented by the citizens, who lost in his death the spectacle of his -coronation, to which they had long looked forward with an anxiety -unusual even among the fete-loving populace of Rome. - -Tasso's was a life of painful contrasts and of blighted hopes. The -prospects of his childhood, bright as the sky which witnessed his -birth, were quickly shadowed by a storm of tropical violence. The -courtly favour that met his manhood proved baneful as a siren's -smiles. The greenest garland that Italy could offer to her favourite -minstrel was reserved until his brow was clammy with the dews of -death. The honours lavished on his funeral have been grudged to -his tomb. His resplendent genius was linked to the saddest and most -humbling of human afflictions. The fame for which he felt more than -a poet's thirst, and which he challenged as his due, was withheld -by envy until no trumpet-note could reach his dull cold ear. But -time, the avenger, has rendered him tardy justice, and Torquato is -the popular bard of Italy, whilst the cumbrous pedantry of his della -Crusca impugners is consigned to contemptuous oblivion. - -Of works so universally known as those of Tasso it would be -presumptuous to offer new analyses, and superfluous to encumber our -pages with trite criticism. The edition of them by Rosini extends -to thirty quarto volumes, a startling testimony to the copiousness -of his commentators, as well as to his own wonderful fertility. His -pen ranged over a wide field both in prose and verse,--the former -including essays--moral, literary, and political,--dialogues, and -letters; the latter touching upon themes sacred, heroic, romantic, -sylvan, pastoral, and lyric. It is, however, as an epic poet that he -has gained a niche in Parnassus, and the admiration of posterity. No -rivalry could arise with Dante, in whose Vision the things of time -are strangely interwoven with revelations of eternity; and his muse -is of a nobler caste, though less touching character, than that of -the bard of Arqua. But it is otherwise with the fourth great name of -Italian minstrelsy, and no one discusses the merits of Tasso without -keeping those of Ariosto in view. This, however, arises from habit -rather than necessity. The latter name was dragged forward by the -della Crusca Academicians as a stalking-horse to mask the malice -of their attacks upon the later of Ferrara's two laureates, whose -successive appearance on that stage alone induced a contrast for -which their respective works were by no means adapted. The comparison -thus forced upon the world has been declined by Tiraboschi, who, -in the exercise of a sounder criticism, has assigned to each -his peculiar excellence. Bearing in mind that the Orlando is -intrinsically a romantic poem, whilst the Jerusalem is composed upon -the epic model, there can be but little technical analogy between -them, and the beauties of the one would become blemishes in the -other. The striking and unlooked-for episodes of the former, running -ever into extravagance and burlesque, must have outraged the grave -unities required in the latter, and have proved more serious faults -than any which the jaundiced optics of the academicians were able -to discover. But perhaps Tasso's greatest triumph over his jealous -detractors has been the continued preference of his earlier and -greater work to his continuation of the same theme, in which he -studied to profit by their criticisms. Many Italians, among whom the -romantic school took its origin and maintained its influence, have -preferred Ariosto, whilst transalpine critics have more generally -given their suffrages to the poem of Tasso, as more regular in its -plan, and better preserving the elevation and the unities observed by -the best classic models. - -It has been the boast of some minstrels to mould the temper of the -age to the tone of their poetry. Tasso chose a less hazardous aim, -and, seizing in his great epic upon a theme at once the most fertile -and the most popular, gained the sympathies of all. The Crescent, -once more in the ascendant, had swept the Mediterranean, overrun -Greece, and threatened Vienna. The spirit of the crusades revived. -The often-mooted movement of all Christendom in the holy cause was -at length carried into effect, and victory crowned the Cross at the -great naval conflict of Lepanto. But alas! his was the last great -name in Italian poetry;[*197] and thenceforward genius fled from -the land of song, or bowed unresisting before an all-prevailing -mediocrity. Morbid repetition, redundant verbiage, far-fetched -figures,--all those faults for which its liquid language afforded -such fatal facilities, sprang up in rank deformity, and smothered -generous inspiration. The academies sent out their many songsters, -who poured forth notes artfully sweet, but rarely thrilling; and -already - - "Their once-loved minstrels scarce may claim - The transient mention of a dubious name." - -[Footnote *197: This, of course, is nonsense. Leopardi, at any rate, -was yet to come, and in our own day we have heard the eager and noble -voice of Carducci in verse that, it might seem, is not less great -than Tasso's and far more in touch with life.] - -Nor did they merit a better fate; for their conceptions were -extravagant, their imagery redundant, their execution alternately -glaring and languid. Unnatural contrasts, startling conceits, ill -compensated in them for vigorous diction and the stamp of genius. Yet -the lyric muse was not utterly extinct, and from time to time its -warblings may yet be heard in the orange groves and laurel bosquets -of that bright land. - - * * * * * - -Guarini's is another name shared between Ferrara and Urbino.[*198] He -was born at the former city in 1537, of a family already possessing -claims upon literary distinction during three generations, his -great-grandfather having been Guarini of Verona. In conformity -with the custom of employing men of learning upon diplomatic -missions, he served Duke Alfonso II. at various courts, until, in -1575, he undeservedly lost his favour by the failure of a quixotic -negotiation, having for its object to place the crown of Poland upon -his brows. During the seclusion which followed, he wrote the _Pastor -Fido_, a pastoral drama of more complex incident than had been -hitherto produced, and whose refined polish and seductive strains, -though misapplied upon a factitious style, long retained their -popularity. It was composed in avowed emulation of Tasso's _Aminta_, -and he carried the rivalry into ducal saloons, and even ladies' -boudoirs, with the results naturally to be looked for among the -peppery tribe of poets. But when Torquato's hour of darkness arrived, -Guarini proved himself a generous opponent, and, in the edition of -1581, he did his utmost to rescue the cantos of _Gerusalemme_ from -the adulteration of unfriendly pens. When his country's subjugation -had followed upon his patron's death, he was fain to seek other -service with the Medici; and soon thereafter the Duke of Urbino wrote -to Abbe Brunetti, his envoy at Venice, in the following terms: "We -shall with much pleasure look over the pastoral which the Cavaliere -Guarino has reprinted with notes and engravings, for we greatly -esteem his meritorious works, and are aware how much we are indebted -to his affection and courtesy. You will therefore thank him in our -name for his remembrance of us."[199] This presentation copy procured -the author a substantial reward in the following letter to Brunetti, -dated some weeks later. - -[Footnote *198: For Guarini, consult ROSSI, _B. Guarini ed il Pastor -Fido_ (Torino, 1886). See also CAMPORI, in _Giorn. St. d. Lett. -Ital._, vol. VIII., p. 425, etc.] - -[Footnote 199: Oliveriana MSS. 375, vol. XV. 104. The poem was his -_Pastor Fido_, of which the twentieth edition, with the author's -note, appeared at Venice in 1602.] - - "Most magnificent and most reverend, - - "In consequence of deaths and other circumstances, we find - ourselves so ill provided with persons of such quality - as was Albergato, that we must find some one as soon as - may be. And recollecting the Cavaliere Guarino, who was - known and entertained by us many years ago, we should be - well pleased could we have him, provided his health be - equal to his duties, not indeed for long journeys, but for - attending upon our person, and accompanying us both in the - carriage and on horseback, advising and conversing with us - in all times and occasions. And we believe, if due means - be adopted, this affair might be arranged to our mutual - satisfaction, as we remember that, when lately quitting - Tuscany, he seemed, from what he wrote to us, not averse to - the idea of betaking himself hither, and in our answer we - in no way discouraged the plan. We have, however, chosen - to impart the matter to you, that you may manage it in - whatever way you consider most proper for appearances; and - should you think it well, we have no objection to your - even going in person to Padua, on some other pretext. As - to terms, we believe that the Cavaliere's modesty, and our - partiality towards him, would readily bring everything - to an issue; but you will give it all due consideration, - answering separately this our letter, with whatever occurs - to you on the subject. And so health to you. From Castel - Durante, the 10th of June, 1602. Yours, - - "FRAN'co. M'a. DUCA D'URB." - -The following letter, from Guarini to his sister, proves that the -arrangement was completed to the satisfaction of both parties; and -an entry in the Duke's Diary shows that, notwithstanding a desire to -return home, his departure from that court did not take place until -July, 1604. - - "My Sister, - - "I should like to get home, for I have great need and wish - to be there, but am so well treated here, and have so many - honours paid me, and so many caresses, that I cannot. I - must tell you that all my expenses and those of my servants - are paid, so that I have not a farthing in the world to - spend for anything I want, and orders given to let me have - all I ask; besides which, they give me 300 scudi of yearly - pension, which, with the expense of furnished house and - maintenance, amounts to above 600 scudi a year. See, then, - if I can leave this. Our Lord God give you every happiness. - From Pesaro, the 23rd of February, 1603. - - "Your most loving brother, - - "BATTISTA GUARINI." - -A letter from him condoling with the Duchess of Urbino on the death -of her sister Leonora has been printed in Black's _Life of Tasso_, -II., 451, but this brief notice may suffice to close the literary -annals of our mountain principality. - - - - -CHAPTER LII - - The decline of Italian art: its causes and results--Artists - of Urbino--Girolamo della Genga, and his son - Bartolomeo--Other architects and engineers. - - -The zenith of Italian art, especially of Italian painting, was -attained between 1490 and 1520. That brief span, scarcely a -generation of human life, not only embraced the entire artistic life -of Raffaele and witnessed the finest efforts of Leonardo, Luini, -Bellini, Giorgione, Francia, Ghirlandaio, Fra Bartolomeo, Sodoma, -Perugino, Pinturicchio, Spagna, and Salerno; it also ripened the -earlier and better fruits of Buonarroti's genius, of del Sarto's too -quickly degenerate palette, and of Titian's - - "Pencil pregnant with celestial hues." - -It saw the metropolitan St. Peter's commenced, the Stanze and Logge -well advanced; it assembled in the Vatican halls the noblest band -of painters ever united by one scholarship. That bright spot, the -Pausilippo of our pictorial journey, has been passed. Our onward way -lies through dreary days of progressive degeneracy, often fitfully -illuminated by its reflected lights, but more rarely gladdened by -gleams of original genius, or efforts of self-forgetting zeal. - -In reviewing the history of painting, its stages of progress will -be readily distinguished. The Byzantine period may be regarded as -its starting point of stationary conventionalism.[*200] This was -followed by an age of sentiment, when earnest thought gradually -ameliorated penury of invention, and supplied intensity to -expression. To it succeeded an epoch of effort, the hand failing -to realise the aims of mind,[*201] the eye awaking to truths of -nature, but bewildered by their hidden meanings. Next came the age -of mastery;[*202] one of difficulties surmounted and doubts made -clear. But the summit when attained was speedily quitted; the period -of facility was too soon one of decline. In the words of Fuseli, -painters then "uniformly agreed to lose the subject in the medium." -Mechanism became the great object, copiousness a prized merit, until -mediocrity sought refuge in a multitude of figures, or fell back upon -theatrical artifice. The close of the fifteenth century was indeed a -cycle of rapid progression, opening many new channels for the efforts -of mind, and it was in Italy that this expansion was primarily -felt. The ultramontane invention of printing was then eagerly -adopted; the cultivation of revived philosophy, and the convulsions -consequent upon foreign inroads, introduced elements of change into -the Peninsular mind as well as its politics. In nothing was this -movement more felt than in the fine arts. During early times, the -ideas of artists exceeded their means of expression.[*203] Yet their -works, even when trammelled by fetters, partly of limited skill, but -more of traditionary mannerism, are often fit exponents of simple -thoughts, while the coincidence between the conception and style -renders solecisms of execution less startling. The forms may be timid -or stiff, but they are always careful and earnest. But now a further -range has been given to individual fancy. The choice and conception -of the theme, its character and composition, were alike freed from -conventional trammels, and became subjective (in the German sense) -rather than objective. Religion and its ritual remained the same, -the hero-worship of saints continued among its prominent features, -art still furnished aids to devotion. But, as books became abundant -and readers multiplied, pictures were no longer the written language -of holy things for the multitude. The high mission of Christian art -had been fulfilled; its limners, less impressed with their themes, -thought more of themselves; they appealed rather to the judgment -than to the feelings. They aimed at imitating nature to the life -more than at embodying transcendental abstractions.[*204] We have -already seen how the devotional inspirations of early painting, which -Beato Angelico's pencil had mellowed into loveliness, attained, -under the guidance of Raffaele, to consummate beauty of form. -But the impulse that had forced pictorial art to its culminating -point allowed it no rest, and the descending path was too quickly -entered. The speculative minds of its creators and its admirers -craved for novelty, for fresh themes and further powers. Elevation -of sentiment or purity of design no longer sufficed,[*205] and with -the competition which ensued for the guidance of public taste, there -sprang up many solecisms to degrade it. Much that was in itself -valuable was exaggerated into deformity. The knowledge of anatomy -which enabled Michael Angelo to embody the terrible, that element of -invention which he was the first fully to develop, also tempted him -to combinations outraging nature and harmony;[*206] and his style has -transmitted to our own day an influence dangerous to genius,[*207] -fatal to mediocrity. Less permanent, because less healthful,[*208] -was the opposite quality, introduced by Correggio, whose grace, -founded upon artifice, degenerated under Parmegianino and Baroccio -into meretricious affectation. A third ingredient, not so perilous -and more pleasing, was brought to perfection in Venice, where alone -can be appreciated the golden tints of Titian[*209] and the silvery -harmony of Veronese. It is indeed remarkable that all the schools -most celebrated for colouring have arisen in maritime localities, and -been deficient in accurate design. - -[Footnote *200: I do not understand what this means. The "Byzantine -period" was not the starting point of anything, but rather a -decadence; and how can anything be the starting point of something -"stationary"? Christian art comes to us in the first centuries as -absolutely dependent on Roman pagan work. It did not contrive a -new force of expression, but very happily used the old. For the -history of art is continuous, and in Byzantine work we see merely a -decadence, not something new. The Renaissance in painting is based -on Roman art of pagan times in the work of the Cosmati and the -Cavallini, from whom in all probability Giotto learned all he could -learn. It is the same with sculpture. Niccolo Pisano is a pupil of -the ancients, a native of Apulia. The northern influence came later.] - -[Footnote *201: Yes? In Duccio's work, for instance. But the hand -of man cannot achieve anything finer than the work of these early -men--than the Annunciation of Simone Martini, for instance. That they -preferred a decorative convention to a realistic does not accuse them -of incompetence. Dennistoun would have said that the Japanese could -not draw. It was not that "the hand failed to realise the aims of -the mind," but that the mind saw things from a standpoint different -from ours. It is easy to talk of the "truths of nature." What are -the truths of nature? It is a question of appearance, of a manner of -seeing, of an attitude of mind, of soul, toward nature and toward -itself. Simone Martini was as great an artist, in the true sense of -the word, as Raphael, in his own convention. Raphael's convention is -still ours, but we are already passing out of it. Is it not so?] - -[Footnote *202: Yes; an age of realism. It is as though one preferred -a Roman work of the best period to a Greek work of the fifth century -B.C. What came was the tyranny of the body, without the -old excuse, for we no longer believed in the body; we no longer -believed in anything but unreality. It is not that the earlier men -were "right" and the later "wrong," but that both are equally right -and wrong where right and wrong do not count since only beauty may -decide. Dennistoun speaks as he does because he could not possibly -have spoken otherwise. He is wrong not so much in what he asserts as -in what he denies.] - -[Footnote *203: Here, again, I do not understand. How can an -artist's ideas exceed his means of expression?--I do not say his -power of expression. What means of expression did Dante lack that -Milton enjoyed, or Sophocles? In what was Donatello poorer than -Michelangelo or Niccolo Pisano than either? Giotto had the same means -of expression as Apelles or Leonardo, for the work he undertook, and -before a new means of expression was invented, he could not have -conceived the use of it.] - -[Footnote *204: Their aim was perhaps rather the realistic imitation -of life than the expression of it.] - -[Footnote *205: They never sufficed.] - -[Footnote *206: Too strong. Michelangelo was always master of the -weapons he used, however destructive they may have been to his -disciples.] - -[Footnote *207: Nothing is dangerous to genius, not even mediocrity.] - -[Footnote *208: This term applies to the science of medicine, not to -aesthetic.] - -[Footnote *209: Titian can be seen to advantage only in Madrid, -Paris, Vienna, or London. In Venice he is almost absent.] - -[Illustration: _Anderson_ - -MARTYRDOM OF S. AGATA - -_After a picture by Seb. dal Piombo, once in the Ducal Collection at -Urbino, now in the Pitti Gallery, Florence_] - -In a preceding portion of this work we have alluded to the -innovations of naturalism in painting, by men who introduced -perspective, created chiaroscuro, cultivated design, and mastered -nude action. Through their example, it not only extended a -predominating influence over pictorial treatment, but quickly -obtained that place as a canon of artistic criticism which it has -since continued commonly to hold. It may seem rash to impugn a -principle so universally adopted; and if perfection in art really -depends upon an accurate imitation of nature, it would be folly to -gainsay it. But the principle may be carried too far; and if we are -to allow to art a nobler mission,--if we recognise in painting and -sculpture a language wherein gifted men can embody, develop, and -elaborately adorn the conceptions of beauty and sublimity, or it may -be the sallies of humour and the scintillations of wit that flit -across the fancy--a key whereby they can impart to their fellows, -and transmit to all ages and nations, their emanations of genius, -their poetic flashes, their benevolent sympathies, their devotional -aspirations,--then surely a higher standard should be applied to what -are often ranked as merely imitative arts, and are tested by their -supposed fidelity as transcripts of external objects.[*210] - -[Footnote *210: After all, Dennistoun is on the side of the -angels--though a little unctuously.] - -Such views will to many seem visionary and strange heresies. Yet they -are truths by which painting reached its golden era, and which, even -in its decline, have been largely drawn upon. Under Louis XIV., a -vile epoch of a faulty school,[*211] allegory triumphed over reality, -and the best feelings of humanity were forced into masquerade. But -what shall we think of the taste which admits such solecisms against -nature, whilst objecting to the conventionalities practised by the -early Christian masters, and adopted by the purists of our own -day? What, indeed, is art but a tissue of conventionalities, even -when the imitation of external objects is its aim? Upon what laws -of nature are regulated the gradations of aerial perspective, or -the receding or flattened surfaces of basso-relievo? Does not the -landscape painter, in modifying the tones of his colouring, remember -that his mimic scenes are to be enclosed in gilt frames, an appendage -for which Providence has made no provision in the real ones? But -to such imitations art neither is nor ought to be confined. As the -language of genius, it expresses loftier themes, and none but kindred -spirits can fitly judge of its style, or set bounds to its range. -The rustic who spells through Burns or Bloomfield would pause upon -Paradise Lost, and throw down Hamlet in despair; whilst, to the -presbyterian who ornaments his walls with Knox's portrait, or the -Battle of Bothwell-brig, the Last Judgment would seem unintelligible, -the Transfiguration blasphemous, the Judgment of Paris a flagrant -indecency. In like manner, those who have neither imbibed the spirit -of the Roman ritual, nor studied the forms of Christian art, may -fully appreciate the dishevelled goddesses of Rubens, or the golden -sunsets of Claude,--the glowing tints of Titian, or the transparent -finish of Teniers; but let them understand ere they sneer at those -sacred paintings which for successive ages have confirmed the faith -of the unlettered, elevated their hopes, and inspired their prayerful -ejaculations. - -[Footnote *211: One of the sad days. Cf. vol. II., p. 95, note *1.] - -[Illustration: _Alinari_ - -HOLY FAMILY - -_After the picture by Sustermans, once in the Ducal Collection of -Urbino, now in the Pitti Gallery, Florence_] - -When the Christian mythology, which had supplied art with subjects -derived from inspired writ or venerated tradition, was supplanted -by an idolatry of nature content to feed spiritual longings with -common forms copied without due selection from daily life, men no -longer painted what religion taught them to believe, but what their -senses offered for imitation, modified by their own unrestrained -fancies. Painting thus became an accessory of luxurious life, and -its productions were regarded somewhat as furniture, indicating -the taste rather than the devotion of patrons and artists. These -accordingly followed a wider latitude of topics and treatment. In -proportion as devotional subjects fell out of use, a demand -arose for mythological fable and allegory. Profane history, -individual adventure or portraiture, supplied matter pleasing to -vanity, profitable to adulation. But while the objects of painting -became less elevated, its mechanism gained importance; it became -ostentatious in sentiment, ambitious in execution. The aim of -professors, the standard of connoisseurs, declined from the ideal -to the palpable. A fresh field for exertion was thus opened up. -Schools attained celebrity from their successful treatment of -technical difficulties. Michael Angelo attracted pupils by his -power in design; Titian by his mastery in colour; Correggio by his -management of light; while the eclectic masters of Bologna vainly -aspired to perfection by nicely adjusting their borrowed plumes; -and the _tenebristi_ of Naples sought, by impenetrable shadows, to -startle rather than to please. A demand for domestic decoration led -to further exercise of ingenuity. Landscapes, first improved by the -Venetian masters as accessories, became a new province of art; and -transcripts from nature in her scenes of beauty were succeeded by -the clang of battles, the inanities of still life, the orgies or -crimes of worthless men.[*212] In architecture and in sculpture, -the departure was scarcely less remarkable from the pure style and -simple forms of the fifteenth century: a free introduction of costly -materials and elaborate decoration deteriorated taste, without -compensating for the absence of ideal beauty. The masters of this, -which we may distinguish as the "newest" manner, must accordingly -be tried by a new standard. Those of the silver and golden ages, -Angelico and Raffaele, sought a simple or vigorous development of -deep feeling; the Giordani and Caravaggii, men of brass and iron, -whose technical capacity outstripped their ideas, aspired not -beyond effect. Effect is, therefore, the self-chosen test to which -artists of the decline should be subjected, though it may detect -in them false taste and vulgar deformity. Under their guidance, -energy was substituted for grandeur, bustle for dramatic action; -while flickering lights and fluttering draperies ill replaced the -solidity and stateliness of earlier men. Art thus, like literature, -became copious rather than captivating. Ambitious attempts were not -wanting, but the effort to produce them was ever palpable. Ingenuity -over-taxed gave birth to bewildering allegories, affected postures, -startling contrasts, exaggerated colouring, meretricious graces. -Nature was invoked to stand godmother to the progeny, but she -disavowed them as spurious. - -[Footnote *212: An undue sense of right seems to have led Dennistoun -to the brink of an absurd precipice. Why should not the orgy or crime -of a worthless man, make as good a picture as the orgy or crime [or -the good deeds either, for that matter] of the worthy man? Poetry -surely would seem to confound him here.] - -The rapid decline of art when imitation of nature became more -strictly its object, has led to scepticism in some quarters as to -the expediency of adopting such a guide. Until human ingenuity shall -attain the means of embodying and preserving perfect copies of -external objects, it would be presumptuous to decide how far such -copies realise that standard of beauty which high art demands. The -daguerreotype and kalotype, which give the nearest known approach -to such a result, are far from solving the question in accordance -with naturalist views; for, on their metallic plates and porous -paper, a beautiful woman is, in general, coarsely caricatured; whilst -a bust of her, or a bas-relief, always retains the grace of the -sculptured original, and a chalk drawing is exquisitely reproduced. -Were it enough to depict with perfect precision the forms and -incidents reflected on the retina, a painter would be little more -than a mechanic, in whom original genius might be almost dispensed -with. But, though he will treasure in his portfolios a judicious -selection of such impressions as he can daily gather from actual -life, these, however nearly they may approach to nature and truth, -are only materials of future creations. For high art,--and of such -alone would we speak whilst Italy is our theme,--something more -than mere nature was undoubtedly required;[*213] yet her guidance -became indispensable after the revolution in taste and feeling -which dismissed mediaeval traditions and types. So various, however, -are the freaks of individual fancy, so fantastic the vagaries of -reason uncontrolled by authority, that the new path was beset by new -pitfalls. The mediocrity of early masters found a refuge in mean but -inoffensive commonplace; that of their successors, mistaking freedom -and novelty for original genius, revelled in extravagant creations. -The acute agonies, physical and moral, which sadly consummated the -Atonement for man, were figured by the former in limbs wasted as -by prolonged disease, stiffened as by a lingering death: the deep -affliction of the Madonna Addolorata over the Saviour's body assumed -in their hands an expression of such grief as knew not the relief -of tears. But the artists of the "new manner" gave to crucifixions -anatomical accuracy developed in spasmodic writhings, and bespoke -sympathy for the mother of Christ by convulsive weepings, with -perchance the accessory of a pocket-handkerchief! In pictures of -this class, corporeal sufferings were rendered with horrible truth, -muscular energy was substituted for mental woe. Living in times which -needed fresh subjects as well as added powers, these painters laid -aside such themes as treated of the mysteries of faith, the legends -of primitive times, but especially such as, demanding spiritualised -feelings in the author and the spectators, were uncongenial to both. -To a contemplative religion, untroubled by sectarian movements, had -succeeded a church militant, armed by bigotry, and struggling for -existence. The revived Catholicism of Caraffa and Ghislieri required -art of a character as gloomy as itself, and commissioned works -wherein the terrors of the Inquisition replaced the promises of the -Gospel, earthly martyrdoms supplanted celestial hopes, and pure faith -was clouded by priestcraft. Henceforward, religious representations -were reserved chiefly for church decorations, and even there they -assumed an historical character, as in the miracles of our Lord, or -the acts of his apostles. Alexander VI. had decorated the pontifical -palace with incidents from the Gospel; but those which Paul III. and -his successors selected for the Sala Regia commemorate the triumphs -of an aggressive church in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, and -the naval action of Lepanto. Michael Angelo, in depicting the Last -Judgment, the chief glory of that pontificate, introduced Charon as -a prominent personage; and, with inconsistency, if possible, more -glaring, Poussin has painted Moses, the type of Christ, watched in -infancy by a river-god, in classical allusion to his preservation -from the perils of the Nile. - -[Footnote *213: Art does not desire more than nature, but more than -an imitation of nature. The artist should create life, not imitate -it.] - -Whilst we have thus had to consider the prevalent imitation of -external objects as an element tending to the corruption of purist -feeling, it unquestionably enlarged the scope and stimulated the -mechanism of painting. Such was the naturalism by which Raffaele, -Michael Angelo, and Titian developed the comparatively feeble and -stunted efforts of their predecessors into forms ennobling nature, -and redolent of intelligence. But, in studying these palpable -qualities, the more subtle ingredients of spirit and feeling were -often overlooked; indeed, most of the creators of the new style -outlived it, and saw it supplanted by a yet newer and far more -degrading naturalism, which, with few bright intervals, has continued -to cramp and pervert the manner of their successors. Such were and -are those painters who, on the strength of their sketches from the -life, and their studies of landscape and architecture, or with the -plea of occasionally introducing portraits into sacred or historical -compositions, proclaim themselves followers of nature, whilst -their works outrage or caricature her. There may be great anatomical -accuracy, and much truth in the separate heads, combined with -inventions the most unreal, movements the most constrained, mannered -attitudes, draperies meagre or overloaded, and a general substitution -of mean conceptions for pleasing realities. The elaborate finish -invariably found in the early masters was either bestowed upon -accessories in themselves trifling, but stamping an extraordinary -verity upon their works, or, as in the Sienese or Venetian schools, -it was lavished upon gorgeous costumes illustrative of national -manners. But similar details in later pictures are justly considered -to remove them in some degree from the category of artistic -performances to that of mere decoration, and are despised by those -who, aiming at breadth of effect, sometimes adopt the most hopeless -of all affectations, that of slovenly superficiality. Whence then -this difference? and why should jewels and embroidery, that seem -beautiful in Crivelli's saints or Dello's pageants, be vulgar gewgaws -on recent canvasses? Merely because, in the former, _all_ is minutely -worked, but all is subsidiary to the general sentiment, whilst, in -the latter, the absence of a simply pervading expression leaves each -individual detail crudely prominent; because the ancient masters made -everything subservient to that one overruling feeling of the picture, -which, in most modern works, is totally wanting. - -[Illustration: _Anderson_ - -THE KNIGHT OF MALTA - -_From the picture by Giorgione, once in the Ducal Collection at -Urbino, now in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence_] - - * * * * * - -The Dukes della Rovere of Urbino had hereditary duties as patrons -of art. Popes Sixtus IV. and Julius II., the founders of their -family, had munificently encouraged it; the antecedent princes of -Montefeltro had been its generous and discriminating friends. If the -later dynasty fell short of these examples, they were not without -excuse. Though the divine Raffaele parted his mantle among many -pupils, no shred of it fell to his native duchy. Francesco Maria -I., on succeeding to that state, found in it no lack of churches, -palaces, or pictures, and little native genius meriting support; so -he was content to call Titian from Venice to portray himself and his -Duchess.[*214] His two successors were less devoted to arms, and -more liberal to arts. They numbered among their subjects Baroccio -and the Zuccari, who once more gave a pictorial name to Urbino, and -they judiciously divided their commissions between these natives and -foreign painters. - -[Footnote *214: Francesco Maria may have called, but Titian did not -come to Urbino. The first commission he had from the Duke was in -1532, when he was asked to paint as good a portrait of Hannibal as he -could and a picture of the Nativity. They were delivered in 1534. The -Duke wanted then a portrait of the Duchess, and asked Titian to paint -it on his way to Naples. This journey, however, never took place. -If Titian had any sittings, it was at Murano during the Duke and -Duchess's sojourn there in the autumn of 1537.] - -In a former portion of this work it was our endeavour to interweave -the artistic notices which we had to offer in connection with Urbino, -into a rapid sketch of Christian painting in Umbria. Resuming the -subject, it will no longer be possible thus to generalise our views, -for the time had arrived when each aspirant selected his own course -to the temple of Fame; and in glancing at the various paths which -chance or fancy suggested to them, our readers must be prepared for -occasional repetitions. The ground, in itself less interesting, -is more beaten; and though none of the competitors approximated -the elevation gained by Raffaele, their numbers may be considered -as some compensation for their comparative mediocrity. Lazzari, -in his _Dictionary of Artists_ belonging to his native duchy, has -enumerated, under the Feltrian dukes, five painters, one sculptor, -one architect, and one military engineer; while under the Princes -della Rovere, these numbers are increased to twenty painters, eight -architects, and sixteen military engineers. Of sculptors, during the -latter period, there is no account; but along with eighteen followers -of mechanical arts connected with the higher branches, we find -workers in bronze, stucco, wood-carving, engravers, and makers of -watches and mathematical instruments, besides two potters and three -painters of majolica. It would be not less irksome than useless to -follow all this catalogue, but we shall endeavour to throw together -whatever is generally interesting of art in Urbino, during the -sixteenth century, whether by native painters, or foreigners employed -by the dukes; concluding with a chapter on minor arts, especially -that of _majolica_, or earthenware, for which the duchy was long -celebrated. - -[Illustration: _Alinari_ - -JUDITH WITH THE HEAD OF HOLOFERNES - -_After the picture by Palma il Vecchio, once in the Ducal Collection -at Urbino_] - - * * * * * - -Our catalogue of artists under the della Rovere dynasty may be -fittingly commenced with a name not unknown to their predecessors, -the Feltrian dukes. GIROLAMO DELLA GENGA was born at Urbino, -in 1476, of respectable parents, who destined him for the woollen -trade, by which the wealth of Florence had, in a great measure, been -gained. But the bent of his youthful mind was decidedly towards -design, and his pencil so interfered with his proper business, that, -after much vain opposition, his friends yielded, and sent him, at -fifteen, to the studio of Luca Signorelli. It was the mission of this -able painter to engraft upon the devotional traditions of Umbrian -art, imbibed from Pietro della Francesca, a novel energy of thought -and pencil; and Girolamo had the advantage of aiding him upon those -wonderful compositions in the duomo of Orvieto, which Michael Angelo -scrupled not to imitate in his Last Judgment, as well as warmly to -commend. After attending his master during the execution of other -commissions, he passed into the school of Perugino, where he found -his precocious countryman, the young Raffaele. There he remained -for three years, devoting himself chiefly to perspective, and -thence repaired to Florence to complete his education. At Siena he -was largely employed, along with Signorelli, by Pandolfo Petrucci; -returning from whence to Urbino, he formed an enduring intimacy -with Timoteo della Vite. They wrought together upon a chapel in -the cathedral, which no longer exists; but the works there assigned -to Genga were chiefly scenic and decorative, from his acknowledged -superiority in architectural perspective; and for these, the various -festive amusements then in fashion, such as pastoral dramas, -triumphal processions, cavalry trappings, and temporary arches, -occasioned in that gay capital a perpetual demand, during the -latter days of Guidobaldo I., and the first years of his successor. -His invention was especially called into play to welcome Duchess -Leonora to her states, and to supply scenery for the representation -of Bibbiena's _La Calandra_ in 1513. These apparently mechanical -performances were not, however, irreconcileable with excellence and -fame in the higher branches of art; and it was whilst thus engaged -that, during a short visit to Rome, he painted, for the oratory of -Sta. Caterina of Siena in the Via Giulia, an altar-piece of the -Resurrection, justly considered his chef-d'oeuvre.[*215] The -figure of Christ, soaring upwards amid sprawling angels, somewhat -anticipates Raffaele's Transfiguration, but with a copious infusion -of Michael Angelesque feeling. The latter influence predominates in -the violent attitudes and excited action of the guards, four of whom, -suddenly aroused by the supernatural event, are rushing about without -aim or self-possession; yet, the movement of one who awakens a still -slumbering comrade is extremely natural. The Marys, approaching -from the other side of the picture, recall Timoteo's manner. The -colour, concealed however under an accumulation of dirt, is of a -solid quality, and the chiaroscuri are skilfully managed, while the -inscription, _Girolamo Genga Urbinas facieb._, satisfactorily secures -its authenticity. - -[Footnote *215: I know nothing of this oratory, and cannot find it.] - -[Illustration: _Alinari_ - -HEAD OF CHRIST - -_After the picture by Titian, once in the Ducal Collection, now in -the Pitti Gallery, Florence_] - -In 1497, Guidobaldo had granted to the Counts della Genga an -exemption from taxes, for which Girolamo showed his gratitude by -sharing the exile of Francesco Maria, when deprived by the tyrannical -usurpation of Leo X. He retired with his family to Cesena, where, -as at Forli and other places in Romagna, he executed various church -pictures of merit; of these, the Baptism of Christ, the Conversion of -St. Augustine, and one representing the Almighty, with the Madonna, -and the Doctors of the Church, have found their way to the Brera, -at Milan. On the Duke's restoration, he was appointed his architect -and engineer, and thereafter discontinued painting, devoting himself -almost entirely to his new duties. Among the churches which he -built, were those of the Zoccolantines at Urbino and Sinigaglia, -but it was chiefly on the ducal palaces that he was employed. -Of these, the first committed to him was the Imperiale villa, -already mentioned.[216] Vasari describes it as a "very beautiful -and well-contrived fabric, full of chambers, colonnades, courts, -balconies, fountains, and delightful gardens, which every prince -passing that way goes to see; and which Paul III. visited, with his -court, when on his way to Bologna, and was quite pleased with all -he saw." It would seem from his account that the most important -ameliorations made by Genga upon that long-neglected residence, were -the tower and internal decorations. The former remains, of handsome -proportions; but its chief merit is said, by the Tuscan biographer, -to have consisted in the management of a concealed wooden stair, -reaching the summit in thirteen flights of steps, one hundred and -twenty feet in all. In 1543, Bembo wrote to Leonora,--"I have visited -your Excellency's Imperiale with much pleasure, both because I -greatly wished to see it, and because it seems to me constructed -with more intelligence and true artistic science, as well as with -more antique fashions and finely contrived conceits, than any modern -building I have seen. I heartily congratulate your Ladyship upon -it, for certainly my gossip Genga is a great and gifted architect, -far surpassing all my anticipations." The frescoes, illustrating -his employer's life, were distributed by him to several foreign -artificers, the duchy not boasting any painter of talent since the -recent death of his friend Timoteo Vite. Among these was his pupil -Francesco Minzocchi of Forli, who, living on the limits of the -old manner and the new, succeeded in uniting many excellences of -both; yet, his works at Padua, Venice, Forli, and Loreto, though -highly creditable, scarcely merit the exaggerated praise bestowed -on some of them by Vasari. That biographer's oversight, and his -own modesty, have, on the other hand, done scrimp justice to -Raffaele del Colle, whose attractive pencil is scarcely appreciated, -notwithstanding Lanzi's eulogy. A pupil of the incomparable Sanzio, -and of Giulio Romano, he preserved a healthy style amid prevailing -deterioration; and many of his pictures still adorn the churches of -Central Italy.[217] Contemporary with these was Angelo Bronzino, who -maintained at Florence, during an age of general feebleness, the -reputation transmitted by Andrea del Sarto and Pontormo. The grace -of a Cupid, which he painted upon a corbel at the Imperiale, gained -for him the patronage of Prince Guidobaldo, who employed him in small -productions more congenial to his genius, including his portrait, -and a harpsichord cover, both of them greatly admired, but now lost. -The landscape ornaments in the villa were entrusted to the brothers -Dossi, of Ferrara, or rather perhaps to Giovanbattista, the younger, -and less able of them; but so total was their failure, that they -were immediately thrown down, and replaced by others from Genga's -designs. More successful in that light style were the portions -committed to Camillo of Mantua, whose rural decorations are praised -by Vasari and Lanzi. - -[Footnote 216: See p. 49.] - -[Footnote 217: He left some valuable works in the upper valley -of the Metauro, now almost destroyed. Such are his Prophets and -Sybils in ten lunettes round the Corpus Domini at Urbania, with two -Nativities in the same church, one in fresco, the other on canvas. -An altar-piece, in the church of the Servites at S. Angelo in Vado, -is very inferior to his Madonna and Saints in S. Francesco of Cagli. -Some frescoes at Gubbio, lauded by Lanzi, and dated 1546, are among -his best works.] - -We have thus far chiefly followed Vasari's authority, reconciling, -as best we might, inconsistencies and errors, the result of his -imperfect acquaintance with the locality. The paintings he describes -at the Imperiale were probably part of Duchess Leonora's labour of -love, to welcome her lord's return from his long campaigns. But the -condition to which they are reduced, by time and unworthy degradation -of the building, renders it impossible now to form an opinion of -the various hands that have wrought upon them, or to discover their -respective merits and subjects. The roofs of two saloons are occupied -by small historical compositions, from the actions of Francesco -Maria; but these are irrecoverably defaced. Two of them, ascribed to -Bronzino, are said to have represented the Duke haranguing the band -of adventurers whom he collected in Lombardy, for the invasion of -his duchy in 1517; and his reception by the Venetian senate in 1523, -as their captain-general. The ornaments of the remaining rooms are -merely decorative. - -Additions were made by Francesco Maria to his other residences at -Urbino, Pesaro, and Castel Durante; on all of which, and Gradara, -Genga seems to have been employed. Him also he entrusted to build a -casino, within the walls of Pesaro, called the Barchetto, in which -a ruin was imitated, with a spiral stair commended by Vasari: this -house was subsequently assigned by Duke Guidobaldo to Bernardo Tasso, -as a home to himself and his son Torquato; and part of it is now -occupied by a gardener. Another work of Girolamo was the reparation -of the fortress at Pesaro, which, however, he undertook merely in -obedience to his sovereign, military architecture being little to his -taste. In acknowledgment of these services, he had, in 1528, a grant -of Castel d'Elce, with its feudal immunities, afterwards confirmed by -Guidobaldo II. Some years later, he remodelled the episcopal palace -at Mantua, and began an imposing church to St. John the Baptist at -Pesaro, which was completed by his son. Among his minor efforts in -the immediate service of the ducal family may be mentioned funeral -decorations for Francesco Maria, and a monument to him, erected by -Bartolomeo Ammanati of Florence, in Sta. Chiara of Urbino, but long -ago removed. Enriched and honoured, he spent his declining years in -leisure, and died in 1551. Vasari thus testifies to his exemplary -character:--"Girolamo was an excellent and honest man, of whom -no evil was ever heard. He was not only a painter, sculptor, and -architect, but also a good musician, an excellent and most amusing -talker, and was full of courtesy and affection to his relations and -friends." Among his numerous pupils, Baldassare Lancia, of Urbino, -was distinguished as a military engineer, whilst Bartolomeo his -second son, Bellucci of San Marino his son-in-law, and Federigo -Baroccio his nephew, all ably maintained his artistic reputation. In -the person of Leo XII., one of his family has recently attained the -highest station offered to the ambition of the Roman Catholic world. - - * * * * * - -BARTOLOMEO DELLA GENGA was born at Cesena in 1518, during -his father Girolamo's emigration, and was sent to Florence at -eighteen to study design in its various branches, under Vasari and -Ammanati. At twenty-one he returned to his father, who, seeing his -talent lie towards architecture, advised him to acquaint himself at -Rome with the best models. His first commission on returning home was -to prepare festive arches for Duchess Vittoria's reception after her -marriage. He then accompanied Guidobaldo to Lombardy, as his military -engineer, and, by examining the celebrated fortresses in that -country, added greatly to his professional experience. He at this -time refused very eligible appointments from the King of Bohemia, -and subsequently from Genoa, wishing to dedicate his services to his -own sovereign. Accordingly, on his father's death, he became ducal -architect, and built large additions to the palaces of Urbino and -Pesaro, especially the wing of the former, facing S. Domenico. He -also erected a number of churches in the duchy, and prepared plans -for a harbour at Pesaro, which were not carried into effect. Having -attended the Duke to Rome in 1553, he gave some hints to Julius III. -for the new fortifications of Borgo S. Spirito. - -[Illustration: _Alinari_ - -THE RESURRECTION - -_After the banner painted by Titian for the Compagnia di Corpus -Domini, now in the Pinacoteca, Urbino_] - -His reputation being thus established, the Order of Malta selected -him to superintend the new defences proposed for their island, and -in 1557 sent two knights on a mission to obtain the Duke of Urbino's -sanction of Genga's engagement. During two months Guidobaldo resisted -all importunities, and they at length succeeded only through a -Capuchin friar, who, possessing his ear, represented the work as one -in which all Christendom was interested. On Bartolomeo's arrival, -he had but time to prepare a series of plans for civil and military -architecture, when he was cut off by fever consequent upon exposure -in the burning heat, having scarcely completed his fortieth year. Of -this family also was SIMONE GENGA, who, after fortifying many Tuscan -strongholds, carried his engineering talents to Gratz, in Austria. -From Stephen, King of Poland, he had, in 1587, a monthly salary of -76 dollars, besides allowances for four servants and as many horses, -whilst completing the defences of Varadino. Other architects of -Urbino are mentioned by the Marchese Ricci as leaving structures in -La Marca, such as LATTANZIO VENTURI, who, in 1581, built the communal -palace at Macerata, with an allowance of 30 scudi for his plan, and -40 more for overseeing its execution. Six years later, he completed -the facade of Loreto church, in the charge of which he was succeeded -by his son Venturo. His countryman, LUDOVICO CARDUCCI, having -accompanied him to Macerata, was employed on various ecclesiastical -edifices there, his designs for which were submitted for approval -to the Duke of Urbino. From Venturo Venturi the superintendence of -Loreto devolved, about 1614, upon GIOVANNI BRANCA, of S. Angelo in -Vado, who died there in 1645, aged seventy-four. His _Manual of -Architecture_ had passed through six editions previous to the present -century. - - - - -CHAPTER LIII - - Taddeo Zuccaro--Federigo Zuccaro--Their pupils--Federigo - Baroccio and his pupils--Claudio Ridolfi--Painters of - Gubbio. - - -It was just after the fatal sack of Rome had dispersed the goodly -company of painters, who, reared by Raffaele, and linked together -by the recollection of his genius and his winning qualities, gave -promise of long maintaining in the Christian capital that manner -which he had brought to perfection,--that there was born to Ottaviano -Zuccaro, or Zucchero, an indifferent artist of S. Angelo in Vado, a -son destined to revive the pictorial reputation of Urbino. TADDEO -ZUCCARO saw the light in 1529, and, while yet a boy, perceiving -little hope of excellence under such instruction as Umbria could -then afford, or of remedying the poverty of his paternal fireside, -he boldly sought a wider field of improvement and enterprise, and -at fourteen found his way to Rome. The hardships which he there -underwent are touchingly described by Vasari. Aided by no friendly -hand, his education was neglected, and he was driven to menial -labour for the support of a precarious existence. Wandering from one -studio to another, he earned a crust of bread by colour-grinding; -and, unable to afford light for his evening studies, he spent the -moonlight nights in drawing, till sleep surprised him beneath some -portico. Under this hard life his health gave way, whilst his spirit -remained indomitable, and he sought rest and renewed vigour in his -native mountain air. But his thirst for improvement was not stayed -by these sufferings. On his return to Rome with recruited energies, -he was received into the studio of Jacopone Bertucci of Faenza, a -follower of Raffaele, whose few independent works entitle him to more -honourable mention than has been afforded him by Vasari or Lanzi, -and who united the tasteful design of that master with somewhat of -Lombard feeling. Taddeo subsequently aided one Daniello di Por, who -carried to Rome much of the Parmese manner, imitating Correggio and -Parmegianino. At eighteen he executed on his own account, on the -exterior of the Mattei Palace, a series of nine events in the life -of Camillus, which attracted general admiration, and established his -popularity as a historical painter. These, and several other works in -fresco done soon after, have been destroyed. - -His rising reputation having reached Urbino, Guidobaldo II. summoned -him there, when about fifteen, to undertake the exterior decorations -of a chapel in the cathedral, which had been painted by Battista -Franco, and soon after carried him on his tour of inspection of the -Venetian terra-firma fortresses. On his return, he was established in -the palace at Pesaro, where he painted the Duke's portrait and some -other cabinet pictures. Two years thus passed away without his being -able to commence the chapel, although the designs for it were well -advanced; and being dissatisfied with this loss of time, he availed -himself of his sovereign's absence at Rome to follow him thither. -Orders now crowded upon him, for no contemporary painter was better -qualified to supply those slight and rapidly executed works then in -fashion for the external and internal decoration of Roman palaces -and villas. Most of these have perished; but somewhat superior in -character were the incidents in the Passion, painted in 1556, in -the Church of Consolation under the Capitol. They are still in good -preservation, but though cleverly conceived and carefully executed, -these merits scarcely compensate for the exaggerated mannerism of -their sprawling attitudes and solid draperies, whilst their violent -emotions are anything but devotional. From this time his brother -Federigo was associated in most of his labours, and the speed with -which their commissions were finished brought them easy gains, and -gave satisfaction in an age when taste had sadly degenerated. An -arrangement, whereby Taddeo agreed to accompany the Duke of Guise to -France, with a salary of 600 scudi, was interrupted by the Duke's -death; but soon after our artist had a more important commission, -from Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, to paint in his palace of -Caprarola, near Viterbo, the heroic actions of his family. This was -precisely the class of subject for which the manner and ideas of the -Zuccari were most adapted, and the results were highly satisfactory. -Accordingly, these paintings, engraved by Prenner in 1748, remain a -standard of that style of palatial decoration. Taddeo's allowance was -200 scudi a year, for which he undertook to prepare all the cartoons, -and to superintend their execution by his brother and other young -artists. Among those whom he was thus enabled to bring forward, -several, including Baroccio, were his seniors, a natural consequence -of the good fortune which brought him early into repute as a clever -head-master of the contract work then in vogue. His mural paintings -in the Sala Regia of the Vatican, and his sacred subjects in the -chapel of S. Marcello there, were also undertakings of considerable -extent, sharing his attention with Caprarola during the latter years -of his life. His last work was the Assumption of the Madonna in the -Trinita del Monte, upon which death surprised him in 1566, and his -dust reposes in the Pantheon, near that of his more illustrious -countryman Raffaele, like whom, he died on the day his thirty-seventh -year was completed. - -[Illustration: _Alinari_ - -THE LAST SUPPER - -_After the picture by Baroccio in the Duomo of Urbino_] - -His brother FEDERIGO, fourteen years his junior, was brought -to Rome in 1550, and committed to his charge. The advantage of an -associate on whom he could rely was immense to one whose works -were, even from youth, in a great measure, executed by others; -and fraternal affection, cemented by a similarity of tastes and -pursuits, grew up into an identity of character and habits which -extended to their respective works, and enabled the younger Zuccaro -satisfactorily to terminate the commissions which Taddeo left -unfinished. Precocity was a characteristic of both; and the only -interruption to their harmony arose from the latter having retouched -some frescoes done by Federigo, when but eighteen years old, outside -of a house in Rome. The quarrel having become serious, a compromise -was effected by mutual friends, on an understanding that the designs, -but not the finished works of the youth, should be submitted to his -brother's correction. During his residence in Rome, Federigo was, -however, chiefly employed on those mural paintings which we have -already mentioned as undertaken by Taddeo; and when about twenty-two, -he spent a considerable time in Venice, painting, on his own account, -in the Grimani Palace, whilst his contemporaries were still busy with -their preliminary studies. There was even a proposal to assign to him -the facade of the great council hall, but jealousy among the native -artists prevented this taking effect. He was, however, consoled by -the friendship of Palladio, who engaged him to decorate a large -temporary theatre, and whom he subsequently accompanied on a tour -through Friuli and Lombardy. Thence he visited Florence, in time to -take part in the festive decorations which welcomed Joanna of Austria -to her new capital, and, after a visit to his family, arrived at Rome -early in 1566. It was about this time he painted for Duke Guidobaldo -the Liberation of St. Peter from prison, now in the Pitti Gallery, a -picture of no great intrinsic merit, though dexterous in effect; and -now, too, Verdizotti of Venice complimented his early promise in this -elegant sonnet, wherein the "tree of Jove" means the oak, the badge -of Urbino and its dukes. - - "Ecco! del glorioso arbor di Giove - Un giovinetto ramo uscir si altero, - Ch'a speme di bei frutti ogni pensiero - Desta al fiorir de le sue frondi nove. - In lui tai gratie il ciel benigno piove, - Che simili in altrui poch'altre spero; - Gratie, per cui virtu gli apre il sentiero - Ad ogni honor, che meraviglia move. - E gia le cime dei piu culti allori - L'inchinan' grate, e lieto augurio danno - D'eterno pregio ai suoi giorni migliori. - Alhor l'amate ghiande illustri andranno - Di si fin or, ch'al par de' suoi splendori - Gli alti raggi del sole ombre saranno." - -His brother's premature death made him heir of his fame and fortune: -the latter he speedily increased, but the former he was scarcely -adequate to sustain. Yet the dexterity by which he mastered, and -the rapidity wherewith, by numerous assistants, he completed works -of great extent, not only obtained him the commissions which Taddeo -left imperfect, but secured him a preference for all undertakings -of that description in Rome. It was upon this principle that he was -called to Florence, to terminate the cupola of the cathedral; yet -for the abortive effect of this vast composition, which has more -than once narrowly escaped whitewash, Federigo is scarcely to be -held responsible. The irretrievably hopeless attempt of filling -suitably so immense an expanse with a figure composition, had been -begun by a better artist than himself, and the blame of so gross a -blunder must lie with Vasari. Don Vincenzo Borghini suggested the -theme--Paradise allegorically treated in eight compartments, in seven -of which are set forth the seven mysteries of our Lord's passion, -while the eighth celebrates the triumph of the Romish church. The -chief interest of this colossal performance lies in its monstrous -compass; containing, it is said, three hundred figures, some of them -thirty feet high. Returned to Rome, he was employed by Gregory XIII. -on the roof of the Pauline chapel, whose walls had been decorated -by Michael Angelo. The favours which fortune thus showered upon him -soothed not the petulance of an irritable temper; and the bitter -satire wherewith he caricatured some supposed enemies in a picture of -Calumny, obliged him precipitately to quit the Holy City. This was -a congenial subject, which he often treated. Once it was done for -the Orsini of Bracciano; another of large size is noted in Pelli's -catalogue of the Urbino pictures; and there is a small one in the -gallery of the Uffizi. There are some curious particulars in Gaye's -_Carteggio_ of the annoyance to which this sally subjected him.[218] -In 1581, he was held to bail for 500 scudi, to answer a charge of -slander which it was hoped might be founded upon the testimony of -his three assistants, who were imprisoned until they should supply -a key to the suspected personalities. On this emergency he sought -protection from the influence of his sovereign, and of the Grand Duke -Francesco I. of Florence, by whose mediation he made his peace, and -returned to Rome at Easter 1583. The Duke of Urbino's application was -not disinterested, being anxious to secure Federigo's services for -a chapel he was then building at Loreto, dedicated to the Madonna -dell'Annunziata, regarding his frescoes in which we shall presently -have some observations to offer. It is unnecessary to follow his -several journeys to foreign courts and distant countries, whence -he returned honoured and enriched. In 1574, after his flight from -Rome, he passed through Paris, Flanders, and Holland, to England, -where he probably remained for some time, painting portraits; but -his works there do not seem to have been ascertained, or examined -with much criticism. Several are loosely mentioned by Walpole, and -his annotator Dalloway, one of which, representing Queen Elizabeth's -gigantic porter, is said by Stirling to bear date 1580. His chalk -drawings of her and Leicester, engraved by Rogers, can scarcely be -the same mentioned by Borghini as executed in 1575. - -[Footnote 218: Vol. III., p. 444.] - -On his return to Rome, Olivarez, ambassador from Philip II., whose -overtures to Paul Veronese had been unsuccessful, proposed that he -should proceed to Madrid. There he arrived in January, 1586, and, -after being received with great splendour, was immediately named -king's painter, with 2000 dollars of pension, and an apartment in the -Escurial. From that palace he, on the 29th of May, wrote a letter -descriptive of his first works, which merits notice as showing his -opinion, and that of the age, on the fitting tone and treatment to -be followed in high religious art. "My apartment contains excellent -rooms, besides saloon and study, where his Majesty frequently deigns -to come and see me work, loading me with favours. I observe you -desire now to hear something as to what I have done or am about. -There are four large pictures, for two altars of the relics, opening -and closing like organ-doors, to be painted on both sides. They are -dedicated to the Annunciation and to St. Jerome; and I have treated -them thus:--On opening the former is seen our Lady, somewhat startled -and confused by the angel's entrance, while on the outer side I -have made her assenting to the salutation in the words, 'Behold -the handmaid of the Lord.' The exterior of St. Jerome is penitent; -not as he is usually made, simply repenting, but having that faith -and hope in God without which neither abstinence nor remorse can -avail, together with the love, charity, and filial awe, that ought -ever to connect us with God and our neighbour. And these I fancy as -grouped together in idea before the saint; so I have set in front -of him a cross, with Christ in the last agony, in order to inspire -him with increased contrition, and at the foot thereof the three -theological virtues among clouds. On the interior of the two doors, -I have depicted St. Jerome, as a doctor of the church, writing: -and as companion to the idealised penitence without, I thought fit -to introduce the means and aims of study, so that the saint, though -writing, is in a contemplative ecstasy, attended by three angels. -Two of them, typifying perseverance and love of study (without -which no science can be learned, no fruit obtained), hold his book -and ink-horn; the third stands at his ear, suggesting thoughts and -sentences, and pointing out, on the other door, the entire subject he -is writing about: I intended this one for the guardian angel, or for -that intelligence and thought, whereby all is contrived and composed; -and I endeavoured to represent him as incorporeal, transparent and -spiritual, a style little used on account of its difficulty. On that -other door, I embodied the whole theme which St. Jerome, the most -holy divine and doctor, is inditing, as to the Saviour's passion -and man's redemption, dwelling specially on the considerations that -induced the Father Almighty to send his only begotten Son into the -world, to redeem mankind by his great sufferings. I imagine Charity -as appearing in his vision, and saying 'It was I who moved God, -and made Christ descend on earth'; to express which symbolically, -a saint-like matron presses one hand on her breast, and indicates -with the other a dead Christ borne by angels through the air. But -what most pleases his Majesty and all beholders, being of peculiar -mystic meaning and charming effect, is the three little Cupids who, -at the feet of Charity, disport themselves with St. Jerome's lion, -which comes forward most opportunely, his ferocity so tamed by these -children, that he lets them pat, handle, and ride upon him, licking -and fondling them the while, a clear proof that our God is not a -God of anger and vengeance, but of love, peace, charity, and grace. -During this winter I made all the designs and cartoons for these -subjects, and have already coloured and entirely completed the first -Annunciation, and the St. Jerome writing; at present I have in hand -the Charity; and all, thank God, is to his Majesty's taste. This -done, his Majesty wishes me to commence the _retavola_ of the high -altar [for the Escurial], where there will be eight great pictures in -oil, those others being on panel."[219] - -[Footnote 219: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 816, f. 64-72.] - -In this second commission our painter was less fortunate. The eight -pieces represented St. Laurence's Martyrdom, five events in the -life of Christ, the Descent of Tongues, and the Assumption. As -they rapidly advanced, aided by several youths who had accompanied -Federigo from Italy, he observed with anxiety the courtiers' cold or -contemptuous silence; and, desiring to test his patron's feelings, -he presented the Nativity to Philip with the arrogant exclamation, -"Here, Sire, is all that painting can accomplish, a picture that -may be viewed closely or from a distance." After long gazing on -the canvas, his Majesty asked if those things in the basket were -meant for eggs. So paltry a criticism says little for the monarch's -connoisseurship, and the mortified artist was consoled by seeing his -work placed on its destined altar. Mr. Stirling informs us that, -upon this failure, he was set to paint six frescoes in the Escurial -cloister, which gave as little satisfaction. In order to test his -complaints of his assistants, he was then desired to execute the -Conception without their aid, but with no better result. After -his departure, several portions of his _retavola_ were dismissed -from the high altar, and most of his frescoes were defaced; but -notwithstanding these repeated disgusts, and the moderate success -of two other altar-pieces mentioned by Conca, Zuccaro remained for -nearly three years in Spain, and was finally dismissed with gifts -and pensions exceeding the remuneration stipulated for his services. -The solution of his disappointment is simple. The artistic genius -of Italy was greatly exhausted: that of Spain was a virgin soil -promising many golden harvests.[220] - -[Footnote 220: In referring to the _Annals of the Artists of Spain_, -it is a sincere pleasure to bear my feeble testimony to the merits -of that excellent work. It is replete with information new to the -English reader, and is enriched by apt and copious illustrations -selected from a wide range of literature and aesthetics.] - -Some letters of Federigo Zuccaro in the Oliveriana Library further -illustrate the turn of thought which influenced religious art in -the end of the sixteenth century. He had been employed in 1583 by -Francesco Maria II. to decorate a chapel in the church of Loreto; -it was dedicated to the Madonna, and the theme prescribed for his -frescoes was her life. The altar-picture by Baroccio represented the -Annunciation; and the scenes selected for mural paintings were her -marriage, visitation, death, assumption, and coronation. Of these -the first three belonged to a class of dramatic compositions adapted -to the prevailing taste, while the others partook of the Umbrian -influence which still lingered around that shrine. The subsidiary -ornaments being of course under the direction of Zuccaro, he felt -puzzled how to fill up certain spaces offered by the architectural -arrangement, and wrote to the Duke. After consulting the chief -theological authorities among the hierarchy of Loreto what would best -develop the "humble and mystic" sentiment which it was his object -to sustain, the artist suggested that figures emblematic of glory -and perpetuity should support the Coronation of the Madonna, as -expressing the inherent attributes of that subject. In like manner -he proposed to accompany her Death with Faith, Hope, and the Fear -of God, the best supports of a death-bed; whilst the Assumption -was to have Charity on one hand, Perseverance on the other, and -above Joy, the fruit of these virtues and the foretaste of glory. -As accompaniments for the Annunciation, he submitted that there -should be two prophets or sibyls, the instruments through whom the -incarnation of the Word was predicted. Giotto or Fra Angelico -would have chosen the prophets of the Old Testament; Michael Angelo -would have preferred pagan sibyls; Perugino or Raffaele might have -invoked them both; Zuccaro, painting at Loreto, thought either -equally appropriate appendages to his allegorical creations.[221] -Yet Federigo was not altogether blinded to the barbarous tendency of -the taste around him. In writing of Milan, he says that the painters -there had in his day "wofully diverged from the beautiful simplicity -and arrangement of those living early in the century; and that the -Proccaccini, especially Giulio Cesare, introduced a set of scoffing -heads, and certain angels so debauched looking, and devoid of all -reverence in the presence of God and the Madonna, that I know not how -they are tolerated, unless it be that they are excused for the sake -of many other commendable parts."[222] - -[Footnote 221: In reference to appropriate lights, Baroccio entirely -condemns the use of stained glass, as darkening the interior, and -injuring, by coloured rays, the effect of paintings. Zuccaro, -however, recommends the introduction of a tinted armorial bearing, -surrounded by a wreath of fruits and flowers, as likely to mellow -without obscuring the chapel.] - -[Footnote 222: _Lettere Pittoriche_, vii., p. 513.] - -Of the large number of important works he executed in Venice, -Milan, Pavia, Turin, and other towns of Upper Italy, we shall not -attempt a catalogue, nor of his many frescoes in the Roman palaces -and churches. We cannot, however, pass by an altar-picture still in -the Church of Sta. Caterina in his native town, which was carried -to Paris by the French plunderers. It represents Peter, Francis, -and other saints, presenting to the Madonna the Zuccaro family, -consisting of two men, a woman, and seven children--probably Taddeo, -himself, his wife and offspring; and it is inscribed "Federigo -Zuccaro dedicates this monument of his affection to the intercessors -of his family and birthplace, 1603." Besides the interest attaching -to the portraits, it is a satisfactory specimen of his usual manner. -A work of his brother, connected with the history of the duchy, has -been described in a previous volume.[223] - -[Footnote 223: Vol. II.] - -Academical instruction is considered as favourable only to mediocrity -by many who maintain that genius must be cramped by the fetters of -uncongenial routine, or by the prescribed duties of a conventional -curriculum. The Academy of St. Luke was, however, founded under -Gregory XIII., and Federigo Zuccaro was, in 1593, elected its first -president, an honour appreciated far beyond the favour of princes or -the decoration of knighthood. After inauguration, he was conducted -by a crowd of artists to the palace he had built for himself on the -Pincian Hill, at that corner otherwise consecrated by the residences -of Claude, Salvator Rosa, and Nicolo Poussin. Here he afterwards held -meetings of the Academy, where he read his discourses; and by will -he left to it that house, failing of his natural heirs. His death -occurred in 1608, at Ancona, at the age of sixty-six; but the clause -of remainder in favour of the Academy has never become effectual, the -palace in the Via Sistina being still possessed by his descendants. -It is well known as the Casa Bertoldy, and may be regarded as the -cradle of the modern German school of painting. The frescoes on which -Overbeck, Cornelius, Schnorr, and Veit first essayed that elevated -and pure style which has regenerated European taste, there attract -many an admirer, little aware that the basement rooms, abandoned -to menial uses, contain some of the latest efforts of cinque-cento -decoration that have fair pretensions to merit. The richest of them -has its vaulted roof studded with allegorical delineations of the -arts, sciences, and virtues, painting being justly pre-eminent in a -painter's house. The lunettes of another are crowded by portraits -of the Zuccari, extending over four generations, and numbering -twenty-one heads, true to nature. The third, which was Federigo's -nuptial chamber, exhibits the ceremony of his marriage, around -which are figures of Chastity, Continence, Concord, and Felicity, in -the fashion of an age when genius had been replaced by ingenuity, -grandeur by dexterous execution. - -The infirmity of Federigo's temper, to which we have already alluded, -may account for his unworthy treatment of Vasari. In the marginal -notes upon his copy of the Vite de' Pittori, now in the Royal -Library at Paris, as well as in an original work which we are about -to mention, he takes every opportunity of sneering ungenerously at -one whose biography of his brother, and whose allusions to himself -are conceived in kind and flattering terms. Although his _Idea de' -Pittori, Scultori, ed Architetti_, printed in the year of his death, -is supposed to be but a compend of his lectures at St. Luke's, he -is believed to have intended it as a triumph over Vasari's justly -popular writings. In this, however, he signally failed; it has the -mysticism of philosophy without its spirit, while its pedantic -subtleties are puerile rather than profound. This, and his _Lamento -della Pittura_, are books of great rarity, but in no way merit a -reprint. A mannerist with pen and pencil, the conceits of the former -equal the allegories of the latter; nature and feeling are alien to -both. - -Although the Zuccari were little identified by their works with their -native state, and obtained less of the ducal patronage than their -contemporary Baroccio, their names have reflected much lustre upon -Urbino. Yet the space which they occupied in the public view was -owing to the smiles of propitious fortune,--to a happy facility of -executing without exertion whatever commissions were offered,--to a -certain magnificence and liberality in their manner of life,--and, -in the case of Federigo, to an overweening vanity, rather than to -any positive artistic excellence. Their reputation has accordingly -waned, as the remembrance of such incidental qualities waxed faint, -and as a distant posterity applied to them that only sure test, the -merit of their works. Nor were these the only advantages of their -position. An analogy has been deduced between Taddeo and the immortal -Raffaele, not from any supposed resemblance of their pencils or -genius, but because both were natives of the same state, both painted -extensively in fresco at Rome, both died when "exactly thirty-seven," -and both were buried in the same corner of the Pantheon. Federigo, on -the other hand, was, like Titian, invited to courts, decorated and -enriched by monarchs; like Raffaele and Michael Angelo, he was an -architect and a sculptor as well as a painter; like Vasari, he aimed -at a literary reputation. The works of the brothers display a marked -similarity, a natural result of their long painting together; yet -deterioration became perceptible as their distance from the golden -age increased, and the younger may be distinguished by a pervading -inferiority of taste and design, but especially by a growing -mannerism and laxity in his conceptions, and by the overcrowding -of his subjects. To balance these deficiencies, his person was -attractive, his general attainments were far more comprehensive, and -a longer life was granted for the enjoyment of his fortune and the -extension of his fame, than fell to the lot of Taddeo. The failing -mainly attributable to both was absence of style. Their inventions -were often flimsy, and their compositions, deficient in unity and -dignity, are often little more than figure groups. - - * * * * * - -A necessary consequence of the low style of art which the Zuccari -adopted was that, notwithstanding the number of assistants whom they -constantly employed, their school neither attained to considerable -repute among their contemporaries, nor put forth many pupils of -note; offering in this respect a marked contrast to that of their -countryman Baroccio, whose pleasing manner attracted a host of -admirers and imitators. Two natives of Pesaro, however, possess a -certain reputation in the semi-mechanical church decorations then -largely produced. They were Nicolo Trometta, generally called NICOLO -DA PESARO, and GIAN GIACOMO PANDOLFI, the latter of whom was the -earliest instructor of Simon Cantarini da Pesaro. The various works -which these and other Zuccaristi have left in the duchy are quite -unworthy of special description, and we may dismiss them with the -mention of CAVALIERE DOMENICO CRESTI DA PASSIGNANO, whose chief title -to fame is reflected from that of his pupils TIARINI and LUDOVICO -CARACCI. Among the painters less known to fame were BIAGIO and -GIROLAMO D'URBINO, both of whom were employed in the Escurial; the -former left Spain along with Federigo Zuccaro, in 1588; the latter -wrought under Pelegrino Tibaldi. Ottovevenius, after spending seven -years with Federigo, carried his influence beyond the Alps, and -eventually numbered Rubens among his scholars. - -Among the artists who repaired to Urbino at the summons of Duke -Federigo, for the construction of his palace, was Ambrogio Barocci, -or Baroccio, a Milanese sculptor, who established himself there, and, -after long labouring on its plastic decorations, founded a family -singularly distinguished in the higher branches of mechanical and -pictorial art. His two daughters were married to Girolamo and Nicolo -della Genga, and his great-grandson Federigo, upon whose biography -we must dwell at some length, had an elder brother Simone, who after -studying the exact sciences under Federigo Comandino, became the -best mathematical instrument maker that had hitherto been seen. His -cousins, the Cavaliere Giovanni Battista and Giovanni Maria, were -not less famous in watchmaking, an art successfully patronised by -the Dukes delle Rovere, which we shall mention in our fifty-fifth -chapter. FEDERIGO BAROCCIO was born in 1528, and initiated -into the rudiments of design by his father, who practised engraving -and modelling. His early efforts having been approved by his -grand-uncle Girolamo Genga, he was placed under the tuition of -Battista Franco of Venice, an indifferent painter, much employed -in the majolica shops at Urbino, whose taste for designing from -antique sculpture directed his pupil's attention to those effects of -chiaroscuro which distinguished his matured style. After assiduous -labours in this way, he repaired to Pesaro, then his sovereigns' -residence, where were placed their accumulated treasures of art. -There he observed the works of Raffaele and Titian, under the -guidance of Genga, who carefully advanced his artistic education, -especially in perspective. At twenty he went to Rome, anxious to -see the triumphs of his great countryman, which he forthwith set -himself to study. Several anecdotes are told of his modesty, which -kept him in the background until chance obtained for his drawings a -passing compliment from Michael Angelo, and the warm sympathy and -encouragement of Giovanni da Udine, delighted to find in the youth a -countryman as well as an admirer of his former master. After imbibing -inspiration from these healthful fountains, he returned home, and -executed some church paintings. But the casual arrival of one who -brought some cartoons and crayon drawings from Parma gave a new turn -to his ideas. Forgetting the grandeur of Buonarroti and the pure -beauty of Raffaele, he aimed at those meretricious graces which have -borrowed from the dexterity of Parmegianino, and the luscious pencil -of Correggio, a fascination unsupported by their intrinsic merits, -and pregnant with mischief to art. To him, however, belongs the -credit of introducing into Lower Italy a harmonious application of -light and shade, to which his early lamp studies from sculpture may -have conduced. - -Returning to Rome in 1560, he found Federigo Zuccaro in the -ascendant, and from him received a hint as to the tendency of this -manner, which it would have been well that he had adopted. Having, -at the request of Federigo, painted two children on a frieze, with -a fusion of colour very rarely effected in fresco, the latter, -considering this to be overdone, retraced the outlines with a brush, -imparting to them that force which was wanting to the work. Baroccio -took the reproof in good part, but profited not by it. During his -first visit he had become known to Cardinal Giulio della Rovere, by -whose influence, probably, he procured employment at the Vatican and -Belvidere, in company with Zuccaro. With the decline of their art, -the good feeling of the painters' fraternity waned, and the kindly -sympathies of that glorious band, whom Raffaele had imbued with a -portion of his amiable nature, no longer animated their successors. -Those who saw in Baroccio one who would have raised the standard of -taste from the abandonment which immediately succeeded the dispersion -of that noble school, instead of seconding his efforts poisoned him -at a banquet. He survived the potion, but four years of pain and -feeble health elapsed ere he could return to his labours. When his -system had in some degree resumed its vigour among his mountain -breezes, he was called to Perugia to paint for its cathedral the -Deposition from the Cross, a work which, far from exhibiting any -prostration of power, greatly surpassed his previous efforts. No -scriptural theme offers greater technical difficulties, or demands a -larger share of those grand and energetic qualities in which Baroccio -was usually deficient. It is, therefore, one of his most remarkable -efforts, as regards its own qualities, and the circumstances under -which it was produced. It occupied him during three years, and was -followed by the Absolution of St. Francis, for the Franciscans of -Urbino, on which he laboured in their convent for above twice that -period. In consideration of their poverty, he charged but a hundred -golden scudi for the work, to which they gratefully added as many -florins. - -It is not our intention to give a catalogue of even his more -important productions, although a large proportion of them were -executed for the decoration of his native state, which his patriotism -induced him to prefer to the splendid offers made him by foreign -monarchs. Among those commissioned by his sovereign was the Calling -of St. Andrew, finished in 1584, and presented to Philip II., that -saint being patron of the Spanish order of the Golden Fleece. It -was about the same time that Duke Francesco Maria dedicated to the -Madonna del Annunziata, a chapel in the church of Loreto, which we -have already mentioned as decorated in fresco by Federigo Zuccaro. -Its altar-picture was committed to Baroccio, the subject naturally -being the Annunciation. This was in all respects a labour of love, -the theme being in perfect unison with his dulcet manner, and it was -accordingly considered by himself his chef-d'oeuvre, a merit which, -in the opinion of many, is shared by his Deposition, and, in that -of Simon da Pesaro, by his Santa Michelina. Modern connoisseurs may -decide between the first and last of those three great works, as they -hang side by side in the Vatican Gallery, the former of them, and -the Deposition, having been returned from Paris. The Annunciation is -certainly a very favourable and pleasing specimen of the Baroccesque -manner, but an eye versed in the criticism of sacred art must -demur to the judgment of Bellori, who found maiden humility in the -Virgin, a celestial air in the angel, and spiritual character in the -tinting. The principal figure is the portrait of a young lady of the -Compagnoni of Macerata, whose features are equally devoid of purity -and of noble expression; the colouring, though delicately beautiful -in itself, is meretricious in effect, transmuting flesh into roses; -and the whole sentiment of the picture is anything but devotional. On -the other hand, it is distinguished above a majority of his important -works by unity of composition, although, like most productions of -his age, the action is exaggerated and the details mannered. A -copy in mosaic was sent to replace this favourite effort, which was -often reproduced by the master and his pupils. A repetition of it -was presented by Francesco Maria to the court of Spain, and another, -left unfinished, remains at Gubbio. The Santa Michelina, protectress -of Pesaro, was painted for the church of S. Francesco there, and -exhibits a striking deviation from this artist's wonted style. A -single figure kneeling on Mount Calvary in ecstatic contemplation, -amid the war of convulsed elements, admitted of no paltry prettiness, -and could scarcely fail to attain grandeur. There is, accordingly, in -the breadth of composition, and in the prevalent low neutral tone, -an approach to severe art, inducing us to overlook the fluttering -draperies and girlish forms that belong to the master. - -[Illustration: _Anderson_ - -NOLI ME TANGERE - -_After the picture by Baroccio, once in the Ducal Collection at -Urbino, now in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence_] - -Rome possesses by a better title three other pictures deserving the -notice of those who desire to appreciate Baroccio. The Presentation -of the Madonna (1594), and the Visitation, adorn the Chiesa Nuova, -where the latter is said to have often inspired S. Filippo Neri's -devotions; the Institution of the Sacrament according to the Romish -rite, in the church of the Minerva, was a present from the Duke of -Urbino to Clement VIII., who conferred upon the painter a gold chain. -It is related that, in the original sketch, Satan was introduced, -whispering treason into the ear of Judas, but was afterwards omitted, -in deference to his Holiness's opinion, that the Devil ought not -to be represented as "so much at ease in the Saviour's presence." -On occasion of the same Pontiff's visit to Urbino, in 1598, he -received from his host a golden vase for holy water, beautifully -chased, with a painting by Baroccio at the bottom, wherein the infant -Christ, seated on the clouds, gives the benediction with one hand, -and supports the globe with the other. This charming miniature so -delighted the Pope, that he had it removed from the benitier, and -affixed to his daily office book. - -The Cathedral of Urbino contains the latest of his great church -pictures, representing the Last Supper, as well as the St. Sebastian, -one of his early works, and it is interesting to contrast their -respective styles. The St. Sebastian was commissioned for 100 florins -in 1557, whilst the inspirations of Rome still hovered over his -palette, and imparted vigour to his already Correggesque manner. This -hackneyed and generally harrowing subject is treated with pleasing -novelty, the group consisting of the saint, a graceful figure bound -to a fig-tree, an imperious judge who has condemned him, and a brawny -archer who carries the sentence into effect, whilst the Madonna -and Child appear on high to support the martyr's faith and hope. -In the Cenacolo, the fair promise of that able production is sadly -abandoned: all those great qualities of his predecessors, which he -began by happily imitating, are there replaced by extravagance, -and even harmony is absent from his multifarious tints. Of his -innumerable minor works we cannot pause to take note, and he scarcely -ever painted in fresco. It is remarkable that, although his manner -was, even in its defects, well suited to the voluptuous character -of mythological fable, and to many a scene of mundane grandeur, he -limited himself to sacred representations, almost the only exception -being portraits. Of the latter, his most successful is Duke Francesco -Maria, in rich armour, as he returned from the fight of Lepanto; it -has been deservedly honoured with a place in the Tribune at Florence, -and an equally beautiful repetition adorns the Camuccini collection -at Rome. - -The amount of his labours is inconceivable, considering the constant -sufferings which he is represented to have undergone, from an -almost total destruction of digestion, and habitual sleeplessness, -consequent upon having been poisoned at thirty-two years of age. -The large pictures we have mentioned are but few of those which he -produced, yet no artist was more painstaking. Bellori assures us -that he always prepared two cartoons and two coloured sketches, -drawing exclusively from the life, and made many studies of drapery, -separately perfecting his chiaroscuros from figures repeatedly -modelled by his own hands, ere he transferred them to his paper. -Such conscientious diligence could scarcely have been looked for in -an artist whose works owe little to their outline, and may appear -unnecessary to those who imitate his fusion only as a trick to mask -defective design. This peculiar quality of his colouring was likewise -matter of unwearied application, and he endeavoured to facilitate its -results by an artificial scale, corresponding to notes in music, as a -test for the gradation of his "tuneful" tints. - -The merits of Baroccio consist in much variety and novelty of -conception, in skilful management of his lights, and in the dexterous -blending of strongly contrasted tints into a harmonious whole. The -Correggesque tone of his pictures admirably conformed to the soft -and gentle turn of his character; but whilst his design is more -exact, and his foreshortenings are more true, he wants the breadth -of Correggio; though his lights are more silvery and superficially -lucent, his chiaroscuro neither attains to the force nor the depth -of his prototype. The peculiar beauty at which he constantly aimed -degenerates into a deformity; the almost cloying sweetness of his -faces produces in the spectator a surfeit, inducing a desire for -simpler fare. His figures are often deficient in self-possession, -his colouring in verity, his compositions in solidity and repose. In -a word, Baroccio shared the usual fate of eclectic painters, who, -distrusting their own resources, seek to make up a manner from the -combined excellences of their predecessors. Striving to engraft the -grace of the Parmese upon the design of the Roman school, he fell -into a flimsy mannerism, which, in straining after meretricious -charms, departs from dignity and devotional feeling. - -The days were nearly over when genius loved to master several -branches of art; and it would have been better had our painter -limited his labours to the palette, and to spirited etchings from -his own compositions. At the command, however, of his sovereign, -he, in 1603, undertook to supply designs for a long-contemplated -statue of Duke Federigo; and Gaye gives us several of his letters -regarding the difficulties of this commission, which baffled him for -six months. His great aim was to retain the peculiar character of the -head, without rendering prominent the unseemly defect in the eye and -nose,--an object hitherto effected by portraying the old warrior only -in profile. He worked chiefly from the bas-relief over the library -door in the palace, and that at the church of S. Giovanni.[224] The -execution of his design was committed to Girolamo Campagna at Venice, -a sculptor of note, who cannot justly be held accountable for this -poor and awkward performance. It was placed, in 1606, on the palace -stairs at Urbino, where it remains. - -[Footnote 224: Carteggio, III., pp. 529-35. This medallion is now -removed from the library door to the first landing-place of the -great stair. It may have been by the medallist, Clemente of Urbino, -mentioned in vol. II.] - -But for the misfortune of his broken health, Baroccio would have been -as happy as his estimable character deserved. He was fortunate in -his temper, in his extended reputation, in his easy circumstances, -in his multiplied orders, and in his many scholars. His infirmities -prevented him from accepting flattering invitations to the courts of -Austria, Spain, and Tuscany, but the friendship of his own sovereign -never failed him. Having fitted up in his house at Urbino a sort of -exhibition room for his works, it was repeatedly visited by Francesco -Maria, whose Diary not only mentions this, but notes his death and -that of his brother Simone, "an excellent maker of compasses." On the -1st of October, 1612, is this entry: "Federigo Baroccio of Urbino -died, aged seventy-seven, an excellent painter, whose eye and hand -served him as well as in his youth." His real age seems to have -been eighty-four, and there can be no doubt that he retained his -faculties, painting without spectacles, until struck at the last -by apoplexy, a remarkable triumph of mind over protracted bodily -infirmities. Yet the deterioration of his later works, which may -still be seen at Urbino and Pesaro, sadly belies the Duke's tribute -to his green old age. A list of many of those which he executed for -that kind patron will be found in the last number of our Appendix. At -his funeral in S. Francesco, a church standard, painted by himself, -with a Crucifixion, was placed at the foot of his bier: the tablet -inscribed to his memory has been excluded in rebuilding the nave, but -remains in the adjoining corridor. - - * * * * * - -The popularity of Baroccio, both personally and as a painter, -recruited to his studio many young artists, eager to enter the path -which he had successfully trodden. But the faults of his style were -of a sort which imitation was sure to exaggerate, and the absence of -solid qualities in the master prevented the felicitous development -of such talent as nature had granted to his pupils. We accordingly -search in vain among his many scholars for a single name of eminence; -and we might pass over the _Baroccisti_ without further notice, -but that a considerable proportion of them claim a passing word -as natives of the duchy. ANTONIO VIVIANI, son of a baker -at Urbino, was a favourite of his master, though probably not his -nephew, as supposed by Lanzi. In early life, his productions imitated -those of Baroccio with great success, as may be seen at Fano and -in various parts of the duchy, but on proceeding to Rome his style -rapidly deteriorated. Emulating the flimsy and faulty manner of the -Cavaliere d'Arpino, by which high art was then fatally degraded, -he painted against time in the Vatican and Lateran palaces, as -well as on many altar commissions. These, when compared with other -contemporary trash, obtained a degree of applause which sounder -criticism is compelled to withhold from il Sordo, the nickname by -which their author was generally known. But he sacrificed his art -without improving his fortune; and an old age, passed in poverty, was -closed in disappointment and want. His brother Ludovico, "wicked, -graceless, and disobedient, unworthy the name of son," had from his -father's will five farthings in lieu of his patrimony, and his career -maintained the prestige of this sad outset, both in his character and -works. - -ALESSANDRO VITALE, born at Urbino in 1580, so completely caught the -amenity of his instructor's manner, as to be employed during his -advanced years to copy many of his works, which, with a few finishing -touches, passed as originals. ANTONIO CIMATORIO, _alias il Visacci_ -or the Ugly, was chiefly employed on festive and scenic decorations, -aided by GIULIO CESARE BEGNI of Pesaro: the latter went afterwards to -Venice, and, devoting himself to better things, left not a few good -pictures in the March of Treviso. GIORGIO PINCHI of Castel Durante, -and ANDREA LILLIO of Ancona, both approached the Baroccesque manner -with considerable success, and shared the labours of il Sordo on -the pontifical frescoes in Rome. Among those who carried the same -style to a distance, may be named ANTONIO ANTONIANO of Urbino, who, -after aiding Baroccio with his great picture of the Crucifixion, -was sent by him with it to Genoa, and there settled. GIOVANNI and -FRANCESCO, two brothers of Urbino, and probably offsets of this -school, emigrated to Spain, and painted in the Escurial, under the -patronage of Philip II. FILIPPO BELLINI, a native of the same city, -though a pupil of Baroccio, adopted a more vigorous manner, but his -works are scarcely met with out of Umbria. To this catalogue it is -enough to add the names of Francesco Baldelli, Lorenzo Vagnarelli, -Ventura Marza, Cesare Maggieri, Bertuzzi, and Porino, all born in -the duchy; and those of Bandiera and the Pellegrini of Perugia, the -Malpiedi of La Marca, and the Cavaliere Francesco Vanni of Siena, -the latter of whom, though not among his scholars, so thoroughly -adopted the peculiarities of Baroccio, as to be perhaps the happiest -of his imitators. TERENZIO TERENZI of Urbino, known by the soubriquet -of Rondinello, earned a dishonourable reputation by his successful -imitations of the older masters, which he passed off as originals; -and having fallen into merited disgrace with his kind patron, the -Cardinal of Montalto, in consequence of pawning upon him one of his -forgeries as a Raffaele, he died of vexation in the first years of -the seventeenth century, aged thirty-five. - - * * * * * - -CLAUDIO RIDOLFI, though born in Verona in 1560, may be -considered a subject of Urbino. His family was noble, but not rich, -so adopting painting as a profession, he studied its principles under -Paul Veronese, at Venice. But the temptations to idleness which -beset him at home so interfered with success that he resolved to -escape from them. On his way to Rome he stayed some time at Urbino -with Baroccio, in whose glittering style he lost somewhat of the -better manner of his early master. But his journey to the "mother -of arts and arms" was interrupted by more powerful fascinations; -for he married a noble lady of Urbino, and settled at Corinaldo, -some miles above Sinigaglia, attracted by the beauty of its site, -and fain to enjoy, in provincial retirement, exemption from the -jealousies and struggles which often beset artists in a city life, -where tact or fortune are apt to confer a success denied to merit. -Though he returned for a time to his native city, and painted many -excellent works in it, and in the principal towns of the Venetian -state, the charms of Corinaldo and his wife's influence induced him -to spend there the greater part of a long life. He died in 1644, -aged, according to his namesake Carlo Ridolfi, eighty-four, or to -Ticozzi, seventy years. To the glowing tints of the Lombard school he -eventually added the merit of more accurate design; but his principal -excellences were a chastened composition, and a close attention to -the proprieties of costume, as contributing to a proper intelligence -of the subject. A vast number of his productions are scattered over -Umbria and La Marca, and there issued from his studio not a few -pupils of provincial eminence, most of whom tended considerably -towards the Baroccesque manner. Of those belonging to Urbino the most -conspicuous was BENEDETTO MARINI, who, though scarcely known -at home, produced many important works in Lombardy, and excelled in -the management of crowded compositions, such as his immense Miracle -of the Loaves and Fishes, painted at Piacenza in 1625. Patanazzi -and Urbinelli belong to a less distinguished category, and though -Girolamo Cialderi is ranked with them by Lanzi, he seems referable to -a subsequent period. - - * * * * * - -Gubbio continued in the sixteenth century to maintain a school which, -though acquiring little more than a provincial reputation, was not -without merit. BENEDETTO NUCCI was born there about 1520, -and, imbibing from Raffaelino del Colle certain inspirations of the -golden age, left in his native town many respectable church pictures. -He died in 1587, having seen his son Virgilio escape from his studio -to place himself under Daniel di Volterra at Rome. Among his pupils, -but of ever progressive mediocrity, were FELICE DAMIANO -and CESARE DI GIUSEPPE ANDREOLI, the latter an offset of a -family whose eminence in the art of majolica will be mentioned in our -fifty-fifth chapter. - - - - -CHAPTER LIV - - Foreign artists patronised by the dukes Della Rovere--The - tomb of Julius II. by Michael Angelo--Character and - influence of his genius--Titian's works for Urbino--Palma - Giovane--Il Semolei--Sculptors at Urbino. - - -It would occupy a full chapter were we to trace the history of -what Julius II. meant to have been his tomb, from the chisel of -Michael Angelo Buonarroti; yet the subject is too illustrative of -that Pontiff's grandiose spirit, and of the artist's unfulfilled -aspirations, as well as too intimately connected with the ducal -house of Urbino, to be overlooked. The work was commissioned by -Julius himself, who, early in his pontificate, called Buonarroti -from Florence to execute a resting-place for his ashes, which, -in the words of Vasari, should "surpass in beauty and grandeur, -in imposing ornament and elaborate sculpture, all antique and -imperial sepulchres." The vast size and colossal proportions of the -first design were worthy of artist and patron, and cannot be at -all estimated from the curtailed and aimless substitute which now -challenges our criticism. Yet there was exaggeration in the ideas as -well as the forms; the allegories were far-fetched, the adulation -fulsome, and the intention obscure. Such at least is the impression -left by the descriptions of Vasari and Condivi. Without attempting -to reconcile these with the sketch engraved in the Milanese edition -of the former author [1811], it is enough to say that the original -plan was an isolated parallelogram, with about ten statues and seven -caryatides on each facade, and a sarcophagus aloft for the Pope's -body, the estimate for all which seems to have been 10,000 ducats, -augmented by his executors to 16,000. Its destined site was St. -Peter's, and its utter disproportion in style and extent to that -time-worn basilicon appears to have suggested to the indomitable -Pontiff the vast idea of reconstructing the metropolitan church -of Christendom. This more engrossing undertaking absorbed much of -the enterprise and materials destined for the tomb, so the latter -remained unfinished at the death of Julius, who barely survived the -completion of those Sistine frescoes to which he had transferred -the sculptor's reluctant labours. A new and reduced contract having -been made by his executors for its completion, Buonarroti resumed it -with the preference due to a favourite work; but he sought in vain -for leisure to proceed with it on the accession of Leo X., who, by -a strange misapplication of his powers, sent him to work the marble -quarries of Pietra Santa. Indeed, the executors failed to obtain -implement of his undertaking under either of the Medicean popes, -alienated as these were from the della Rovere, and intent upon -otherwise employing the genius of their gifted countryman. - -[Illustration: _Alinari_ - -THE COMMUNION OF THE APOSTLES - -_By Giusto di Gand, in the Palazzo Ducale Urbino._ (_From the Ducal -Collection_)] - -At length Francesco Maria I. took up the forgotten memorial of his -uncle, whose over-ambition of monumental honours had meanwhile led -to a total oversight of his place of sepulture. As early as 1525, -we find the Duke addressing complaints and threats to Buonarroti, -whom he charged with idleness, after receiving prepayment of his -stipulated price, unaware apparently that he had been overborne by -higher authority, and thus compelled to employ himself on commissions -less germane to his feelings and tastes. A misunderstanding in regard -to the sums so advanced further complicated this unfortunate affair, -which was throughout fraught with disappointment and annoyance to -Michael Angelo. It slept on till 1532, when a further modification -was made of the plan to a single facade whereon six statues -were to be placed; but amid competing calls upon his "fearless and -furious" chisel or pencil, little progress was made in the next ten -years. Irritated by continual exercise of the papal control, such as -his independent spirit could ill brook, fretting at the uncongenial -labours often thrust upon him, and galled by repeated allegations -against his gratitude and his integrity, Buonarroti turned his eyes -to Urbino, as a home where his genius would be appreciated without -sacrificing his freedom of action, and took steps to retire thither -and redeem his pledge to the Duke. But in Paul III. he had a yet more -exacting task-master, from whom there was no escape, and in November, -1541, Cardinal Ascanio Parisani wrote to Duke Guidobaldo that the -Pope having commissioned the sculptor to paint the Last Judgment, -which would occupy his undivided attention during several years, to -the exclusion of the monument, he had to propose, at the instance of -his Holiness, a new arrangement, whereby the statues for its reduced -design, so far as not already finished by Michael Angelo, were -committed to other artists, working upon his models and under his -eye. Yielding gracefully to the necessity of the case, the Duke wrote -the following letter.[225] - -[Footnote 225: There is a copy of it in the Magliabechiana Library, -class viii., No. 1392, to which Gaye has from other sources supplied -the date of 6th March, 1542. Carteggio, II., 289-309. From him, -Ciampi, Vasari, and Condivi, we have condensed the very confused -details respecting the monument of Julius which have come down to us.] - - "Most excellent Messer Michelangiolo, - - "His Holiness having deigned to [inform] me of his urgent - desire to avail himself for some time of your labours, - in painting and decorating the new chapel he is making - in the Apostolic Palace, and I, esteeming and gratefully - acknowledging all service and satisfaction given to his - holiness as bestowed on myself, in order that you may - more freely give your mind to that matter, am perfectly - content that you place on the tomb of my uncle of blessed - memory, Pope Julius, those three statues already terminated - entirely by your hand, the Moses included. And in order, - as nearly as possible, to perfect the whole in terms of - our last stipulations, which, as I am informed, you are - anxious and ready to do, [I consent] that you commit the - execution of the other three statues to some good and - esteemed master, but after your own designs and under your - superintendence; relying confidently, from your good-will - to his sacred memory and to my house, that you will bring - the work to a satisfactory issue, and so contrive that it - shall be deemed most laudable, and in all respects worthy - of you. Such a result will fully satisfy me; and I again - beseech you to see to this, as conferring on me a special - obligation; offering myself at all times [ready] for all - your commands and pleasure." - -Under this final alteration of his contract, Michael Angelo forthwith -assigned to Raffaele da Montelupo the execution of his designs for -a Madonna with a Child in her arms, and for a prophet and a sibyl -seated, at the price of 400 scudi; employing at the same time two -decorative stonecutters upon the ornamental details of the facade, -at a cost of 800 more. The statues from his own hand were to be -Moses, and two caryatides holding captives, who had been introduced -into the first plan, as allegorical of the cities in Romagna subdued -by Julius. But, finding these too large for the reduced design, he -proposed to substitute for them two other figures from his chisel, -already far advanced, and which he would entrust to be finished by -others at a cost of 200 scudi, his Moses being destined to stand -between them. All this is stated by him in a petition to the Pope -of 20th July, 1542. The two substituted statues were finished by -Buonarroti, and, in the documents printed by Gaye, are named -by him Active and Contemplative Life. This, however, is a free -interpretation of the allegory, the figures being, according to -Vasari, Leah and Rachel. The recumbent Pope was the wretched work of -one Maso di Bosco or Boscoli; and the prophet and sibyl by Montelupo -are said to have greatly dissatisfied Michael Angelo. The two -rejected caryatide prisoners found their way to Paris in the time -of Francis I., and remain in the Louvre; another similar is in the -great hall of the Palazzo Vecchio, at Florence; and some grandiose, -half-blocked ideas, still to be seen here and there, whose rough -power identifies them with Michael Angelo, may have belonged to his -original plan. About the beginning of 1545, forty years after it had -been undertaken, the work was placed in the Church of S. Pietro in -Vincoli, of which Julius had been Cardinal-presbyter. Though meant -as his tomb, it is but his monument; for the bones of that imperious -high priest have found a fitter resting-place in the grandest of -Christian fanes, his own creation, and best memorial. Few works of -art have occasioned greater variety of opinion. In his Lectures, -Fuseli has exposed several of his defects, and the impression it most -frequently leaves upon the spectator is thus aptly expressed by him -in an Italian letter to the translator of Webb on the Beautiful:-- - -"In the Moses, Michael Angelo has sacrificed beauty to anatomical -science, and to his favourite passion for the terrible and the -gigantic. If it be true that he looked at the arm of the famous -Ludovisi satyr, he probably, also, studied the head, in order to -transfer its character to the Moses, since both of them resemble that -of an old he-goat. There is, notwithstanding, in the figure a quality -of monstrous grandeur which cannot be denied to Buonarroti, and -which, like a thunder-storm, presaged the bright days of Raffaele." - -This monument must ever be regarded as but the epitome of a grand -design, curtailed without scale or measurement, deformed by colossal -portions from the original in combination with dwarfish details of -its pigmy substitute, marred by incomplete allegories, and eked -out by supposititious figures. Yet few will leave the spot without -another glance at the tremendous Moses, nor will any connoisseur -avert his gaze until the awful majesty of that one statue has -eclipsed the petty incongruities of its location. It is among those -rare creations of man's mind which, rising above the standard -of human forms and human sympathies, demand a loftier test. The -pervading sentiment alone challenges our intellectual regard, and -bespeaks our verdict; yet with playful prodigality, the artist has -lavished an ivory finish upon its details, without detracting from -the sublime character of the irate lawgiver.[226] - -[Footnote 226: A favourite workman of Buonarroti, often met with -under the patronymic Urbino, was Francesco Amadori di Colonello, of -Castel Durante, who lived with him from 1530 to 1536. See GUALANDI, -_Nuovo Raccolta di Lettere sulla Pittura_, I., 48-52.] - - * * * * * - -Although this work is the only link directly connecting Michael -Angelo with the ducal house of Urbino, we may be allowed a passing -tribute to that genius which has hammered huge rocks into colossal -compositions, and embodied themes the most difficult in forms the -most daring. Of the simple element of beauty we, indeed, find in him -few traces. Gentleness and pathos had no place either in his wayward -spirit or in his works.[*227] Discarding the beau-ideal aimed at -in antique sculpture, where movement was restrained by the observance -of form, and passion modified to the measure of fair proportion, he -either startled by impossible postures, gnarled limbs, and sturdy -deformity, or, in the words of Fuseli, "perplexed the limbs of -grandeur with the minute ramifications of anatomy." Hence, when tried -by the rules of art, many of his creations are found wanting; when -submitted to the standard of pure taste, their faults become glaring. -In straining to shake off the trammels of manner, he often fell into -mannerism the most infelicitous; and the impression too commonly left -on the spectator is that of energy wasted and talent misapplied. But -his mind was of that lofty cast which, soaring above common themes, -and spurning conventional restrictions, substituted power for beauty, -and challenged our wonder rather than our approbation. Awed by the -sublimity of his ideas, we overlook their inadequate development, -until, descending to details, we impugn the unfinished sketch, and -half-chiselled marble, painfully reminded that superhuman gifts are -often marred by very ordinary weaknesses. - -[Footnote *227: No? Consider then the Pieta of S. Pietro in Vaticano, -the unfinished Pieta of S. Maria del Fiore. All that Dennistoun says -of Michelangelo is full of misunderstanding. For instance, he never -"startles" though he may terrify one. It would be ridiculous to -defend him. His work is beautiful, with the beauty of the mountains -in which he alone has found the spirit of man. His figures, half -unveiled from the living rock, are like some terrible indictment -of the world he lived in: an indictment of himself too, perhaps, -of his contempt for things as they are; it is in a sort of rage at -its uselessness that he leaves them unfinished. In him the spirit -of man has stammered the syllables of eternity, and in its agony -of longing or sorrow has failed to speak only the word love. All -things particular to the individual, all that is small or of little -account, that endures but for a moment, he has purged away, so -that life itself may make, as it were, an immortal gesticulation -almost monstrous in its passionate intensity--a shadow seen on the -mountains, a mirage on the snow.] - -[Illustration: _Anderson_ - -GIOVANNI AND FEDERICO, ELECTORS OF SAXONY - -_After the Portraits by Cranach, once in the Ducal Collection at -Urbino, now in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence_] - -No one, perhaps, fully aware of Michael Angelo's celebrity, ever -looked for the first time upon one of his principal works without -a shade of disappointment. Inventions appealing to the intellect -without sympathy from the feelings,--attitudes struggling with -difficulty rather than aiming at elegance,--muscular masses, rugged -as the blocks from which they are rudely hewn; such things surpass -the comprehension of superficial observers, and disenchant common -minds. Yet there is a spell around all of them which arrests the most -careless, and recalls the most disappointed, and the longer they -are examined, especially by persons of cultivated understanding, -the more certain will be the final tribute to their transcendent -qualities, the more unreserved the avowal that their author stands -out among the foremost geniuses whom the world has seen. Feebleness -or insipidity had no place in his conceptions, and no individual -ever left the impress of his vigorous mind upon so many various -arts. He was a poet of no mean pretensions. His architecture is as -successful as bold. It is difficult to say whether his frescoes -or his sculptures are the more admirable. Even his oil paintings -are worthy of more notice than they have met with; and, the few -ascertained specimens display a mastery of finish little to be looked -for from their wayward and impetuous author, and develop in their -execution, as well as in their design, an extraordinary pictorial -science. The trite assertion that he never painted but three easel -pictures seems fully negatived by the mechanical perfection which, -notwithstanding a certain languor of colouring and flatness of -surface, these exhibit, and which must have been gained by extensive -practice. In his house, even a miniature on parchment is shown as -his work; and not a few tiny productions in bronze and ivory bear -the stamp of his invention, if not of his hand. These were probably -labours of those early days when, with equal verity and shrewdness -the Gonfaloniere Soderini recommended him to the Roman court as "a -fine young man, unequalled in his art throughout Italy, or perhaps -the world. He will do anything for good words and caresses; indeed, -he must be treated with affection and favour, in which case he will -perform things to astonish all beholders."[228] In the sacristy of -S. Lorenzo, at Florence, these anticipations were amply realised on -the monuments of two of the Medici, with whom an earlier portion of -these pages has made us acquainted. These works were, however, no -labour of love to the sculptor, whose sympathies had been alien to -that race from the days when Pietro ceased to walk in the ways of -his fathers. Accordingly, their greatest fault is, that the artist -absorbs our interest almost to the exclusion of the personages -commemorated, to whom the allegorical compositions appear to have -no reference. It is, indeed, only their portraits that recall the -purpose of the monuments. That of the elegant and gentle Giuliano -awakens no association that might not be suggested by the statue -of some nameless warrior of the classic age. More appropriate is -the bearing of Lorenzo, the usurper of Urbino. The stern gloom that -broods over his casque, and shadows his repulsive features, scowling -upon the world from whose sympathies he seems a voluntary alien, -is an enduring index of his unamiable character. But it is in the -Sistine chapel that Buonarroti sits pre-eminent. Who that stands -beneath its grand frescoes can doubt the daring, the originality, and -grasp of his genius, who triumphantly called into existence forms and -movements before which ordinary minds shrink into pigmy dimensions? -Yet, who that observes the rapid decline of the Michael-Angelesque -school into mannered contortion and extravagant caricature, can -question its mischievous influence, or the danger of opening up -such fields to uninspired labourers? On both sides of the Alps, its -followers or imitators, mistaking extravagance for energy, manner -for power, and servilely substituting exceptional attitudes for the -sublimity of nature and the dignity of repose, have copied his design -without imbibing his spirit, and have embodied feeble conceptions in -preposterous forms. - -[Footnote 228: See Gaye, _Carteggio_, II., 83-109, sub anno 1506.] - -Freely have we spoken of a name to whom all honour is due, whose -failings may be noted as a warning, without diminishing our respect -for his manifold attainments. Our readers may appreciate his success -as a poet through Mr. Glassford's felicitous version of a sonnet -worthy the noblest of art's disciples.[*229] - -[Footnote *229: Cf. J.A. SYMONDS, _The Sonnets of Michelangelo_.] - - "Now my fair bark through life's tempestuous flood - Is steered, and full in view that port is seen, - Where all must answer what their course has been, - And every work be tried, if bad or good. - Now do those lofty dreams, my fancy's brood, - Which made of ART an idol and a queen, - Melt into air; and now I feel, how keen! - That what I needed most I most withstood. - Ye fabled joys, ye tales of empty love, - What are ye now, if twofold death be nigh? - The first is certain, and the last I dread. - Ah! what does Sculpture, what does Painting prove, - When we have seen the Cross, and fixed our eye - On Him whose arms of love were there outspread!" - -The home patronage of the della Rovere dukes was, however, by no -means limited to their subjects, and TITIAN[*230] enjoyed -high favour from the first two sovereigns of that dynasty. The -coronation of Charles V., in 1532, having attracted to Bologna a -concourse of distinguished persons, Titian, then in his fifty-fifth -year, was honoured by an imperial invitation to join the throng. The -monarch, himself reputed no mean craftsman, delighted to pass what -time he could snatch from business, in conversing with the painter, -and observing his progress, till one day, having picked up a fallen -pencil, he returned it, saying, "Titian deserves to be waited on by -an Emperor." The Duke of Urbino, who may have known the Venetian -in his native city, was among the sovereigns and cardinals whose -commissions on that occasion contended for preference, and but a -short time, probably, elapsed ere his own and his consort's portraits -were produced,[*231] although Vasari and Ridolfi have erroneously -fixed their date in 1543, five years after Francesco Maria's death. - -[Footnote *230: For Titian, consult GRONAU, _Titian_ (Duckworth, -1904). By far the best handbook on the painter.] - -[Footnote *231: As before stated, the first works that Titian painted -for Francesco Maria were a portrait of Hannibal, a Nativity, a figure -of our Lord. The Duke writes him concerning them in 1533 as follows -(cf. GRONAU, _op. cit._, p. 91):-- - - "Dearest Friend,-- - - "You know through our envoy how much we wish for pictures - ... and the longer we have to wait the more eager we are to - have them ... and so we beg you to satisfy us as soon as - possible. Finish at least one of the pictures, that we may - rejoice in something by your hand." - -The portraits were begun in 1536, in which year (October) Aretino -wrote a sonnet on that of the Duke. They were finished early in 1538. -Of the earlier pictures, the figure of Christ is probably that in the -Pitti Gallery (228); the others apparently have perished. - -In 1536 the Duke wrote again asking for a _Resurrection_ for the -Duchess, and begging Titian to finish the "picture of a woman in a -blue dress as beautifully as possible." This latter is probably the -_Bella_ of the Pitti Gallery (18), which some have thought to be -Eleonora Gonzaga, Francesco Maria's wife. She was then forty-three -years old, and her portrait was painted at this time by the same -master (Uffizi, 599) as a companion for that of the Duke (Uffizi, -605). - -Duke Guidobaldo, while yet but Duke of Camerino, had sat to Titian, -and had bought from him the picture of a "Nude Woman" (GRONAU, _op. -cit._, p. 95). In March, 1538, he sent a messenger to Venice, who -was instructed not to leave the city without them. He got one, but -the other had not been delivered in May of that year. The Duke wrote -to him to beware lest it passed elsewhere, "for I am resolved to -mortgage a part of my property if I cannot obtain it in any other -way." This picture was probably the _Venus_ of the Tribune (Uffizi, -1117) who is so like the _Bella_. Now if we are right in supposing -the pictures alluded to in the letters--the lady in the blue dress -and the nude woman--are the pictures we know (which came from -Urbino), it seems obvious that they cannot have been portraits of the -Duchess. And, again, we have the Duchess's portrait painted at this -time, in which we see a woman of forty-three, which was in truth her -age. - -In June, 1539, Guidobaldo, Duke of Urbino now, received three -portraits, of the Emperor, the King of France, and the Turkish -Sultan, from Titian. Vasari speaks of them, but they have been lost. -In 1542-44 he painted a banner for the Brotherhood of Corpus Domini -at Urbino--the Resurrection and the Last Supper. The pictures were -shortly afterwards framed, and are now in the Urbino Gallery (10). -Then in November, 1546, Duchess Giulia Varana of Urbino writes -impatiently to Titian, sending at the same time some sleeves he had -asked for, and hoping that he will not delay longer to finish "our -portraits" (GRONAU, _op. cit._, p. 99). And letters of Aretino in -1545 confirm the fact that Titian was painting portraits of the Duke -and Duchess. Then in February, 1547, one of the courtiers of Urbino -sent Titian a dress of the Duchess, adding that "a handsomer one -would have been sent if he had not wished for one of crimson or pink -velvet"; a damask one was sent of the desired colour. The portrait by -Titian in the State Apartments of the Pitti Palace, discovered only a -few years ago, is said to be of Catherine de' Medici, by Tintoretto. -It is, however, certainly Titian's (GRONAU, _op. cit._, p. 100), -and is probably the missing portrait of the Duchess Giulia. It is -unfinished, and the dress is of rose colour. It is one of his finest -portraits. - -There were two portraits at least of Guidobaldo by Titian, one -of 1538 and one of 1545; one of these is said to have been in -Florence in the seventeenth century. Gronau suggests that the "Young -Englishman" of the Pitti Gallery (92), the finest portrait even -Titian ever painted, may be one of them. But I cannot persuade myself -that that figure is other than English. Yet if it be, it might well -companion the Bella. - -In 1545 Titian, on his way to Rome, travelled by Ferrara and Pesaro, -where Guidobaldo, who had accompanied him, entertained him and made -him many presents, sending a company of horse with him to Rome. There -follows an interval of twenty years, in which their friendship seems -not altogether to have been forgotten. Then between 1564 and 1567 -Titian painted several pictures for Guidobaldo, among them a "Christ" -and a "Madonna"; in 1573 he apparently had another commission. It is -impossible to say what these pictures may have been.] - -[Illustration: _Anderson_ - -LA BELLA - -_After the picture by Titian in the Pitti Gallery. Florence. Supposed -portrait of Duchess Leonora_] - -Few of Titian's likenesses have been more lauded than the Duke's, -both as regards truth and execution; but we shall quote only the -testimony of Aretino, who knew well the painter and his subject. -"In gazing upon it, I called Nature to witness, making her confess -that Art was positively metamorphosed into herself; and to this, -each wrinkle, each hair, each spot bears testimony, whilst the -colouring not only exhibits vigour of person, but displays manliness -of mind. The vermilion hue of that velvet drapery behind him is -reflected in the lustrous armour he wears. How fine the effect of his -casquet-plumes, reproduced on the burnished cuirass of the mighty -general! Even his batons of command are perfect nature, chiefly that -of his own adventure, thus budding on the faith of his renown, which -began to shed its glories in the war which humbled his private foe. -Who would assert that the truncheons confided to him by the Church, -Venice, and Florence, were not of silver?"[232] In Aretino's letter -were enclosed two sonnets on the portrait and its companion; they -will be found in the Appendix, No. XI., together with one in which -Bernardo Tasso appeals to Titian for a likeness of his lady-love. -Aretino's lines regarding the Duke may be thus literally rendered:-- - - "Fear on the crowd from either eyebrow falls; - Fire in his glance, and pride upon his front, - The spacious seat of honour and resolve. - Beneath that bust of steel, with arm prepared, - Burns valour, prompt all peril to repel, - From sacred Italy, that on his worth relies." - -[Footnote 232: The style of Aretino was often rugged, wayward, and -unintelligible, like his character. He seems to imagine that, of the -three batons placed behind the Duke, one, bearing acorns and oak -leaves, alludes to his successful campaigns on his own account, for -recovery of his states. _Lettere Pittoriche_, I., App. No. 29. The -force of colour peculiar to this, above all Titian's works, cannot be -fully given by the burin, especially not by the _mezza macchia_ style -in which it has been engraved for this volume. Our frontispiece, -though accurate as a likeness, is accordingly among the least -effective illustrations in our work. No other original portrait of -the Duke has fallen under my observation; and if the slight youthful -figure introduced by Raffaele into the Disputa and School of Athens -really was meant for him, no resemblance can be traced in it.] - -[Illustration: _Anderson_ - -THE VENUS OF URBINO - -_Supposed portrait of the Duchess Leonora, after the picture by -Titian in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence. Once in the Ducal Collection_] - -The other sonnet, descriptive of Leonora's likeness, alludes to -the master's harmonious tints as figuring varied charms met in her -character, such as humility of disposition, decorum in dress and -manners, sustained by a dignified expression. In her features, beauty -united with modesty, a rare combination; and grace was enthroned on -her eyebrows. Prudence presided over her becoming silence, and other -excellent qualities marvellously adorned her forehead. Nor are these -praises exaggerated. Those who attentively observe this portrait in -the Uffizi Gallery will readily acknowledge that, although, perhaps, -more elaborated in its details than any other from the master's hand, -his pencil never attained greater breadth, nor embodied high art in -more severe character.[233] - -[Footnote 233: The _zebellino_ on the Duchess's knee was the -fashionable bag or reticule of that day, made of an entire -sable-skin, the animal's head, richly jewelled, forming its clasp. -Giulia della Rovere d'Este commissioned such a one from a jeweller at -Bologna in 1555, and paid him forty-six dollars to account.] - -The connection thus formed by Titian with the house of Urbino was -maintained after the accession of Duke Guidobaldo, through whom Paul -III. invited him to Bologna in 1543, where he painted that Pontiff -with his wonted success. About the same time the Duke commissioned -from him a likeness of himself, which was finished two years later. -The misfortune sustained by its disappearance may be appreciated -from the words of Aretino, who, writing to Guidobaldo, says, "For he -has so embodied in his colours the very air you breathe, that in the -same attitude as you at this instant appear to others at Vicenza, we -now behold you in Venice, where we circle, bow, and pay court to you, -just as do your suite who are in waiting upon you there." Vecellio -lived among men whose talents, and fame, and forms, and dress -deserved commemoration; and to such he did justice, for painter and -sitters were worthy of each other, conferring a mutual and enduring -illustration. His pencil, and those of his followers, were singularly -happy in preserving individual character, although wanting in -ideality and intense expression. But their great excellence displayed -itself in the representation of voluptuous scenes, adapted alike to -their glowing tints and the taste of their countrymen. - -In 1545, Titian repaired to Rome, at the request of Cardinal -Alessandro Farnese, visiting Urbino[*234] on the way, and receiving -several commissions which he could not stay to execute. Setting -forward on his journey, he was conducted by Guidobaldo in person to -Pesaro, and thence by an escort to Rome. The impression left upon -the painter in this passage is thus described to the Duke, by his -friend Aretino:--"Titian writes me, 'Worship the Lord Guidobaldo, -gossip!--worship him, I say, gossip! for no princely bounty -can compare with his.' And these exclamations are his grateful -acknowledgment of the mounted escort of seven attendants which your -Excellency provided for him, with good company, and all paid; over -and above the ease wherewith, amid caresses, honours, and gifts, you -made him feel quite at home. I was, indeed, melted by the account he -gave me of your marvellous efforts to benefit, honour, and welcome -him." We have, to the like purpose, the less exceptionable testimony -of Bembo, who, on the 10th of October, wrote to Girolamo Querini: "I -must add that your old friend Maestro Tiziano is here, who represents -himself as much beholden to you.... The Lord Duke of Urbino has -treated him with exceeding kindness, retaining him about his person, -and bringing him as far as Pesaro, and thence forwarding him thither, -well mounted and attended, for all which he acknowledges himself -under great obligations." - -[Footnote *234: Apparently he only went to Pesaro. Cf. note *2, p. -390.] - -[Illustration: _Anderson_ - -SLEEPING VENUS - -_After the picture by Giorgione in the Dresden Gallery, after which -the Venus of Urbino was painted_] - -Vasari mentions, as executed by Titian for the court of Urbino, -portraits of Popes Sixtus IV., Julius II., and Paul III.; of Charles -V., Francis I., Sultan Solyman, and the Cardinal of Lorraine. I -have not succeeded in tracing any of these with certainty, but two -half-lengths of beautiful women, added to the list by Ticozzi, may -probably be the Flora[*235] now in the Uffizi Gallery, and the Bella -in the Pitti Palace: their features exhibit considerable analogy -with each other, and with the former of two pictures we are now -to describe. In the last number of the Appendix we shall rectify -various errors regarding Titian's two celebrated Venuses in the -Tribune at Florence. One of them, painted for Guidobaldo II., has -no proper right to that title, being correctly called in the old -Urbino inventories, "a naked woman lying." She is stretched at full -length along a bed, on which is a linen sheet, with a green curtain -above. A tiny spaniel crouches at her feet, and two waiting-maids -are searching in a chest near an open balcony, for garments -wherewith to veil her all-exposed charms. The languor of her eye, -the listless attitudes into which her limbs have dropped, personify -voluptuousness, and express a mind quietly gloating over the past. A -certain harmony and warmth of tone, fused throughout the vast surface -of delicate flesh-tints and snowy linen, over which broad daylight -streams without shadow, are worthy of our highest admiration; and the -relief given to the figure, with little aid from the chiaroscuro, is -probably unrivalled. The companion picture, which was not, however, -executed for Urbino, represents an equally nude figure on a couch -of purple damask, near a balcony opening upon a distant landscape. -The boy of love, archly toying upon her bosom, decides the subject -to be Venus; and her glowing eye-ball expresses the ardour that -thrills through her veins. The full and solid flesh is true to those -developed forms which, still characterising the women about Treviso, -formed the standard of female perfection in Titian's studio; and -although the skill with which they undulate, softened by chiaroscuro, -demands all praise, there may yet be some who, dissenting from such -an ideal of beauty, wish this mortal mould had been refined into the -symmetry of that "perfect goddess-ship" which close by "loves in -stone." Having thus noticed these nudities, it may be well to add, -that the shameless Aretino, while boasting of his own unrestrained -debaucheries, bears testimony to the purity of Titian's morals, and -the habitual control under which his passions were maintained. - -[Footnote *235: It seems unlikely that the _Flora_ was ever in -Urbino. At any rate, in the seventeenth century it was in the -collection of the Spanish ambassador at Amsterdam (cf. GRONAU, _op. -cit._, p. 289).] - -As an antidote, perhaps, to so sensual a production, Titian sent -to Urbino, with his Venus, a picture offering the utmost contrast -in sentiment and artistic treatment. It was the first of those -Magdalens,[*236] frequently repeated by him with slight variations, -of whom not a few school copies may be seen passing for originals. -Ridolfi tells us that he caught the idea from an antique sculpture, -transforming it into a penitent daughter of sin. Yet he has treated -it according to those ideas of female beauty which it was the -peculiar province of the Venetian school to develop, and which in -Italy have passed into the proverbial phrase of _un bel pezzo di -carne_, meaning a buxom dame. To borrow the words of Ticozzi, "he -has represented a noble lady, who, while yet in her prime, had -abandoned the delights and delicacies of her station. With due regard -to her past position, he has lavished upon her the beauties of form -and complexion; her repentance he has characterised with the most -devoted expression of which art is capable." The ascetic sentiment -prevailing in this work is well adapted to the sympathies of the -Roman Church, among whose followers it has ever been more a favourite -than with Protestant amateurs. - -[Footnote *236: Pitti Gallery, No. 67. We know nothing of this -picture save that it must have been painted about 1530-35, and that -Vasari saw it in the Guardaroba of the Palace of Urbino.] - -[Illustration: PORTRAIT OF HIS WIFE, BY LUCAS CRANACH - -_From the picture in the Roscoe Collection, Liverpool. Possibly -modelled on the Venus of Urbino_] - -Our notice of Titian in connection with the court of Urbino, may be -closed by a letter, which, in the servile phrase of this century, -ventures thus to dun Guidobaldo for payment of a picture sent him -five months before:-- - - "To the most illustrious and most excellent Lord, the Lord - Duke of Urbino. - - "Most illustrious and most excellent Lord, - - "Very many days have now passed since your most illustrious - Excellency desired that I should be advised how your - [servant] Agatone ought to have remunerated me for the - picture which I sent to your most illustrious Excellency. - Which he not having done, although six months are nearly - elapsed since the 10th of March, but having only put me off - with words, I have chosen to take the step of informing - your illustrious Excellency by these lines, that your - boundless liberality may aid my necessity, though I admit - that I may thereby appear wanting in modesty. I know - that your illustrious Excellency, occupied by important - affairs, cannot have your mind distracted by such trifles, - yet I consider it my duty respectfully to let you know my - difficulty; and beseeching you to retain me in your wonted - favour, I humbly kiss your most distinguished hands. From - Venice, the 27th of October, 1567. Your most illustrious - Excellency's most humble servant, - - "TITIANO VECELLIO." - -In one of his visits to Venice, about 1559, Guidobaldo, chancing to -enter a church of the Crociferi, where a youth was engaged in copying -the St. Laurence of Titian, he entered into conversation with him, -and subsequently returned more than once to observe his progress. -On one of these occasions, while the Duke was hearing mass at a -neighbouring altar, the young artist seized the opportunity to sketch -his likeness, which was shown him by an attendant. Pleased with its -success, and with the painter's manners, he invited him to enter his -service. The object of this casual patronage proved not unworthy of -it. He was JACOPO PALMA the younger, a name already known to art; -for his grandfather, who bore it, had distinguished himself among -the scholars of Giorgione and Titian; and his aunt, Violante, was -mistress and favourite model of the latter. Palma Giovane, then in -his sixteenth year, accompanied the Duke to Pesaro, where he employed -his pencil in copying works of Raffaele and Titian. The only anecdote -preserved of his residence in the court of Urbino proves that he -continued to enjoy his patron's favour; for, in a dispute with the -house-steward as to his luncheon, the latter was ordered to treat -the youth with more consideration. In order to obtain for him every -advantage, the Duke sent him to the charge of his brother, Cardinal -della Rovere, at Rome. After there diligently studying antique -marbles, with the works of Michael Angelo and those of Polidoro di -Caravaggio, Palma, at twenty-four, returned to Venice. On his way, -he paid a visit of thanks to Guidobaldo, and by his works removed -certain unfavourable impressions made by unfriendly detractors in -his absence. Of those which he may have executed for this court, no -account has reached us, beyond a notice that Francesco Maria II. -paid him, at Venice, 1591, 86 scudi for a Madonna and a St. Francis, -which do not, however, appear in the wardrobe inventories. He painted -for the metropolitan cathedral at Urbino the Discovery of the Holy -Cross, a picture praised by Lanzi beyond its merits; and for Pesaro, -a S. Ubaldo, and the Annunciation. - -Another Venetian, patronised by Guidobaldo, was GIANBATTISTA -FRANCO, surnamed _il Semolei_, who was brought to Urbino on -a recommendation of Girolamo Genga, in order to paint the choir -of the cathedral. He there treated the favourite Umbrian theme of -the Coronation of the Madonna in a manner utterly at variance with -the old feeling, taking as his prototype the Judgment of Michael -Angelo, of whom he was a devoted and assiduous imitator. This work -having been destroyed by the fall of the roof in 1789, we shall -content ourselves with the description of Vasari, who had seen it, -and whose leaning must have been favourable to a work produced under -such influence. "And so, in imitation of Buonarroti's Judgment, he -represented in the sky the glorification of the saints, scattered on -clouds over the roof, with a whole choir of angels around our Lady, -in the act of ascending to heaven, where Christ waited to crown her, -whilst a number of patriarchs, prophets, sibyls, apostles, martyrs, -confessors, and maidens, in varied groups and attitudes, manifested -their joy at the arrival of the glorious Virgin. This subject might -have afforded to Battista an excellent opportunity of proving his -ability, had he adopted a better plan, not only in the practical -management of his fresco, but in conducting his entire theme with -more judicious arrangement. But in this work he fell into his usual -system, constantly repeating the same faces, figures, draperies, and -extremities. The colouring was likewise utterly destitute of beauty, -and everything was strained and puny. Hence the work, when finished, -greatly disappointed the Duke, Genga, and every one, much having been -expected from his known capacity for design." Several easel pictures -of his, in the sacristy of the Duomo, are weak in composition and -poor in colour; but one of St. Peter and St. Paul, before the Madonna -and Child, is an exceedingly grandiose production, in the Buonarroti -style. We shall have further occasion to speak of this artist in -our next chapter. He was born about 1498, and lived to the age of -sixty-three; but aware of his deficiencies as a painter, he betook -himself in a great measure to engraving, for which his accuracy as a -draftsman well qualified him. - - * * * * * - -In absence of native sculptors of eminence, the plastic art never -was much cherished in our duchy, and few commissions were given, -except for decorative or monumental purposes. The festive arches -on Duchess Vittoria's marriage were probably designed by Tiziano -Aspetti, a bronzist of Upper Italy. Her husband having acquired a -Leda by Bartolomeo Ammanati of Florence, he was called to Urbino, to -construct a memorial for Francesco Maria I. It does not, however, -appear to have been successful, and being quite disproportioned to -the little octangular church of Sta. Chiara, of which it occupied the -centre, it was removed after the Devolution, and probably destroyed. -SEBASTIANO BECIVENNI of Mercatello, was celebrated as a -decorative sculptor, and his dexterity is attested by two pulpits -in the duomo at Arezzo, dated 1563. In 1581, Francesco Maria II. -commissioned two small statues from John of Bologna, and in the -following year his minister at Rome wrote, proposing to send him a -miniature painter from thence, at a monthly salary of ten golden -scudi, besides board and travelling expenses. Late in life, he had -his own and his father's portraits executed in mosaic by Luigi -Gaetano at Venice. The statue of Duke Federigo, which we have already -mentioned as modelled by Baroccio, was executed for this Duke by -Girolamo Campagna of Venice, and one of his grandfather, attired -as a Roman warrior, leaning on his baton of command, and resting -upon a stump, was the work of Giovanni Bandini of Florence, an -eminent scholar of Bandinelli. After his sovereignty had virtually -passed from the bereaved Duke, he disposed of this memorial of its -brighter days in a touching letter to the Doge of Venice, which -finely illustrates the resignation beautifully exemplified in all the -correspondence of his latter years:-- - - "Most serene Prince, - - "My grandfather, the Lord Duke Francesco Maria, was during - life honoured by your serene state with such high authority - and dignities, that, even after his decease, its esteem - and favour have ever been specially exhibited towards - his posterity and race; in these, now about to close in - my person, your Highness will lose a line of supporters - whose services are well known to you. Yet, being unwilling - that these good offices should pass entirely from memory, - I have resolved to present to the serene Republic and - your Highness, the statue which I erected in testimony of - dutiful respect to my said grandfather; for nowhere can - it be more fittingly placed than in your renowned city. - I therefore herewith send it to you, and with the more - pleasure from knowing that your state will gladly receive - the portrait of one who so faithfully served it, and who, - though no longer able to do so directly, will, virtually - and by example, demonstrate how your Republic ought to - be served. It will, at all events, afford irrefragable - evidence of his attachment to that cause for which he would - have desired longer life, and will prove a sure token of - my unbounded devotion to your Highness, which, indeed, I - cannot more fittingly demonstrate: beseeching, however, - that your Highness will regard this act as a solemn - testimony of the old and continued love of my house for - your distinguished state, which God preserve as long as my - unbounded wishes; and so I kiss your Highness's hands with - devoted affection. - - "Your Highness's most devoted son and servant, - - "FRANCESCO MARIA DELLA ROVERE, DUKE.[237] - - "From Castel Durante, this ..., 1625." - -[Footnote 237: _Carteggio d'Artisti_, vol. III., 540.] - -The statue now stands in the court of the Doge's ducal palace, thus -inscribed: "To Francesco Maria I., Duke of Urbino, leader of the -armies of this Republic; erected at Pesaro, and recommended to the -affectionate care of Venice by Francesco Maria II., when bereaved of -progeny." The original inscription ran thus: "To Francesco Maria, -an eminent general, leader of the armies of the holy Romish Church, -the Florentine republic, the Venetian state, and the princes of the -League against the Turks, and of his own troops; the conqueror, -subduer, and sustainer of potentates at home and abroad; his -grandson, Duke Francesco Maria II. had this erected." - - - - -CHAPTER LV - - Of the manufacture of majolica in the Duchy of Urbino. - - -The influence of beauty upon arts usually considered as mechanical, -and the exercise of creative talent upon substances of a common or -trifling character, are equally proofs of a pervading refinement. -It was accordingly a striking feature of Italy in her golden days, -that nearly every sort of handiwork felt that influence, and in -its turn served to maintain public taste at an elevated standard. -To uncultivated or unobservant minds it may seem ridiculous to -appreciate the state of high art in a country from the forms of -culinary utensils, the colouring of plates, or the carving of a -peach-stone; yet the elegance of Etruscan civilisation is nowhere -more manifest than in household bronzes; the majolica of Urbino -has preserved the designs and the feeling of Raffaele; the genius -of Cellini did not spurn the most homely materials. The architects -of the Revival were often sculptors; its engineers constructed -clocks; while painters then exercised the crafts of jewellery -and wood-gilding, or lent their pencils to beautify the potter's -handiwork. Our undertaking would accordingly be incomplete without -some notice of majolica, or decorative pottery, which under the -patronage of her princes brought fame and wealth to the duchy of -Urbino.[238] - -[Footnote 238: We have had frequent occasion to notice the -encouragement given at Urbino to the exact sciences, and the -consequent success of those arts most depending upon them. Thus -the Baroccio family were celebrated for the accuracy of their -mathematical instruments and timepieces, while watchmaking attracted -great attention from all the della Rovere dukes. Their family -portraits very generally exhibit a table-clock of some eccentric -form, and their gifts to princes and royal personages were often -chronometers made in their state. One of these, sent to Pius V., -exhibited the planetary movements and other complex revolutions of -the solar system; another, worn by his Holiness in a ring, marked -the hours by gently pricking his finger. In 1535, Francesco Maria I. -presented to Charles V., at Naples, a ring wherein a watch struck -the hours; and many similar notices occur in the correspondence of -his grandson, the last Duke. Guidobaldo II. was especially fond of -such mechanical curiosities. Having received from one Giovan Giorgio -Capobianco of Vicenza, the Praxiteles of tiny chiselling, a ring -which held a watch, whereupon were engraved the signs of the zodiac, -with a figure that pointed to and struck the hours--he interfered to -save the artist's life, when condemned to death for an assassination -at Venice. In gratitude for this favour, the latter made for the -Duchess a silver chessboard contained in a cherry-stone; nor should -we omit to add that he displayed the same ingenuity on a wider field -as an architect and engineer. So, too, Filippo Santacroce, of Urbino, -and his sons, are celebrated by Count Cicognara for their minute -carvings on gems, ivory, and nuts.] - -The earliest work on the ceramic art is that of Giambattista Passeri -of Pesaro, who was born about a hundred and fifty years since, -and whose inquiries into geology and antiquities attracted him -to a subject cognate to them both. While studying the fossils of -Central Italy, the transition was not difficult to their fictile -products; and after vainly endeavouring to methodise the pottery -of Etruria and Magna Grecia, he tried the same good office with -better success upon the majolica of his native province.[239] Nor -is his theme of so narrow an interest as might on a superficial -view be supposed. The existence of pottery has frequently proved a -valuable aid to historical research; and even now our surest test -of Etruscan refinement is supplied by the painted vases exhumed -from the sepulchres of an almost forgotten race.[240] It is not, -however, important merely as affording landmarks useful in tracing -the civilisation of nations; for, by combining taste with ingenuity, -it gives to materials the most ordinary and almost fabulous value, -thereby constituting one of the notable triumphs of mind over matter, -and largely promoting the advance of intellectual culture. Even -in early stages of national improvement, the plastic art, after -contributing to the necessities of life, has often been the first to -inspire elegance or embody true principles of form and afterwards -of colour. Dealing with a substance readily found and easily -manipulated, wherein nature might be imitated or fancy developed, -it was the precursor of sculpture, the patron of painting, and the -handmaid of architecture. - -[Footnote 239: The subject has since met with more attention, but -no other work has been expressly dedicated to it. We may refer to -VASARI, LANZI, and GAYE, _passim_; RICCI, _Notizie delle Belle -Arti in Gubbio_; _Kunstblatt_, No. 51; MONTANARI, _Lettera interno -ad alcune Majoliche dipinte nella collezione Massa_ in _Giornale -Arcadico di Roma_, XXXVII., 333; BRONGNIART, _Traite des Arts -Ceramiques_; MARRYAT, _History of Pottery and Porcelain_. It is -both an advantage and a pleasure to refer readers unacquainted with -this interesting art, to the charming and accurate representations -of azulejo, Robbian ware, and majolica, given in the last of -these works. It is greatly to be desired that Mr. Marryat may, in -continuation of his subject, and with access to English collections -unknown to me, supply much information which this slight sketch -cannot include.] - -[Footnote 240: We enter not upon the contested question of the origin -of these productions; wherever made, they prove the taste of those -who owned and appreciated them. Besides, the ruder varieties were -certainly indigenous to Central Italy from an early period. Neither -need we trace the analogy between majolica and enamel. The latter was -not unknown to the ancients, though brought by them to no ornamental -perfection. During the dark ages, it was used as an accessory of -metal sculpture for many purposes of religious art, and was even -introduced into large works, such as bronze doors. The splendid -reliquary at Orvieto, enamelled on silver at Siena by Ugolino Vieri -in 1338, as well as the _paliotti_ of Florence and Pistoja executed -in that and the following centuries, show to what perfection this art -had attained, ere the painting of porcelain was practised in Italy.] - -[Illustration: MAIOLICA - -_A plate of Urbino ware of about 1540 in the British Museum_] - -The earthenware made in Central Italy was usually called _majolica_, -in our spelling maiolica. The derivation of its etymology, from -the island of Majorca, seems no mere superficial inference from -similarity of sounds. Its peculiarity was a glaze, which, besides -giving a vehicle for colour, remedied the permeable quality of -ancient pottery. Such a glazed surface had long been known to the -Saracens, and was imported by the Moors into Spain and the Balearic -Isles, in the shape of gaily-tinted tiles, arranged in bands or -diaper on their buildings. To these succeeded _azulejos_, generally -of blue in various shades, which were mosaicked into church walls in -various historical compositions, from designs which Mr. Stirling -ascribes to Murillo's pencil. The conquests or commerce of the -Pisans imported this fashion, at first by incorporating concave -coloured tiles among brickwork, afterwards, at Pesaro, by the use of -encaustic flooring. Nor can we exclude from view that the earliest -Italian ware has decorations either in geometrical patterns, or with -shamrock-shaped foliations of a character rather Saracenic than -indigenous, and more indicative of moresque extraction than were the -apocryphal armorial bearings of Spain and Majorca, at a period when -such insignia were often borrowed as mere ornaments, in ignorance of -their origin and meaning. The fabric thus introduced spread over most -of Central Italy, and between 1450 and 1700 was largely practised -at the towns of Arezzo, Perugia, Spello, Nocera, Citta di Castello, -Florence, Bologna, Ferrara, Ravenna, Rimini, Forli, and Faenza -(whence its French name _fayence_), Pesaro, Urbino, Fermignano, -Castel Durante, and Gubbio, as well as at various places in the -Abruzzi. - -There is, however, another quarter to which vitrified or encaustic -ware may be ascribed, in so far at least as regards improved methods -and more important results. Luca della Robbia[*241] was born at -Florence in 1399, and from being a jeweller, took to modelling -statues and bas-reliefs in clay. Annoyed by the fragile nature of -these, and perhaps by the doubtful success of _terra cotta_, he -discovered a mode of glazing the surface of his beautiful works, -with, it is said, a mixture of tin, _terra ghetta_ (from the lake of -Thrasimene), antimony, and other mineral substances. The secret of -this varnish was transmitted in the inventor's family until about -1550: it ended in a female, with whose husband, Andrea Benedetto -Buglione, it died. Recent attempts to revive the art at Florence -have proved but partially successful, and wholly unremunerative; -indeed, the mechanical difficulties exceed those of sculpture, -including the separation of the work into sections before drying -and burning it, and its eventual reunion into one piece. Although -neither mild nor equal, the climate at Florence does not seem to -influence the Robbian fabrics in the open air, but they have suffered -from the frosts and snows of our duchy, where several are broken or -blistered, such as the lunette of S. Domenico at Urbino. By much -the finest specimen I know there remains [1843] in the desecrated -oratory of the Sforzan palace [of 1484] at Gradara; it may be by -Andrea della Robbia, and represents an enthroned Madonna and Child, -nearly life-size, with attendant saints, the predella complete, and -the whole a fine monument of Christian art. Originally, the plastic -surface of Robbian ware was of a uniform glistening white, which, -though cold in effect, is very favourable to the pure religious -sentiment at which it generally aimed. The eyes were then blackened, -in order to aid expression. Next, the pallid figures were relieved -against a deep cerulean ground. The followers of Luca added fruits -and flowers, wreathed in their proper colours. Agincourt justly -regrets that these men were led into such innovations by a desire -for mastering difficulties, and the ambition of adding to sculpture -the beauties of painting; for when colour is given to draperies, the -eye is ill-reconciled to an addition which seems to transfer such -productions from the category of high art to the level of waxwork. By -a further modification, the flesh parts were left unglazed, bringing -the warm tone of terra cotta to harmonize with the coloured costumes, -architecture and backgrounds being still usually white or deep -blue. Passeri, however, asserts for this coloured glaze an earlier -discovery in his own province, where pottery was certainly made in -the fourteenth century. But it is generally admitted that the art of -combining with it lively colours was greatly improved after Pesaro -had passed under the Sforza. In 1462, Ventura di Maestro Simone dei -Piccolomini of Siena established himself there, along with Matteo -di Raniere, of a noble family at Cagli, in order to manufacture -earthenware, and may have directed attention to the productions of -della Robbia, who had already been employed at Rimini by its tyrant, -Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta. - -[Footnote *241: For all that concerns the Della Robbia, cf. MAUD -CRUTTWELL, _Luca and Andrea della Robbia and their School_ (Dent, -1904).] - - * * * * * - -An account of majolica[*242] ought to contain the various places -noted for its manufacture, the peculiar qualities distinguishing -their respective productions, the methods by which these qualities -were given, and the artists most successful in producing them. But on -most of these points we are left in great ignorance, which my limited -observation has not enabled me to dispel. All I can offer is a list -of the manufactories and artists, classed to the best of my power, -and preceded by a few very general notices of the process. - -[Footnote *242: The finest collection of Italian majolica in -the world is probably that in Pesaro in the possession of the -Municipality.] - -The Chevalier Cipriano Picolpasso, of Castel Durante, doctor in -medicine and majolica-painter under Duke Guidobaldo II., left a MS. -professing to record the secrets of his art; but Passeri, after -examination, pronounces his revelations trite, and his historical -notices barren. It is, however, agreed that Pesaro was the first site -within the duchy of Urbino where the fabric attained celebrity, and -that its earliest efforts were called _mezza_ or "half" majolica. -This is distinguished by a coarse gritty fracture, of dirty grey -colour, and a glaze which does not take much lustre or transparency. -It is generally in the form of plates, many of them huge, all -clumsily thick, and frequently of a dingy, ill-vitrified yellow on -the back. The lustre on the front is rather pearly than metallic; but -prismatic, or even golden, iridescence is met with. These productions -are assigned, by Passeri and others, to the fifteenth century; but -the arms of Leo X. appear on one in the mediaeval exhibition of -1850 (No. 543, belonging to Mr. S. Isaacs), and on another in the -Hotel Cluny, at Paris; while, in the museum of the Commendatore -Kestner, Hanoverian minister at Rome, is a third, designed after -Marc Antonio. The "fine" majolica attained its greatest perfection -at Urbino between 1530 and 1560, and it was prized chiefly for -the perfect vitrification and transparency of its varnish, the -comparative thinness and whiteness of the texture, the brilliant -colouring, and masterly design. Gubbian pottery combined in some -degree the qualities of half and fine ware, but excelled all others -in metallic and prismatic glaze. - -[Illustration: MAIOLICA - -_A plate of Castel Durante ware of about 1524_ - -"The divine and beautiful Lucia"] - -We shall not encumber our pages with conjectural or vague hints as -to the processes of these interesting fabrics. Iridescent lustre -obliquely reflected, and a white glaze of dazzling transparency, -were the objects respectively aimed at. The former was attained -by preparations of lead, copper, silver, and gold; the latter was -imparted by dipping the half-baked pottery into a white varnish, over -which, while moist, the subject was rapidly painted, correction or -retouching being incompatible with the immediate absorption of its -colours, which, apart from accidental fusion of tints, and flaws -in the furnace, abundantly accounts for the frequent inaccuracy -of design. The metallic lustre depended a good deal on lead, the -whiteness on a free use of tin. - -Those early plates of Pesaro were very rarely signed by their -artists; but one in the Hague Museum bears a cipher resembling -C.H.O.N., whilst another, quoted by Pungileoni, has a mark composed -of G.A.T. interlaced. In 1478, Sixtus IV. wrote his acknowledgments -to Costanzo Sforza for a present of "_Vasa fictilia_, most elegantly -wrought, which, for the donor's sake, are prized as if of gold or -silver rather than of earthenware."[243] In a similar letter, Lorenzo -the Magnificent thanked [Roberto] Malatesta, observing that "they -please me entirely by their perfections and rarity, being quite -novelties in these parts, and are valued more than if of silver," the -donor's arms serving daily to recall their origin.[244] Passeri gives -a curious proclamation by the Lord of Pesaro, in 1486, narrating -that, for good favour to the citizens, and considering a fabric of -earthen vases to have been of old practised in that city, superior, -by general admission, to all others produced in Italy, and that -there were now more workshops than ever,--importation of any species -thereof from foreign parts was prohibited, on pain of confiscation -and fine, half to the informer, oil and water jars only excepted; and -further that, within eight days, all foreign vases should be sent -out of the state. In 1510, majolica was numbered among the trades of -Pesaro, and in 1532, Duke Francesco Maria confirmed the protection -for it which we have just cited. I have not met with the patent for -"application of gold to Italian faience," quoted by Mr. H. Rogers as -granted, in 1509, to Giacomo Lanfranco of Pesaro, by Duke Guidobaldo, -who, by the way, was then dead. - -[Footnote 243: Archiv. Dipl. Urbinate at Florence [1845].] - -[Footnote 244: GAYE, _Carteggio_, I., p. 304. He was probably Roberto -Malatesta, who served the Florentines in 1479, and died 1482; so -Gaye's date of 1490 seems erroneous.] - -It may have been soon after this date that "fine" superseded "half" -ware in the potteries of Pesaro, where the art obtained a new -stimulus on transference hither of the court by Duke Guidobaldo -II. Thereafter it is impossible to distinguish earthenware issuing -from these establishments from that of Urbino, their quality -being similar, and the artists in many cases identical; but by -that Prince's patronage it unquestionably attained its greatest -perfection. A petition by certain makers of Pesaro for protection, is -given in X. of the Appendix, as illustrating then received principles -of trade, as well as of this fabric. It bears date in 1552; and -in 1569, the Duke granted to Giacomo Lanfranco, of that city, a -patent for twenty-five years, guarded by 500 scudi of penalty, for -his inventions in applying gold to vases, and in constructing them -of great size (exceeding the capacity of two _some_), of antique -forms, and wrought in relievo. As a further encouragement, he and -his father Girolamo were exempted from every impost or tax, and from -mill-dues on grinding ten _some_ of grain annually. Proud of the -reputation of his native pottery, Guidobaldo was in the habit of -presenting services of majolica to foreign princes and personages, -who again often sent commissions to be executed in the duchy, bearing -their arms. A double service was, according to Vasari, given by him -to Charles V.; and another to Philip II., painted by Orazio Fontana -from Taddeo Zuccaro's designs; while Passeri mentions a set presented -to Fra Andrea of Volterra, each piece inscribed _G.V.V.D. [Guid -Vbaldonis Urbini Ducis] Munus, F. Andreae Volaterano_. I found in -the Oliveriana MSS. a letter addressed to his brother the Cardinal -of Urbino, describing a _buffet_ for Monsignor Farnese, with its -inventory, which will be found at XI. of the Appendix. The most -important, however, of the ducal commissions was a very numerous set -of jars, of many sizes and shapes, for the use of his laboratory -[_spezeria_], a fashion imitated by other dilettanti. Blue, yellow, -and green are their prevailing hues; they are always labelled with -the name of some drug or mixture, and occasionally have a portrait or -other subject. The original set was gifted by Francesco Maria II. to -the treasury of Loreto, where about three hundred and eighty of them -still serve their original purpose, many duplicates being met with in -collections. Specimens will be found engraved by Bartoli, and in Mr. -Marryat's beautiful volume; the offers of various crowned heads to -replace them by others of gold and silver, are well-known travellers' -tales, but in truth they are far from choice specimens. - -Like other branches of fine art, majolica-painting showed an early -preference for sacred themes; but the primitive plates of Pesaro bear -effigies of saints much more frequently than scripture histories, -or doctrinal representations. Then came in a fashion for portraits -of living or historical persons, including warriors, high-born -dames, and classical heroes, inscribed with their names. These -paintings are all flat and lifeless, with scarcely an attempt at -relief, or graduated tints; the ornaments are rude, inclining to -Moorish, and totally different from what is called arabesque. From -the della Robbian influence were probably borrowed plates brimming -with coloured fruits in relievo, a variety of little interest, but -reminding us of similar French productions in a later period. In the -sixteenth century, the mania of classicism, elsewhere discussed,[245] -much affected majolica; and in its designs, although events of the -Old Testament were not abandoned, saintly legends gave place to -scenes from Ovid and Virgil. For behoof of the unlettered curious, -the incident was shortly, often clumsily, described in blue letters -on the back, with a reference to the text. In a few cases (perhaps -of _amatorii_ or nuptial gifts), I have found the very finest -productions degraded by grossly indecent designs; in more numerous -ones groups of nude figures disport themselves in the manner of -Giulio Romano. Those in which Raffaelesque arabesques prevail, -belong chiefly to the latter portion of Guidobaldo's reign. From -that time the fabric decayed rapidly, owing partly to a general -decline of aesthetic taste, partly to the impaired state of that -Duke's finances, and the indifference of his successor. Even after -historical compositions were neglected, considerable dexterity was -displayed in painting trophies, arms, musical instruments, utensils, -marine monsters, children, grotesques, birds, trees, flowers, fruits, -and landscapes, designs of that class being easily repeated and -their inaccuracies passing for studied extravagance. But the drawing -got worse, the colouring more feeble, as good artists dropped off, -carrying with them their sketches, and superseded by engravings from -Sadeler and other Flemings, whose vile taste contributed to lower -the standard of better times.[246] Public favour, ever capricious, -was successfully wooed by the oriental porcelain, which now found -its way among the higher ranks, while the augmented supply of silver -encouraged a more extended use of plate. Thus discredited, the -manufacture progressively deteriorated, until, in 1722, the stoneware -of Urbania was of the most ordinary description, the efforts of -Cardinal Legate Stoppani to reinstate a better fabric having totally -failed; and thus neglected, the most beautiful productions of its -happier time were dispersed, or passed to the meanest uses, from -which another whim of fashion, as much as the revival of a better -taste, has suddenly rescued them. - -[Footnote 245: See vol. II.] - -[Footnote 246: In 1845, the Canon Staccoli at Urbino showed me a -plate equally feeble in design and colour, signed _F.M. Doiz Fiamengo -fecit_, a proof that it was no despised production of the time.] - -[Illustration: MAIOLICA - -_A plate of Urbino ware about 1535. (The arms are Cardinal Pucci's)_] - -Much of what has been said of the fine majolica of Pesaro is -applicable to that ascribed to Urbino, most of which appears to -have been made in the neighbouring towns of Fermignano, Gaifa, and -Castel Durante (now Urbania), the alluvial washings of the Metauro -being peculiarly adapted for the purest white glaze. Yet Pungileoni -has wormed out of some old notarial protocols the names of Mo. -Giovanni di Donnino in 1477, and of Mo. Francesco in 1501, -both designed of Gardutia, potters (_figuli_) at Urbino. He also -establishes that coloured figures were executed there in vases in -1521. Passeri denies that those ruby and gold colours for which we -shall find Gubbio celebrated, and which certainly were known in the -workshops of Pesaro, ever came into use at Urbino,--a conclusion -which we shall have occasion to correct. Indeed, this secret of -metallic iridescence is said to have been known at Florence, and -I have seen a plate of golden lustre bearing the emblem of the -woolstaplers' guild [_arte della lana_]; but if such manufactory -existed, I have found no notice of it, and the still flourishing -one of Ginori in the Val d'Arno pretends to no such antiquity. I -was shown at Florence a tile, on which Annibale Caracci's Galatea -was represented with great accuracy of design, but poor and hard in -colour, signed "_Ferdinand Campani, Siena, 1736_." In the latter town -there is said to have been a fabric known by the name of _Terchi_; -the analogous one, near Fermo, in the Abruzzi, called _Grue_, sent -forth, I believe, most of those tiles, small plates, or cups and -saucers,--ornamented with landscapes of tolerable design, but tinted -in sickly yellow or blue, and totally devoid of style,--which abound -in Lower Italy. - -The prismatic glaze, especially of gold and ruby colour, was -unequalled in those plates painted at Gubbio by Maestro Giorgio -Andreoli, who appears to have come hither from Pavia with his -brothers Salimbeni and Giovanni. His name was there enrolled among -the nobility in 1498, but the dates affixed to his plates extend from -1518 to about 1537. He had previously executed several plastic works -of the nature of della Robbia's figures, the principal of which was a -Madonna del Rosario altar-piece for the Domenican church, which has -been enthusiastically described in No. 928 of the London _Athenaeum_. -It was torn down by the French in their wonted course of rapine, and, -to the disgrace of the local authorities of Gubbio, lay neglected -for several years after the peace, until purchased for the Steidl -Institut at Frankfort. The only other of his productions remaining -at Gubbio is a life-sized statue of St. Anthony in the same church, -quite inferior as regards design and religious feeling to those of -the Tuscan sculptors, and which, though coloured, has no metallic -lustre. He is said by Passeri to have lived until 1552; and of his -family, who long occupied an honourable station in their native city, -only a son, Cencio, followed his father's profession. I have seen -a plate of this school at Mr. Forrest's, 54 Strand [1850], rudely -signed with G; others have R, perhaps il Rovigese, whom I shall -presently mention. Mo. Prestino da Gubbio wrought about 1557, but -the latest date I have seen with metallic lustre and the Gubbian mark -is 1549, on which the iridescence was extremely feeble. - -Passeri's assertion, that the Gubbian glaze was borrowed from the -half-majolica of Pesaro, may be correct; but we might, perhaps, -maintain for it a date as early as 1474, on the authority of a -beautiful small plate possessing its peculiarities, and exhibiting -Duke Federigo's name and profile in relief, within a coloured border -of oak-leaves also in relief, made, possibly, on occasion of his -alliance with the della Rovere, by marriage of the Lord Prefect with -his daughter in that year. This interesting memorial is No. 2286 of -the Mediaeval Gallery at the Louvre. In Mr. Marryat's choice cabinet -is a half-ware plate, bearing on the back a monogram, which that -gentleman supposes of Maestro Giorgio's early period, before he had -discovered the mode of obtaining iridescent varnishes. It displays -a group of nude figures in pale greyish tints, without any approach -to brilliant colouring. His usual signature was dashed off with a -metalliferous brush on the back, _Mo. Go. da Vgubio_, with -the date, as at No. 11 of the same facsimiles, from a plate in my -possession. Such pieces are rare, and highly prized; their subjects -are usually saints, classical groups, or grotesques, vases being -very seldom met with. A branch of this fabric is said to have been -seated at Nocera; and several, with bright red and blue tracery -on a gold metallic ground, dated 1537-8, in the choice cabinet of -Signor Serafino Tordelli at Spoleto [1845], are supposed by him of -that fabric. Among other exquisite specimens, he has one by Maestro -Giorgio, 1529, rivalling the finest miniature, and representing -Archimedes measuring a globe, in front of the Communal Palace at -Gubbio. - - * * * * * - -Thus much regarding the various manufactories of majolica connected -with Urbino. The forms and purposes to which it was turned were -very various. The first plates of Pesaro, chiefly of great size -[_bacili_], were probably for table use, but a variety of them, -called _amatorii_, were either tender souvenirs or marriage gifts. -These usually had the lady's portrait, with the complimentary epithet -of Bella, as in this example now in my possession; at other times -united hands and a transfixed heart, with a motto of affection, -moralising, or banter. Several such have been described by Passeri, -Marryat, and others, but I shall add a few which have come under my -observation. 1. At Florence: _Francesca bella a paragon di tutti_, -"Frances, of beauty comparable to any one." 2. At Rome: _Nemo sua -sorte contentus erat_, "Each has something to grumble about." 3. Sir -Thomas B. Hepburn; a lady holding a gigantic pink: _Non e si vago -el fiore che non imbiacca o casca_, "There is no flower so lovely -but fades or droops." 4. Rome; a dame of rueful countenance: _Sola -miseria caret invidia_, "Only the miserable escape envy." 5. Pesaro, -Massa collection: _Per dormire non si acquista_, "The indolent get -nothing." 6. Florence: _Chi bien guida sua barcha sempre emporto_, -"Who steers well his bark, always makes the harbour." 7. Pesaro:-- - - _S'il dono e picolo e di pocho valore, - Basta la fedel povere se redore._ - - "If small the gift and scant of merit - A poor slave's faith,--enough, you share it."[247] - -[Footnote 247: The rules of syntax are in these often overstepped, -and conjecture left to eke out the sense. My reading is literal, -of _basta la fe del povere sevedore_, which is intelligible, and -rhymes, as is not the case with _basta la fede, e 'l povere se vedo_, -the version of Passeri. This author tells us of a certain coy or -mischievous Philomela who pierced her lover's present with holes -and made of it a mouse-trap! Also of an exquisite Gubbian plate, -portraying the _Daniella Diva_, who displays a wounded heart with the -legend _Oime!_ "Ah me." A drug-bottle in Mr. Marryat's collection, -and engraved in his work, has the portrait of a lady whose squint is -given to the life.] - -[Illustration: MAIOLICA - -_Plate of Castel Durante ware about 1540, with a portrait medallion -within a border of oak leaves. This pattern was called "Cerquata" or -"al Urbinata," the oak being the badge of the Rovere house_] - -8, 9. Florence, and evidently nuptial presents: _Per fin che vivo, io -sempre t'amero_, "While I live, you I love"; the other, a bridegroom -and bride exchanging a hearty kiss. Most of these portrait-plates -were deep, and are said not to have been delivered empty. Brides -received them brimming with jewels; for dancing partners they were -filled with fruits and confections; to a lady in childbed was -presented a salver containing the sort of chamber service called in -French a _dejeuner de marie_, appropriately decorated with infant -legends of gods and heroes; at children's balls, were given tiny -plates of sugar-plums, whereon a dancing Cupid sounding his cymbal -was often painted. 10. Massa collection,--this has a sadder import: -_Un bel morire tutta la vita onora_, "A beautiful death confers -illustration on a lifetime," was, no doubt, in memory of some -venerated friend, and might have been used to serve her funeral -meats.[248] - -[Footnote 248: In order to finish our notice of mottoes, a few others -may be here added. 11. Massa collection; a female portrait, on whose -breast are the arms of Montefeltro: _Viva, Viva il Duca di Urbino_. -12. Rome, Kestner Museum; another female portrait: _Ibit ad geminos -lucida fama pollo_ (?). 13. Kestner Museum and that at the Hague; -St. Thomas probing the Saviour's wound: _Beati qui non viderunt et -crediderunt_, "Blessed are they that have not seen, and yet have -believed." 14. Spoleto, Tordelli collection; a beautiful female -resisting a crowd of armed soldiery: 1540. _Italia mesta sottosopra -volta, como pei venti in mare le torbid'onde, ch'or da una parte -et hor da l'altra volta._ "1540. Dejected Italy, tossed like the -wind-lashed waves, turning now hither now thither." 15. Rome,--satire -on the sack of Rome; a warrior in antique armour strikes with a -two-handed sword at a naked woman stretched in a lascivious posture, -behind whom five others tremblingly await their fate: it is inscribed -behind, 1534. _Roma lasciva dal buon Carlo quinto partita a mezza. -Fra Xanto a. da Rovigo, Urbino._ "Rome, the wanton, cut up by the -good Charles V.; by Brother Xante of Rovigo, at Urbino." This plate, -glowing with iridescence, contradicts Passeri's opinion (already -quoted) that stanniferous glaze was never practised in the Urbino -workshops, as does the tile introduced three pages below. 16. Rome; -a grandly draped female, sitting in desolation over a dead child: -_Fiorenzo mesta i morti figlii piange_, "Disconsolate Florence weeps -for her lifeless offspring," in the plague visitation of 1538. Though -with the most brilliant ruby and gold lustre I ever saw, it has in -blue the cipher X, probably also of Xante in Urbino.] - -But to return to the uses of this pottery. Those who have observed -the rich effect of the majolica sparingly displayed in the late -Mediaeval Exhibition at the Adelphi [1850] may readily admit that, on -a buffet lit up by Italian suns, its glowing tints and attractive -forms were no mean substitute for the as yet scarce precious metals. -Ingenuity was taxed to invent designs and adaptations of an art in -which fashion ran riot:--Tiles for floors or panelling; vases of -mere ornament; beakers; epergnes; wine-coolers; perfume-sprinklers; -fountains, whence there flowed alternately, as if by magic, water -or wine of nine varieties at the bidding of the bewildered guests; -wine-cups clustered with grapes, through an orifice in which the -liquor was sucked, anticipating the American device for discussing -sherry-cobbler. Of drug-bottles and pots we have spoken. Sauce-boats, -salt-cellars, and inkstands gave rise to endless caprices, in the -guise "of beasts, and of fowl and fishes"; and to these may be added -figure-groups of saints, grotesque characters and animals, fruits, -trees, and pilgrims' bottles. - -In the decorations there was generally a consistency, too often lost -sight of by modern artificers. Thus, toilet-basins were painted with -marine deities, water-nymphs, or aquatic allegories; fruit-stands -with fruit and vintages; wine-cups with vine-festoons. Among the -oddities may be mentioned tiny tea-cups, into the paste for which was -mingled a portion of dust carefully gathered in sweeping out the holy -house at Loreto, their sanctity being vouched by the inscription, -_Con pol. di S.C._, "With dust from the Santa Casa." The effigy of -the Madonna of Loreto is often affixed, in colour and design on a -par with the superstition. A pair of these was shown at the Mediaeval -Exhibition of 1850, No. 562 of the catalogue, belonging to a Mrs. -Palliser. - - * * * * * - -Having thus considered the various sites and sorts of Urbino -majolica, its processes and purposes, we shall mention some of the -artists employed upon it. Of these there were two classes, the potter -who mixed and manipulated, modelled and moulded clay-clod into an -article of convenience or luxury, and the painter whose pencil -rendered it an object of the fine arts; latterly, however, these -branches were combined, and were carried on by a class of artificers -called _vasaii_ or _vasari_, and _boccalini_, according as vases -or bottles prevailed in their workshops. The little that has come -to our knowledge regarding those by whom the early Pesarese and -Gubbian ware was fashioned and decorated will be found in a former -page. The latter makers of Pesaro and Urbino have more frequently -left us the means of identifying their performances in monograms -or signatures, usually inscribed in blue characters on the back -of plates. But before considering these, we may dispose of the -vulgar error which has given Raffaele's name to Italian porcelain. -Superficial or romancing writers have often seriously repeated, with -purely fictitious additions, Malvasia's petulant sneer, which he -was fain quickly to retract, that the great Sanzio was a painter of -plates; others have, without better grounds, made him assistant to -his father, a potter. There is however nothing connecting him with -the ceramic art beyond a loose notice by Don V. Vittorio, in his -_Osservazioni Sopra Felsina Pittrice_ (pp. 44, 112-14), of a letter -from Raffaele referring to designs supplied by him to the Duchess -for majolica. That he did supply such drawings is possible, though -discredited by Pungileoni, and, if true, it in no way compromises his -status, at a period when high art lent a willing hand to decorate and -elevate the adjuncts and appliances of domestic life. This much is -certain, that compositions emanating from Sanzio and his school were -employed in ornamenting porcelain during the sixteenth century, but -they were doubtless obtained from his pupils, or from the engravings -of Marc Antonio. Such is the title here introduced from the original -in my possession (8-1/2 inches by 7), which is one of the most -Raffaelesque I have met with, and which, though not signed, displays -the colouring practised by Fra Xanto, the blue and green being deep -and well marked, the orange and yellow of the clouds and curtain in -metallic iridescence. - -In this, as in most instances, the design is somewhat marred by the -colours having run when laid on, or during vitrification. The mistake -as to Sanzio has been partly occasioned by confusion with Raffaele -del Colle, who painted at the Imperiale, and is said by tradition -to have contributed sketches for the Pesarese workshops, and also -with another Raffaele Ciarla, who seems to have been a potter, -about 1530-60. Battles, sieges, and mythological figures resembling -the vigorous inventions of Giulio Romano, are not unfrequent; and -in the Kestner Museum, I have observed several plates of choice -design and Raffaelesque character, especially the Fall and Expulsion -of our first Parents, and the Gathering of Manna. But these are -satisfactorily accounted for by Passeri's statement, that, with a -view to improve a native manufacture which brought to his state both -estimation and wealth, Duke Guidobaldo II. took infinite pains in -collecting a better class of drawings and prints from celebrated -masters, on the dispersion of which, in consequence of their being -sought for by collectors, the pictorial excellence of majolica -rapidly declined. The first symptom of decay was the substitution -of monotonous arabesques, weak in colour and repeated from the type -introduced by Raffaele, in place and figure groups and other subjects -requiring composition and design. - - * * * * * - -Premising that we cannot now distinguish exactly between potters and -the painters, where these cognate occupations chanced to be divided, -and that the same persons occasionally wrought at various places in -the duchy, we shall supply a notice of the names we have met with in -connection with the workshops of Pesaro, Urbino, and Castel Durante, -during the sixteenth century. - -Terenzio Terenzi painted vases and plates at Pesaro, one of which -he signed "Terenzio fecit, 1550," but his usual mark was T. Another -is inscribed, "Questo piatto fu fatto in la Bottega de Mastro -Baldassare, Vasaro da Pesaro e fatto per mano de Ferenzio fiolo di -Mastro Matteo Boccalaro." He was doubtless the person who, under -the surname of Rondolino, became notorious at Rome for his clever -pictorial forgeries of the great master's works, although said by -Ticozzi to have been born at Pesaro in 1570. The signature "Mastro -Gironimo, Vasaro in Pesaro, J.P." occurs from 1542 to 1560, and to -him Mr. Marryat ascribes, on what authority I know not, the mark -A.O. connected by a cross, which Passeri quotes as of another artist -in 1582; the letters I.P. that gentleman reads _in Pesaro_. This -Girolamo Lanfranco was a native of Gabicce, near Pesaro, and died in -1599, leaving sons Girolamo and Ludovico. In his favour, and that of -his son, were granted the privileges already referred to, as dated -1552 and 1569. - -In connection with the workshops of Urbino, we have these names. -Giovanni and Francesco di Donnino had a commission for a set of vases -for Cardinal Capaccio. _Fra Xanto. a. da Rovigo in Urbino_ signed -platters of great size and beautiful design, about 1532-4, some -of which show a very fine metallic and prismatic lustre. The mark -X, occurring on pieces of that quality, does not, however, always -refer to him. A splendid plate in Mr. Marryat's rich collection, -commemorative of the taking of Goletta, in Africa, by Charles V., -is inscribed _In Urbino nella botteg di Francesco de Silvano, X. -MDXXXXI._; and a Judith of great beauty, in the Tordelli -cabinet, signed F.X. 1535, is, no doubt of that master. Contemporary -and very analogous are plates with an iridescence rivalling that of -Maestro Giorgio, signed _Mastro Rovigo di Urbino_, or _Da Rovigiese_: -of this artist, probably the countryman of Xanto, we know nothing, -but he may be the same who signs Gubbian plates with R. Equally -little can we say as to Giulio of Urbino, who is mentioned as working -for the Duke of Ferrara, about 1530; or of Cesare da Faenza, then -employed in the shop of Guido Merlini, of Urbino. Much more noted -are the Fontana family, originally of Castel Durante. From thence -Guido, son of Nicolo, emigrated to the capital, where his son Orazio -painted many of the finest productions of the reign of Guidobaldo -II., including the best vases of his laboratory, his usual mark being -this, meaning _Orazio Fontana Urbinate fece_. Among the treasures and -trash of Strawberry Hill was a very large vase, with serpent handles, -and designs ascribed to Giulio Romano, inscribed _Fate in botega di -Orazio Fontana_.[249] A plate described by Passeri, has the story of -Horatius Cocles, with the motto _Orazio solo contra Toscana tutta, -fatto in Pesaro 1541_, which appears to be a _jeu de mots_ intended -by Fontana as a challenge to the rival fabrics of Tuscany.[250] For -him has been claimed the invention of Gubbian glaze; while others -say his discovery was a mode of preventing the mixture of colours -during vitrification. He died in 1571, his labours having been shared -by a brother Camillo, who carried the art to Ferrara, and a nephew -Flaminio, who settled in Florence. - -[Footnote 249: A magnificent pair of triangular fonts in the same -collection brought at the sale 168_l._] - -[Footnote 250: The ancestors of Giorgio Vasari were surnamed from -their occupation of vase-makers (_vasari_), at Arezzo. The Ginori -establishment near Florence is comparatively modern.] - -[Illustration: O F V F] - -Among the pupils of Orazio was Raffaele Ciarla, whose name we have -noticed as confused with that of Raffaele Sanzio, and who painted -a buffet of porcelain, after designs by Taddeo Zuccaro, which his -sovereign presented to Philip II. of Spain. He wrought between 1530 -and 1560. Gianbattista Franco, a Venetian painter of whom we have -lately spoken, was invited by Duke Guidobaldo II., about 1540, to -supply designs for majolica, in consequence of his reputation for -clever drawings in the dangerous style of Michael Angelo. The loss of -his cupola for the cathedral at Urbino is not to be regretted; but in -a humbler sphere he acquitted himself better, and some of the vases -in the laboratory bear his signature, B.F.V.F., _Battista Franco -Urbinas fecit_. Among the latest artists was Alfonso Patanazzi, who -was born at Urbino of a noble family, and died in 1694; but his -productions (signed in full, or with his initials) have no artistic -merit whatever. - -It remains to mention those who wrought chiefly at Castel Durante, -or, as it was named after the Devolution to the Holy See, Urbania. -The Chevalier Cipriano Picolpasso, from being a professor of the -healing art, took to pottery about 1550, and left a MS. account -of some of the secrets of that fabric and of its glazes, which -was used by Passeri for his work. Mr. Marryat considers that he -was peculiarly successful in painting trophies. Guido di Savino -is said to have carried the art from Castel Durante to Antwerp; -and he or Guido Fontana may be author of a plate, in the Soane -Museum, of the Fates, signed _In botega di Mo. Guido Durantino -in Urbino_. To either of them I am disposed to assign the monogram, -No. 12, of our 18th plate of facsimiles, which Mr. Marryat reads as -Castel Durante, but which seems to me a G.D., for Guido Durantino. -Alessandro Gatti, of that place, had three brothers, Giovanni, -Tiseo, and Luzio, whom Picolpasso mentions as having emigrated to -Corfu, and there established the same fabric. Cardinal Stoppani, -Legate of Pesaro, in last century, made some ineffectual attempts -to restore the manufacture at Urbania, and the only pottery now -produced in the duchy is of the most ordinary white stoneware. It -would be interesting to know the scale of remuneration for mere -artistic varieties of majolica, but the prices given by Passeri, from -Picolpasso's MS., refer only to the more ordinary and mechanical -designs, such as grotesques with monsters, arabesques, trophies -with armour, fruit, flowers, and foliage; of these the first was -the most costly, the last the cheapest, varying from two Roman -scudi to about two and a half pauls per hundred. Supposing money -in 1560 to have been six times its present value in Italy, these -sums may be considered equal to fifty shillings and six shillings -respectively.[251] - -[Footnote 251: Pungileoni quotes a demand made in 1683 of 50 scudi -(about 11_l._) for a plate reputed to have been painted by Raffaele; -this, at thrice the present money value, would give 32_l._ as its -price.] - -In Italy, the collection of majolica made by the Chevalier Massa, at -Pesaro, is specially worthy of notice, and contains specimens of most -varieties made in the duchy. It was chiefly got together between 1825 -and 1835 when these were still abundant and little sought after; but -the district was nearly cleared of them about twelve years since, by -an agent of Parisian dealers. The Chevalier, who was in extreme old -age in 1845, had bequeathed his majolica--consisting of about five -hundred pieces, with a few indifferent pictures--to his native town, -unless he could, during life, sell the whole for about 1000_l._, -destined by him to charitable purposes. Another numerous collection -is that of Signor Mavorelli, at La Fratta, near Perugia. The small -but choice cabinet of Signor Serafino Tordelli, at Spoleto, has -already been mentioned. Specimens may still be picked up in Rome, -Florence, Paris, and London; but perhaps the most specimens are in -the hands of English amateurs. - - - - -APPENDICES - - - - -APPENDIX I - -(Page 21) - -CORRESPONDENCE OF CLEMENT VII. WITH DUKE FRANCESCO MARIA BEFORE THE -SACK OF ROME, 1527 - - -There are several brieves preserved in the Archivio Diplomatico at -Florence, affording evidence of the Pope's feeble and inconsistent -policy. His missive, announcing to the Duke the truce with Lannoy, -was dated the 16th of March, and was followed by one of the 20th of -April, which we shall here translate:-- - - To our beloved Son, the noble Francesco Maria, Duke of - Urbino, Captain-general of the Venetians. - - Beloved Son, health and apostolic benediction! - - We have written but once to your nobility since coming to - this armistice with the enemy, for, matters not being yet - fully settled, we had nothing certain to apprise you of. - But we understood that, by the letters of our dear son - and lieutenant, Francesco Guicciardini, you were already - made aware of all we could have asked of you, and had by - your own good conduct anticipated it, which is to us most - pleasing and acceptable, and daily more realises our hopes - of you. As to this suspension of arms, we stooped to it - more readily from being destitute of means or assistance, - and from measuring the inclinations of others by our own - pacific dispositions. But now that our enemies' conduct - seems rather to abuse our clemency and moderation than to - approach any equitable course, we do not well see how we - can safely come to any terms with them. Thus, induced by - necessity, and by your worth and good will, as well as - cheered by the entire justice of our cause, we desire to - make your nobility aware that we have utterly dismissed - from our mind all truce with adversaries so perfidious, and - are willing and ready rather to hazard any peril of war - than submit to such unworthy and iniquitous conditions; - yet, believing victory much more imminent than danger, we - trust that their obstinacy and insolence will be easily put - down, provided your forces can timeously coalesce with our - own, and you exercise all zeal and caution in effecting - this. We therefore not only exhort your nobility to this, - but we fully rely on your doing it, as matter at once of - duty and propriety, and from your disposition in favour - of the Italian liberties and the dignity of ourselves and - this Holy See. We, on our part, shall maintain towards - our beloved sons, the Venetian government, that firm - attitude which shall satisfy all of our constancy, things - being now come to such a pitch that we must either sink - dishonoured on failure of your aid and support, or by your - help shall emerge with credit. As regards our paternal - and affectionate concern for your personal dignity and - interests, we can add nothing to the promises already made - you by letters and envoys, which we shall amply carry - out. Let your nobility, therefore, go on as you have so - well begun, nor relax until we and you and all Italy be - rid of all these barbarian excesses. After perusing these - brieves, your nobility will forward them to the Doge and - Signory of Venice, for, news of the enemy's obstinacy and - faithlessness reaching us by express at midnight, we had to - write to your nobility before we could communicate anything - to their ambassador. - - Given at St. Peter's, Rome, under the fisher's signet, the - 20th April, 1527, in the fourth year of our pontificate. - - BLOSIUS. - -On the 22nd and 30th the Pope wrote again, but in general terms, -and referring for details to the accredited bearer and to former -despatches. He exhorted the Duke, in formal and measured phrase, to -do his utmost towards fulfilling the expectations reposed on him and -the Venetians, upon whom were based all the Pontiff's hopes; but -neither in letter nor spirit do these brieves indicate any perception -of the extreme hazards of his position. - - - - -APPENDIX II - -(Page 21) - -THE SACK OF ROME - - -I. _Letter from the Bishop of Modula to the Generals of the -League._[252] - -[Footnote 252: Sanuto Diarii MSS. Bib. Marciana, xlv. f. 132.] - - Most illustrious Lords of the League, - - Let your most illustrious Lordships speed on quickly - without loss of time, seeing by these presents that the - enemy have carried the Borgo, though our Lord and all Rome - were well fortified. Monsignor de Bourbon is dead of an - arquebus-shot below the abdomen, and a man has just come - in who happened to aid in carrying off his body. More - than three thousand of the enemy have fallen. Let your - Lordships, then, press on, for the enemy are in the utmost - disorder; quickly, quickly, without loss of time. Your - servant, - - GUIDO, BISHOP OF MODULA. - - From Viterbo, the 7th of May, 1527, 3 P.M. - - To the most illustrious Lords, the Duke of Urbino and the - Marquis of Saluzzo, Captains of the League. - - -II. _Letter from Scipione ... to Alessandro Moresino, alias -Venezianello, Master of the Chamber of the Prince Guidobaldo, dated -at Urbino, 20th of May, 1527, narrating the destruction of Rome._ - - Most dear as an honoured brother, - - I wish I were fitter than at present, and more easy - in mind, to write you of the strange, horrible, and - atrocious event befallen the wretched, miserable, and - ill-fated city of Rome. Although I feel assured that, - from different advices, you will have had partial, if not - full accounts, nevertheless, that I may not fail in duty, - I have thought it best to inform you of all I have yet - heard, notwithstanding that I tell it with aching heart and - tearful eye. - - I therefore inform you that eight days ago last Monday, - being the 18th inst., about 22 o'clock [half-past 5 - P.M.], the Spanish imperial army presented itself - at the bastion of the gate. Their object was to make trial, - and see how and by whom it was guarded, not having courage - to attack; but after consulting together, and deciding - to assault, and even to make their way into the city, - they took some food, and then suddenly and all in a mass - attempted with furious impetuosity to force the bastion, - which is said to have been ill guarded, there being but - four thousand regular infantry in Rome. In this attack, - both sides behaved with great bravery, and were supposed - to have lost about one thousand men, including the flower - of the Spaniards. Bourbon, observing the slaughter and - immense confusion, rushed on with all the lansquenets. - The castle maintained a fire of artillery as they best - could; but the air being obscured by a dense fog, they - could not see the effect of it, and battered down a piece - of wall.[253] Through it, and by storming the bastion, the - Imperialists entered, and there Bourbon met his death from - an arquebus-shot, which passed quite through his belly. - The papal troops, unable to offer more resistance, fled - towards the castle, into which most of them were admitted, - especially those who arrived first. It is rumoured, - but not confirmed, that the Lord Stefano Colonna, who - commanded the guard at that bastion, capitulated. Next day, - being Tuesday, the enemy, though within the town, made - no aggressions, but proceeded cautiously, dreading some - ambush. Having, however, assured themselves that there was - no cause for mistrust, they began to spread over the city, - and to plunder the monasteries, nunneries, and hospitals, - with great slaughter of those found therein. The hospital - of San Spirito was destroyed, and the patients were thrown - into the Tiber, after which they commenced attacking the - palaces of cardinals and gentlemen, with much bloodshed and - cruelty; and I have been told this morning by Francesco, - son of Battista Riceco, that one Maestro Jacomo, the first - perfumer in Rome, is come to his house, having escaped - with four other chance companions, whom, being a very old - friend, he has thought it necessary to receive kindly in - his house; and he learned from him as certain, having been - witness to it, that the lansquenets, that inhuman and - villainous race of Lutheran infidels, slew without mercy - those of all ages, sexes, and conditions whom they found in - the streets; also, that they attacked Cardinal Cesarini's - palace, wherein were many Roman gentlemen, guarded by two - hundred infantry; and having stormed it, put them all to - the sword, it being uncertain if the Cardinal himself were - there. Thence they proceeded to the Spanish Archbishop - of Cosenza's palace, wherein were some five hundred of - his countrymen, men of credit inhabiting Rome, who had - retired thither as to a place of safety; but all, without - exception, were cut to pieces. They next went to the house - of Messer Domenico de' Massimi, a Roman gentleman, who had - there his wife and two children, with many noble persons - of the city of all ages, every individual of whom were - slain--men, women, children, servants, maids; and it was - the same in many others, whose names I do not remember, - so that the dead bodies lie in heaps in the houses and - palaces of the nobility, each day getting worse. Fancy the - affliction of the poor ladies, seeing husbands, brothers, - children massacred before their eyes, without the power of - aiding them, and worse still, they were themselves killed - next moment. It is not believed that had the Turk come on - such an enterprise, his barbarity would have equalled that - daily, continuously, and perseveringly practised by these - ruffians. I cannot imagine a greater purgatory or hell than - to hear the weeping and lamentation there must be in that - afflicted city. - - [Footnote 253: This letter, though inaccurate in several - details, the author writing at a distance from the events, - affords curious evidence of the consternation generally - occasioned by the sack of Rome.] - - But I forgot that he told me they were barricading the - Marchioness of Mantua's palace, as he left Rome, in which - were her Excellency, with many Roman ladies, who had fled - there as to an asylum, but the result was not known. He - also said that the _Bande nere_ of the late Lord Giovanni - de' Medici were to have from the Pope double pay for - their services, which his Holiness refusing, a part of - them remained in Rome, and the rest went off in disgust - and joined the Spaniards in plundering, being the foremost - to assault that bastion which was defended by their - comrades, and having, in fact, secured the Imperialists - their victory, as without them neither the lansquenets nor - Spaniards had ever got into the city. - - The Pope is in the castle, with many cardinals and other - persons of station: they are said to have a year's - provisions, with ample ammunition and artillery. This - Maestro Giacomo says he heard that the Imperialists, - dubious of succours, thought of fortifying the bridges, - with the intention of holding their ground against any - who might annoy them. As yet the lansquenets have made - no prisoners, but the Spaniards have pillaged immensely, - and taken vast numbers of men, women, priests, and people - of all sorts, so that there is, from Rome to Naples, an - uninterrupted stream of baggage and prisoners sent by - them. He also mentions that the chief of Colonna most - courageously charged the lansquenets, crying Colonna! - Colonna! but after a great fray, he was beaten and his - followers killed, whereupon Pompeo Colonna, thinking to - elevate himself and put down his enemies, fled away, and - neither he nor any of his house have been since heard of. - It was reported that four soldiers were killed in entering - the castle, but this is since contradicted. Cardinal del - Monte and many more cardinals are missing, and it is not - known if they got in there, or are dead, or taken, or - escaped. It is suspected that these anti-Christian dogs - will put all Rome to flames; and we may anticipate that - after suffering all this rapine, pillage, slaughter, - and captivity, it will soon have to endure a grievous - pestilence, from the number of dead bodies left in the - palaces and houses, which no one removes for burial, and - which are putrefying in masses, so that no one can enter, - on account of the stench, without inhaling infection. It - is also said that, a day or two ago one of the Pope's - chamberlains was secretly sent by his Holiness from the - castle in the night to our Duke [of Urbino], to inform him - of the state of matters, and to exhort him and the other - captains of the League to push on with the army to his - aid; and that all these other leaders having repaired - to consult with his Lordship, they unanimously resolved - to press forward. We hear that his Excellency is to-day - at Orvieto, and will reach Viterbo to-morrow; also that - he will make a general levy, and give bounty to all who - will enlist. His Excellency has written the Governor a - very affectionate letter, praying him to exhort all those - here who have been soldiers to go in search of honourable - service, with money and all they may require. The Governor - has circulated copies of this letter throughout the state, - and has made proclamation, so that they are embodying many - men to join his Excellency. On Saturday, Vincenzo Ubaldino - and Pier-Matteo di Thomasello will start from this with a - fine and good detachment. I am sorry not to be able to send - you a copy of this letter, which it would really have done - your heart good to read. You could hardly believe how much - vexation this misfortune to Rome has caused here; and when - people of station discuss it, as they often do, I assure - you I have seen them weep as freely as if it were their - own. All that I have related I tell you just as I heard it - from others. I would I were speaking untruths, and that it - were all false; but I shall say no more. The Lady Madonna - Emilia sends you hearty commendations, and reminds you not - to give yourself such airs as to forget her. From Urbino, - the 20th May, 1527. Entirely your brother, - - SCIPIONE ARRIS.... - - -III. _Letter from Mercurino da Gattinara, Commissary of the Imperial -Army during the sack of Rome, wherein he informs the Emperor of the -entrance into that city, of the slaughter and havock inflicted, and -of the arrangement made through him with Clement VII., and how during -four successive days he repaired to the Castle of St. Angelo to -negotiate with the Pope and thirteen cardinals there inclosed._[254] - -[Footnote 254: Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 2607.] - - Most sacred Caesar, - - I have this written in Italian by another hand, being - unable to do so with my own in consequence of meeting with - an accident, as I shall presently explain. I have to inform - your Majesty that Monsieur di Borbone, being near Florence - and Siena with his army, and understanding that the former - of these cities was well fortified, and contained the - forces of the League ready to defend it, rendering a siege - impossible, or at all events so protracted as to endanger - your Majesty's troops from want of provisions and other - stores, whilst the lack of pay risked their disbanding - and losing all;--aware, on the other hand, that Rome had - been disarmed, and that to seize and bring it and the - Pontiff to great straits was to gain everything, or at all - events would prove a measure so useful and advantageous - as to content your Majesty;--it appeared to him better to - abandon his designs upon Florence, and, advancing by forced - marches, to beleaguer Rome, thereby anticipating the army - of the League, and preventing them from succouring it, - for which purpose he determined to leave his artillery in - Siena. Accordingly, when this was decided, the confederates - being in Florence, and we thirty miles on this side of it, - we advanced with the utmost diligence, doing twenty or - four-and-twenty miles a day, which was something quite new - for the army, so numerous, so distressed by past fatigues, - and by recent and actual hunger.[255] Thus, on Saturday - the 4th instant, it was quartered at Isola, seven miles - from Rome. M. di Borbone and his officers were astonished - that the Pope and cardinals should await the army and the - threatened danger, whilst Rome was incapable of defence, - without submitting some proposal by envoy or letter, or - even answering a despatch sent to his Holiness by M. di - Borbone and the Viceroy as to the terms of agreement. Some - of your Majesty's good servants suggested that were the - army under the walls it was doubtful if they could carry - them, from want of artillery, in which event their own - destruction would follow; on the other hand, that in case - of taking the city it would be sacked, which could be no - good service to your Majesty, as its plunder would occasion - the army to disperse, the Spaniards and Italians straggling - towards Naples, or, should they not break up, they might - demand immense arrears of pay, which not being discharged - from want of means, everything would fall into confusion. - For these reasons they recommended Borbone so to dispose - his forces as to keep matters open for arrangement with the - Pope. Of this advice he openly approved, desirous of any - plan which should provide pay for the army. He, however, - declared that he would not abstain from annoying the - enemy, nor allow them time to provide for their interests, - alleging that the Admiral [Bonnivet] of France, from not - having taken Rome when he could, in order to save it from a - sack, was unable afterwards to do so, it being defended by - the Lord Prospero Colonna: also that, on another occasion, - when Monsieur di Chaumont beleaguered Bologna, Fabrizio - Colonna threw in succours whilst the French general was - treating with Julius II., who thereupon broke off the - parley: finally, that it became a pontiff rather to seek a - capitulation than to wait until it was demanded of him. - - [Footnote 255: As a specimen of the very loose diction even - of public despatches in this age, and of the obstacles - which a translator has to encounter, we shall render - literally the next sentence, or rather half page, sentences - not being divided in the original. "And so the fourth - day of the present month of May, which was Saturday, the - foresaid army made his lodgment at seven miles from Rome, - in a place which is called the Isle; Monsieur di Borbone - and all the principal persons were filled with much - wonder that the Pope and so many cardinals and all Rome, - being disarmed, should wait for such an army and great - danger, without sending to the said Monsieur di Borbone - an ambassador to make some parley, nor letters, or answer - to his letters which the said M. di Borbone had formerly - written, and the Viceroy, to his Holiness about the affair - of the agreement."] - - Monsieur di Borbone accordingly decided on approaching the - walls, and on Sunday morning the 5th we made a lodgment - within [beyond?] St. Peter's palace, hard by the monastery - of S. Pancrazio. Yet he did not neglect addressing a - letter to the Pontiff on that morning, exhorting him to - make a favourable capitulation rather than abide the - unpleasant alternative. It was at the same time suggested - whether it might not be well for him to repair to his - Holiness; but considering that he could not go for want of - a safe-conduct, it seemed better for him to remain; he, - however, sent the letter by a trumpet, whom the enemy did - not allow to pass, the missive remaining in their hands, - and we know not whether it reached the Pope; at all events, - no answer ever came, which was demanded before half-past - seven P.M. of that day, after which it would be no - longer possible to restrain the army. For these reasons, - as evening approached, it was resolved to get the ladders - all prepared for an assault the following morning on the - Borgo towards the furnaces, where the wall was considered - very weak. And so the assault was given on Monday morning - the 6th of May in this year 1527, when by an unlucky - chance the Lord di Borbone was hit in the abdomen towards - the right thigh, of which wound he presently died. Yet - notwithstanding this accident, which was not at once - known to the army, the undertaking was carried through, - and the Borgo was plundered that morning. The Pope, with - most of the cardinals and court, were in the castle, but - on hearing what had occurred they hastily retired to the - castle of S. Angelo. Meanwhile our soldiery sacked the - whole Borgo, and slew most of the people whom they found, - taking a few prisoners. The enemy's forces then in the city - are supposed not to have exceeded three thousand, unused - to arms, so that it was scarcely defended; the dense fog - which prevailed during that day was likewise inopportune, - preventing them seeing each other; and the struggle did not - last in all above two hours. We afterwards learned that - the Pope and the citizens, relying upon the assurances of - Renzo da Ceri, considered both Rome and the Borgo to be - impregnable without artillery, and looked for support from - the confederate army. - - The Pontiff being thus within the castle, and such of the - citizens as were armed having joined their handful of - troops for defence of the bridges and of the Transtevere - quarter, the Borgo was occupied by a large portion of our - army, and its leaders were assembled in council, when there - arrived the Portuguese ambassador to say that some Romans, - his neighbours, had, with the Pope's sanction, urged him - to make terms. The answer given him was that the council - would be ready to treat, so soon as the Pope had placed - in their hands the Ponte Molle and Transtevere, to which - proposal no reply was returned during that day. A brigade - of our troops having carried the Transtevere, and possessed - themselves of the Ponte Sisto and Sta. Maria, the whole - army passed into the city early on that evening of the - 6th. As the inhabitants in general relied on its being - defended, none of them had fled or removed their property, - so that no one of whatever nation, rank, condition, age, - or sex escaped becoming prisoners--not even women in the - convents. They were treated without distinction according - to the caprice of the soldiery; and after being plundered - of all their effects most of them were compelled by - torture or otherwise to pay ransom. Cardinals Cesarini, - della Valle, and di Siena, being imperialists, considered - themselves safe, and remained in their houses, whither - also there retired Cardinal ..., Fra Giacobatio, and many - friends with their women and valuables; but finding no - sanctuary there, they had to compound with certain captains - and soldiers for security of their persons and property; - notwithstanding which, these houses were completely - pillaged three or four days afterwards, and they had enough - to do to save their lives. Some women who had carried all - their earthly possessions to Cardinal Colonna's residence - were left with but a single cloak and shift. Cardinals S. - Sisto and della Minerva, who stayed at home, are still in - the soldiers' power, being too poor to pay their ransom. - All the church ornaments are stolen, the sacred utensils - thrown about, the relics gone to destruction--for the - troops in abstracting their precious receptacles heeded - these no more than as many bits of wood: even the shrine - of the _sancta sanctorum_ was sacked, although regarded - with peculiar reverence. St. Peter's church and the papal - palace from top to bottom have been made into stables. - I feel confident that your Majesty as a Catholic and - most Christian emperor will feel displeasure at these - gross outrages and insults to the Catholic religion, the - Apostolic See, and the city of Rome. In truth, every one - is convinced that all this has happened as a judgment - from GOD on the great tyranny and disorders of - the papal court; but however this may be, there has been - vast destruction, for which no redress can be had but from - your Majesty's arm and authority. This army has no head, - no divisions, no discipline, no organisation, but every - one behaves according to his own fancy. The Lord Prince - of Orange and Giovanni di Urbino, with the other leaders, - do what they can, but to little purpose; for in entering - Rome the lansquenets have conducted themselves like true - Lutherans, and the rest like actual.... Most of the troops - are enriched by the enormous booty, amounting to many - millions of gold. A majority of the Spaniards will, it is - supposed, retire to Naples with their spoil. - - But to resume our narrative. On the morning after our - entry, being Tuesday the 7th, the Pope wrote a letter - to our leaders, praying them to send me to his Holiness - to hear certain proposals. By their order I went into - S. Angelo, where I found thirteen cardinals in great - affliction, as was natural in the circumstances. His - Holiness in their presence told me, that since fortune, on - which he too much relied, had brought him to this pass, - he would not think of any resistance, but was content to - place his own person and that of the cardinals, and his - state, in your Majesty's hands, and that he desired me to - mediate with the captains for some favourable arrangement. - I did my best to comfort his Holiness and the cardinals, - showing them how satisfied they must be that your Majesty - never intended to injure either his Holiness or the - Apostolic See; but that great blame attached to them, - seeing they might, on certain fair conditions and by a - sum of money, have prevented our army from approaching so - near, which would have averted the destruction of Rome; - since, however, GOD had so willed it, that his - plan seemed to me good, of placing himself in the hands - of your Majesty, as there was no remedy or redress to be - looked for but from that quarter. Taking upon me the charge - imposed by my office as mediator, I passed several times - between the council of war and the Pontiff, and succeeded - in the course of four days in concluding a capitulation, - which is generally considered reasonable and advantageous - to your Majesty's service, as to which I shall only say - that your Majesty will judge, after seeing its terms - and learning its progress. There arose on our side an - obstacle to prevent the execution of this agreement, which - was the bad discipline of the Germans, who took a fancy - not to quit Rome, nor confirm any truce, until they had - received all arrears of pay, amounting, according to their - calculation, to 300,000 scudi. But as the Pope could put - down but 100,000 scudi, even after selling everything - within the castle, of his own valuables and those of the - cardinals and prelates, and the church ornaments, the - affair could not be brought to a happy issue, so much so - that I greatly feared the brutality of these Germans and - the blunders of others would have lost all the fruits of - our enterprise, especially as the army of the League is - supposed not to be more than twenty or twenty-five miles - distant, and as some of their detachments have already - tried to carry off his Holiness by night. After several - days had passed in disputing with the lansquenets, the - expedient was adopted of handing them over all the cash - produced by the Pontiff--the Prince of Orange and other - captains undertaking that they should be paid [the balance] - out of the first moneys raised, and Parma and Piacenza - being consigned in security. I was obliged to concede - to them these conditions, in order to carry through the - capitulation, and so secure the benefit of our enterprise, - as well as to elude their anxiety to get the Pope and - cardinals into their clutches, upon which they were greatly - set. And this arrangement is really of such importance that - most of your Majesty's servants are willing to undertake - any obligation towards these lansquenets, in order to - ensure the Pope's and cardinals' safety. There is still - some hitch about raising the 100,000 scudi, but we trust - means will be found; meanwhile, it has been resolved to - throw three hundred infantry into the castle to-morrow, - under some leader, to secure it and all in it; and we shall - see gradually to get the rest brought about. - - In return for my toils, anxieties, and services, I was - wounded from an arquebus in S. Angelo on the fourth day, - whilst approaching the castle to treat with the Pope. - The ball passed through my right arm, which prevents me - from writing, but I hope in time to get over it. And - notwithstanding this accident befallen me, from no fault - of his Holiness, whilst on your Majesty's service and in - so righteous a work, I shall endure it all patiently, in - the hope that your Majesty will consider my exertions, and - the losses sustained by me in limb and estate, and out of - your clemency and compassion will not omit some fitting - recompence. - - After writing the above on the 19th inst., I returned to - the castle to conclude the arrangements with the Pope and - cardinals, and complete the convention; and in consequence - of certain articles being added regarding the entry of our - people into S. Angelo, I sought to remodel the treaty. - The Lord Vespasiano Colonna, and the Abbot of Nigera - accompanied me; and after protracted discussion with the - Pontiff regarding the difficulty of raising the 100,000 - scudi, we had recourse to certain merchants who, on a - guarantee from his Holiness and the cardinals, promised to - make up a balance of 20,000 wanted to complete that sum. - This point being settled, I insisted on reforming the - treaty, and that your Majesty's troops might on that very - day take possession of the fortress, as had been agreed - on. But his Holiness endeavoured all day to postpone this - on various pretexts, and at length, when pressed by us to - decide, as we would wait no longer, he replied, "I shall - speak frankly; having advices that the confederate army - is at hand to relieve me, I desire, meanwhile, that you - give me a limited time to await their succours, on the - expiry of which I shall perform all the stipulations of the - capitulation. Nor is this any unreasonable request, as I - shall be satisfied with six days, and as similar conditions - are never refused to any fortress about to surrender." - I replied to the Pontiff and the cardinals, that your - Majesty's army had little apprehension of any such - succours, being always victorious; but that his Holiness - would do well to consider how your Majesty's captains, - on receiving such an answer, would conclude him and the - cardinals to have been merely trifling with them to gain - time: indeed, I was satisfied that they would consider it - a positive rupture, and would suddenly assault the castle, - and storm it so furiously that these, or even better terms, - would no longer be listened to, leaving no opportunity for - repentance or remedy short of the final destruction of the - Holy See. On hearing these views, the Pope and cardinals - were greatly bewildered, apprehending that they would be - realised should they wait for relief, and in this dilemma - remained gazing on each other, but asked a quarter of an - hour for consultation. Eventually there arose a wrangle - among the cardinals, those of the French faction wishing - to await succours at all hazards; so the Pontiff excused - himself from settling the matter according to his own wish, - ever urging a delay of six days. I believe the authors of - this opposition to have been Alberto da Carpi, the Datary - Orazio Baglione, Gregorio Casale the English ambassador, - and such like. - - Having retired from the castle with Lord Vespasiano and - the Abbot, we related everything to our leaders, whereupon - it was decided to open that very night a trench round - the fortress, the whole army turning out under arms. It - was found no easy matter to muster them, all being idle - and intent on pillage; nor would they quit the houses, - especially the lansquenets, who at first thought it a mere - trick to get them out. At length, after great exertions, - the enemy being ascertained but seven miles off, all ran - to arms, and your Majesty's army was well disposed for - battle: indeed, I suspect the enemy found their calculation - disappointed, that most of our soldiery having become rich, - would no longer flock to their standards. Some Spanish and - German troops are expected; but I know not if they will - arrive in time, as the trench is already made, so that - neither Pope nor any one else shall escape. - - Such is the present state of your Majesty's affairs, and I - trust they will ever have successful issue. Yet it is true - that, after the death of M. di Borbone, great confusion - occurred in the army, as no one knew whom to acknowledge as - its chief. I think that had he lived, Rome would, perhaps, - not have been sacked, and matters might have taken a - better course and result for your Majesty's interests. Yet - GOD so willed it, and we need not talk of what - cannot now be helped. But my affectionate duty to your - Majesty requires me to report certain things requiring from - your Majesty the oversight of a captain-general; of the - individual I say nothing, not wishing presumptuously to - name any one. On M. di Borbone's death, the day we entered - Rome, the captains and counsellors in the army discussed - giving its command to the Viceroy of Naples, then at Siena. - The Prince of Orange remarked that he had acknowledged - the authority of di Borbone, but would not submit to the - Viceroy. It being suggested by some that the Duke of - Ferrara was coming as your Majesty's captain-general, the - Prince replied, that on his arrival, he would acknowledge - him, but that meanwhile, no one being commissioned by your - Majesty, he neither would set himself up as captain, nor at - all permit others to be so without your Majesty's command. - These words he addressed to Giovanni d'Urbino, who then, - and on subsequent occasions, modestly remarked that he was - content to acknowledge the Prince, with other complimentary - phrases. Now the Prince has taken the notion of being - himself captain-general, and thus affairs are conducted in - his name, not, however, with that title, but as the first - person in the army, being much liked by the Germans. Your - Majesty will do as seems best. - - One thing requires your Majesty's careful consideration, - namely, how this city of Rome is to be governed, and - whether or not anything of the Apostolic See is to be - retained. I shall not conceal the opinion of some that it - should not be entirely abolished; for if that See were - transported elsewhere, it seems certain that it will be - utterly ruined, seeing that, in that case, the King of - France will set up a patriarch in his realm, refusing - obedience to the Apostolic See, the English and Spanish - Sovereigns doing the like. But this should be seen to - without delay, otherwise the professional men and notaries - will all be gone, and Rome will be quite reduced, as they - will lose both their appointments and their practice. - The Pope and those cardinals with him, told me that your - Majesty should make provision for this, otherwise all would - be lost. Your Majesty will act in this for the best. - - There are three other points to which it is necessary that - your Majesty should attend by anticipation. One is, what - would your Majesty wish done, should his Holiness and - those cardinals go to Naples as has been proposed; ought - they to be taken to Spain or not? Another is, what if the - Pope should escape from the castle by aid of the enemy? - In the third place, should it come to an assault and the - Pontiff unluckily fall? It is my belief, however, that, on - expiry of the six days which he has demanded, and which - are already running, he, on finding no efficient succour, - will again come to parley and propose a capitulation. Yet - I have my misgivings lest your Majesty's interests should - be crossed by the fury of the lansquenets, who declare they - must get hold of him. But your Majesty's faithful servants - will not cease to consider how these interests can be - promoted; and now that the Lord Marquis del Vasto, the Lord - Don Ugo, with Marcone, are coming, perhaps their advice - will put things into better train. - - I have resolved to discharge my duty by informing your - Majesty of these occurrences, but would to God I could - have despatched a courier to your Majesty daily as they - proceeded. Four days ago the Cardinal and others of the - Colonna were not in the neighbourhood, but he is since - arrived, with Lords Vespasiano and Ascanio, who do their - best in your Majesty's behalf. - - The above I have retained until the 24th of May, and as - no courier is gone, I shall here note what has since - happened. Your Majesty must know that on the Pope declining - to accept the capitulation which I have mentioned above, - your Majesty's captains and counsellors began diligently to - surround the castle with trenches, &c., &c. - - - - -APPENDIX III - -(Page 22) - -THE DUKE OF URBINO'S JUSTIFICATION, 1527.[256] - -[Footnote 256: Sanuto Diarii, xlv. 352.] - - -We print this document with hesitation, and solely from its being the -Duke's own and formal defence against very serious charges; which, -however, it leaves untouched. It is a futile attempt to evade these -by feeble and puling recrimination; to distract attention from their -true merits by circumlocutions and reiterations, which our version -has somewhat condensed. The original is one unbroken sentence, rudely -constructed, apparently of purpose to mystify the reader. - - -_Letter of the Lord Duke of Urbino, Captain-general to the Signory of -Venice, dated under Monteleone, 9th July, 1527._ - - By your Sublimity's letters to the most illustrious lord - Proveditore Pisani, and from my ambassador accredited - to you, I have learnt, to my infinite dissatisfaction - and surprise, the suspicions entertained by you lest - the illustrious lady Duchess, my consort, and my son - should secretly leave Venice, and the doubts of my good - faith which you by implication exhibit in denying them - permission to quit the city; regarding which it seems - necessary first to recapitulate to your Signory what I had - formerly charged my resident to explain to you, to this - effect. Since, from the very outset of this war, it has - generally happened to me not to accomplish my intentions - for your service and my own honour, and to be blamed for - failures resulting from the occurrence of impossibilities, - or from the blunders of others, whilst with mind and - body I was exclusively occupied on what might prove - advantageous and creditable,--I determined, for these - and other considerations which, out of modesty, I omit, - seeing the bad success with which I had, on this occasion, - borne arms, to yield to my evil fortune on the expiry of - my engagement; which I considered to be clearly ended at - the close of three years; nor again to expose my honour - to question, from no fault of mine. And, on this account, - I have all along and often said I would not continue, - which may be attested by all the commissioners employed - by your Serenity in this war, to whom, as to many others - you are accustomed to credit, I repeatedly stated this. - Passing over for the present the good reasons, already well - known to your Sublimity, which induced me to forget all - this, and treat of a re-engagement, with the disposition - to remain on,--as well as those considerations which, - renewing the first impressions, made me again deliberately - fall back upon my project, yet with the full intention - not to abandon the cause of your Sublimity, unless the - expected succours should arrive, or until I had placed it - in safety, even should this necessitate my staying long - after the conclusion of my service; thinking also that, - I having no opposite interest, the enemy ought to let me - rest in my intention, and in a firm resolution neither to - take up arms, nor otherwise act against your Sublimity - and your interests; nevertheless, considering that, were - I to quit you at the close of three years, from all these - and numerous other reasons, which might probably occasion - me annoyance, I might be exposed to the surmise of having - acted, not from such motives, but that, on observing the - success of the other side, I wished, by attaching myself - to a prosperous cause, to evade adversity; and my chief - object ever being to preserve my honour intact, not only - from stain, but even from suspicion;--on these accounts, - and from the difficulty that arose as to finding myself at - freedom in regard to the two years of _beneplacito_,[257] I - decided to serve, in order not to expose my honour to any - reflection. Yet, in addition to all that passed in private - between the Proveditore and myself, when I told him I would - and should serve your Sublimity without further demands, - and that he might freely dispose of me, I, even in the - public council, stated my views as to maintaining these - bands, and constituting them the mainspring of the war. For - the whole of which considerations, I declared that I would - serve your Sublimity, without regard to life or anything - else, as I have uniformly done, in order more fully to - satisfy all the Lords of Council that what I proposed I - was, and more than ever am, anxious to do, in conjunction - with them. And if the dates of letters be examined, it - will be distinctly seen that each of these circumstances - occurred much before I had heard, or could have heard, a - word as to any doubt or distrust of me being exhibited, - which, in my opinion, ought not to be, even were I to take - my leave. Thus I had no apprehension; yet, as my intention - of so acting was founded on what might fairly be done, I - did not suppose that by your Sublimity it would have been - not only opposed, but even gainsaid, in restoring to me - my son when I should ask him of you, as I meant to do. In - such case you might well consider that, even had I any - intention to fail you,--a thing you could not and ought not - to suppose from my former life,--you would have known how - to adopt, and would have adopted, measures suitable to such - intentions, and not so frequently have said and reiterated, - chiefly to the agents of your Sublimity, that you wished - me to be gone; and this after I had voluntarily given into - your hands my lady consort and my son, when there was, and - could be, no obligation to do so beyond the suggestions of - my thorough sincerity. And, with a view to establish this, - I lately offered you three proposals,--first, my person, - which is here at your Sublimity's disposal in your service; - second, my son, who is now in your hands; third, my state, - with its fortresses, which I willingly would offer your - Sublimity, to be kept, along with myself, in your service - and disposal, as full guarantee and security; although I - know not what better satisfaction you can require besides - my free action, whereby I so long and often have manifested - my disposition. And most clear, in my opinion, are the - many reasons which freely induced me; all of which, and - more too, were they not already so known, I am prepared to - maintain in case of need. Hence my modesty, serene Prince, - will not, in these circumstances, let me stop to say how - great a wrong I suffer; yet to no one, not even to your - Sublimity, have I given cause or occasion to depreciate my - good faith, which was, is, and ever shall be, most sincere. - And, although it be considered impossible that you can do - anything without that wisdom which becomes your dignity, I - nevertheless have grounds for complaint, and am exceedingly - vexed that my ill luck has been so in the ascendant - as,--after all the efforts and perils of my life, and the - loss of so many followers in your service, for which I have - heeded no calamities,--instead of the gratitude which I - might reasonably have promised myself from you, to occasion - such marked dishonour; so that, ever since my birth, I may - say that my life has been passed in ceaseless travails - and difficulties. And, if you have thought fit to believe - any malicious and spiteful fellow, I ought not to be the - victim, though he be an astute and wily foe, who, well - aware that I maintained myself to be at liberty, and very - often declared myself unwilling to remain, has spread some - rumours against me, reckoning that, if in nothing else, he - would, at all events, have the satisfaction of circulating - that distrust of me which is already apparent, although I - ought not on that account to be slandered. I do, therefore, - with the greatest possible urgency, beseech you to - investigate the truth; and, if I be blameable, to visit me - with such punishment as I merit; or, if found innocent, to - liberate me, by a suitable public acknowledgment, from the - stigma under which I lie. And, commending myself to your - favour, I remind you that all these past thoughts of mine - arose from no private interest of my own, but from despair - at being unable, by no fault of mine, to do what your - service and my honour demanded, and at being prevented, by - past circumstances, from effecting what I had previously - hoped to accomplish, although no exertions of mind or body - were wanting on my part. From beneath Monteleone, the 9th - of July, 1527. - -[Footnote 257: A _condotto_, or military engagement, was usually -for so many years certain, and one or two more at the option or -_beneplacito_ of parties.] - - - - -APPENDIX IV - -(Page 27) - -SKETCH OF THE NEGOTIATIONS OF CASTIGLIONE AT THE COURT OF MADRID, -1525 TO 1529, COMPILED FROM THE ABBE SERASSI'S PREFACE TO VOL. II. OF -CASTIGLIONE'S LETTERS, AND CORRECTED FROM AUTHENTIC SOURCES. - - -On his arrival at Madrid, in March, 1525, Castiglione found the -Emperor and his ministers much disposed for peace; but matters -soon assumed a totally different aspect, on news of the victory of -Pavia, which, by annihilating the army of Francis, and leaving him -a prisoner, established the supremacy of Charles, and placed him in -a position to dictate terms. This event modified the policy of the -Italian princes, and especially that of the Pope, who, naturally -irresolute, knew not what part to take, unwilling to abandon his -avowed neutrality, yet seeing no security in standing aloof from a -power so dominant as that of the Emperor. On the whole, he thought -it safest to come to a provisional arrangement with Don Carlos de -Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, giving him 100,000 ducats for payment of -his troops, as the price of his aid in recovering for the Church -Reggio and Rubbiera, which the Duke of Ferrara had seized on the -death of Adrian VI. He at the same time named as his legate to the -leading powers of Christendom, for the purpose of concluding a -general peace, Cardinal Giovanni Salviati, who proceeded to Madrid to -attend the conferences for the liberation of Francis and the security -of Italy. In consort with Castiglione, the Legate urged that an -envoy should be forthwith despatched to Rome and Venice, in order -to remove those suspicions of the Emperor's design to make himself -master of the entire Peninsula, which had arisen in consequence of -the Marquis of Pescara taking possession of the chief fortresses of -the Milanese, and besieging Francesco Sforza in his capital, on a -pretext of his plotting with the other princes to drive the Spaniards -out of Lombardy, and to deprive them of Naples; it being obvious that -once established in these provinces, Charles would be paramount in -Italy. As to the liberation of Francis, they could get nothing beyond -professions of the utmost moderation, that matter being secretly -negotiated by the Viceroy. - -The Pontiff, getting no satisfaction on these points, began to lend -an ear to a proposed league of France, England, and Venice; but, when -on the point of subscribing it, he, to the infinite disgust of his -colleagues, postponed his signature on a rumour that the Commendatore -Herrera was at Genoa, on his way to offer very acceptable proposals; -at length, however, finding that these reports were but opiates -to set him asleep, he was induced to join the confederation, -notwithstanding entreaties and promises of the imperial ambassador. -This league filled Charles with indignation, as he fully understood -it to be directed against himself, though masked by a condition -sanctioning his adherence to it. But his rage was immoderate on -receiving, through Castiglione, a papal brief, which justified the -confederacy as necessary for the safety of Italy and the Holy See, -and complained generally of the measures of his ministers, specifying -various instances wherein they had ill responded to the pacific and -affectionate dispositions entertained by his Holiness towards their -master. Stung to the quick by a despatch which laid bare the secret -tricks of their paltry intrigues, they persuaded the Emperor to -return a sharp answer, appealing to a general council whatever steps -Clement might have recourse to against him, which they represented as -likely to endanger his possession of Naples, and even his tenure of -the imperial crown. Castiglione, who enjoyed high personal favour, -was able by dexterous representations to extract from Charles himself -the hope of a milder reply, and meanwhile had from him authority to -assure the Pontiff of his friendly intentions, and of his resolution -to comport himself as a humble and liege son; and these favourable -dispositions were the more readily effected, as he had received from -the wavering Pontiff a revocation of the offensive brief the very day -after it had been delivered. It was, therefore, with dismay that, -when shown the secretary's answer, he found it in the utmost degree -bitter and spiteful; and hurrying to the Emperor, he complained of -the disrespect thus shown to his Majesty's wishes in an affair of -such moment, protesting that he neither could write to his master -what his Majesty had already instructed him, without belying the -whole negotiation, nor could he, after such treatment, rely upon or -report those favourable dispositions which his Majesty had hitherto -professed. Charles replied that his real intentions were conformable -to his previous professions, although he had been advised by his -ministers to write in such terms as might justify and secure himself, -in the face of such groundless imputations as had been made in the -objectionable brief; adding the most solemn abjurations, that, if -his Holiness comported himself peaceably towards all, he should -ever continue a good and obedient son. In an autograph letter to -the Nuncio, he reiterated this explanation of his answer, with a -hope that the Pope would not take offence at its contents, and an -assurance that Castiglione would never be belied by him. The document -which the diplomatist had the tact thus to obtain, is relied upon -by his biographers as a satisfactory negative to the suspicions of -Varchi, that he betrayed the Pontiff and the Church, during his -vexatious relations with the Spanish court. - -Meanwhile, Francis having been released, on terms which he was unable -as well as unwilling to execute, and his sons consequently remaining -as hostages, the new League proceeded with hostilities against the -Imperialists in Lombardy, and took Lodi, whilst their ambassadors -still negotiated at Madrid for the Emperor's adherence to their -confederation, and for release of the French princes. This farce of -armed protocolising was further complicated by various by-plots, and -by endless jealousies and misunderstandings among these diplomatists, -so that the Spanish ministry found no difficulty in protracting it -by a succession of petty cavils, in the hope of some favourable news -from the seat of war. Such was the state of matters when the first -sack of Rome by Don Ugo da Moncada and the Colonna, in September -1526, reached the imperial court, and along with it the hurried -truce imposed upon Clement. Charles, affecting great indignation, -immediately sent to the Pope Cesare Fieramosca, his master of horse, -to disown the proceedings of Moncada, and to lavish professions for -the peace and welfare of Italy, the only effect of which was to -lull the facile and nerveless Pontiff into a fatal security, rudely -dispelled by the assault of Bourbon on the heights of the Vatican. - - - - -APPENDIX V - -(Page 140) - -ACCOUNT OF THE ARMADA OF THE MOST SERENE DON JOHN OF AUSTRIA, DRAWN -UP AT MESSINA THE LAST OF JULY, 1571.[258] - -[Footnote 258: Vat. Urb. MSS. 816, fol. 144-5.] - - -1. SPANISH INFANTRY, INCLUDING THOSE AT CORFU. - - Don Gabriel Hig'r of the third of Naples 3000 - Of Sicily 1900 - Mechil Moncada 1560 - Pietro Ciaida 300 - Don Giovanni Figarola 280 - D. Lopez Figarola 130 - Alonzo Ruiz di Carion 144 - Francesco Aldana 290 - ____ - Total 7604 - - -2. ITALIAN INFANTRY. - - The Count of Soriano 1650 - Tiberio Brancatio 2000 - Paolo Sforza 1800 - Pietro Villa and Giorgio Moncada 3000 - Paolo Golfario 280 - Fra Matteo Belhuomo 200 - Vincenzo di Bologna 500 - ____ - Total 9430 - - -3. PRIVATE INDIVIDUALS. - - The Lord Prince of Parma 350 - The Lord Paolo Giordano 400 - The Marquis of Trevico 100 - The Marquis of Briense 750 - Giulio Gesuoldo 40 - Antonio Doria 30 - D. Giovanni di Gueriaza 40 - Count di Landriano 80 - D. Giovanni di Avalos 20 - Count di Vicari 40 - Cecco da Lofredo 30 - The Prior of Hungary 25 - ____ - Total 1905 - - Also of knights from Germany and Burgundy - on their own costs 150 - - The captains of adventure, of very fine appearance and - very well armed, may amount to above two thousand; - say in all 2150 - - German infantry (no successor to the Count Lodron yet - appointed) 4361 - - -[ABSTRACT.] - - Italian infantry 9950 - Spanish " 7604 - Private men-at-arms 1905 - Captains of adventure 2150 - Germans 4361 - - Total 25,970 - - -NAVAL FORCE. - -33 ships, each carrying from 1500 to 4500, or from 6400 to 7000 souls. - -Those carrying 700 remain for the westward. - -9 large barks, part of them left for the westward, and partly taken -for his Highness' effects and for artificial fireworks. - -The division of the great galleys to be taken on or left behind is -not yet made, not knowing the amount of duty required, nor the eighty -paid by the court. - - -ARTILLERY. - - 13 canons of 50 lb. fully supplied. - 1 " of 60 " - 5 " of 35 " - 3 " of 25 " - 2 " for stones. - 2 colobrines of 16 lb. - 14 sagri of 7 " - 10 falconets for the great barks. - 12 pieces of seven mouths sent by the Grand Duke of Tuscany. - __ - 62 in all. - - -AMMUNITION. - - 7050 iron balls of 50 lb. - 3450 " " of 35 " - 3250 " " of 25 " - 1200 " " for the colobrines. - 3644 iron balls for the sagri. - 767 stone balls. - ______ - 19,361 in all. - ______ - - 1360 cantars of powder, Neapolitan weight, 100 to each cannon. - - 1980 cantars of rope for the arquebuses. - - 1800 cantars of lead. - - -PROVISIONS. - - 7000 cantars of biscuit already carried on to Corfu, whereof - 1000 lent to the Venetians, and 2000 to the Pope's - galleys, leaving 4000 for those of the Marquis Sta. - Croce. - - 26,000 cantars more are returned as in the kingdom of - Naples (including the 3000 for the Venetians and - his Holiness) under charge of the Marquis of Terranuova, - who is to ship 19,000 for the supply of the - armament during four months. - - 3500 pipes [_botte_] of wine in the ships at Corfu. - - 2500 " to be shipped for the Levant by the Marquis of - Terranuova. - - 7400 cantars of salt-meat in the ships at Corfu will be divided - at Messina. - - 1050 cantars for the westward squadron. - - 8000 " of Sardinian cheese at Corfu. - - 5000 barrels of pickled tunny and anchovies at Corfu for the - armament. - - 1500 cantars of rice } - 150 quarters of vetches } for both armaments. - - 1025 " " ditto remain in Messina. - - 600 casks of vinegar. - - 3570 baskets of oil, Neapolitan measure. - -His Highness has resolved that Doria shall accompany his galleys to -the Levant, and assist in the transport of stores, under orders to -return speedily with twelve galleys; and has made him Proveditore of -the western squadron, consisting of forty galleys and other vessels. - - - - -APPENDIX VI - -(Page 167) - -INDULGENCE CONCEDED TO THE CORONA OF THE GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY BY -POPE PIUS V., AND CONFIRMED BY THEIR HOLINESSES URBAN VIII. AND -ALEXANDER VII. 1666. - - -"This Corona is called the Corona of the bowels of our Lord Jesus -Christ, and consists of ten Ave Marias and one Pater Noster. Every -person possessing this Corona shall obtain the remission of all his -sins and plenary indulgence. - -"Each time that he shall take it up in full faith, and look upon it, -saying, 'Lord Jesus Christ, I pray thee by the merit of thy most holy -Passion, have mercy on my soul and my weighty sins,' he shall obtain -remission thereof; and whoever daily looks upon it and kisses it, for -the merit of the most holy Passion, shall receive as above. - -"Further, each time that he shall say this, he shall liberate a soul -from purgatory, and saying it a thousand times, a thousand souls -shall be liberated through the privilege of this Corona; and whoever -shall look upon it by the merits of our Lord's Passion, or shall -touch it in full faith, shall obtain plenary indulgence and remission -as above. - -"And further, any ecclesiastic wearing it whilst he says the holy -mass shall have the like plenary indulgence and remission, and those -hearing the mass shall gain forty days' indulgence. - -"Power is given to the Grand Duke to dispense seven Coronas to as -many persons, from time to time for ever, warning them that they -must ask them in the name of God and through the merits of His most -sacred Passion; and these should be delivered gratis." - -[From a contemporary copy in Bibl. Cassinatensis, x. iv. 39, p. 369.] - - - - -APPENDIX VII - -(Page 210) - -MONUMENTAL INSCRIPTIONS OF THE DUCAL FAMILY OF URBINO. - - -We have here collected the various inscriptions in memory of the -sovereigns of Urbino and their consorts, so far as these have come to -our knowledge. Several are taken from Giunta, Abozzamento della Citta -di Urbino, a MS. in the Albani Library at Rome; or from Lazzari, -_Dizionario dei Pittori di Urbino_, where not unfrequent errors -occur: others from the originals. - - -I. COUNT GUIDANTONIO. - -On a pavement tombstone in the old church of S. Donato, close to -the Zoccolantine Monastery near Urbino, is a sculptured effigy in -the Franciscan habit, with the following doggerel, in some parts -illegible:-- - - "Ploret in Hesperia tellus! plorate Latini! - Guido Comes, moriens hoc requiescit humo. - Non fuit a coelo princeps clementior alter; - Praevalidas urbes rexit et ipse potens. - Non fuit in terris unquam qui sanctior heros - Cappam Francisci posset habere sacri; - Quem dabit eternis probitas venerabilis aevo - Mors animam coelo reddidit alma suo. - Vos igitur superi socio gaudete superno, - Et Divum servet curia sacra Ducem: - Mille quadringentis domini currentibus annis - Quadraginta tribus, Februarii vigesima prima." - - -II. DUKE ODDANTONIO. - -Quoted by Lazzari from a broken statue in the palace, which had been -inscribed during his life:-- - -"Serenissimo Oddantonio, principi praeclaro, Urbini Duci primo, -qui vetusti generis splendore propriaque virtute insignis, ducali -diademate a santissimo Eugenio IV. recto fuit judicio decoratus." - - -III. DUKE FEDERIGO. - -On his statue in the palace by Girolamo Campagna of Verona. - -"Federigo Urbini Duci optimo, S.R. ecclesiae Vexillifero, -foederatorum principum ac aliorum exercitum imperatori, -expugnatori, praeliorum omnium victori, propagatae ditionis aedificiis, -et militaris virtutis literis exornatori, populis insigni prudentia, -pietate, pace, justitiaque servatis, de Italia benemerenti, -Franciscus Maria Dux, abnepos, faciendum curavit." - - -IV. - -On his monument in the Zoccolantine Church of S. Bernardino, near -Urbino:-- - -"D.O.M. Federigo Montefeltrio Urbini Duci II., Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae -vexillifero, Italici foederis aliorumque exercituum imperatori, -praeliorum passim victori nunquam victo, ditionis et bonarum artium -propugnatori, celebris bibliothecae et insignium aedificiorum, tum ad -magnificentiam tum ad pietatem structori, quem licet aliis preferas, -nescias tamen belli an pacis gloria seipsum superavit. Obiit ann. -dom. MCCCCLXXXII. suo. LXV." - - -V. DUKE GUIDOBALDO I. - -On his monument in the same church:-- - -"Guidobaldo Federici filio, Urbini Duci III., qui adhuc impubes, -paternam gloriam emulans, imperia viriliter foeliciterque gessit, -juvenis de adversa triumphans fortuna, sed vi morbi corpore debilior -animo vegetior, pro armis literas, pro militibus viros selectissimos, -pro re bellica rem aulicam ita coluit, fovit, auxit, ut ejus aula -ceteris praeclarissimum extet exemplar. Obiit an. Dom. MDVIII., suo -XXXVI. Et Elizabethae Gonzagae, mirae pudicitiae feminae, ipsi jugali -amore et egregia virtute conjunctissima." - - -VI. DUKE FRANCESCO MARIA I. - -From a mural slab in Sta. Chiara at Urbino; written by Bembo. - -"Francesco Mariae Duci, amplissime belli pacisque muneribus perfuncto, -dum paternas urbes, per vim ter ablatas, ter per virtutem recipit, et -receptis aequissime moderatur; dum a pontificibus, a Florentinis, a -Venetis exercitibus praeficitur; deinceps et gerendi in Turcas belli, -dum princeps et administrator assumitur, sed ante diem sublato, -Leonora uxor fidissima et optima meritissimo posuit, et sibi." - - -VII. DUKE GUIDOBALDO II. - -From the same church:-- - -"D.O.M. Guidus Ubaldus Monfeltrius de Ruvere, Urbini Dux quintus, -sanctae Romanae ecclesiae, Philippi Hispaniarum Regis, Venetaeque -reipublicae exercituum praefectus et imperator summus, magnanimitate et -liberalitate adeo excelluit ut eum regia cum majestate aliis potius -profuisse quam praefuisse dixeris. Obit humanum diem sexagenarius, -anno Dni MDLXXIII." - - -VIII. DUCHESS VITTORIA. - -From the same church:-- - -"Victoria Farnesia Guidi Ubaldi Urbini Ducis V. conjux, maximorum -principum filia, soror, amita, parens: annis quidem plena, sed -praeter, mulierum captum virtutibus plenior, migravit e vita anno Dni, -MDCII." - - -IX. - -On the centre slab of the pavement of S. Ubaldo, at Pesaro, where the -two last-mentioned sovereigns were interred. - -"Guid. Ub. II. Urb. Ducis V. et Victoriae uxoris ossa." - - -X. CARDINAL GIULIO DELLA ROVERE. - -From a mural slab in Sta. Chiara, at Urbino. - -"Julio Montefeltrio e Ruvere, sanctae Romanae ecclesiae cardinali; -Umbriae bis legatione magna cum laude perfuncto; Urbini, Ravennae, -aliarumque ecclesiarum antistiti; Lauretanae domus ac Sancti -Francisci ordinum patrono; justitia, pietate, beneficentia, Principi -celeberrimo; mortalitatem explevit nonas Septembris, anno Domini -MDLXXVIII., aetatis vero XLIV." - - -XI. PRINCE FEDERIGO. - -Over his tomb in the pavement of the crypt in the cathedral at Urbino. - -"D.O.M. In hoc quod Franciscus Maria II., postremus Urbini Dux, sibi -paraverat sepulchro, quiescunt ossa Friderici ejus filii immatura -morte praerepti, III. Kal. Julii, MDCXXIII., et suae aet. ann. XVIII." - - -XII. - -From a mural slab in Sta. Chiara, at Urbino. - -"Federicum Urbini Principem, in quem Roborea domus recumbebat, dies -fugiens incolumem, cunctisque fortunae muneribus vidit praefulgentem, -eundemque primam intra juventam inopinata morte extinctum, dies -veniens aspexit, III. Kal. Julii, MDCXXIII. Abi hospes, ac disce -felicitatem vere vitream tunc praecipue frangi, cum maxime splendet." - - -XIII. DUKE FRANCESCO MARIA II. - -From the Church of the Crucifixion, near Urbania. - -"Inclina Domine aurem tuam ad preces nostras, quibus misericordiam -tuam supplices deprecamur, ut animam famuli tui Francisci Mariae, -Urbini Ducis, quam de hoc seculo migrare jussisti in pacis et lucis -regione, constituas, et sanctorum tuorum jubeas, esse consortem." - - -XIV. PRINCESS LAVINIA DELLA ROVERE. - -"Laviniae Feltriae de Ruvere, Guidobaldi V. Ducis Urb. V. filiae, -Alfonsi de Avalos, Vasti March., Hispani Magnatis conjugi, regiis -virtutibus et forma spectabili, Italorum principum Romani Pontificis -et Catholici Regis conciliatrici; qui inclyto orbata viro, virginibus -claustra, pauperibus bona, Christo seipsum dicavit; demum avita major -gloria victrix, ad eternam evocata pacem, eam sanctimoniae famam -reliquit, ut divinitus datum noscas ultimum Roboris in materno solo -arvisque ramum, qui primus gloriosiorque vigebat. Obiit A.D. -MDCXXXII., suo LXXV." - - - - -APPENDIX VIII - -(Page 246) - -STATISTICS OF URBINO - - -It would be interesting could we, in concluding this work, offer some -details as to the statistics of Urbino under its native princes. But -although, under the genial sun and favouring circumstances of Italy, -man has in various ages advanced beyond his fellows in mental culture -and social development, the science of maturing the capabilities -of his position, and of marking their progression, is of modern -growth. The duties of rulers and subjects consisted until lately in -defence of the common weal against obvious dangers: the promotion -of its general prosperity, and the registration of its gradual -ameliorations, were no part either of scientific government, or of -individual study. Accordingly, the lights thrown upon statistics, -by historians and general writers in the best days of Italian -splendour, are too few and flickering to guide us to important -facts; and, though we may familiarise ourselves with the Athenian -court of Duke Guidobaldo I., its manners and its gossip,--though we -may recall from the ample description of many authors the stately -decorations of its palaces, the pageantry of its processions, the -brilliancy of its revels,--we are left in total ignorance of the -internal state of the country, of its resources and industry, of -the numbers and the condition of its inhabitants, of the financial -position of its government. It is not till late in the sixteenth -century that we meet with some materials, which,--though meagre and -inaccurate, and too often bearing the double impress of carelessness -and contradiction,--enable us to form some tangible estimate as to -these points.[259] Here, as in most cases, recording the impartial -evidence of watchful observers, the Venetian Relazione are of -considerable value. Those of Mocenigo and Zane, ambassadors at Urbino -in 1570-74, have been already drawn upon in this work, but it is -chiefly from the latter that we have gathered the following notices. - -[Footnote 259: From a league between Count Antonio, of Urbino, and -Barnabo Visconti, of Milan, in 1376 (MSS. Oliveriana, No. 374, -vol. I., p. 1), we gather an isolated notice. Free import from the -territory of Urbino into Florence was stipulated for all sorts of -grain, fruit, and vegetables, the customary duties being paid upon -wheat, oats, and barley.] - -About the middle of the sixteenth century the revenues of the duchy -did not exceed 40,000 scudi, and by the terms of its investiture the -imposts could not be raised without papal sanction. This restriction -having been removed upon the marriage of Duke Guidobaldo II.'s -daughter to the nephew of Pius IV., that prince promptly availed -himself of his new prerogative, augmenting them gradually to about -double that amount. The reductions consequent upon the Urbino -insurrection brought down the state revenues to about 60,000 scudi, -and in 1570 Mocenigo estimates the whole income, including the -allodial estates, at 100,000 scudi, adding an opinion that it was -capable of being much increased. Of the 60,000 scudi, one-sixth part -was derived from the salt, and two-sixths from licences granted for -the export of corn [_tratte_], the remaining half being drawn from -small taxes upon the townships, to which the rural population do -not appear to have directly contributed. The corn-trade was carried -on coastwise from Sinigaglia, amounting in ordinary years to about -150,000 _staji_ or bushels of wheat, partly smuggled from the papal -territory, which chiefly went to supply Venice and its dependencies. -The palpable inadequacy of these resources was eked out by pay and -allowances drawn by the last dukes from the Venetian Republic, the -Church, or the King of Spain. The _cense_ or annual payment to the -Camera Apostolica under the investiture is variously stated at from -2190 to 2907 scudi, falling due on St. Peter's day. - -With these Venetian Relazioni, a document of much apparent interest -has been printed in the _Archivio Storico_, under the title of -"Balance of income and expenditure in the state of Urbino."[260] -On nearer inspection, however, its value falls far short of its -promise, for the entries are so confused, and the arithmetical -summations so incorrect, as to destroy nearly all confidence either -in the details or the general results. Still it seems to have -established a few facts throwing light upon the resources of the -duchy in the last years of the sixteenth century. - -[Footnote 260: Series II., vol. II., p. 337, from a MS. in the -Siena Library, K. iii. 58: it is dated 1579, but contains posterior -entries.] - -The revenues may be thus classified:--1. Those of twelve towns, five -smaller places, and the province of Montefeltro, derived from various -taxes,[261] duties on butcher-meat, salt, wine, straw, weighhouse -duties on grain and other provisions, and on merchandise, passenger -toll at Pesaro, rents of houses and inns, tax on the Jews (producing -953 scudi), and a variety of minor imposts varying in different -places. The customs of Pesaro yielded 1226 sc.; those of Sinigaglia -160, besides 436 for pot dues, and 6000 for grain and vegetables -shipped for exportation. 2. Income from manufactures[262] in various -towns, stated at 5712 sc. 3. The salt duties, or perhaps monopoly, -5407 sc. 4. Revenue from mills, payable in wheat (_grano_) at 4 sc. a -_soma_, 5832 sc. 5. Value of barley and oats (_spelta_) contributed -by various communities, 1020 sc. 6. Mountain rents, 610 sc. 7. -Donatives paid in wine, wood, and straw, to the value of 630 sc. 8. -Produce of allodial lands, in wheat, oats, barley, beans, lupines, -peas, vetches, buckwheat, flour, hay, straw, hemp, lint, wine, -walnuts, wool, cheese, pigeons, and waterfowl, to the gross amount of -7321 sc. The return of expenditure is too vague and confused to be -of any use, but it contains provisions to the Duchess, amounting to -about 7000 sc. From these returns the Venetian estimates would appear -to be understated, and a contemporary writer, whose anonymous Reports -upon the Italian principalities issued from the Elzivir press, sets -down its revenues in 1610 at above 200,000 scudi, of which 8000 were -paid as cess to the Camera Apostolica. The imposts were considered -light, for the soil was in many parts productive, and grain was -exported largely from it and the adjoining Marca, at the port of -Sinigaglia. The Duke's treasure in S. Leo is reckoned at 2,000,000 -of scudi, a palpable error for 200,000. In 1024, the _Mercurius -Gallicus_ estimates the revenues of the duchy at 300,000 scudi, -besides allodial lands, and estates in Naples amounting to 50,000 -more. - -[Footnote 261: The word used is _colte_, which might mean crops.] - -[Footnote 262: _Fabbriche_ might mean only shops.] - -In regard to population, the estimate of Zane is 150,000, the -majority of whom devoted themselves to agriculture and arms, -commercial industry being almost unknown. He calculates the -military force at 10,000 men, half of them being trained, and about -three-fourths ready for foreign service; and he dwells upon the -benefit which his Republic might derive from conciliating a state -whence such a force could on any exigency be quickly obtained, -without the necessity of seeking free passage from any other power. -The report of 1610, which evidently verges upon exaggeration, gives -the fighting men at 20,000, nearly all infantry. In 1591, as we learn -from an original MS.,[263] the military force of the duchy amounted -to 13,313 men, of whom 8300 carried arquebuses, and 3783 wore -morions. From the same authority is taken the following tabular view -of the whole population, classed under townships, and amounting in -1598 to 115,121 souls. - -[Footnote 263: Vat. Urb. MSS., No. 935.] - -List of mouths in all the places of the state, drawn from the -Rassegne de' Grani, &c., in 1598[264]:-- - - Urbino 18,335 - Pesaro 16,409 - Gubbio 18,510 - Fossombrone 1,882 - Cagli 6,811 - Montefeltro 15,090 - Sinigaglia 8,535 - Massa 9,845 - Mondavio 3,738 - Pergola 3,254 - Mondolfo 1,820 - Sta. Costanza 1,504 - Orciano 1,234 - Barchio 1,479 - La Fratta 1,449 - Montesecco 1,711 - Montebello 395 - Castelvecchio 225 - Poggio di Berni 507 - Fenigli 434 - La Tomba 1,953 - _______ - 115,121 - -[Footnote 264: _Ibid._] - -A report upon Urbino, drawn up for Urban VIII. during the last Duke's -life, and preserved in the Albani Library, estimates the men trained -to arms at from 8000 to 10,000, but badly officered, and ill-armed or -accoutred. Since the Devolution, population had increased, and the -last census of the legation, nearly corresponding with the duchy, -gave 220,000 souls within an area of 180 square leagues, the city of -Urbino containing 7500, besides 4500 in the adjacent district. - -In 1574, few or none of the nobility drew from their estates a rental -exceeding 3000 scudi, but there were many burgesses owning from 300 -to 400 a year. The few merchants were chiefly foreigners. Most of the -small towns had been dismantled of their fortifications, only some -fifty having them kept in repair, of which about twenty belonged to -as many petty feudatories. - -A writer soon after the Devolution states the Duke's revenues at -100,000 to 120,000 scudi, including 20,000 of Spanish subsidy, as -much of allodial income, and 30,000 from escheats, penalties, and the -port duties of Sinigaglia, whence a great grain trade was carried on -by the Venetians out of the Marca.[265] Some years after the duchy -had lost its independence, although this export was then prohibited -by Urban VIII., and notwithstanding the loss of the allodial estates, -the Camera drew above 100,000 scudi from direct and fiscal taxation. -The militia at that time numbered 8000 infantry and 500 cavalry, -besides the garrison of Sinigaglia. The _fattorie_, or allodial -farms, yielded to the Duke 14,000 scudi when leased, but afterwards, -when administered on his account, they produced 18,000: the income -from mills was about 6000; that of S. Leo 10,000, of which above 6000 -were spent in maintaining the place. - -[Footnote 265: Vat. Ottob. MSS., No. 3135, f. 279.] - -Some idea may be formed of the provisions for administering justice -from a narrative compiled after the Devolution, but which expressly -states the arrangements for this purpose to be the same as adopted -by the Dukes.[266] The judges were entitled vicars or captains, -podestas, commissaries, and lieutenants, and were removable at -pleasure. The vicars or captains resided in certain small towns, -and were notaries, who acted as judges and clerks within their -assigned bounds. Their jurisdiction extended to all cases of injury -or quarrel, which they were bound to decide according to the -respective municipal statutes, or, in absence of such, according -to those of Urbino. In civil causes they were limited to a certain -amount; above which, recourse was had to the judge of the chief -district town. They had no proper criminal jurisdiction, but were -bound to report all accidents to the sovereign, who frequently -remitted to them to examine into slight delicts; those inferring -corporal punishment being sent to a doctor, under whom the vicar -acted as clerk. The podestas were judges-ordinary in all civil and -criminal cases within their bounds: and where there was no resident -commissary or lieutenant, the public administration and police were -intrusted to them; to each of them there was assigned one clerk for -criminal cases, called _maleficj_, and named by the Duke, and two for -civil causes chosen by the community. The system of appeal from one -of these courts to another, being founded upon local reasons, was -complicated, and need not be detailed. The court of final resort in -civil matters was the Collegiate Rota of Urbino, over which thirteen -judges presided, five of whom were necessarily ecclesiastics. They -held office for life, and vacancies were filled up by the sovereign -from a leet of three voted by the remaining number. They sat twice -a week, five being a quorum; and they had also the review of -ecclesiastical causes, in which, however, the lay members had only a -consultive voice. In certain suits their decision might be brought -under review of the sovereign. - -[Footnote 266: _Ibid._, f. 277, 321.] - -There were likewise three auditors, who had no ordinary jurisdiction, -but sat daily in presence of the sovereign as an executive council, -to whom all criminal matters were reported by the magistracy. Their -salaries after the Devolution were 400 scudi a year. They were also -bound to take cognisance of all fiscal affairs, and of all complaints -brought before them, and they were charged with the interests of -widows and orphans, and generally with all matters voluntarily -brought before them by consent of parties. After the Devolution, -their salaries were 400 scudi a year; that of the fiscal advocate, -384; and of the secretary of justice, 320. The income of the judges, -whom we have already mentioned as located in the towns and villages, -varied from half a scudo yearly to 240 scudi, the latter being the -pay of the Captain of Urbino. The lower class of these officers were -all notaries, but, after allowing for professional gains and fees, -such remuneration was disgracefully small, especially as it was paid -in the ducal money, which had become depreciated to two-thirds of the -currency value in the papal states. The pay of the legate was 1400 -scudi, that of the vice-legate 600, besides about 1200 of fees. - - - - -APPENDIX IX - -(Page 391 note *1) - -TWO SONNETS BY PIETRO ARETINO ON TITIAN'S PORTRAITS OF DUKE FRANCESCO -MARIA I. AND HIS DUCHESS LEONORA - - - I. - - ON DUKE FRANCESCO MARIA I. - - Se il chiaro Apelle con la man dell'arte - Esemplo d'Alessandro il volto, e 'l petto, - Non finse gia di pellegrin subjetto - L'alto vigor, che l'anima comparte. - Ma Titian, che dal cielo ha maggior parte, - Fuor mostra ogni invisible concetto; - Pero il gran Duca, nel dipinto aspetto, - Scuopre le palme entro il suo cuor consparte. - Egli ha il terror fra l'uno e l'altro ciglio, - L'animo en gl'occhi, e l'alterezza in fronte, - Nel crin spatia l'honor, siede il consiglio. - Nel busto armato e nelle braccie pronte - Arde il valor, che guarda dal periglio - Italia sacra, e sua virtudi conte. - - - II. - - ON DUCHESS LEONORA. - - L'union de' colori chi lo stile - Di Titian distese, esprime fora - La concordia che regge in Leonora, - E le ministre del spirto gentile. - Seco siede modestia in atto humile, - Ed honesta che in vesta sua dimora, - Vergogna il petto, e 'l crin le vela e honora, - L'effigia Amor lo sguardo signorile. - Pudicitia, e belta nemiche eterne - Le spatian nel sembiante, e fra le ciglia - Il trono delle Gratie si discerne. - Prudenza il suo valor guarda, e consiglia - Nel bel tacer, l'alte virtudi interne - Gli ornan la fronte d'ogni meraviglia. - - - III. - - SONNET BY BERNARDO TASSO, PRAYING TITIAN TO PAINT HIS - MISTRESS'S PORTRAIT. - - Ben potete con l'ombre, e coi colori, - Dotto Pittor rassimigliar al vero - Quella belta, ch'ognor col mio pensiero - Via piu bella, ping'io fra l'herbe e i fiori: - Ma quelle gratie, che i piu freddi cori - Riscaldano, onde Amor ricco et altero - Stende le braccie del suo dolce impero, - Opra non e da chiari alti pittori. - Se potete ritrar quel viso adorno, - Quel girar de' begli occhi honesti e santi, - Che ogni rara belta fa parer vile, - Con pace sia d'ogni pittor gentile, - E statue e tempii al vostro nome intorno - Ergeran lieti i piu cortesi amanti. - - - - -APPENDIX X - -(Page 410) - -PETITION TO GUIDOBALDO II. DUKE OF URBINO, BY CERTAIN MAJOLICA-MAKERS -IN PESARO - - -Most illustrious and most excellent Lord Duke, - -To your most illustrious Lordship have recourse these devoted -petitioners, Mo. Bernardin Gagliardino and Co., Mo. Girolamo -Lanfranchi, Mo. Rinaldo and Co., all makers of vases and bottles, -citizens and inhabitants of Pesaro; Mo. Piermateo, and Mo. Bartolomeo -Pignattari, citizens and indwellers of Pesaro; and all the others who -inhabit the county of Pesaro;--setting forth how they find themselves -continually, from year's end to year's end, subject to all sorts -of burdens and imposts, exacted on real and personal property, and -paying it with the sweat of their labour. They greatly complain -how it seems to them wrong that strangers of their craft come into -this city and district with similar productions, to take bread out -of their hand, at all seasons of the year, a thing not allowed to -themselves in other countries. For which causes they propose to your -most illustrious Lordship the following articles for your signature. - -First, that your Lordship would concede to them that no one, stranger -or townsman, shall, on any pretext, sell, or export for sale from the -city and district, earthen vases of whatever sort, excepting covered -pans and oil-pitchers, or other vessels exceeding the size of a -_medrio_; declaring always that, at the fair, all may sell any kind -of vases, but at no intermediate time, on pain of forfeiture, and a -penalty of ten lire of Bologna for each offence, one-half to your -illustrious Lordship's chamberlain, one-fourth to the informer, and -the rest to the party enforcing it; always excepting figured vases -of Urbino, and white ones from Urbino and Faenza. - -It is farther desired that no inhabitant, not engaged in this art in -the city or district, be permitted to purchase foreign productions -for resale, except those imported during the fair; always under the -like penalties on contravention hereof. - -And, in order to satisfy your Lordship that no inconvenience may -arise to the city from this, they bind themselves henceforward to see -that it be constantly supplied with such vases as are required, and -usually made therein, and especially with figured vases of beautiful -and stately character, and this for the customary prices, these being -in nowise altered; and, in case of their departing from this, your -Excellency shall be free to cancel these articles.... - -Confirmed and enjoined as asked, but during our pleasure. - -Pesaro, 27th April, 1552. - -_Passeri_, p. 34. - - - - -APPENDIX XI - -(Page 411) - -LETTER FROM THE ARCHBISHOP OF URBINO TO CARDINAL GIULIO DELLA ROVERE, -REGARDING A SERVICE OF MAJOLICA - - -To the most illustrious and most reverend Lord, my singular Lord and -patron, the Lord Cardinal of Urbino in Ravenna. - -Most illustrious and most reverend Lord, my singular Lord and patron, - -On arriving at Urbino, I ordered of Mo. Horatio [Fontana], _vasaro_, -the service [_credenza_] commissioned by your most affectionate and -most reverend Lordship, for the most illustrious Monsignore Farnese. -And, as there will be so many vases done with grotesques, in addition -to the white ones (as per inclosed list), I could not manage it for -less than thirty-six scudi, which, if I am not mistaken as to what he -gets from others, is very good treatment. All the white pieces will -have on the reverse the arms of Farnese in small, and I feel certain -that the service will give satisfaction. He promises to deliver it -finished in little more than a month, and, as an inducement to serve -you well, as I trust he will do, I have, at his request, advanced -him some money. If your illustrious Lordship please, let M. Ludovico -Perucchi be written to, that he may pay the above-mentioned sum on -account of this. As soon as finished, I shall get Horatio to pack it -well, in order to go safely, and shall despatch it to Rome in such -way as you shall direct. And, having no more to say, I remain humbly -kissing your hands, and commending you to our Lord God, that, in his -favour, he ever give you all your desires. From Urbino, the 2nd of -March, 1567. - -Your most illustrious and most reverend Lordship's most humble -servant, - -YOUR ARCHBISHOP. - - -_List of white pieces with arms on the reverse._ - - 1 large cistern. - 1 large bason, and 1 bottle. - 1 barber's bason, and small brush. - 6 great, and 12 middling dishes. - 6 large and 6 middling comfit dishes. - 2 vases for vinegar and oil, 4 salts. - 36 dishes, 50 smaller ditto. - 50 plates, 24 ditto [_piadene_]. - - -_With Grotesques._ - - 1 large cistern. - 1 bason and bottle. - 4 cups on raised stands. - 1 barber's bason and brush. - 2 salts. - - - - -APPENDIX XII - -COLLECTIONS OF ART MADE BY THE DUKES OF URBINO - - -The extent and value of the works of arts amassed by a series of -sovereigns, who, during nearly two centuries, were continuously -patrons of arts in its best days, cannot be uninteresting topics of -inquiry, and fall within the scope of these volumes, as an important -test of the knowledge and taste of the collectors. The beautiful -objects which Castiglione and others include among the attractions of -the palace at Urbino have thus acquired an almost classic importance, -and to identify them with those now familiar to the travelled amateur -were a pleasing result. Much more would it be so could we realise an -ingenious theory put forward in the _Quarterly Review_,[267] that, by -ascertaining what were the pictures first offered to the enthusiastic -gaze of the youthful Raffaele, we might even now trace those early -impressions of beauty which, reproduced by his fine genius and taste, -have been unanimously adopted as standards of pictorial perfection. -This gratifying hope is, however, delusive. To the ravages of two -invasions, succeeded, in both instances, by military usurpation, may -perhaps be imputed the disappearance of almost every picture which -could have existed in the palace previously to 1521, for very few -such were found there on the extinction of the ducal house in 1631. -In order to throw every possible light upon this matter, I have -spared no researches at Urbino, Pesaro, and Florence, and, from a -variety of inventories, I have collected the facts which are now to -be stated. - -[Footnote 267: Vol. LXVI., pp. 3-10.] - -The principal sources of this information have been, _First_, a -list of "good pictures," brought to Florence, in 1631, from the -wardrobe of Urbino. It is in the archives of the Gallery degli -Uffizi, at Florence, in the autograph of Pelli, and is obviously the -document frequently referred to by him in his Galleria di Firenze. -_Second_, a note of the objects of art in the Urbino inheritance, as -inventoried by Bastiano Venturi in 1654. This is in a folio volume of -inventories, preserved in the wardrobe archives of the Pitti Palace, -and includes the succession of Duchess Livia, as well as that of her -husband, the last Duke of Urbino. _Third_, selections from a full -inventory of the wardrobe of Urbino, dated in 1623, and now No. 386 -of the MSS. in the Oliveriana Library at Pesaro. Of these documents, -the first is, unquestionably, of most importance as to the identity -and value of the objects enumerated; and the last, having been -compiled by a person unacquainted with art, cannot be much depended -upon. - -We may, however, estimate the extent of the collections in the -different palaces of Francesco Maria II. from the Venturi inventory, -and from another dated in 1623, which is No. 460 of the Oliveriana -MSS. In the latter there are enumerated as at Pesaro (besides a -series of sixty-two portraits in the gallery, sixty-nine maps, -and a hundred and thirty-five plans of cities) eight hundred and -forty-three pictures. This large amount includes apparently all -the framed engravings, embroideries, and miniatures; and a great -proportion were portraits of the ducal family and their connections. -The small number which have the painters' names assigned to them -renders this, the fullest list, of little interest. In the same -palace are mentioned sixty-four pieces in marble, chiefly busts; -and in various other palaces and chapels were some other pictures, -seemingly of minor importance. The Venturi catalogue enumerates only -ninety pictures, seventy miniatures in oil, eleven embroideries, -twenty-nine tapestries, eighty bronzes, enamels, and carvings, and -fifty-one works in marble and stone. These seem to have been the -principal objects reserved out of the inheritance, the remainder -having probably been given away or sold at Pesaro and Florence. This -selection bears evidence of care and connoisseurship; but that of -Pelli having the best pretensions to these qualities, the pictures -it names are fully given in the first of the lists here subjoined, -ending with No. 50. In the two subsequent ones, from Nos. 51 to -95, are included all other Urbino pictures of any moment which I -have been able to glean from the inventories now described, and from -other sources. To each picture is added such information regarding -its identity as extended inquiry and observation have enabled me -to hazard. Imperfect as it is, it will interest those who visit -Florence, and may save them from very troublesome and often fruitless -inquiries, which occupied me for many weeks. - - -I. PELLI'S LIST OF THE URBINO PICTURES. - -RAFFAELE. - -1. MADONNA, CHRIST, AND ST. JOHN BAPTIST, on panel. Pelli -in a marginal note states this to be the _Madonna della Seggiola_, -although he admits that a different extraction is by some assigned -to that masterpiece. No picture thus described appears in the Pesaro -inventories; that of Venturi mentions one such, but calls it a copy -after Raffaele. The Madonna della Seggiola, now No. 151 of the Pitti -Gallery, is said by Passavant to have been in an inventory of the -Tribune, dated 1585, of course long antecedent to the Devolution of -Urbino. - -2. MADONNA, CHRIST, ST. JOHN BAPTIST, AND ANOTHER FIGURE, on -panel, large. In the Pesaro inventory, the Christ is said to be in -arms; in the Venturi, two pictures are noted of the Madonna, Christ, -St. John Baptist, and St. Elizabeth, but both are called copies -of Raffaele. No work now in the Florence galleries answers this -description. - -3. HIS OWN PORTRAIT on panel. It is described but not named -by Venturi, and unquestionably is the small picture now among the -portraits of painters in the Uffizi, No. 288. (See above, vol. II., -p. 223.) - -4, 5. JULIUS II., on panel, and THE SAME on paper. -Of this famous portrait several repetitions contest the palm of -originality. The two best probably are those in the Pitti, No. 79, -and in the Tribune, both on panel; the former, perhaps, has the -advantage in breadth and mellow colouring, and I have heard the -latter ascribed by Italian connoisseurs to a Venetian pencil.[*268] -Considering the relationship and intimacy of the Pope with the Dukes -of both dynasties, there can be little doubt that they possessed an -original likeness, as well as the original cartoon mentioned above. -The latter has passed into the Corsini Gallery, at Florence, and is -admirable in bold character as well as in preservation. The pricked -outlines attest its having been used more than once; and the first -painting from it is understood to have been presented by his Holiness -to the Church of the Madonna del Popolo, at Rome, a fane greatly -favoured by the della Rovere. The Pesaro list includes the cartoon, -and Venturi the panel portrait, which, according to the annotator of -the last edition of Vasari (Florence, 1838), was that in the Tribune, -the head alone of the Pitti one being, in his opinion, by Raffaele, -the rest by Giulio Romano. Passavant, however, adjudges the palm -of merit and originality to its rival in the Pitti collection, and -considers it the Urbino picture. - -[Footnote *268: The Pitti portrait is an inferior replica of that in -the Tribune of the Uffizi.] - - -TITIAN. - -6, 7. DUKE FRANCESCO MARIA I., and his DUCHESS -LEONORA, on canvas. These are justly considered among the -choicest portraits of this master, but are painted in very different -styles, the Duke being treated with extraordinary freedom, the -Duchess in a severe and somewhat hard manner, suited to her stiff -matronly air. They ornament the Venetian room at the Uffizi, Nos. -605 and 599, and the former supplies a frontispiece to this volume. -Another portrait of him from the same hand is mentioned in Pelli's -note. (See above, pp. 48, 58, 371-3.) - -8. DUKE GUIDOBALDO [II.] Of this portrait I find no trace, -though it is named in the Pesaro list, and may be that described by -Venturi as in an antique dress.[*269] - -[Footnote *269: Gronau thinks this portrait may be the so-called -"Young Englishman" of the Pitti Gallery (No. 92). Cf. GRONAU, _op. -cit._] - -9. HANNIBAL OF CARTHAGE, on canvas. Mentioned in the Pesaro -inventory, but not now known. - -10. MADONNA, CHILD, ST. JOHN BAPTIST, AND ST. ANNA, on -panel, large. No trace of this picture appears in any inventory, or -Florentine gallery. - -11. THE NATIVITY, on panel. Not mentioned elsewhere; it or -the following may be the picture painted with a moonlight effect, now -No. 443, of the Pitti Gallery; or that described by Venturi as "a -woman swaddling an infant."[*270] - -[Footnote *270: This picture is not by Titian, but by Marco Vecellio.] - -12. QUEM GENUIT ADORAVIT, on panel; or the Madonna adoring -her Child. This I have nowhere been able to identify. (See the -preceding No., and also below, No. 20.) - -13. MADONNA DELLA MISERICORDIA, on canvas. The Pesaro -list tells us it came from the Imperiale villa, and contained the -painter's portrait, with many figures. It is No. 484 of the Pitti -collection, where it is assigned to Marco di Tiziano, the cousin and -favourite pupil of Titian. Following the usual type, this "Madonna of -Mercy" is represented as a gigantic female, whose outstretched arms -infold under her ample mantle of compassion, six men, five women, and -two children; the eldest of the group is evidently Titian, and the -rest are, no doubt, members of the Vecelli family. The picture was -probably votive, in commemoration of some signal mercy vouchsafed to -his house. - -14. THE SAVIOUR, on panel. A half-length figure in profile, -perhaps the finished study for some large composition. It is noted in -all the inventories, and was carried by the French to Paris, but is -now in the Pitti Palace, No. 228. - -15. ECCE HOMO, on panel. Also included in all the -inventories, and probably the picture No. 330 of the Pitti Gallery, -where it is called in the manner of Sebastian del Piombo.[*271] - -[Footnote *271: This picture no longer hangs in the Pitti Gallery.] - -16. MAGDALEN, on panel. This is now No. 67 in the Pitti -collection; a half-length, half-nude penitent, with variations from -the frequent repetitions of the same subject by this master; her eye, -no longer tearful, is upraised with an expression of joyful hope: the -penitent is at peace. (See above, p. 375.) - -17. JUDITH, on canvas. In the Pesaro inventory it is -described as on panel, and both there and in Pelli's note it is -ascribed to Titian _or_ Palma Vecchio, whilst Venturi assigns it to -Pordenone. It is now in the Venetian room of the Uffizi, with the -name of Pordenone, and is on panel.[*272] - -[Footnote *272: No. 619, Uffizi, I suppose. It is by Palma Vecchio.] - -18. NAKED WOMAN LYING, large, life-size, on canvas. All -who have visited the Tribune of the Uffizi Gallery are acquainted -with two companion full-length pictures of nude females, which are -conspicuous among its treasures of art. Both are called Venus; but -though one has the unquestionable accompaniment of a Cupid, with a -landscape behind, the other contains no attribute of the amorous -goddess, but is the portrait of a lovely woman laid uncovered on -her bed, whilst two attendants in the back part of the room prepare -her dress. To the latter, therefore, the above description, which -is alike in all the Urbino inventories, must unquestionably apply; -and it thus affords us an easy solution of the doubts as to which -of the two pictures came from Urbino, originating in the confused -and incorrect descriptions of Ridolfi and Vasari. The popular idea -is that Titian here portrayed a mistress or favourite of Duke -Guidobaldo of Urbino; but Cigognara has adopted the conjecture that -in her features may be traced an idealised likeness of his mother -Leonora. We must reject an idea so outraging her well-known modesty -of demeanour; and upon comparing the sweetly sensual countenance of -the naked beauty with the almost stern dignity of that Duchess, as -represented in her portrait, No. 7 of this catalogue, the resemblance -seems limited to an oval face and auburn complexion. The spaniels -which attend on both ladies, introduced in these pictures, though of -the same breed, are certainly different animals. Greater probability -attaches to a notion that the nude female's features agree with those -of the Bella and the Flora of Titian, described in the next number of -this list; and as both of these came from Urbino, we may conjecture -that all three were painted from some noted beauty of that court. -Another supposition, has, however, been adopted by Mrs. Jameson, that -the original was Violante Palma, Titian's first love, and a favourite -model in his school. The Tribune picture is generally admitted to be -the finest of Titian's so-called Venuses, and has been even assigned -the same place among paintings as the Medicean Venus holds in -sculpture. (See above, p. 374). - -19. ANOTHER PORTRAIT OF THE SAME NAKED WOMAN, BUT DRESSED, -more than half-length. This is considered to be the attractive -picture so universally admired under the name of Titian's -BELLA, of the Pitti collection, in which gorgeous costume -and rich beauty seem carried to the utmost point. It does not appear -in the other Urbino inventories, but in that of Venturi we find a -SEASON on canvas by Titian, which I apprehend to be the -famed FLORA, now an ornament of the Venetian room at the -Uffizi, and stated in the Reale Galleria di Firenze (edition 1817) to -have come from Urbino, and to be a half-length, half-nude, portrait -of the same model who sat for No. 18 of this catalogue. The title of -Queen Cornara of Cyprus sometimes given to the Bella is palpably one -of those misnomers so unpardonably common in picture galleries. - -20. MADONNA, CHILD, AND TWO ANGELS, Baroccio after Titian. -Of this picture an original by Titian on panel is in Venturi's -list, as well as a copy of it on canvas. I have not been able to -find either; but the original may be that entered at No. 12 of this -catalogue. - -21. MADONNA, ST. JOHN, AND ST. ELIZABETH, large, on panel, a -fine copy. I have not succeeded in tracing the work. - - -GIORGIONE. - -22. PORTRAIT of an armed soldier, supposed to be -UGUCCIONE DELLA FAGGIOLA. Not traced. - - -SEBASTIAN DEL PIOMBO. - -23. ST. AGATHA, large, on panel. It appears in all the -inventories, and was one of the most important pictures in the Urbino -succession. Representing the horrible dismemberment of the martyred -saint, the subject is most revolting, but in energy of treatment -and power of colouring, it ranks among the chef-d'oeuvres of the -master, whose name it bears, with the date, Rome 1520. It now adorns -the Pitti Palace, No. 179, after having visited Paris. - - -PALMA VECCHIO. - -24. THE SAVIOUR, on canvas. Not found. - -25. THE MADONNA, large on canvas. Not found. - -26. ST. FRANCIS, large, on canvas; not found. None of these -three pictures appear in the other lists. - - -THE BASSANI. - -27. A SUPPER. This was, doubtless, the Cenacolo, No. 446 in -the Pitti Gallery, assigned to Leandro Bassano. - -28, 29. THE BUILDING AND ENTERING OF THE ARK. These are, -probably, the companion pictures in the corridor of the Uffizi, -which seem poor copies, though ascribed to Francesco. Of the latter, -representing the Deluge, there is on the same wall a large and fine -replica with his name, and a picture of animals entering the ark with -the name of Jacopo. - -30. COMPOSITION OF FIGURES AND ANIMALS. It is stated by the -Pesaro list to have come from the chapel in the lower gardens of -that city, and may have been the large picture of the Rich Man and -Lazarus, now in the corridor of the Uffizi, where it bears the name -of Francesco. - -31-34. FOUR PICTURES. As there are fourteen pictures of the -Bassani in the Uffizi, and five in the Pitti, besides those noticed -above, and several portraits, it would be idle to attempt identifying -these four. All these eight works of this family are noted in the -Pesaro list, but omitted in Venturi's. - - -BAROCCIO. - -35. PORTRAIT OF S.A.S. This is probably to be read SUA -ALTEZZA SERENISSIMA FRANCESCO MARIA II., the last Duke of -Urbino, now an ornament of the Tribune. It is a half-length on -canvas, in armour richly inlaid in steel and gold, his helmet by -his side and a scarf across his shoulder, being, as we learn from -the Pesaro list, the uniform in which he returned from his naval -expedition; a circumstance which fixes the date in 1572, when the -Duke was in his twenty-third, and the painter in his forty-fourth, -year. Nothing can surpass the fluid harmony and pellucid colouring -of this picture, equally remarkable for breadth and high finish, but -the feeble design apparent in the arms renders it impossible to give -by the burin a favourable impression of its merit. I have therefore -preferred engraving for this work a much less brilliant portrait -obtained by me at Pesaro. A repetition of the Tribune picture, less -clear but still more charming, graces the select gallery of Baron -Camuccini at Rome. - -36. VISITATION OF THE MADONNA, on canvas, painted, according -to the Pesaro inventory, for the chapel there, on the visit of Pope -Clement VIII. in 1598. It has disappeared. - -37. MAGDALEN, on canvas. There are two pictures of this -subject, and another in the Venturi list, one on panel, one on -canvas, the latter of which is described as "the Magdalen in the -Wilderness." I have not found either of them; but a Magdalen in -devotion with Christ, upon canvas, is noted in the Pesaro inventory, -and may probably be the large and fine picture now in the Sala di -Baroccio at the Uffizi, known as _Noli me tangere_, in which the -Saviour appears to the Magdalen after His resurrection. - -38. MADONNA, ST. FRANCIS, AND ST. UBALDO, on canvas, -unfinished. No doubt one of the votive pictures commissioned on the -birth of Prince Federigo. (See above.) It has disappeared. - -39. PORTRAIT OF MAESTRO PROSPERO, a Franciscan monk, -half-length, on canvas; called by Venturi a Minim Observantine friar. -Not identified. - - -THE ZUCCARI. - -40. PORTRAIT OF DUKE GUIDOBALDI [II.] IN ARMOUR, HIS HAND UPON A -DOG'S HEAD. In the Pesaro inventory it is said to be on panel; -in that of Venturi it is ascribed to Baroccio. It has disappeared, -but a bad copy is preserved in the Albani Palace at Urbino. - -41. ST. PETER IN PRISON, large. This picture is engraved at -No. 373 of the folio work on the Pitti Gallery, and is said by Vasari -to have been painted for Duke Guidobaldo II., by Federigo Zuccaro -when about twenty-three years of age. It ranks among his best works; -for though the idea is borrowed from Raffaele's fresco, the treatment -and the effect of chiaroscuro are original and good. The heavy grated -window and the monotonous colouring are however injurious to the work. - -42. HEAD OF ST. FRANCIS, on canvas. Lost, unless it be -the Vision of the Saint in a wide landscape, on panel, No. 482 of -the Pitti Gallery, where it is called anonymous. The Pesaro list -describes him as in a landscape, by Federigo Zuccaro. - -43. CALUMNY, large, by Federigo, unnoticed in the other -inventories, and undiscovered. - - -MASCHERINO. - -44. CHRIST WITH NICODEMUS, NICOLAS, AND TWO ANGELS, on -canvas. Of this I can ascertain nothing. - - -ANONYMOUS. - -45. POPE SIXTUS IV., on panel. The Venturi inventory notes a -similar anonymous portrait, by Baroccio, and one on panel of a Pope -by Titian. This and the following number may be the portraits quoted -as Titian's by Vasari. - -46. POPE PAUL III., on panel. Perhaps No. 297 in the Pitti -Palace, where it is ascribed to Paris Bordone, and of which I have -seen several good repetitions. The Venturi inventory contains another -panel portrait of an anonymous pope by Titian. - -47. DUKE FRANCESCO MARIA I. IN ARMOUR, on canvas. Perhaps a -copy of No. 6, above. - -48. DUKE GUIDOBALDO, on panel; unknown. Possibly the -original of the likeness engraved for this work of Guidobaldo II. - -49. A LADY IN A DARK ANTIQUE DRESS, WITH A SHELL IN HER -HAND, on canvas. Of this nothing is known. - -50. MAGDALEN NEARLY NAKED, on canvas, described in the -Pesaro list as reading a book. Not found. - -Having now gone through Pelli's note of selected pictures, we shall -complete our materials for estimating the Urbino collections, by -adding such other works as are mentioned in the Venturi and Pesaro -inventories. - - -II. VENTURI INVENTORY. - -RAFFAELE. - -51. THE DUKE OF URBINO, A PROFILE IN HALF-ARMOUR, on canvas. -This was probably the portrait mentioned by Bembo in a letter, -wherein he speaks of it as a much less successful likeness than that -of the poet Tibaldeo. - -52. MARRIAGE OF THE MADONNA, a copy on canvas, no doubt -from the fine picture now in the Brera at Milan, which was painted -for the church of S. Francesco, at Citta di Castello. - -53. LUCREZIA, copy on panel. Of this neither the original -nor the copy are known. - - -TITIAN. - -54. MADONNA, CHRIST, ST. JOSEPH, AND ST. ELIZABETH, on -panel. Not identified. - -55. MADONNA, CHRIST, AND ST. JOHN BAPTIST, on panel. Not -identified. - -56. PORTRAIT OF A FOREIGN LADY, small, on panel. Not found. - -57. PORTRAIT OF A MAN IN AN ANTIQUE DRESS, on panel. Not -identified. - -58. A MAN ARMED WITH A MORION AND SHIELD, on canvas, _after_ -Titian. Not identified. - - -BAROCCIO. - -59. MADONNA WITH CHRIST IN HER ARMS, ST. AUGUSTIN, AND ST. -FRANCIS, on canvas. Not found. - -60. CHRIST IN A CRADLE, MADONNA, ST. JOHN, AND ST. -ELIZABETH, on canvas. Not found. - -61. ST. FRANCIS, on panel. Not found. - -62. A MAN WITH A CHEMISETTE, on canvas; probably the -half-length of Duke Francesco Maria II., with six gold buttons, -mentioned in the Pesaro inventory, and of which No. 162 of the Pitti -collection seems a finished head study on paper. - -63. MARCHESE IPPOLITO DELLA ROVERE, on canvas. Not found. - -64. MONSIGNORE GIULIANO DELLA ROVERE, on canvas. Not found. - -65. THE SAVIOUR WITH THE GLOBE IN HIS HAND, _after_ -Baroccio. Now No. 101 in the Pitti Palace, where it is called _by_ -Baroccio. A poor picture. - - -ANTONIO. - -66. A WOMAN IN AN ANTIQUE DRESS, on panel. This may refer to -ANTONELLO DI MESSINA. Not found. - -67. PETRARCH AND LAURA painted bookwise. This is doubtless a -blundering description of the heads of DUKE FEDERIGO and DUCHESS -BATTISTA of Urbino, by PIETRO DELLA FRANCESCA, placed like a diptych -or book in the same frame. They have been engraved at Volume I., p. -120, of this work, from the originals among the miscellaneous Italian -pictures in the Uffizi. - -68. A FRANCISCAN FRIAR TEACHING MATHEMATICS TO ANOTHER -PERSON, on panel. This is ascribed to Ghirlandajo or Signorelli, -but the subject makes it more probably a work of PIETRO DELLA -FRANCESCA, court painter to Duke Federigo. I have found no such -picture. - - -GIORGIONE. - -69. A DUKE OF URBINO, on canvas. Probably Guidobaldo I., but -unfortunately lost. - - -HOLBEIN. - -70. TWO DUKES OF SAXONY, bookwise, small. They are Frederick -III. and John I.; now in the German room of the Uffizi, where they -are ascribed to Lucas Cranach. - - -SCARSELLINO. - -71. CHRIST RECEIVING ST. PETER, on panel; a small picture. -Not found. - -72. CHRIST WITH HIS FOOT UPON A SERPENT'S SKIN -[_scoglione_], on panel; a small picture. Not found. - - -THE ZUCCARI. - -73. A WOMAN WITH A COCKLE-SHELL IN HER HAND, on canvas. Not -found. - -74. MADONNA, CHRIST, AND ST. JOHN BAPTIST, on panel, after -Jacopo * * * *. Not found. - - -L'ALEMANO. - -75. THE NATIVITY, on panel. Not identified. - - -V. DANDINI. - -76. AURORA, on canvas. Not found. - - -IL CERRETANI. - -77. THE NATIVITY, on canvas. Not found. - -78. PORTRAIT OF QUEEN MARY OF FRANCE. This may have been -Mary de' Medici by Scipione Gaetani, No. 192 of the Pitti Gallery. - -79. VIRTUE EXPELLING THE VICES. Not found. - -80-88. Six DUKES OF URBINO and three POPES; all -small pictures on canvas. - - -III. PESARO INVENTORY - -RAFFAELE. - -89. MADONNA, CHRIST, AND ST. JOSEPH, on panel. Not found in -the other inventories, nor in the galleries at Florence. - -90. MAGDALEN, on panel; behind it the arms of Duke Francesco -Maria II. and his Duchess Lucrezia d'Este. Not elsewhere known. - - -TITIAN. - -91. THE DUCHESS OF CAMERINO IN AN ANTIQUE DRESS, on canvas. -Not found. - -92. A SOLDIER IN DARK ARMOUR, on canvas. Not found. - - -BAROCCIO. - -93. THE CRUCIFIXION, with the palace of Urbino introduced in -the background, on canvas. Not found. - - -THE ZUCCARI. - -94. THE CRUCIFIXION, with a city below, on canvas. Not found. - - -GIULIO CLOVIO. - -95. A MINIATURE, was probably the PIETA on vellum, -No. 241 of the Pitti collection. A group treated with great breadth, -and coloured with much delicacy. - -The following pictures, in the Pitti palace, though not in the Urbino -inventories, are closely connected with the family della Rovere, and -the first of them must have come from thence. - -96. PRINCE FEDERIGO, by BAROCCIO, on canvas, No. -55. The babe lies in his cradle swaddled, his dress and coverlet -embroidered in flowers and gold; inscription above, FEDERIGO PRIN -D'URB'O QUANDO NACQUE 1605. - -97. VITTORIA DELLA ROVERE GRAND DUCHESS OF TUSCANY, by -SUSTERMANS, on canvas, No. 116. She is in the character -of the Vestal Tuccia, with a sieve under her arm, full of water; a -half-length figure, stout and comely, with a pleasant expression. - -98. THE GRAND DUCHESS VITTORIA, HER HUSBAND, AND HER SON COSMO III., -by SUSTERMANS, on canvas, No. 231. This picture is called in the -catalogue a Holy Family; but though the grouping of the figures -appears borrowed from some such composition, there seems no real -ground for this alleged impiety. They are half-lengths; the Grand -Duchess has a darker complexion, and is somewhat older than in the -preceding number. - - - - -DENNISTOUN'S LIST - -OF - -AUTHORITIES FOR THE WORK. - - -The following List, though by no means containing all the books which -have been looked into or consulted (especially numerous periodicals), -will afford a general idea of the authorities upon which this work -has been founded. The MSS. specially noted are, however, but a small -portion of what has been examined, in a variety of Archives, and in -the Vatican, Minerva, Angelica, Gerusalemme, S. Lorenzo in Lucina, -and Albani libraries at Rome; in those of the Borbonica and S. Angelo -in Nilo at Naples; in the Laurentiana, Magliabechiana, Riccardiana, -Maruccelli, and Pitti at Florence; in those of the University and S. -Salvadore at Bologna; and in the public libraries of Pesaro, Perugia, -Rimini, Cesena, Siena, Volterra, and Monte Cassini. In the Oliveriana -at Pesaro alone, upwards of one hundred MS. volumes yielded notices -of interest. The MSS. in the British Museum have also been freely -consulted, and not without fruit. - - Affo, Vita di M. Bernardino Baldi 1 vol. 8vo. - Agincourt, Histoire de l'Art 6 vols. folio. - Alberi, Relazioni Veneti 7 vols. 8vo. - Alberti, MSS. di Torquato Tasso 1 vol. folio. - Andreozzi, Notizie di Citta di Castello 1 vol. 12mo. - Antiquitates Picene 10 vols. 4to. - Archivio Storico d'Italia 10 vols. 8vo. - Ariosto, Opere Complete 5 vols. 8vo. - ----, Orlando Furioso, translated by Stewart Rose 3 vols. 8vo. - Armanni, Famiglia de' Bentivoglii 1 vol. 8vo. - Atanagi Rime Scelte 1 vol. 12mo. - Audin, Histoire de Leon X. 1 vol. 12mo. - - Baldi, Vita e Fatti di Federigo Duca di Urbino 3 vols. 8vo. - ----, ---- Guidobaldo I. Duca di Urbino 2 vols. 8vo. - Baldinucci, Notizie de' Professori di Disegno 14 vols. 8vo. - Baruffaldi, Vita di Ariosto 1 vol. 8vo. - ----, ---- Bernardino Baldi 1 vol. 8vo. - Bellori, Vita de' Pittori, Scultori, ed Architetti 1 vol. 4to. - Bembo, Opere Diverse 6 vols. folio. - Berni, Chronicon Eugubinum - Bettinelli, Resorgimento delle Arti in Italia 1 vol. 8vo. - Biographie Universelle 80 vols. 8vo. - Biondi, Italia Illustrata 1 vol. 8vo. - Black's Life of Tasso 2 vols. 4to. - Blount, Censura Celebriorum Authorum 1 vol. folio. - Boccaccio e Betussi, delle Donne illustri 1 vol. 12mo. - Boccalini, Ragguagli di Parnaso 1 vol. 12mo. - Bonaparte, Sac di Rome 1 vol. 8vo. - Bonfatti, Memorie Istoriche di Ottaviano Nelli 1 vol. 18mo. - Borghini, il Riposo 1 vol. 4to. - Bossi, Istoria d'Italia 19 vols. 12mo. - Bottari, Dialoghi sopra le Arti di Disegno 1 vol. 8vo. - ----, Raccolta di Lettere Pittoriche 7 vols. 8vo. - Bradford's Correspondence of Charles V. 1 vol. 8vo. - Brantome, Capitains illustres e Dames illustres 3 vols. 12mo. - Brown, Rawdon, Ragguagli sulla Vita di Marino Sanuto 3 vols. 8vo. - Bruschelli, la Citta di Assisi 1 vol. 8vo. - Buonaccorsi Diario 1 vol. 4to. - Burriel, Vita di Caterina Riario Sforza 3 vols. 4to. - Burtin, Traite des Connoissances necessaires - aux Amateurs des Tableaux 2 vols. 8vo. - - Calogeriana, Opuscula e Nuova Raccolta 90 vols. 12mo. - Cambray, Histoire de la Ligue de 1 vol. 8vo. - Campanno, Vita di Braccio Fortebracci e di - Nicolo Piccinino 1 vol. 4to. - Cancellieri, Opere Varie 1 vol. 8vo. - Casa, della, il Galateo 1 vol. 12mo. - Carli, Zecca d'Italia 1 vol. 8vo. - Carmina Illustrium Poetarum Italiae 5 vols. 8vo. - Castiglione, il Corteggiano 1 vol. 4to. - ----, Lettere e Opere 2 vols. 4to. - Cebrario, Economia Politica del Medio Evo 4 vols. 8vo. - Cellini, Vita Scritta da lui Medesimo 1 vol. 8vo. - Cicognara, Storia della Scultura 3 vols. folio. - Cimarelli, del Ducato di Urbino 1 vol. folio. - Collucci, Uomini Illustri del Piceno 6 vols. folio. - Colonna, Vittoria, Opere e Vita di 1 vol. 8vo. - Comines, Memoires de Philippe de 3 vols. 8vo. - Commentaria Pii II. et Epistolae 1 vol. folio. - Comolli, Vita inedita di Raffaello da Urbino 1 vol. 4to. - ----, Bibliographia Architettonica 1 vol. 8vo. - Conca, Viaggio Odeporico in Ispagna 2 vols. 8vo. - Condivi, Vita di Michelangelo Buonarroti 1 vol. 4to. - Corio, l'Istoria di Milano 1 vol. 4to. - Crescimbeni, Istoria della Volgar Poesia 6 vols. 4to - Cunningham's Life of Wilkie 2 vols. 8vo. - - Dante, La Divina Commedia 3 vols. 8vo. - ----, ---- ---- ---- translated by Carey 1 vol. 8vo. - Daru, Histoire de Venise 8 vols. 8vo. - Denina, Revoluzioni d'Italia 3 vols. 8vo. - Descamps, Vie de Peintres Flamands et Hollandois 3 vols. 8vo. - Didier, Campagne de Rome 1 vol. 8vo. - Discorsi Militari di Francesco Maria I. Duca di Urbino 1 vol. 12mo. - ---- Sopra gli Spettacoli Italiani nel Secolo xiv. 1 vol. 8vo. - Dizionario Geografico Universale 12 vols. 8vo. - Dolce, Dialogo della Pittura 1 vol. 8vo. - Domenichi, la Nobilita delle Donne 1 vol. 12mo. - Donato, Vita di Francesco Maria II. Duca di Urbino - Duppa, Life of Michelangelo Buonarroti 1 vol. 8vo. - - Eccardius, Corpus Historicum Medii Aevi 2 vols. folio. - - Fabroni, Laurentii Medicis Vita 1 vol. 4to. - Fea, Notizie intorno a Raffaele 1 vol. 8vo. - Feretrense, de Episcopatu - Filelfi, Epistolae Familiares 1 vol. 4to. - Fleetwood's Chronicum Preciosum 1 vol. 8vo. - Fortebracci, Lettera della Famiglia Fortebracci 1 vol. 8vo. - Fuseli's Life and Writings 3 vols. 8vo. - - Gaillard, Histoire de Francois I. 5 vols. 8vo. - Galleria degli Uffizi di Firenze 5 vols. 8vo. - Galluzzi, Storia della Toscana 5 vols. 4to. - Gaye, Carteggio d'Artisti 3 vols. 8vo. - Genealogies Historiques des Maisons Souveraines 5 vols. 4to. - Gibbon, Recherches sur le Titre de Charles VIII. - a la Couronne de Naples - ----, Antiquities of the House of Brunswick - Ginguene, Histoire Litteraire d'Italie 9 vols. 8vo. - Giovio, Raggionamento sopra i motti ed impresi 1 vol. 12mo. - ----, Vita de' Dodeci Visconti 1 vol. 12mo. - ----, ---- di Francesco Sforza 1 vol. 12mo. - ----, ---- ---- Illustrium Virorum Vitae 1 vol. folio. - Gordon's Life of Alexander VI. and Cesare Borgia 1 vol. folio. - Gresswell's Memoirs of Italian Literature 1 vol. 8vo. - Grossi, Uomini Illustri di Urbino 1 vol. 4to. - Gualandi, Memorie delle Belle Arti 1 vol. 8vo. - Guicciardini, Istoria d'Italia 8 vols. 8vo. - ----, Sacco di Roma 1 vol. 8vo. - - Hallam's View of Europe in the Middle Ages 3 vols. 8vo. - Hystoire de la Conqueste de Naples par Charles VIII. 1 vol. 8vo. - - Kugler's Handbook of the History of Painting 1 vol. 8vo. - - Lanz, Correspondenz der Kaiser Carl V. 2 vols. 8vo. - Lanzi, Storia Pittorica dell'Italia 4 vols. 8vo. - Lazzari, Opera Miscellanea 6 vols. folio. - ----, Memorie di Pittori Celebri di Urbino 1 vol. 4to. - ----, Chiese di Urbino 1 vol. 8vo. - ----, Guida di Urbino 1 vol. 8vo. - Lazzarini, Dissertazioni in Materia di Belle Arti 2 vols. 8vo. - Leandro Alberti, Descrizione d'Italia 1 vol. 4to. - Lectures on Painting, by Barry, Opie, and Fuseli 1 vol. 8vo. - Leoni, Vita di Francesco Maria II. Duca d'Urbino 1 vol. 4to. - Lettere de' Principi 3 vols. 8vo. - ---- degli Uomini Illustri 1 vol. 8vo. - ---- Pittoriche 7 vols. 8vo. - Life of Joanna II. Queen of Naples 2 vols. 8vo. - Lindsay's Sketches of the History of Christian Art 3 vols. 8vo. - Litta, Famiglie Celebri d'Italia 16 vols. folio. - Lomazzo, Idea del Tempio della Pittura 1 vol. 4to. - ----, L'Arte della Pittura 1 vol. 4to. - - Machiavelli, Opere 8 vols. 8vo. - Malvasia, La Felsina Pittrice 2 vols. 4to. - Mambrino Roseo, Istoria di Napoli 1 vol. 4to. - Mancini, Istoria di Citta di Castello 2 vols. 8vo. - Marchese, Galleria d'Onore 1 vol. 8vo. - ----, Memorie dei Pittori Domenicani 2 vols. 8vo. - Marini, Saggio della Citta di S. Leo 1 vol. 8vo. - Mariotti, Lettere Pittoriche Perugine 1 vol. 8vo. - ----, Italy 2 vols. 8vo. - Masse, Histoire d'Alexandre VI. et de Cesar Borgia 1 vol. 8vo. - Mazzuchelli, Vita di Pietro Aretino 2 vols. 8vo. - ----, Notizie intorno Isotta da Rimini 1 vol. 8vo. - M'Crie's History of the Reformation in Italy 1 vol. 8vo. - Memorie concernenti la Citta da Urbino 1 vol. folio. - ---- ---- la Devoluzione di Urbino 1 vol. 12mo. - Mezeray, Abrege de l'Histoire de France 3 vols. 4to. - Mezzanotte, Vita e Opere di Pietro Perugino 1 vol. 8vo. - Michiel, Origine delle Feste Veneziane 4 vols. 8vo. - Michiels, La Peinture Flamande et Hollandais 4 vols. 8vo. - Milizia, dell'Arte di Vedere nelle Belle Arti 1 vol. 8vo. - ----, Dizionario delle Belle Arti 2 vols. 8vo. - ----, dell'Architettura Civile 1 vol. 8vo. - Milman's Life of Tasso 2 vols. 8vo. - Misserini, Vita di Raffaele 1 vol. 18mo. - Molini, Documenti per la Storia d'Italia 2 vols. 8vo. - Montalembert, du Vandalisme et du Catholicisme - dans l'Art 1 vol. 8vo. - Montanari, L'Imperiale di Pesaro 1 vol. 8vo. - Morbio, Municipia d'Italia 4 vols. 8vo. - Morelli, Notizie delle Opere di Disegno 1 vol. 4to. - Mortali Spoglie di Raffaele 1 vol. 8vo. - Muzio, Historia de' Fatti di Federigo Duca di Urbino 1 vol. 4to. - Muratori, Annali d'Italia 40 vols. 8vo. - ----, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores 25 vols. folio. - - Nardii, Le Historie di Firenze 1 vol. 4to. - Nicholas's Chronology of History 1 vol. 2mo. - - Odasio, Elogio di Guidobaldo II. Duca di Urbino 1 vol. 12mo. - Olivieri, Opere Diverse 3 vols. 4to. - Olympia Morata 1 vol. 8vo. - Orsini, Guida di Perugia 1 vol. 8vo. - ----, Lettere Pittoriche Perugine 1 vol. 8vo. - ----, Vita di Pietro Perugino 1 vol. 8vo. - - Paciolo, Summa di Arithmetica e Geometria 1 vol. folio. - Passavant, Leben v. 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Federici Urbini Ducis Vita, auct. Johanne Galli; -written about 1565, at Citta di Castello. - -No. 938. Sketch of him by Aloysio Guido da Cagli, in Latin. - -No. 1011. His life by Muzio Giustinopoli, more full than the printed -edition. - -No. 941. Vespasiano, Commentario de' Gesti e Fatti e Detti de -Federigo Duca di Urbino: printed in Spicelegium Romanum, i. 94. - -No. 980. Epitome Vitae Rerumque Gestarum Federici Urbini Ducis, auct. -Julio Cesare Capaccio Neapolitano, 1636. - -No. 303, 699, 1293. Various Latin poems by Federigo Veterani as to -Urbino. - -No. 928, f. 16. Antichita di S. Leo, da Giulio Volpelli, 1576. - -No. 702. Mariae Philelfi artium et utriusque juris doctoris, equitis -aurati et poetae laureati, ad ill. atque inclyt. Principem Federicum -de Monteferetro, Comitem Urbinatem, Martiados, 1464. - -No. 804. His vulgar poetry, _passim_. - -No. 373, 710, and 709. Porcellii Feltria, and other poems laudatory -of Duke Federigo and his house. - -No. 373, f. 145. Naldi de Naldi, Volterrae Expugnatio. - -No. 743. Panegericon Comitis Federici, per Antonium Rusticum de -Florentia, 1472. - -No. 1198. Federici Urbini Ducis Epistolae. There are ninety-three of -these, all in Latin. - -No. 1233. Odasii, Oratio habita in Funere Ducis Federici. - -No. 1236. Oratio habita in Funere Battistae Urbini Comitissae; also in -No. 1272. - -No. 829, f. 551. Ricordi del Duca Federigo. - -No. 1323, art. 5. Ricordi di Paolo Maria, Vescovo di Urbino. - -No. 904, f. 43. Memorie di quanto si fece nel tempo che il Duca di -Valentino prese lo Stato. - -No. 1023, fol. 1, 297, &c. Various lives and notices of the della -Rovere family by Fra Gratia di Francia. - -No. 1682. Sundries as to Julius II. - -No. 906. Baldi, Vita di Francesco Maria I. Duca di Urbino, colla -Diffesa contra Guicciardini. - -No. 1023, f. 255. Baldi Diffesa di lui, and other sundries as to him. - -No. 1023, f. 50. Muzio, Vita di lui. - -No. 818, f. 444. Il Battesimo del Principe Federigo. - -No. 733, fol. 8. 11. Epigrammata in ejus Natalibus. - -No. 818, f. 5. Nobilta della Casa di Montefeltro. - -No. 736, 351, 368, and 405. Urbani Urbinatis Familia Feltresca. - -No. 992. Cronico di Sinigaglia. - -No. 819, f. 335. Ritratto delle Actioni di Francesco Maria I. - -No. 489. De Rebus Gestis quae contigerunt circa ann. 1509. - -No. 1037. Memorie Storiche di Francesco Maria I. - -No. 921. La Ricuperazione del suo Stato, nel anno 1521. - -No. 904. Various Diaries regarding Guidobaldo I. - -No. 928, f. 16. Volpelli, Storia di S. Leo. - -No. 907, f. 10. Centelli, de Bello Urbinate. - -No. 989. Leoni, Francisci Mariae I. Vita. - -No. 924. Philippi Beroaldi, Defensio Francisci Mariae I. - -No. 632. Petrus Burgensis Pictoris, de quinque Corporibus regularibus. - -No. 818, f. 560. Vita di Baldassare Castiglione. - -No. 1248. Ordine e Offizii della Corre di Urbino. - -No. 1677. Il Sacco di Roma. - -No. 935, 1232. Documents regarding the Statistics of Urbino. - -No. 497-8. P. Virgilii Historia Angliae. - -No. 908. First Sketch of Tasso's Gerusalemme. - -No. 816, f. 62. Federigo Zuccari, Ragguaglio del Escuriale. - - -FROM THE OTTOBONIANA MSS. IN THE VATICAN. - -No. 3141, f. 144-193. La Famiglia del Duca Federigo. - -No. 1305. Giovanni Sanzi's Rhyming Chronicle of Duke Federigo. - -No. 2447, f. 135, 3137, f. 81. Discorsi del Duca di Urbino. - -No. 3141. _passim_. La Famiglia del Duca Federigo. - -No. 3144, f. 51. Vita del Duca Francesco Maria II. - -No. 1941, f. 172. Luttere di lui. - -No. 3135, f. 321, 3184, and 3142. Miscellanies regarding Urbino. - -No. 2510, f. 201. The Urbino Rebellion in 1572. - -No. 3153, f. 90. Filippo Giraldi, Fatti del Duca Francesco Maria I. - -No. 3137. Sundries regarding the Camerino Dispute. - -No. 2607. Il Sacco di Roma. - -No. 2624, 3152. Burchardi Diarium. - -No. 2528, 2726, 2206, f. 17, 2441, f. 39. Sundries as to the Borgian -Policy. - - - - -GENEALOGICAL TABLE - - - - -DESCENT OF THE VARANA, as connected with URBINO. - - - ELISABETTA MALATESTA = RODOLFO VARANA = COSTANZA SMEDUCCI, - | Lord of Camerino, | of Sanseverino. - | d. 1424. | - ____________|______ _|_______________________________________________________________________ - | | | | | - GENTIL PANDOLFO, slew BERNARDO, GIOVANNI, slain = BARTOLOMEA PIER GENTILE, = ELISABETTA MALATESTA, NICOLINA = BRACCIO DA - his two half-brothers, Lord of 1433 by his half| SMEDUCCI, slain 1433, by| of Pesaro, daughter of MONTONE, - 1433, and was massacred Camerino, brothers. | of his half | Battista di Montefeltro. of Perugia, - by the people in d. 1434. | Sanseverino. brothers. | d. 1424. - 1434, with his brother | | - Bernardo and six | | - nephews. | ________|___________________________________ - | | | - | RODOLFO, made Lord = CAMILLA D'ESTE. COSTANZA, celebrated - 1451. | of Camerino in 1444.| for her beauty and - GIOVANNA MALATESTA, = GIULIO CESARE, made Lord | writings, d. 1447. - of Rimini, d. 1511. | of Camerino, 1447; strangled | - | in 1502 with his nat. son Pirro, ERCOLE, claimed Camerino = FILIPPA DE' - | by Michelotto Coreglia. in 1527, but sold his rights | GUARNIERI. - ____________________________________|_________________ to the Farnesi, d. 1548. | - | | ___________________|______________ - | 1497. 1503. | | | - VENANZIO, born = MARIA DELLA ROVERE, = GALEAZZO GIOVANNI MARIA, = CATERINA MATTIA, attempted = BATTISTA PIER GENTILE, - 1476; strangled| sister of Fran. Maria I., RIARIO Usurper, Duke | CIBO of to seize Camerino FARNESE. Sec - 1502, with his | Duke of Urbino. SFORZA, of Camerino, | Massa, in 1534, d. 1551. Existing issue. - nat. brother | of Forli. b. 1481, d. 1527.| d. 1547. - Annibale. | ! | - | ! | - SIGISMONDO, b. 1499, = OTTAVIA COLONNA. ! | - assassinated 1522, RIDOLFO, seized | - by order of his Camerino in | - uncle, Giovanni 1527, but soon | - Maria. expelled. | - | - GIULIA, = GUIDOBALDO II., - b. 1523, | Duke of Urbino. - d. 1547. | - Sec - - - - -INDEX - - - Abano, mud-baths of, i, 424; iii, 35 - - Abruzzi, war in the, i, 305, 358 - - Abstemio, Lorenzo, i, 168 - - Academy degli Assorditi, i, 228; ii, 112; iii, 255, 256, 284 - - Academy of St. Luke, iii, 366 - - Acciaiuolo, Donato, i, 228; ii, 113 - - Accolti, Bernardo, his success as an improvisatore, ii, 69, 70, 146 - -- his devotion for the Duchess of Urbino, ii, 69 note, 70, 77, 367 - - Acquapendente, ii, 456 - - Acre, i, 31 - - Adorni, the, ii, 59 - - Adria, Bishop of, i, 475 - - Adrian VI., iii, 448 - -- election of, ii, 416 - -- death of, ii, 423 - - Adriano, Cardinal of Corneto, fate of, ii, 391, 392 - - Ady, C.M., _Milan under the Sforza_, i, 73 note, 80 note, 183 note - - Ady, Mrs., ii, 119 note, 323 note - -- _Isabella d'Este_, ii, 23 note, 316 note; iii, 51 note - - Affo, on Baldi, iii, 266, 271 - - Agabito, Messer, i, 168 - - Agatone, iii, 397 - - Agincourt, iii, 407 - - Agnello da Rimini, Tomaso, i, 53, 54 - - Agostini, Ludovico degli, i, 112 note; ii, 211 note; iii, 50 - - Aiello, iii, 240 - - Alamanni, Luigi, quoted, i, 5 - - Albani, Cardinal Annibale, i, 154 - - Albani Library, Urbino, i, xliv; iii, 271, 452, 467 - - Albani Palace, Urbino, ii, 233 - - Albani, Prince, i, 447 note - - Albano, see of, ii, 301 - - Albergato, iii, 332 - - Alberi, _Relazioni Venete_, i, 395 note - - Albert III., i, 311 - - Alberti, Antonio, ii, 254 - - Alberti, Calliope, ii, 254 - - Alberti, Leandro, i, 164 - - Alberti, Leon Battista, ii, 73 note, 203 - -- employed by Sigismondo, i, 193 - - Alberto da Carpi, iii, 440 - - Albi, Duke of, i, 289 - - Alcala, ii, 129 - - Aldobrandini, Cardinal Pietro, iii, 165 - - Alexander III., of Scotland, i, xiii - - Alexander VI., i, 65, 116; ii, 261, 263, 282, 293, 301 - -- mistress of, i, xi - -- succession of, i, 314, 318 - -- children of, i, 318, 320, 367 - -- personal vices of, i, 317 - -- character of, i, 319; ii, 19-20 - -- his enmity with Ferdinand II., i, 342 - -- intrigues of, i, 343-5, 351 - -- employs Guidobaldo against the Orsini, i, 344, 358-62 - -- ambitious nepotism of, i, 363, 373 - -- mourns the Duke of Gandia, i, 366 - -- sends Cesare to France, i, 368 - -- designs on Urbino, i, 372; ii, 313, 314 - -- raises money, i, 386 - -- crimes of, ii, 8 - -- death of, ii, 15-19 - -- and Polydoro Vergilio, ii, 115 - -- patron of art, ii, 168, 459, 461 note; iii, 344 - -- corresponds with the Sultan _re_ Gem, ii, 294-6 - - Alexander VII., iii, 242, 243 and note, 456 - - Alfonso III. of Aragon, i, 323 - - Alfonso V. of Aragon and I. of Naples, i, 68, 81, 97, 324; iii, 291 - -- his designs on Tuscany, i, 97-9 - -- accepts Federigo without sponsors, i, 103 - -- ratifies Lodi, i, 109 - -- death of, i, 113 - -- his policy and bequests, i, 115 - -- popularity of, i, 123 - - Alfonso II. of Naples, i, 320 - -- succession of, i, 341, 345 - -- his measures against Charles VIII., i, 348 - -- abdication and death of, i, 351 - -- children of, i, 363 - - Alfonso II., Duke of Ferrara, iii, 331 - -- death of, iii, 164 - -- imprisons Tasso, iii, 309, 310, 312, 321, 326 - - Ali, Pacha, Turkish admiral, iii, 140 - - Alidosii, the, Seigneurs of Imola, i, 18 - - Alidosio, Francesco, cardinal of Pavia, ii, 323, 326 - -- favoured by Julius II., ii, 327 - -- thwarts Francesco Maria, ii, 327-9, 331-9 - -- further treachery of, ii, 330, 332 - -- murder of, ii, 339 - -- character of, ii, 341 - - Alidosio of Imola, Joanna, i, 64 - - Alippi, ii, 220 note - - Allagno, Lucrezia, i, 111 - - Allegretti, Antonio, iii, 295 - - Allegretto of Siena, i, 248; ii, 74 note - - Alunno, Nicolo, ii, 199 - - Alva, Duke of, iii, 110 - - Alvarez di Bassano, iii, 140 - - Alverado, ii, 393 - - Alvisi, _Cesare Borgia_, ii, 19 note, 23 note - - Amatrice, Vitelli dell', iii, 82 - - Ambrosian Library at Milan, ii, 63; iii, 77 - - Ammanati, Bartolomeo, iii, 73, 294, 352, 400 - - Ammirato, i, 209 - - Amsterdam, iii, 395 note - - Anagni, i, 34 - - Ancona, i, 17, 18, 177, 262, 379; ii, 395; iii, 246 - -- fortified, iii, 263, 366 - -- seized by Clement VII., iii, 59 - - Andrea, Giovanni, i, 408; ii, 317 - - Andrea da Prato, Gian, beaten by Francesco Maria I., iii, 36 - - Andrea of Volterra, Fra, iii, 411 - - Andreoli, Cencio, iii, 415 - - Andreoli, Cesare di Giuseppe, iii, 380 - - Andreoli, Giorgio, ii, 261; iii, 414-16 - - Andreoli, Giovanni, iii, 414 - - Andreoli, Salimbeni, iii, 414 - - Andreoni, Padre, iii, 78 - - Angelico, Fra, ii, 185 note; iii, 338 - -- at Assisi, ii, 180 - -- style of, ii, 186 - -- his piety, ii, 161, 194 - -- his frescoes in San Marco, ii, 194, 195 - -- work ascribed to, ii, 196 - -- his influence on Raffaele, ii, 229, 230 - -- in Rome, ii, 288 - - Angelo, i, 226 - - Angevine dynasty founded, i, 323 - - Anghiari, ii, 401 - -- battle of, i, 77 - - Angioletto, ii, 190 - - Anguillara, i, 179, 331, 359 - - Anne of Bretagne, i, 373 - - Anselmi, Professor, i, xii - - Anselmi e Mancini, ii, 292 note - - Anstis, quoted, i, 224; ii, 462, 468 - - Antaldi Palace, iii, 231 - - Antioch, patriarch of, ii, 281 - - _Antiquities of Rome_, i, xvii - - Antoniano, Antonio, iii, 378 - - Antonello di Messina, iii, 486 - - Antonetti, _Lucrezia Borgia_, ii, 19 note - - Antonio, iii, 486 - - Antonio, first Lord of Monte Copiolo, i, 25, 36 - - Antonio, Count of Montefeltro and Urbino, iii, 463 note - -- recalled by citizens, i, 36 - -- becomes a Guelph, i, 36 - -- prosperous reign of, i, 37 - -- welcomed in Gubbio and Perugia, i, 37 notes - -- his poetry, i, 37, 427 - -- his death, i, 37-9 - -- his children, i, 39-41 - -- tomb of, i, 56 - - Antonio da Ferrara, work of, ii, 200 - - Antonio della Leyva, iii, 45 - - Antonio, Pier, i, 410 - - Antwerp, iii, 423 - - Apennines, the, i, 3 - - Apollonius, iii, 261 - - Appia, Giovanni di, surprised at Forli, i, 27 - - Apulia, i, 278 - - Aquarone, _Dante in Siena_, i, 6 note - - Aquaviva, i, 104 - - Aquila, i, 133; iii, 39 - -- insurrection at, i, 305 - - Aquina, iii, 291 - - Aquinas, St. Thomas, i, 230; ii, 218 - - Aracoeli, Cardinal, iii, 17 - - Aracoeli, church of, ii, 288 - - Aragon, dynasty of, i, 68 - - Archangelo of Siena, ii, 83 - - Archimedes, iii, 261 - - Architects, duties of, iii, 265 - - Arci, fief of, ii, 313; iii, 45 - - Arcimboldo of Milan, i, 382 - - Aretino, L'Unico, ii, 146, _see_ Accolti - - Aretino, Pietro, ii, 73 note, 131, 244; iii, 94, 102, 124 - -- on Accolti, ii, 146 - -- "scourge of princes," iii, 287 - -- authorities for, iii, 287 note - -- career of, iii, 287-9 - -- style of, iii, 288 - -- epitaph on, iii, 290 - -- on Titian, iii, 391-6 - -- sonnets of, iii, 470, 471 - - Arezzo, ii, 69, 201; iii, 287, 400 - -- Priors of, their letter to Federigo, i, 228 - -- see of, ii, 113 - -- siege of, i, 400 - -- majolica made at, iii, 406 - - Argentina, iii, 205 - - Argoli, Andrea, iii, 208 - - Arignano, Domenico, i, 318 - - Ariosto, Ludovico, ii, 80 note; ii, 242; iii, 123 - -- on Accolti, ii, 146 - -- at Ferrara, ii, 147 - -- as envoy, ii, 346 - -- bibliography of, iii, 280 note - -- patronized by d'Este, iii, 281-3 - -- visits Urbino, iii, 281, 284 - -- at Rome, iii, 282 - -- his _Orlando Furioso_, iii, 282, 285 - -- style of, iii, 286 - -- on Aretino, iii, 287 - -- on Vittoria Colonna, iii, 292 - -- compared with Tasso, iii, 329 - - Aristotle, ii, 105 - - Armanni, _Stor. della famiglia de' conti Bentivoglio da Gubbio_, i, - 22 note - -- on Lepanto, iii, 141 - - Arpino, iii, 45 - - Arqua, ii, 127; iii, 267, 329 - - Arrigo, of Cologne, iii, 114 note - - Arrivabene, Cardinal, i, 221 note; ii, 463 note - - Artillery, introduction of, i, 339 - - Ascoli, i, 92; ii, 398 - - Ashburnham, Earl of, i, 447 note - - Ashmole, quoted, ii, 469 - - Asolo, castle of, ii, 127 - - Aspetti, Tiziano, iii, 400 - - Assisi, i, 17, 45, 379; iii, 239 - -- Republic of, i, 18 - -- Count Guido enters Franciscan monastery at, i, 28 - -- Church of S. Francesco at, i, 35; ii, 185 - -- cradle of art, ii, 179, 180, 184 - - Assorditi, Academy degli, i, 288; ii, 112; iii, 255, 256, 284 - - Asti, i, 348, 354 - -- Bishop of, iii, 22 - - Atanagi, Dionigi, ii, 58; iii, 303 - -- at Pesaro, iii, 295 - -- his poetry, iii, 296 - - _Athenaeum_, iii, 414 - - Attendoli, the, i, 80 note - - Attila, ii, 237 - - Authorities for this work, Dennistoun's, iii, 490-8 - - _Autobiography_ of Francesco Maria II., iii, 129 and note, 155, 156 - - Avalos, the house of, iii, 291 - - Aversa, iii, 40 - - Aversi of Anguillera, the, i, 179 - - Avignon, ii, 96, 297, 301 - - Avila, bishopric of, ii, 55 - - Azzolini, ii, 73 note - - - Babucci, Antonio, iii, 222 and note; iii, 231 - - Baccano, iii, 26 - - Bacci, Luigi, iii, 287 - - Baglioni, the, i, 369; ii, 325 - -- Seigneury of, i, 18 - -- reinstated, ii, 413 - - Baglioni, Carlo, ii, 393 - -- made lord of Perugia, ii, 395 - - Baglioni, Gentile, iii, 19 - -- his claims on Perugia, ii, 413-16 - - Baglioni, Gian Paolo of Perugia, i, 380; ii, 393 - -- murder of, ii, 5, 11, 406 - -- plots of, ii, 25 note - -- cedes Perugia, ii, 39 - -- seizes Gubbio, ii, 368 - - Baglioni, Malatesta, ii, 5, 10, 435, 443 - - Baglioni, Orazio, ii, 412; iii, 5, 19, 440 - - Bagnacavallo, i, 258 - - Bagnano, Fabio, iii, 161 - - Bagnolo, treaty of, i, 304 - - Bailli of Dijon, i, 384 - - Bajazet, expels Gem, ii, 293, 294 - -- writes to the pope, ii, 295-6 - - Bajus, see of, ii, 70 - - Baldelli, Francesco, iii, 378 - - Baldi, Bernardino, i, xxx, xxxii, 140 note; 177 note; 198, 207 note, - 210, 275; ii, 29, 268, 319; iii, 20 and note, 22, 71, 260, 298 - -- his _Encomio della Patria_, i, 32 note, 120 note, 155 note - -- _Vita e fatti di Federigo_, i, 149 note - -- _Vita e fatti di Guidobaldo I._, i, 295 note - -- on Count Guido the Elder, i, 32 note - -- on Oddantonio Montefeltro, i, 52 - -- on the surprise of S. Leo, i, 79 - -- on Duke Federigo, i, 127, 128, 148, 283 - -- on battle of S. Fabbiano, i, 127 note, 128 - -- on the palace at Urbino, i, 162, 174 - -- on Sig. Malatesta, i, 191 note - -- mistakes of, i, 214 note - -- on ceremonial for ducal investiture i, 220 - -- on Cesare Gonzaga, ii, 58 - -- on Bibbiena, ii, 68 - -- Italian patriotism of, ii, 108 - -- on Francesco Maria I., ii, 341, 348 note, 399 note, 437, 452; - iii, 71 - -- on Bourbon's march to Rome, ii, 456 note - -- translator of Greek, iii, 259 - -- on Comandino, iii, 261 - -- education of, iii, 266 - -- his epics, iii, 267, 272 - -- a linguist, iii, 267, 268, 271 - -- enters the Church, iii, 268 - -- works of, iii, 268, 271 - -- style of, iii, 272 - -- his biography of Duke Federigo, iii, 273 - -- of Guidobaldo I., ii, 273 - -- epitaph of, iii, 274 - -- indebted to Muzio, iii, 276 - - Baldinucci, ii, 265 - -- on Oderigi, ii, 188 - - Balia, i, 262 - - Ballads, absence of, iii, 279, 280 - - Ballerini, _Le feste di Gubbio_, i, 23 note - - Bandiera, iii, 39 - - Bandinello, ii, 391; iii, 400 - - Bandini, Giovanni, iii, 74, 400 - - Bannatyne Club, i, xvi - - Barbara, Archduchess, iii, 314 - - Barbarigo, Agostino, iii, 140 - - Barbaro, i, 159 - - Barberini Library, Rome, i, xxx - - Barberini, the, i, 285 - - Barberini, Cardinal, first legate of Urbino, i, 24 - - Barberini, Maffeo, _see_ Urban VIII. - - Barberini, Cardinal Antonio, iii, 245 - - Barberini, Cardinal Francesco, iii, 245 - - Barberini, Prince, ii, 209 - - Barberini, Prince Taddeo, iii, 245 - - Barbo, _see_ Paul II. - - Barbucci, Dr. Antonio, iii, 222 and note, 231 - - Barcelona, iii, 132 - - Barchi, pillage of, i, 139 - - Baretti, iii, 280 note - - Bari, Roberto da, ii, 71 - - Barletta, ii, 71 - - Barocci, the, iii, 270 - -- clockmakers, iii, 403 note - - Baroccio, Ambrogio, i, 158, 171 note; ii, 234; iii, 230, 231, 338, - 346, 369, 400, 483, 486, 488 - -- portraits of Francesco Maria II. by, iii, 230, 231 - - Baroccio, Federigo, iii, 352, 357, 364, 365 note, 367, 369 - -- early studies of, iii, 370 - -- is poisoned, iii, 371 - -- paintings of, iii, 371-4 - -- style of, iii, 374-7, 379 - -- death of, iii, 376 - - Baroccio, Giovanbattista, iii, 369 - - Baroccio, Giovanni Maria, iii, 369 - - Baroccio, Simone, iii, 369, 376 - - Baroncelli, Bandini, i, 447 note - - Barry, style of, ii, 172 - - Bartholomew, Lord, i, 450 - - Bartoli, Vincenzo, iii, 130, 411 - - Bartolo, Taddeo, i, 275; ii, 57 note, 118 note - -- at Orvieto, ii, 188 - - Bartolommeo, Fra, ii, 229, 252; iii, 335 - - Baruffaldi, iii, 280 note - - Basinio, i, 193; ii, 136 note - - Basle, Council of, i, 73; ii, 143 - - Bassano, Alvarez di, iii, 140 - - Bassano, Francesco, iii, 483 - - Bassano, Leandro, iii, 483 - - Basso, Giovanni, ii, 280 - - Basso, Matteo di, iii, 96 note - - Bastardy no blot, i, 63 - - Bastia, i, 43 note - - Bath and Wells, see of, ii, 115 - - Battaglini, i, 71 note, 75 note, 192 note, 335 note - - Battiferri, Antonio Vergilio, ii, 118 - - Battiferri, Laura, iii, 294 - - Battista, Countess of Urbino, her wise government, i, 147, 217 - -- her household, i, 151 - -- prays for a son, i, 207 - -- death of, i, 214-16, 219; ii, 136 - -- her descent, i, 216 - -- her accomplishments, i, 217 - -- her marriage, i, 217 - -- praised by Pius II., i, 217 - -- her character, i, 218 - -- portraits of, i, 218, 285, 287; ii, 210; iii, 487 - - Bayard, Chevalier de, ii, 427 - - Beaucaire, i, 347 - - Becchi, Francesco, i, 423 - - Becci, Gentile de', tutor of Lorenzo the Magnificent, ii, 113 - -- characteristics of, ii, 113, 114 - - Becivenni, Sebastiano, iii, 400 - - Bede and Gildas, ii, 117 - - Bedi, Giacomo, ii, 191 - - Begni, Giulio Cesare, iii, 378 - - Belgrano, ii, 73 note - - Bellanti, Antonio, i, 260 - - Bellini, Filippo, iii, 378 - - Bellini, Gentile, ii, 191, 197; iii, 335 - -- sonnet on, by Filelfo, ii, 135 - -- piety of, ii, 161 - - Bellini, Giovanni, at Pesaro, ii, 266 - - Bellori, iii, 372 - -- on Baroccio, iii, 374 - - Bellucci, Gian Giacomo, iii, 77, 352 - - Bembo, Bernardo, ii, 62 - - Bembo, Pietro, i, 207 note, 290; ii, 216, 404; iii, 78, 257, 460 - -- _De Guido Ubaldo_, i, 295 note - -- _Lettere_, i, 311 note - -- on Guidobaldo I., i, 51 note; ii, 23, 124-7 - -- bishop of Gubbio, i, 172 - -- represents Venice in Rome, ii, 38 - -- at Ferrara, ii, 62 - -- his Asolani, ii, 63 - -- at Urbino, ii, 49, 63, 77, 232, 360 - -- made cardinal, ii, 64 - -- on Federigo Fregoso, ii, 61 - -- on Bibbiena, ii, 69 - -- on the Duchess Elisabetta, ii, 89 - -- his manner, ii, 123-5 - -- his works, ii, 124-7 - -- on Accolti, ii, 146 - -- characteristics of, ii, 154 - -- portrait of, ii, 234 - -- on Francesco Maria I., ii, 324 - -- ill-timed badinage of, ii, 339 note - -- sent to Venice, ii, 359 - -- fair-weather friend, ii, 367 - -- satirised, ii, 368 - -- his epitaph on Francesco Maria I., iii, 73 - -- on Ariosto, iii, 285 note - -- letters of, iii, 349 - -- on Titian, iii, 394 - - Bembo, Torquato, ii, 65 - - Benedetti, Benedetto, iii, 162, 176 - - Benedetti, Cesare, iii, 135, 162 - - Benedict IX., i, 37 - - Benedict XIII., i, 42 - - Benedicto, Messer, i, 435 - - Benevento, i, 363; iii, 69 - -- Archbishop of, ii, 282 - - Bentivogli, the, i, 309 - -- the Seigneurs of Bologna, i, 18 - -- fly from Bologna, ii, 41 - - Bentivoglio, Annibale, i, 349, 474 - -- Francesca, ii, 53 - -- Giovanni, of Bologna, i, 308, 380-1, 407, 412; ii, 10, 53, 315 - -- Ippolito, iii, 53 note - -- Lucrezia, i, 473-6 - - Berengarius, King, i, 78 - - Berenson, ii, 226 note - -- _Central Italian Painting_, ii, 185 note - -- on della Francesca, ii, 203 note - - Bergamo, ii, 460; iii, 77, 298 - -- bishopric of, ii, 65 - - Berlinghieri, i, 227 - - Bernardino, Fra da Siena, _Prediche Volgari_, ii, 114 note, 153 note - - Bernardino, Giovanni, _see_ St. Francis of Assisi - - Berni da Gubbio, i, 47 note, 177 note; ii, 115; iii, 286 - -- on Ottaviano Ubaldini, i, 50 note - -- on Montefeltrian princes, i, 121 - -- on battle of S. Fabbiano, i, 127 note, 128 - -- on the battle of Cesano, i, 136 note - -- mistakes of, i, 203 note - -- on Court of Urbino, i, 205 - -- on the battle of La Molinella, i, 188 note - - Bernini, ii, 223 - - Beroaldo, Filippo, pleads for Francesco Maria, ii, 126, 337 note, 341-2 - - Bertinoro, i, 406, 414 note; iii, 165 - -- surrender of, ii, 35 - - Bertucci, Jacoponi, iii, 356, 378 - - Bessarion, Cardinal, ii, 105, 279 - - Betussi, i, 122 - - Biagio, iii, 369 - - Biagi, Prof., _La vita Italiana_, ii, 73 note, 74 note - - Bianchini, i, 155 note - -- _Palazzo_, i, 158, 162 - - Bibbiena, i, 377 - -- capture of, i, 370 - - Bibbiena, Cardinal, i, 174 note; ii, 360, 364 - -- life of, ii, 65-9 - -- ambition of, ii, 67 - -- his _Calandra_ performed, ii, 67, 71, 147-53, 261; iii, 348 - -- his _Tirsis_, ii, 121 - -- at Urbino, ii, 232 - -- and Raffaele, ii, 248 - -- averts massacre at Mondolfo, ii, 387 - -- meets Francesco Maria I., ii, 398 - - Bibbiena, Maria, ii, 249 - - Bibbiena Villa, ii, 240 - - Biblioteca Cassinatensis, iii, 457 - - Birsa, passage of the, i, 337 - - Bisceglia, Alfonso, Duke of, marriage of, i, 363-9 - -- strangled, i, 395 - - Bisignano, iii, 125 - -- Prince of, iii, 131 - - Bismarck, ii, 10 note - - Bisticci, Vespasiano da, i, 268 - -- authorities for, ii, 118 note - - Bizarro, Pietro, i, 204 note - - Black, _Life of Tasso_, iii, 334 - - Blatner, i, 449 - - Blenheim, ii, 230 - - Bloomfield, iii, 340 - - Boccaccio, i, 447 note; ii, 74 note, 102 - - Boccalaro, Matteo, iii, 421 - - Boccalini, _Ragguagli di Parnaso_, i, 307 note; iii, 257 - -- on Aretino, iii, 289 - - Boiardo, _Orlando Innamorato_, iii, 286 - - Bologna, Seigneury of, i, 18; iii, 349 - -- reduced by Braccio di Montone, i, 45 - -- University of, i, 107; ii, 115, 278; iii, 314 - -- papal designs on, i, 196 - -- defends Ferrara, i, 259 - -- under Bentivogli, i, 381 - -- surrenders to Julius II., ii, 41 - -- Cesare Gonzaga at, ii, 58 - -- Raffaele at, ii, 230 - -- expedition against, ii, 304, 316 - -- Julius II. at, ii, 331 - -- Bentivogli seize, ii, 335-8 - -- retaken by Francesco Maria I., ii, 345 - -- Leo X. at, ii, 364 - -- Titian at, iii, 390 - -- majolica made at, iii, 406 - - Bolognese school of painting, ii, 161, 254; iii, 341 - - Bolsena, i, 421 - -- miracle of, ii, 237 - - Bona of Savoy, i, 190 - - Bonarelli, Pietro, Count of Orciano, iii, 150, 151 - - Bonaventura, the, iii, 90 - - Bonaventura, Federigo, iii, 277 - - Bonaventura, Flaminio, iii, 143 - - Bonazzi, L., _Storia di Perugia_, i, 45 - - Boncompagno, Giacomo, iii, 81, 125 - - Bonconvento, i, 245, 423; ii, 114 - - Bondone, ii, 180 - - Bonfatti, Signor Luigi, i, xxiv, 172 - -- on Nelli, ii, 192 note - - Bonfigli, Benedetto, ii, 199 - - Boni, ii, 179 - - Boniface VIII., rule of, i, 29 - -- feuds with the Colonna, i, 29 - -- advised by Count Guido, i, 30 - -- his brief concerning Count Guido, i, 33 - - Boniface IX., invests Count Guidantonio, i, 42 - - Bonnard, ii, 209 note - - Bonnivet, Gouffier de, ii, 423, 427; iii, 435 - - Bonolli, i, 307 note - - Bordone, Paris, iii, 485 - - Borghese and Banchi, ii, 212 note - - Borghese Gallery, ii, 230 - - Borghese, Messer, i, 250 - - Borghini, Don Vincenzo, iii, 359, 361 - - Borghini, _Discorsi Toscani_, i, 49 note - - Borgia family, the, i, 316 - -- policy of, i, 320 note - -- authorities for, ii, 19 note - - Borgia, Alfonso Cardinal, _see_ Calixtus III. - - Borgia, Angela, i, 372, 400; ii, 314 - - Borgia, Cesare, i, 320, 351, 359; ii, 280, 283, 317 - -- Cardinal Valentino, i, 343 - -- murder of his brother, i, 364, 365 - -- sent to Naples, i, 368, 369 - -- his proposed marriages, i, 369, 375, 376, 409 - -- renounces the Cardinalate, i, 373 - -- goes to France, i, 373-5, 468-9 - -- made Duke Valentino, i, 375 - -- crimes of, i, 376, 389, 392, 394; ii, 10 - -- his extending ambition, i, 379, 383, 392, 394, 400 - -- becomes a condottiere, i, 383-5, 388 - -- his insolence, i, 386 - -- profusion of, i, 386, 387 - -- epigrams upon, i, 386; ii, 31 - -- made Duke of Romagna, i, 389 - -- his rule, i, 389-92 - -- enters Urbino, i, 401-10; ii, 303 - -- meets Louis XII., i, 412 - -- loses Urbino, i, 414-18 - -- regains it by temporizing, i, 418-20 - -- his letters, ii, 6 - -- intrigues of, ii, 10 note, 33 - -- and Machiavelli, ii, 10 and note - -- massacres the confederate captains, ii, 3-10 - -- invades the Sienese, ii, 11 - -- is poisoned, ii, 16, 17, 20 - -- wavers after his father's death, ii, 21, 25, 28 - -- goes to Naples, ii, 30 - -- a prisoner in Spain, ii, 30 - -- his death, ii, 31 - -- chief conquests of, ii, 22 note - -- humbled before Guidobaldo, ii, 33 - -- enters Sinigaglia, ii, 300 - -- his persecution of Cardinal della Rovere, ii, 301 - -- portraits of, i, xi, xii; ii, 459 - - Borgia, Francesco, Duke of Gandia, i, 320, 363, 364 - -- murder of, i, 364, 365 - -- character of, i, 366 - - Borgia, Giovanna, i, 317 - - Borgia, Giovanni di, legitimation of, i, 367 note - - Borgia, Girolama, i, 476 - - Borgia, Giuffredo, i, 320, 332 - -- Prince of Squillace, i, 343 - -- marriage of, i, 345 - - Borgia, Lucrezia, i, 320; ii, 18, 35, 348 - -- portrait of, i, xii - -- crimes charged against her, i, 320, 365 - -- her first marriage, i, 343, 364 note - -- her second marriage, i, 344, 345, 364 - -- third marriage of, i, 363, 369, 395 - -- fourth marriage of, i, 395, 396, 473-83 - -- visits Urbino, i, 397, 401 - -- her reformed life, i, 397; ii, 63 - -- her death, i, 397 - - Borgia, Pierluigi, i, 116 - - Borgia, Roderigo, Cardinal, rapid preferment of, i, 317, _see_ - Alexander VI. - - Borgia, Roderigo, i, 396 - - Borgia, tower of, ii, 235 - - Borgo, Pietro del, _see_ della Francesca - - Borgoforte, ii, 446 - -- battle of, i, 384 - - Borgo San Sepolchro, i, 260; ii, 204, 399, 467 note; iii, 201 - - Borgo San Spirito, ii, 444; iii, 8, 10, 14, 353 - - Borromeo, Cardinal Carlo, iii, 268, 298 - - Borromeo, Federigo, iii, 125 - - Boscoli, Pietro Paolo, ii, 82 note - - Bosso, Matteo, letter of, i, 203 - - Bossi, ii, 204 - -- _Leo X._, ii, 29 - - Bottari, ii, 44 note, 214 note, 228 note, 233 - - Botticelli, Sandro, his Glorification of the Madonna, ii, 158 note - -- in Rome, ii, 288 - - Botticini, his Glorification of the Virgin, ii, 159 note - - Bourbon, Charles, Duke of, i, 131; ii, 426, 428 - -- career of, ii, 449, 450 - -- advances on Siena, ii, 453 - -- advances on Rome, ii, 456; iii, 8 note, 9, 434 - -- sacks Rome, iii, 3-18 - -- at the mercy of his army, iii, 5 note - -- atrocities of his army, iii, 8, 14-17 - -- strength of his army, iii, 9 - -- death of, iii, 11, 12 and note, 429, 436 - - Bourges, i, 471 - - Boutcher, Archbishop, i, 456 note - - Bozzolo, Marquis of, ii, 372 - - Bracciano, fief of, i, 331; iii, 21, 360 - -- siege of, i, 359 - -- lake of, ii, 12 - - Braccio, Alessandro, i, 174 note - - Braccio, Carlo, i, 236, 247 - -- his attempt on Perugia, i, 238, 251 - - Braccio di Montone, i, 72 - -- power of, i, 43 note, 44 - -- a famous condottiere, i, 44, 51 - -- conciliated by Martin V., i, 45 - - Bracciolini, Poggio, ii, 113 - -- inscribes his history to Federigo, i, 213 - -- on Duke Federigo, i, 270 - -- _Facetiae_, ii, 154 - - Bramante, Donato, ii, 243 - -- confusion regarding, ii, 259 - -- his paintings, ii, 260 - -- his architecture, ii, 260 - -- employed on St. Peter's, ii, 235, 262, 263, 307 - -- his friends, ii, 264 - - Bramantino of Milan, ii, 259 - - Branca, Giovanni, ii, 220 note; iii, 354 - - Branca, Matteo della, iii, 78 - - Brancaleoni, the, seigneuries of, i, 18, 23; iii, 181 - -- lose Castel Durante, i, 23 - -- fiefs of, i, 45, 63 - - Brancaleoni, Alberigo di, i, 77 - - Brancaleoni, Bartolomeo, i, 46, 63, 64 - - Brancaleoni, Francesco, i, 39 note - - Brancaleoni, Gentile, i, 63, 111 - - Brancarini, Luc-Antonio, iii, 89 - - Brandani, Federigo, i, 171 note - - Brandani, Pacifica, ii, 57 - - Brandon, Sir Thomas, ii, 469 - - Brantome, _Vies des Hommes Illustres_, i, 468 - - Brantome, Sieur de, iii, 31 - - Brasavolo, physician, iii, 98 - - Brera Library, i, 227 - - Brera Gallery, Milan, i, 287; ii, 196, 211, 255; iii, 349 - - Brescia, ii, 364 - -- siege of, i, 74 - - Bresis, Benedetto di, commended to Siena, ii, 109 - - Bresse, Comte de, i, 347 - - Brewer, _Calendar_, ii, 411 note - - Brindisi, i, 394 - - Brisella, reduction of, i, 190 - - Brisghella, attack on, ii, 325 - - _British and Foreign Quarterly Review_, i, 29 note, 383 note; ii, 221 - note, 246 note, 251; iii, 279 note - - Brizio, Gian Battista, i, 413, 417 - -- succours S. Leo, ii, 14 - - Broglio, Gaspare, i, 72 note - - Bronzino, Angelo, iii, 124; iii, 350, 351 - - Brooke, Mr. F.C., i, xliv - -- on palace of Gubbio, i, 173 note - - Brown, Mr. Rawdon, i, xliv, 347, 361 note; ii, 392 - -- _Ragguagli_, i, 397 note - -- _Life of Leonardo da Vinci_, ii, 461 note - - Bruce, i, xiii - - Brunelleschi, ii, 203 - - Brunetti, Abbe, iii, 165, 332 - - Brunswick, Duke of, repulsed by Francesco Maria I., iii, 40 - - Brussels, ii, 233 - - Bucciardo, Giorgio, ii, 294 - - Bufardeci, ii, 51 note - - Buonaccorsi, ii, 5 note - - Buonaparte, Giacomo, iii, 8 note - - Buonarroti, Michael Angelo, ii, 23 note, 199, 222; iii, 335, 338, - 341, 347, 370, 398 - -- his statue of Julius II., ii, 41 note - -- his tomb of Giuliano de' Medici, ii, 57 - -- tutor of, ii, 114 - -- _Pieta_ of, ii, 169 - -- on Gentile, ii, 197 - -- cartoons of, ii, 235 - -- his influence on Raffaele, ii, 243-6 - -- his _Judgment_ ii, 288; iii, 344, 383 - -- employed by Julius II., ii, 307 - -- and Aretino, iii, 289 - -- and Vittoria Colonna, iii, 292 - -- his tomb of Julius II., iii, 381-6 - -- style of, iii, 386-9 - -- sonnets of, iii, 389 - - Buonconte, count and vicar of Urbino, i, 25 - - Burchard, i, 387 note, i, 395 note; ii, 5 note, 293 note, 464 - -- on Vatican obscenities, i, 345 - -- on murder of the Duke of Gandia, i, 365 - - Burckhardt, ii, 74 note - -- _The Civilization of the Period of the Renaissance_, i, 235 - note; ii, 128 note - -- on the continuity of art, ii, 95 note - - Burd, _Il Principe_, ii, 22 note - - Burgundy, Duke of, ii, 407; iii, 265 - - Burnet on Barry, ii, 172 - - Burney MSS., iii, 182 note - - Burns, Robert, iii, 340 - - Bylandt, Comte de, _Atlas de Volcans_, i, 79 note - - Byron, _Childe Harold_, i, 391 note - -- _Lament of Tasso_, iii, 309 note - - Byzantine school of painting, ii, 158, 160, 180, 186; iii, 335 - - - Caen, a Raphael at, ii, 226 - - Cagli, i, 4, 175, 281, 397, 403, 404; ii, 33; iii, 295, 303, 408 - -- Montefeltri supplant Ceccardi in, i, 22, 37 - -- palace of, i, 174 - -- frescoes at, ii, 190, 223 - -- plans of, ii, 213 - -- Cappella Artieri, ii, 258 - - Cagli, Bishop of, ii, 314; iii, 20 and note - - Cajazzo, Count of, i, 349 - - Calabria, Duke of, i, 123, 124, 129, 135, 141, 183 - -- in Tuscan campaign, i, 185 - -- fights against the Medici, i, 243-51 - -- intrigues of, i, 253 - -- sent against the French, i, 348 - -- abandoned, i, 349 - - Calais, ii, 355 - - Calisse, C., _St. d. Diretto Italiano_, i, 6 - - Calixtus III., i, 113 - -- schemes of, i, 116 - - Calixtus V., i, 204 - - Calvinism in Italy, iii, 276 - - Calze, fraternity of the, i, 68; ii, 430; iii, 130 - - Camaldolese Convent, Urbino, ii, 232 - - Camaldoli, i, 370 - - Cambray, League of, ii, 222, 372, 424; iii, 281 - -- origin of, ii, 321-3 - -- its results, ii, 323 note - - Camera della Segnatura, ii, 236-9 - - Camerino, Pietro Gentile, Lord of, i, 41, 125; ii, 10 - - Camerino, Seigneury of, i, 18, 379, 400, 411; iii, 38 - -- throws off Borgian rule, ii, 24 - -- Varana reinstated in, ii, 413 - -- disputes as to the succession, iii, 63-8, 89, 92 - -- Guidobaldo II., Duke of, iii, 89 - - Camerlingo, Cardinal, ii, 280 - - Camilla of Aragon, ii, 356 - - Camillo, Count of Castel del Isola, ii, 357 - - Camillo, of Mantua, iii, 351 - - Campagna, defined, i, xx - -- wasted by the Colonna, i, 329 - - Campagna, Girolamo, iii, 376, 400, 459 - - Campagnatico, baths of, i, 83 - - Campana, Cavaliere, ii, 460 - - Campani, Ferdinand, iii, 414 - - Campano, Antonio, Bishop of Teramo, i, 216, 230 - - Campano, G., i, 172 - -- on Perugia, i, 43 - - Campbell, Mr., i, xvi - - Campeggi, Lorenzo, Bishop, Governor of Urbino, iii, 222-3 - - Campori, ii, 220 note; iii, 280 note, 331 note - -- _Notizie_ ii, 138 note - -- _Vittoria Colonna_, iii, 291 note - - Camuccini, Baron, picture gallery of, iii, 230, 374, 483 - - Camuscia, iii, 19 note - - Cancellaria, ii, 282, 286; iii, 17 - - Canepa, Church of the, Pavia, ii, 260 - - Canevazzi, iii, 271 note - - Canossa, Ludovico da, ii, 47 note, 67, 83, 363, 397 - -- authorities for, ii, 70 note - -- papal patronage of, ii, 70 - -- at Urbino, ii, 78 - - Canova, i, xi - - Cantarini, Simon, iii, 369 - - Cantiano, i, 404; ii, 213 - -- conquered by Count Antonio, i, 37 - -- mutiny at, ii, 393-5 - - Cantu, C., _St. d. Italiani_, i, 6 - - Caoursin, Guglielmo, ii, 293 note - - Capaccio, Cardinal, iii, 421 - - Capasso, _Il Tasso a Sorrento_, iii, 299 note - - Capella di Barbone, iii, 11 - - Capello, Bernardo, ii, 365; iii, 124 - -- on Borgia, i, 411; ii, 459 - -- on Julius II., ii, 304 note, 305 - -- at Urbino, iii, 294 - - Capilupi, ii, 84 note - - Capitulation of Rome, iii, 23 - - Capobianco, Giovan Giorgio, iii, 404 note - - Capo d'Istria, iii, 275 - - Caponi, Marchese, ii, 484 - - Cappelli, iii, 280 note - - Capranica, iii, 26 - - Caprarola, iii, 357 - - Capretti, Bartolomeo, i, 165 - - Capua, sack of, i, 394 - - Capuchins, origin of the, iii, 96 note - - Carraci, Annibale, iii, 414 - - Caracci, Ludovico, ii, 243; iii, 369 - - Caraccioli, Camillo, i, 399 - - Caraffa, Giovanni, iii, 109 - - Caraffa, Monsignor, ii, 16, _see_ Paul IV. - - Caravaggi, the, iii, 341 - - Carbonani, Gentile, iii, 78 - - Carbonani, Troiano, iii, 78 - - Carda, la, united to Urbino, i, 51 note, _see_ Ubaldini - - Cardona, Raimondo di, ii, 343, 344 - - Carducci, Giuseppe, iii, 330 note - - Carducci, Ludovico, iii, 354 - - Carew, Thomas, quoted, i, 169 - - Carey's translation, _see_ Dante - - Carlos, Don, son of King Philip II., intimacy with Francesco Maria - II., iii, 132 - -- imprisonment of, iii, 132, 133 - -- death of, iii, 133, 134 - - Carlotta of Savoy, i, 375 - - Carmagnuolo, i, 72 note; iii, 35 - - Carnesecchi, ii, 74 note - - Carnevale, Fra, i, 150; ii, 210, 211, 260 - -- his portrait of Federigo, i, 287 - - Carnioia, Bishop of, i, 478 - - Caro, Annibale, iii, 260, 294, 295 - -- as purist, iii, 257 - - Carpegna, Counts of, i, 25 - -- arms of, i, 25 note - -- fief of, i, 112 - - Carpi, i, 290; iii, 165 - - Cartolari, Gian Francesco, iii, 114 and note - - _Cartularium Comitatus_ i, xvi - - Cartwright, Julia, _see_ Mrs. Ady - - Casa, della, iii, 257 - - Casa Bertoldy, iii, 366 - - Casal-Maggiore, ii, 453 - - Casale, Gregorio, i, 473; ii, 432; iii, 440 - - Casalecchio, ii, 335 - - Casalino, iii, 19 - - Casanova, ii, 73 note; iii, 8 note - - Casartole, iii, 49 - - Casatico, ii, 51 - - Casaubon, Isaac, iii, 182 - - Casini-Tordi, iii, 291 note - - Cassana, iii, 42 - - Castel Cavellino, ii, 210 - - Castel d'Elce, granted to Genga, iii, 352 - - Castel del Isola del Piano, ii, 357 - - Castel del Rio, ii, 326, 338 - - Castel Durante, i, 312, 411 note; ii, 85; iii, 122, 201, 220, 333, - 406, 408, 413 - -- countship of, i, 23 - -- seized by Guidantonio, i, 46 - -- palace of, i, 174 - -- architect of, ii, 213 - -- hunting at, iii, 160 - -- description of, iii, 181 - -- court at, iii, 204 - -- library of, removed to the Sapienza, iii, 244 - -- Tasso at, iii, 318 - -- now Urbania, iii, 423 - - Castella, iii, 125 - - Castel Leo, iii, 239 - - Castel Leone, iii, 82 - - Castellesi, Adrian and Vergilio, ii, 115, 116 - - Castellina, i, 249 - -- siege of, i, 104 - - Castelluccio, i, 133 - - Castelnuovo, i, 405 - -- siege of, i, 262 - - Castel S. Pietro, ii, 317 - - Castiglione, Baldassare, i, 48, 290, 311; ii, 50, 81; iii, 78 - -- _Il Cortegiano_ i, 161, 170; ii, 44, 55, 76, 77, 119-21; iii, 277 - -- _Epistola_, i, 295 note - -- on Guidobaldo I., i, 298; ii, 24, 84, 87 - -- his device, i, 444 - -- at Urbino, ii, 34, 52, 232 - -- envoy to London, ii, 34, 52, 233, 355, 468-70 - -- authorities for, ii, 51 note - -- author of _Tirsis_, ii, 49, 58 - -- family of, ii, 50 - -- his life, ii, 50-6 - -- granted Novillara, ii, 53, 356 - -- marriage of, ii, 53 - -- ambassador of the Holy See at Madrid, ii, 54; iii, 26-30, 448-51 - -- on Gonzaga, ii, 58 note - -- on Ottaviano Fregoso, ii, 59 - -- on Bibbiena, ii, 68 - -- his letter to Henry VIII., ii, 121 - -- his letter to his children, ii, 122 - -- on the _Calandra_, ii, 148-52 - -- friend of Raffaele, ii, 250 - -- on Leonora Gonzaga, ii, 316 - -- acts for Francesco Maria I., ii, 341, 344, 355 - -- diplomacy of, ii, 415, 419 - - Castiglione, Fra, ii, 210 - - Castreno, Demetrio, at Urbino, ii, 136 - - Castriotto, Jacopo Fusto, iii, 77 - - Catarina of Rossano, ii, 281 - - Catelani, Fra Bernardo, ii, 264 - - Caterina, Countess of Urbino, i, 47 - -- canzonet to, ii, 143 - -- letter to, by Nelli, ii, 192 - - Cathelan, i, 408 - - Catherine of Russia, ii, 233 - - Cattaneo, Federico, ii, 323 note - - Cavallino, ii, 379; iii, 336 note - - Cavattone, ii, 70 note - - Ceccardi, the, supplanted in Cagli by the Montefeltri, i, 22, 37 - - Cecchetti, ii, 73 note - - Cecchi, Domenico di, ii, 191 - -- _La Donna Italiana_, ii, 73 note - - Cecco, ii, 189 - - Celano, lake of, i, 44; iii, 26 - -- battle of, i, 73 - - Celestine V. absolves Count Guido, i, 28 - -- abdicates, i, 28 - - Cellani, Padre, ii, 324 - - Celli, ii, 277; iii, 114 note, 123 note, 142 note - - Cellini, Benvenuto, iii, 403 - -- shoots the Duke of Bourbon, iii, 11 and note - - Cennini, Cennino, ii, 73 note - - Cennino, Cardinal, iii, 217 - - Censorship of books, ii, 20 - - Centenelli, Cristofero, on Francesco Maria I., iii, 79 - - Cento, i, 396; ii, 403 - - Cento Celle, i, 237 - - Centogatti, Bartolomeo, ii, 215, 265; iii, 260 note - - Central Italy defined, i, xxxix - -- losses of the Malatesta in, i, 146 - - Cerasolo, i, 197 - - Cerri, _Borgia ossia Alessandro VI._, ii, 19 note - - Certaldo, siege of, i, 248 - - Cervantes, _El Buscapie_, ii, 82 note - - Cervetri, i, 331 - - Cervia, ii, 322 - -- seized by Venice, i, 381 - -- Bishop of, i, 475 - -- surrender of, ii, 329 - - Cervini, Marcello, Bishop of Gubbio, elected Pope, iii, 104, 260 - - Cesano, battle of, i, 137 - - Cesare da Faenza, iii, 422 - - Cesarini, Cardinal, iii, 431, 436 - - Cesena, i, 18, 48, 180, 348, 381, 392, 405; ii, 23, 337, 412; iii, - 349, 352 - -- surrender of, ii, 35 - - Cesenatico, ii, 28 - - Cette, Bishop of, i, 375 - - Charlemagne, coronation of, ii, 237 - -- donations of, i, 5 - - Charles of Anjou, i, 26 - -- and first of Naples, i, 323 - - Charles the Bold, ii, 407 - - Charles V., Emperor, i, 447 note; ii, 416, 428; iii, 24, 27 and note, - 28-31, 37, 40-46, 62, 69, 70, 110, 264, 395, 411, 421 - -- negotiates with Castiglione, ii, 54; iii, 448-51 - -- elected Emperor, ii, 407, 408 - -- leagues against Francis I., ii, 423 - -- hostile to Pope Clement VII., iii, 28 - -- and the sack of Rome, iii, 29-31 - -- a league against, iii, 37 - -- his motives in going to Italy, iii, 42 - -- coronation of, iii, 42-6, 253 - -- favours Francesco Maria I., iii, 43-5, 69 - -- meets Clement VII. at Bologna, iii, 62 - -- meets Francesco Maria I. in Italy, in 1532, iii, 62, 404 note - -- his expedition against Tunis, iii, 299 - -- and Ariosto, iii, 284 - -- and Titian, iii, 390 - -- _Lettere_, iii, 8 note - - Charles VII., i, 124 - -- death of, i, 135 - - Charles VIII., i, 325; ii, 3, 449; iii, 57 - - Charles VIII., of France, characteristics of, i, 327, 346, 355 - -- his invasion of Italy, i, 333, 340, 348-55 - -- enters Naples, i, 352 - -- defeated at Taro, i, 354 - -- death of, i, 372 - -- his army in 1493, i, 460-2 - -- and Gem, ii, 296 - - Charles IX., ii, 406; iii, 122 - - Charlescon, ii, 381 - - Charon, iii, 344 - - Chaucer, i, 313 note - - Chaumont, M. de, ii, 331; iii, 435 - - Chiavistelli, the, i, 235 note - - Chigi, Agostino, ii, 247, 248, 258, 352 note - - Chigi Chapel, ii, 240 - - Chinese art, ii, 175 - - Chinon, i, 468 - - Chioggia, i, 377; ii, 360 - - Chiusi, ii, 11 - - Christian art, _see_ Italian art - - Christofero, Giovanni, ii, 71 - - Church Langton, ii, 115 - - Church-plate coined into specie, iii, 24 - - Church, Roman Catholic, identified with popular principles, i, 11 - - Cialderi, Girolamo, iii, 380 - - Ciampi, iii, 383 note - - Cian, ii, 44 note, 51 note, 63 note, 119 note - - Ciarla, Raffaele, iii, 420, 422, 423 - - Ciarpelion, i, 91 - - Cibo, Cardinal, _see_ Innocent VIII. - - Cibo, Alberico, iii, 80; iii, 106 - - Cibo, Caterina, iii, 65, 66 - - Cibo, Francesco, i, 331 - - Cibrario, on coinage, i, xlii, xliii note - -- _Economia Politica del Medio Evo_, i, 88 note - - Cicognara, Count, ii, 269, 271; iii, 404 note - - Cigognara, iii, 481 - - Cimabue, i, 436; ii, 174, 188 - -- at Assisi, ii, 180 - -- style of, ii, 186 - - Cimarelli, i, 160; iii, 225 note - -- on the Duchy of Urbino, i, 4 - -- Italian patriotism of, ii, 108 - - Cimatorio, Antonio, iii, 378 - - Citadella, ii, 420 - -- _Saggio di Albero Genealogico della Famiglia Borgia_, ii, 19 note - - Citta della Pieve, ii, 11, 199 - -- sack of, iii, 19 - - Citta di Castello, i, 18, 238, 305, 360, 380; ii, 24; iii, 106 - -- Guidobaldo I. at, i, 421 - -- plunder of, ii, 11 - -- Raffaele's work at, ii, 225 - -- majolica made at, iii, 406 - - Civita Castellana, iii, 5, 23, 24 - - Civita Vecchia, i, 81; iii, 23 - - Claude, iii, 366 - - Claudia, Princess, of Urbino, marriage of, to Prince Federigo, iii, - 196, 199-202 - -- second marriage of, iii, 211 - -- letters from her to her daughter, iii, 232, 237 - - Clement, name unlucky for the papacy, iii, 33 note - - Clement VII., i, 327; ii, 64, 351, 419 note; iii, 4-8, 13, 25, 32, - 59, 62, 66, 260 - -- sends Castiglione to Spain, ii, 54 - -- election of, ii, 423 - -- policy of, ii, 433, 434, 443, 447-56; iii, 26 - -- reduces the garrison of Rome, iii, 4 - -- foolish infatuation of, iii, 4-8 - -- his difficulty to raise money, iii, 6 - -- seeks safety in S. Angelo, iii, 13 - -- amid calamities and perils, iii, 23 - -- fed on asses' flesh, iii, 25 - -- escapes from Rome, iii, 25 - -- returns to Rome, iii, 32 - -- entertained by the Duchess Leonora, iii, 52 - -- seizes Ancona, iii, 59 - -- and Charles V., hold a congress at Bologna, iii, 62 - -- his matrimonial speculations, iii, 62 - -- estrangement from Charles V., iii, 62 - -- death of, iii, 66 - -- character of, iii, 66 - -- letters to Francesco I., iii, 427 - -- negotiations with, iii, 433-42 - - Clement VIII., Pope, iii, 164, 166, 167, 215 - -- visits Francesco Maria II. at Pesaro, iii, 166, 167 - -- visits Urbino, iii, 265, 373 - - Clement XI., i, 163; iii, 248 note - - Clemente of Urbino, his medallions, ii, 270; iii, 376 note - - Clementini, i, 71 note, 75 note, 192 note - - Clovio, Giulio, i, 286, 449; iii, 12 note, 488 - - Coalition against Charles V., iii, 37 - - Colbordolo, i, 82; ii, 216 - - Colgrain Crone, i, xiii, xiv - - Colle, siege of, i, 248, 339 note - - Colle, Raffaele del, iii, 50, 380, 420 - -- work of, iii, 350 - - Colleone, Bartolomeo, harasses Urbino, i, 54 - -- invades Tuscany, i, 185 - -- fights at La Molinella, i, 185, 186 - -- employs flying artillery, i, 187 - - Colleoni, Carmagnuola, ii, 425 note - - Colocci, Angelo, iii, 122 note - - Cologne, ii, 198 - - Colonello, Francesco Amadori di, iii, 386 note - - Colonna, the, depredations of, i, 329 - -- prefects of Rome, ii, 291 - -- reconciled with Orsini, ii, 354 - -- excommunicated by Clement VII., ii, 448 - - Colonna, Antonio, Prince of Salerna, ii, 291 - - Colonna, Ascanio, i, 289; iii, 53, 442 - -- his claims on Urbino, ii, 418-20, 455 - - Colonna, Caterina, marriage of, i, 45 - - Colonna, Fabrizio, i, 289, 358; ii, 302, 419; iii, 291, 435 - -- marriage of, i, 222 - - Colonna, Giovanni, i, 29 - - Colonna, Girolamo, i, 152 - - Colonna, Giulio, ii, 283 - - Colonna, Lorenzo, i, 45 - - Colonna, Marc Antonio, ii, 281, 282 - - Colonna, Marcello, ii, 444 - - Colonna, Ottavia, ii, 283 - - Colonna, Cardinal Ottone, _see_ Martin V. - - Colonna, Pier Antonio, i, 152; ii, 291 - - Colonna, Cardinal Pompeo, ii, 448; iii, 10, 26, 27, 432 - -- treason of, ii, 443, 444 - - Colonna, Cardinal Prospero, ii, 419, 425 note, 444; iii, 435 - -- death of, ii, 423 - - Colonna, Sciarra, iii, 65 - - Colonna, Stefano, iii, 92, 430 - - Colonna, Vespasiano, iii, 439, 442 - - Colonna, Vittoria, i, 222, 289; ii, 120; iii, 125 - -- authorities for, iii, 291 note - -- marriage of, iii, 291 - -- her character, iii, 292 - -- her poems, iii, 292 - - _Coltness Collections, The_, i, xvi - - Columbus, Christopher, i, 326 - - Comacchio, Bishop of, i, 475 - - Comandini, Comandino, i, 268, 279; ii, 215 - - Comandino, Federigo, iii, 134, 266, 267, 369 - -- translator of Greek, iii, 259 - -- his education, iii, 260 - -- devoted to the exact sciences, iii, 261 - -- at Urbino, iii, 261 - - Comandino, Gian Battista, ii, 265; iii, 260 - - Comarca, defined, i, xl - - Comerio, la vedova, i, 286 - - Comines, Philippe de, i, 248 - -- on the French army, i, 463-7 - - Como, i, 156 - - Comolli, ii, 221 - - Compagnoni of Macerata, iii, 372 - - Conca, iii, 363 - - Condivi, iii, 381, 383 note - - Condolmiere, Gabriele, _see_ Eugene IV. - - Condottiere, rise of the, i, 13 - -- system at work, i, 14, 112; ii, 424, 425 - -- the passing of, i, 333; iii, 47, 94, 156 - -- the Vitelli, famous, i, 335 note - - Conegliano, Cima di, ii, 191 - - Confraternita della Grotta, iii, 242, 243 - - Coninghame, Mr. William, ii, 232 - - Constantine, Hall of, ii, 238 - - Constantini, iii, 327 - - Constantinople, ii, 105, 296, 398 - -- siege of, i, 106 - -- patriarch of, ii, 280 - - Contarini, Altadonna, i, 51 note - - Contarini, Bartolomeo, i, 51 note - - Contarini, Lorenzo, his funeral oration on Francesco Maria I., iii, 73 - - Conte, Donato del, i, 187 - - Conti, Sigismondo, ii, 126 - - Coreglia, Michele, i, 415 - - Contriotto, iii, 77 - - Corfu, iii, 77, 140, 141, 423 - - Corboli, the, iii, 90 - - Corboli, Antonio, iii, 143 - - Corinaldo, ii, 8, 395, 396; iii, 379 - -- prior of, iii, 82 - - Corio, ii, 285 - -- mistakes of, i, 188 note - - Cornara, Queen, iii, 482 - - Cornari, the, iii, 298 - - Cornei, the, iii, 90 - - Cornelius, iii, 366 - - Corneto, Cardinal of, ii, 115, 116, 391 - -- to be poisoned, ii, 15, 16, 17 - - Corona, indulgences belonging to a, iii, 456 - - Corradi, iii, 175 note, 311 note - - Corradi, Bartolomeo, _see_ (Fra) Carnevale - - Corradino, i, 26 - - Corrado, Ludovico, iii, 130 - - Correggio, ii, 242; iii, 338, 341, 356, 370 - - Cortesio, Paolo, quoted, i, 244, 450 - -- letter to, from Guidobaldo, ii, 87 - - Cortona, i, 103; iii, 19 - - Corvinus, Matthew, King of Hungary, i, 245; ii, 37 - - Corvisieri, ii, 285 note - - Cosenza, Cardinal of, iii, 431 - - Cosimo I., i, 384 - - Cosimo II., Grand Duke of Tuscany, death of, iii, 199 - - Cosimo III., Grand Duke of Tuscany, iii, 239, 489 - - Cosmati, the, iii, 336 note - - Costa, Mauro, i, 169 - - Costaccioro, i, 404; ii, 213 - - Costanza, Countess, of Urbino, i, 34 - - Costanza of Pesaro, i, 41 - - Coster, Mauro, iii, 244 - - Cotrone, Marchioness of, i, 473 - - Council of Trent i, xi; ii, 20 note; iii, 96 - - Coventry, Andrew, iii, 176 note - - Cranach, Lucas, iii, 487 - - Crastini, Antonio, ii, 314 - - Creighton, Mandell, i, 321 note; ii, 10 note, 17 note, 285 note, 294 - note, 417 note - -- _History of the Papacy_, i, 319 note - -- on Sixtus IV., ii, 278 note, 287 note - -- on Julius II., ii, 301 note, 334 note, 339 note - -- on Marignano, ii, 363 note - -- on Renzo da Ceri, iii, 13 note - -- on the sack of Rome, iii, 14 note - - Crema, iii, 77 - - Cremona, i, 93 - -- siege of, ii, 424, 441 note, 433 - -- surrender of, ii, 445 - - Crescimbeni, i, 40 note, 427, 428 - -- on Galli, ii, 143 - -- on Baldi, iii, 271 - - Crespi, Canonico, ii, 233 - - Cresti, Domenico, iii, 369 - - Crichton, the Admirable, iii, 326 - - Cristina, Queen, ii, 233 - - Cristofani, _Storia d'Assisi_, i, 35 note, 42 note, 43 note - - Crivelli, ii, 222; iii, 345 - - Crocchia of Urbino, ii, 265 - - _Croniche di Gubbio_, i, 22 note - - Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii, 138 note, 185 note, 203 note, 220 note - - Croy, Adrian de, ii, 428 - - Crozat Collection, ii, 233 - - Crusca, della, academicians of, on Tasso, iii, 310, 329 - - Cruttwell, Maud, _Luca and Andrea della Robbia and their School_, - iii, 406 - - Cunningham, _Life of Wilkie_, ii, 175 note - - Cuparini's account of the war of Camerino, iii, 68 note - - Curzolari, _see_ Lepanto - - Cyprus, King of, iii, 18 - - Cyrneo, Pietro, on Duke Federigo, i, 272 - - - D'Albret, Charlotte, i, 376 - - D'Alencon, Charles, Duc, ii, 449 - - D'Allegre, Ives, i, 384 - - Dalloway, iii, 360 - - Dalmasio, Lippo, ii, 254 - - D'Alviano, Bartolomeo, i, 359, 370; ii, 321 - - D'Amboise, George, i, 376 - - D'Ambras, Monsieur, ii, 390 - - Damiano, Felice, iii, 380 - - D'Ancezun, Geraud, ii, 282 - - D'Ancona, ii, 69 note, 119 note; iii, 308 note; 327 note - -- _La Poesia Popolare Italiana_, iii, 280 note - - Dandini, V., iii, 487 - - Daniele di Volterra, ii, 244; iii, 380 - - Dante Alighieri, quoted, i, 3, 19, 67, 73 note, 383; ii, 51, 74 note; - iii, 278, 329 - -- folio in Urbino library, i, 448 - -- on Count Guido, i, 28, 30-32 - -- on Boniface VIII., i, 33 - -- leaves Florence, ii, 100 - -- inspires Umbrian school of art, ii, 186 - -- on Oderigi da Gubbio, ii, 188 - - D'Aquila, Serafino, at Urbino, ii, 147 - - D'Aquino, iii, 125 - - D'Aragona, Antonio, marries Princess Ippolita, iii, 53 - - D'Aragona, Tullia, iii, 275, 298 - - D'Arco, ii, 5 note - - D'Argenson, Sieur, i, 466 - - D'Arpino, Cavaliere, iii, 377 - - Daru, on coinage, i, xxii - - D'Assisi, Andrea, ii, 258, 291 - - Datario, ii, 32 - - D'Aubigny, invades Italy, i, 348 - - D'Avalos, Alfonso Felice, iii, 125 and note, 157 - - D'Avalos, Ferrante, iii, 291 note - - David II. of Scotland, i, xiii - - Da Vinci, Leonardo, ii, 199, 222, 229, 252; iii, 335 - -- his _Cenacolo_, ii, 204 note - -- cartoons of, ii, 235 - - Dazzi, _Alcune Lettere_, ii, 73 note - - Dea, John, at Urbino, iii, 261 - - De Gama, i, 326 - - De Grasses, ii, 281 - - Dello, iii, 345 - - Demetrio, i, 226 - - Dennistoun, Mr. J.W., of Dennistoun, i, xii - - _Dennistoun and Colgraine_, _Some Account of the Family of Dennistoun - of_, i, xv note - - Dennistoun, James, of Dennistoun, scope of the _Memoirs_, i, viii - -- ii, 153 note - -- illustrations of the _Memoirs_, i, x-xii - -- art criticism of, i, x, xv; ii, 157 note; iii, 336 note - -- descent of, i, xiii - -- arms of, i, xiv note - -- his birth and education, i, xiv, xv - -- works of, i, xvi, xvii - -- his collection of early Italian pictures, i, xvii-xxviii - -- his prejudice against the Malatesta, i, 75 note, i, 192 note - -- on the Borgia, i, 319 note - -- on the devolution of the Duchy, iii, 220 note - -- on Michael Angelo, iii, 386 note - -- his list of authorities, iii, 490-498 - - D'Entragues, Monsieur, i, 356 - - D'Epinois, ii, 19 note - - Despartes, i, 320 note - - D'Este, the, hold Ferrara as Marquisate, i, 18 - -- patrons of art, ii, 43 - -- patrons of letters, ii, 98, 99 - - D'Este, Alberto, i, 473 - - D'Este, Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, i, 247; iii, 80 - -- his marriage with Lucrezia Borgia, i, 396, 473-83 - -- sues for peace, ii, 346 - - D'Este, Bianca, accomplishments of, ii, 128 - - D'Este, Borso, Duke of Modena and Ferrara, i, 110, 205, 261 - - D'Este, Cesare, iii, 164 - - D'Este, Duke Ercole, i, 125; ii, 147; iii, 139, 281 - -- pretensions of, i, 381 - - D'Este, Ginevra, i, 192 note - - D'Este, Giulia della Rovere, iii, 393 note - - D'Este, Cardinal Ippolito, ii, 23 note; iii, 270 - -- patron of Ariosto, iii, 281-83 - - D'Este, Isabella, ii, 5 note, 84 note - -- letters of, ii, 23 note, 323 note - - D'Este, Isotta, betrothed to Duke Oddantonio, i, 55 - - D'Este, Laura, iii, 299 - - D'Este, Leonello, i, 55 - - D'Este, Leonora, iii, 136 note, 334, 349 - -- Tasso and, iii, 309, 319, 321 - - D'Este, Lucrezia, ii, 357 - -- _see_ Lucrezia, Duchess of Urbino - - D'Este, Nicolo Marquis of Ferrara, i, 55 - - Dhona, Baron, i, 469 - - _Dialogue de Regno_, i, 227 - - _Diario Ferrarese_, i, 55 note - - Diomed, iii, 69 - - Dionora of Naples, ii, 281 - - Di Pastis, i, 193 - - Dispensations, sale of, i, 386 - - Djem, _see_ Gem - - Dolce, Ludovico, i, 403 - -- _Instituto delle Donne_, ii, 72, 77 note - -- on position of women in the sixteenth century, ii, 72-5 - - Domenichi, iii, 286 - - Domenichino, ii, 243 - - Donato, Antonio, iii, 129 note, 218, 219, 227 - - Doni, Angelo, ii, 229 - - Doni, Antonio Francesco, iii, 289 - - "Donkey-day," ii, 337 - - Donnino, Francesco di, iii, 413, 421 - - Donnino, Giovanni di, iii, 413, 421 - - D'Orco, Ramirez, i, 392 - - Doria, Andrea, i, 152; ii, 36, 448; iii, 140 - -- at Sinigaglia, ii, 3 - -- at Genoa, ii, 59 - -- defends Sinigaglia, ii, 300 - -- occupies Ostia, iii, 24 - -- changes sides, iii, 40 - - Doria, Filippino, iii, 78, 131 - - Doria, Giovanni Andrea, iii, 134, 140 - - Doria, Nicoloso, i, 402 - - Doria Pamfili gallery, i, 275 note - - D'Ortona, Morello, ii, 37 - - Dossi, Giovanbattista, iii, 350 - - Douglas, Langton, _History of Siena_, ii, 11 note, 187 note, 414 note - - D'Ovidio, iii, 310 note, 317 note - - Dovizi, Bernardo, _see_ Cardinal Bibbiena - - Dovizi, Pietro, ii, 65; _see_ Bembo - - Dryden, _Aeneid_, i, 121 note; ii, 122 note - - Drymen, i, xiv - - _Dublin Review_, i, 29 note - - Duccio, ii, 185 note; iii, 336 note - - Dugdale, ii, 470 - - Dumont, i, 394 note - - Duns Scotus, i, 230 - - Du Peloux, quoted, i, 327 note - - Durante, Guglielmo, i, 35, 36; iii, 181 - - Duranti, Cardinal, iii, 130 - - Durantino, Guido, iii, 423 - - Durazzo, Charles, Count of, i, 323 - - Durazzo Gallery, Genoa, iii, 231 - - D'Urbino, Francesco, iii, 378 - - D'Urbino, Giovanni, iii, 378, 437, 441 - - D'Urbino, Girolamo, iii, 369 - - Durer, Albert, ii, 198 - - - Eastern Empire, decay of, i, 106 - - Eastlake, Sir C.L., i, xxxix note - - _Edinburgh Review_, i, xxxix note - -- Dennistoun's contributions to, i, xvi, xvii - - Edward III. of England, i, xiii, 223 - - Elisabetta, Duchess of Urbino, ii, 32, 35, 38, 58, 265, 316, 360, 367 - -- accomplishments of, ii, 43, 46, 49 - -- her letters to Urbino, ii, 82 - -- her grief, ii, 82, 83, 85 - -- remaining years of, ii, 88-90 - -- portraits of, ii, 234, 272 - -- acts as regent, ii, 320, 323 - -- letter of, to Francesco Maria I., iii, 79, 80 note - - Elizabeth, Queen, iii, 360 - - Elizabeth of Valois, iii, 133 - - Ellesmere Collection, ii, 233 - - Elna, Bishop of, i, 403 - - Elzivir Press, iii, 465 - - Emanuel Filibert, Duke of Savoy, ii, 215; iii, 263 - - Emo, proveditore, ii, 425 - - Enciquel, Don Pedro, iii, 132 - - England in league against Charles V., iii, 37 - - English views on art, ii, 171 - - _Epistles on the Platonic Theology_, i, 227 - - Erasmus, quoted, ii, 123 note - -- and Vergilio, ii, 116 - - Ercole I. Duke of Ferrara; _see_ D'Este - - Ermine, Order of the, i, 222 - - Erskine, Sir Robert, i, xiii - - Escriva, Pietro Luigi, iii, 77 - - Escu, M. de l', ii, 398, 401, 403, 423 - - Etruscan pottery, iii, 404 - - Euclid, _Elements_ of, iii, 261, 267 - - Eugenius IV., i, 438 - -- policy against the Colonna, i, 46, 68, 95 - -- confers dukedom on Oddantonio, i, 51 - -- flies to Florence, i, 73 - -- his grants to the Montefeltri, i, 76 - -- excommunicates Duke Federigo, i, 93 - -- death of, i, 95 - -- his policy, i, 96 - -- claims Naples, i, 324 - -- biography of, ii, 119 - -- patron of art, ii, 197 - - Eugubinean tables, the, iii, 267 - - Exact sciences flourish, iii, 259 - - Ezzelino, i, 67 - - - Fabi, iii, 287 note - - Fabius, Maximus, iii, 76 - - Fabre, M., ii, 234 - - Fabretti, Raffaele, i, 159 - - Fabriano, ii, 89, 395, 413 - -- sack of, ii, 402 - - Fabronio, i, 242 note, 262 - - Fabroni, _Life of Lorenzo_, i, 237 - - Facio, ii, 267 - - Faenza, i, 18, 47, 258, 349, 381; ii, 321, 322 - -- betrayed by Tribaldello, i, 27 - -- blockade of, i, 186 - -- Lord of, i, 206 - -- defence of, i, 389 - -- surrender of, ii, 328 - -- majolica or faience of, iii, 406 - - Faggiuola, Uguccione della, iii, 482 - - Fano, i, 18, 82, 137, 305, 404, 418; ii, 266, 387; iii, 377 - -- papal sway in, i, 23 - -- siege of, i, 142 - -- Perugino at, ii, 225 - -- assault of, ii, 380 - -- Guidobaldo II. at, iii, 103 - - Fantaguzzo da S. Arcangelo, i, 126 - - Farfa, Abbot of, iii, 39 - - Farnesi, the, iii, 263 - -- position of, iii, 93 - - Farnese, Angelo, i, 152 - - Farnese, Cardinal, _see_ Paul III., iii, 24, 68 - - Farnese, Cardinal Alessandro, iii, 294, 357, 411, 474 - -- patron of art, iii, 394 - - Farnese, Giulia, ii, 168 note - -- portrait of, i, xi - - Farnese, Ottavio, Duke of Parma, married to Margaret of Austria, iii, 93 - -- assisted by King Henry II. of France, iii, 103 - -- his advice to Francesco Maria II., iii, 143-8 - - Farnese, Ranuccio, i, 152; iii, 163 - - Farnese, Cardinal Ranuccio, iii, 260, 271 note - - Farnesina, Villa, ii, 240, 247 - - Fattori, iii, 101 note - - Fazino, Antonio, iii, 143 - - Fea, Giacomo, i, 307, 384 - -- _Notizie_, ii, 239 note - - Febo da Cevi, iii, 78 - - Federigo of Aragon, i, 372 - - Federigo da Bozzolo, iii, 19, 20 - - Federigo of Naples, abdication of, i, 394 - - Federigo I., Marquis of Mantua, ii, 140 - - Federigo, Duke of Urbino, his reign a golden age, i, xxxi - -- martial renown of, i, xxxiii - -- mystery of his birth, i, 61-3 - -- legitimation of, i, 62 - -- obtains fiefs by marriage, i, 23 - -- marriage with Elisabetta Brancaleone, i, 46, 72 - -- military cares of, i, 47 - -- takes possession of the state, i, 54 - -- his early betrothal, i, 63, 64 - -- goes to Venice, i, 68 - -- made a companion of the _Calze_, i, 68 - -- retires to Mantua, i, 69 - -- educated by Vittorino da Feltre, i, 69 - -- knighted by Sigismund, i, 72 - -- becomes Count of Mercatello, i, 72, 83 - -- and a condottiere, i, 72 - -- his first service, i, 74 - -- his moonlight adventure at Faenza, i, 74 - -- his long contests with Sigismondo Malatesta, i, 75-80, 83, 93 - -- surprises S. Leo, i, 77-80 - -- visits Alfonso of Naples, i, 81, 82 - -- ill of fever, i, 83 - -- protects Pesaro, i, 83 - -- challenged by Sigismondo Malatesta, i, 83 - -- called by the citizens as their seigneur, i, 85 - -- his concessions to them, i, 86, 438 - -- his promising qualities, i, 88 - -- serves under Francesco Sforza, i, 89, 91-3, 100 - -- his proposal for Fossombrone, i, 89 - -- excommunicated, i, 93 - -- challenges Sigismondo Malatesta, i, 94 - -- serves the Florentines, i, 98 - -- fidelity of, i, 99, 100 - -- loses an eye, i, 101 - -- changes sides, i, 103 - -- his campaign in Tuscany, i, 103-6 - -- goes to Naples, i, 104, 108, 110 - -- ill of fever, i, 104 - -- re-engaged, i, 106 - -- selfish policy of, i, 109 - -- his interviews with Sigismondo Malatesta, i, 110, 119 - -- loses his wife, i, 111 - -- his rival humbled, i, 112 - -- deserted by his allies, i, 114 - -- retained by Ferdinand II., i, 115 - -- his brief from Pius II., i, 117 - -- domestic life of, i, 120 - -- marries Battista Sforza, i, 122 - -- visits Pius II., i, 123 - -- his accident and bravery at the battle of S. Fabbiano, i, 126, 127 - -- insulted by Piccinino, i, 129 - -- his indictment of Sigismondo, i, 131 - -- accompanies Pius II. to Tivoli, i, 133 - -- complimented by Pius II., i, 134 - -- sent against Malatesta, i, 136 - -- and defeats him at Cesano, i, 137 - -- takes Mondavio, Sinigaglia and Fano, i, 139 - -- takes Mondaino and Montefiori, i, 140 - -- his forgery and artifice, i, 140 - -- takes Fano, i, 142 - -- generosity of, i, 143, 199, 242 - -- at peace with Sigismondo, i, 145 - -- his territory extended, i, 146 - -- builds a palace, i, 154-63 - -- his patent to Luziano, i, 156 - -- his library, i, 162-9, 271 - -- his other residences, i, 171-3 - -- his sporting tastes, i, 174 note - -- extent of his domain, i, 175, 213 note - -- war a source of wealth to, i, 175 - -- Gonfaloniere of the Church, i, 179 - -- retained by Ferdinand, i, 179 - -- expeditions in service of Paul II., i, 179 - -- visits Paul II., i, 179 - -- engaged by Galeazzo Maria Sforza, i, 181, 183, 185, 190, 196 - -- good faith of, i, 186 - -- risks his life at La Molinella, i, 187-9 - -- reduces Brisella, i, 190 - -- defends Rimini, i, 196 - -- his oration, i, 198 - -- wins the battle of Rimini, i, 199 - -- his opinion of Sixtus IV., i, 203 - -- entertains Persian envoy, i, 204 - -- and Pietro Riario, i, 205 - -- son born to, i, 207 - -- his expedition against Volterra, i, 208-12 - -- his Hebrew Bible, i, 212 - -- his glory, i, 212 - -- loses his countess, i, 214-16 - -- made Duke of Urbino, i, 24, 220 - -- obtains the Golden Rose, i, 221 note, 283 - -- marries his daughters, i, 222 - -- made Knight of the Ermine, i, 223, 284 - -- and of the Garter, i, 224, 283, 451 - -- his expedition against Perugia, i, 236 - -- rejects Pazzi conspiracy, i, 242 - -- employed by Sixtus IV. against the Medici, i, 243-51 - -- his astrology, i, 231, 244 - -- breaks his leg, i, 246, 253 - -- receives Sword and Hat, i, 253 - -- hospitality of, i, 253, 254 - -- engaged against the Turks, i, 257 - -- his campaign at Ferrara, i, 252-67 - -- visits Florence, i, 261 - -- his letter to Lorenzo, i, 262 - -- serves the Florentines, i, 282 - -- death of, i, 35, 266-9, 299 - -- his funeral, i, 283-4 - -- anecdotes of, i, 277-83 - -- children of, i, 289-91 - -- natural children of, i, 290-1 - -- his administration, i, 147-9, 153 - -- his character, i, 148, 270-83 - -- his court, i, 150-4 - -- his letters to Edward IV., i, 450-3, 456 note - -- his letters to Salisbury, i, 453-6 - -- letters to Siena, i, 104, 111, 112, 196 note, 201, 209, 214, 249, - 250, 254; ii, 214 - -- literary tastes of, ii, 111, 113 - -- biographers of, i, 147 - -- his patronage of letters, i, 225-30; ii, 43, 99, 107, 112 - -- his campaigns celebrated in verse, i, 227 note - -- memoir of, ii, 118 - -- books dedicated to, i, 213, 227; ii, 112, 132 - -- patron of art, ii, 201; iii, 259 - -- employs Giorgio, ii, 212, 213 - -- portraits of, i, 101, 284-9; ii, 208, 209, 210, 213, 268; iii, - 415, 487 - -- medallions of, i, 289 note; ii, 270-2 - -- statue of, iii, 376, 400, 459 - -- monumental inscription of, iii, 459 - - Federigo, Prince of Urbino, authorities for, iii, 129 note - -- birth of, iii, 173-6 - -- portraits of, iii, 175 and note, 176, 489 - -- baptism of, iii, 176-80 - -- said to have been invested with the order of the Golden Fleece, - iii, 180 - -- education of, iii, 189-95 - -- character of, iii, 194-9, 203-7 - -- betrothed to Princess Claudia, iii, 196 - -- dissolute habits of, iii, 197-9, 203-7 - -- marriage of, iii, 199-202 - -- death of, iii, 207-10 - - Felice of Cagli, iii, 142 - - Feliciangeli, iii, 65 note - -- _Sulla monacazione di Sueva Montefeltro-Sforza_, i, 48 note - - Feltre, Vittorino da, i, 69-71 - - Feltrian Legion, _see_ Italian Militia - - Ferdinand and Isabella of Aragon and Castile, ii, 407 - - Ferdinand I., i, 325 - - Ferdinand II., Grand Duke of Tuscany, death of, iii, 196 - -- betrothed to Princess Vittoria, iii, 213, 214 - -- marriage of, iii, 239 - - Ferdinand II., of Naples, as Duke of Calabria enters Tuscany, i, 103 - -- his succession, i, 115, 116 - -- retains Count Federigo, i, 115 - -- unpopularity of, i, 123 - -- losses of, i, 129 - -- campaigns against, i, 130, 135, 141 - -- entertains Piccinino, i, 183 - -- his opinion of Federigo, i, 185 - -- makes treaty with Medici, i, 252 - -- reconciled to the Pope, i, 332 - -- succession of, i, 351 - -- retires to Ischia, i, 352 - -- returns to Naples, i, 354 - -- death of, i, 358 - - Ferdinand II. of Spain, i, 352, 393 - -- death of, ii, 358, 364 - - Ferdinand II., Emperor, iii, 214 - - Ferdinand Francesco, Marquis of Pescara, iii, 291 - - Feria, Duke of, iii, 133 - - Fermignano, ii, 260, iii, 406, 413 - -- sack of, i, 411 - - Fermo, Seigneury of, i, 18, 90, 379; iii, 414 - -- siege of, i, 93 - -- rout at, ii, 398 - - Ferrante, i, 342 note - - Ferrara, Marquisate of, i, 18, 62, 110; iii, 53 note, 281, 300, 406 - -- festivities at, i, 55 - -- congress at, i, 97 - -- siege of, i, 167; ii, 335 - -- designs of Venice on, i, 258, 302 - -- league for defence of, i, 259 - -- described, i, 261 - -- entry into, by Lucrezia Borgia, i, 473 - -- drama at, ii, 147, 152 - -- advance on, ii, 331 - -- bishop of, ii, 281 - -- devolution of, iii, 165 - -- Public Library, iii, 284 - -- Tasso at, iii, 314 - - Ferrazzi, iii, 280 note - - Ferrero e Muller, iii, 292 note - - Ferrofino, Count Alessandro, ii, 345 - - Fesch Gallery, ii, 225 - - Feudalism, absence of, favours establishment of towns, i, 6 - - Ficheruolo, i, 262 - -- siege of, i, 264 - - Ficino, Marsilio, i, 164, 227, 283; ii, 105 - -- his dedication to Federigo, ii, 112 - - Fieramosca, Cesare, iii, 451 - - Fiesole, Giovanni da, ii, 161 - - Filarete, Francesco, i, 227 note - - Filelfo, Francesco, i, 50 note - -- notoriety of, ii, 131 - -- his _Sfortiados_, ii, 132 - - Filelfo, Gian Maria, i, 150 - -- his _Martiados_, ii, 132, 133 - -- his other works, ii, 133-6 - -- his intercourse with Federigo, ii, 132, 135, 136 - -- his sonnet on Bellini, ii, 135 - - Filiberta of Savoy, ii, 57, 359 - - Filippi, Vespasiano, his memoir of Duke Federigo, ii, 118 - - Filippini, i, 35 note - - Filosseno, Marcello, i, 391 - -- sonnet of, i, 472 - - Finale, campaign of, ii, 135 - - Firenzuola, ii, 73 note - - Flamini, ii, 132 note - - Fleetwood, on coinage, i, xlii - - Florence, i, 37; ii, 62; iii, 106, 283 - -- Guelphs and Ghibellines in, i, 11 - -- democratic institutions of, i, 16 - -- communal freedom in, i, 67 - -- breaks alliance with Venice, i, 102 - -- Angevine partisan, i, 124 - -- factions in, after death of Cosimo de' Medici, i, 184 - -- employs Federigo against Volterra, i, 209 - -- origin of feuds in, i, 239 - -- unfortunate position of, i, 251 - -- humiliated before Sixtus IV., i, 252 - -- welcomes Federigo, i, 261 - -- the Medici in, i, 326; iii, 62 - -- expels the Medici, i, 349, 350; iii, 43 - -- in the absence of the popes, ii, 97 - -- supports the French, ii, 343 - -- Medici re-established in, ii, 346, 347; iii, 43 - -- obtains Montefeltro, S. Leo, and Maiuola, ii, 406 - -- Belle Arti, ii, 198 - -- in league against Charles V., iii, 37 - -- independence of, iii, 42 - -- Tasso in, iii, 321 - -- woollen trade of, iii, 347 - -- Duomo of, iii, 359 - -- majolica made at, iii, 406 - -- Robbian ware of, iii, 407 - - Florentine school, ii, 288 - - Florido, Orazio, ii, 381-3 - - Floriszoon, _see_ Adrian VI. - - Foglia, the, ii, 317 - - Fogliani, the, i, 379 - -- Seigneury of, i, 18 - - Fogliano, Giovanni di, in Fermo, i, 379 - -- murder of, i, 412; ii, 10 - - Fogliano, Nicolosa, ii, 281 - - Fogliano, Oliverotto, i, 379 - - Foiano, siege of, i, 104 - - Foix, Gaston de, ii, 315, 344 - - Foix, Odet de, ii, 423 note - - Foligno, Republic of, i, 18, 40; ii, 199; iii, 19 note - - Fontana, iii, 263 - -- Camillo, iii, 422 - -- Flaminio, iii, 422 - -- Guido, iii, 422 - -- Horatio, iii, 474 - -- Nicolo, iii, 422 - -- Orazio, iii, 411, 422 - - Foppa of Brescia, ii, 203 - - Forana, Madonna of, ii, 196 - - Forano, ii, 223 - - Forli, Seigneury of, i, 18, 254, 306, 307, 381, 414; ii, 337; iii, - 349, 350, 406 - -- siege and surprise of, i, 26 - -- chronicles of, i, 37 - -- defence of, i, 384 - -- surrender of, ii, 35 - -- reduction of, ii, 52 - - Forlimpopoli, i, 192 note, 406 - - Formoso I., i, 178 - - Fornari, the, ii, 59 - - Fornovo, battle of, i, 463, 467 - - Forrest, Mr., iii, 415 - - Foscari, Francesco, i, 68 - - Fossatti, Falletti, ii, 74 note - - Fossombrone, i, 175, 281, 312, 404; ii, 343, 395; iii, 98, 123 - -- bought by Federigo, i, 23, 89, 90 - -- palace of, i, 154, 174 - -- built by Giorgio, ii, 213 - -- sack of, by Borgia, i, 415 - -- Guidobaldo I. at, ii, 80 - -- bishop of, iii, 178 - - Fox, Richard, ii, 117 - - Francesca, Pietro della, i, 56 note, 447; ii, 198, 260 note; iii, 262, - 347, 487 - -- work ascribed to, ii, 201, 206, 209, 290 - -- two manners of, ii, 202 - -- patronized by Federigo, i, 218, 284, 286; ii, 201, 206 - -- mathematician, ii, 202, 203 - -- his MSS., ii, 203-6 - -- his paintings, ii, 206-10, 236 - -- and Raffaele, ii, 231 - - Francesco da Bozzolo, iii, 71 - - Francesco di Cagli, i, 435 - - Francesco d'Urbino, iii, 378 - - Francesco, Gian, ii, 272 - - Francesco da Piacenza, i, 112 note - - Francesco Maria del Monte, iii, 262 - - Francesco I. of Florence, iii, 360 - - Francesco Maria I., Duke of Urbino, i, 24, 131, 173, 283; ii, 34, 145, - 215; iii, 259, 265, 281, 404 note - -- reign of, i, xxxi - -- victim of Leo X., i, xxxii - -- martial renown of, i, xxxiii - -- adoption of, i, 371, 399; ii, 36, 37, 316 - -- birth of, i, 312; ii, 313 - -- taken to Urbino, ii, 313 - -- made prefect of Rome, i, 399; ii, 313 - -- inherits Sinigaglia, ii, 300, 316 - -- marriage of, ii, 89, 314, 316, 323 - -- education of, ii, 314 - -- retires to France, ii, 315 - -- returns from France, ii, 315 - -- his first campaign, ii, 316 - -- his uncontrollable temper, ii, 317, 339, 441; iii, 36 - -- succeeds Guidobaldo, ii, 81, 84, 318 - -- made captain-general of the papal troops, ii, 323 - -- visits Mantua, ii, 323 note - -- his campaign in Romagna, ii, 325-9, 331-8, 343, 345 - -- his difficulties with the Cardinal of Pavia, ii, 327-9, 331-9 - -- goes to Rome, ii, 329, 341, 353 - -- proceedings against, for murder of the cardinal, ii, 341-3, 366, - 481-3 - -- his difficulties with the Medici, ii, 347 - -- obtains Pesaro, ii, 348-50 - -- received by Leo X., ii, 354 - -- Leo X. intrigues against, ii, 360-7 - -- deprived of his duchy, ii, 367, 369 - -- his manifesto, ii, 373-5 - -- his address to his soldiers, ii, 376 - -- is restored, ii, 377-80 - -- challenges Lorenzo, ii, 381-3 - -- details the battle of Mondolfo, ii, 388 - -- masters a mutiny, ii, 393-5 - -- addresses his soldiers, ii, 394 - -- his expedition against Perugia, ii, 393-5 - -- and foray of La Marca, ii, 395 - -- marches on Tuscany, ii, 399-401 - -- again deprived of his duchy, ii, 401-6 - -- again returns, ii, 412-21 - -- writes to Siena, ii, 414 - -- goes to Rome, ii, 422 - -- serves the Venetians, ii, 423-8, 431, 435 - -- visits Venice, ii, 429-31; iii, 36 - -- his letter to Wolsey, ii, 434 - -- his _Discorsi Militari_, ii, 438, 446; iii, 53-9, 78 - -- illness of, ii, 432, 443, 451 - -- counsels Clement VII., iii, 5 - -- dilatory march of, iii, 8, 15 and note, 18-20 - -- indefensible conduct of, iii, 22 note - -- desertion of his forces, iii, 34 - -- justifies himself to Clement VII., iii, 34, 444-7 - -- eloquence of, iii, 36, 79 - -- beats Gian Andrea da Prato, iii, 36 - -- repels the Duke of Brunswick, iii, 40 - -- recovers Pavia, iii, 40 - -- at the coronation of Charles V., iii, 43-6 - -- mistaken for his son, iii, 44 - -- favoured by Charles V., iii, 43-5, 69 - -- much absent from his state, iii, 49 - -- returns to his state, iii, 53 - -- in Lombardy, iii, 58, 70 - -- leaves the government of the state to his son, iii, 58 - -- institutes a militia, iii, 61 - -- meets Charles V. in 1532, iii, 62, 69 - -- death of, iii, 71 - -- burial of, iii, 72-4 - -- epitaph of, iii, 73 - -- statue of, iii, 74 - -- character of, iii, 74-80 - -- children of, iii, 80 - -- patron of letters, ii, 116 - -- patron of Raffaele, ii, 234 - -- patron of Ariosto, iii, 284 - -- patron of art, iii, 346, 349, 351 - -- portraits of, iii, 346, 351, 390, 470, 479, 485 - -- patron of Michael Angelo, iii, 382-4 - -- patron of Titian, iii, 390 - -- monument to, iii, 400-2 - -- letters to, from Clement VII., iii, 427 - -- inscription on, iii, 460 - - Francesco Maria II., Duke of Urbino, i, xi, 24, 58 - -- diary of, i, 259 note - -- patron of letters, ii, 118; iii, 331-3 - -- birth of, iii, 101, 130 - -- visits Madrid, iii, 112, 131, 132 - -- his conduct at the Urbino rebellion, iii, 121 - -- autobiography of, iii, 129 and note, 203 and note, 205 and note - -- education of, iii, 130-4 - -- his taste for painting, iii, 130 - -- marriage of, iii, 134-9 - -- his early love affairs, iii, 135 - -- in a naval expedition against the Turks, iii, 139-41 - -- accession of, iii, 142-51 - -- consideration for his people, iii, 149, 150 - -- plot against, iii, 150, 151 and note - -- his unhappy marriage with the Duchess Lucrezia d'Este, iii, 152-5 - -- receives a military commission from King Philip II., iii, 156 - -- granted the prefix of "Most Serene," iii, 157 - -- receives the order of the Golden Fleece, iii, 158 - -- home-life of, iii, 159-63, 180 - -- devices of, iii, 163 - -- proposed abdication, iii, 167-9 - -- second marriage of, iii, 170, 171 - -- alteration in his habits, iii, 180 - -- a horse breeder, iii, 180 - -- institutes a Council of State, iii, 183-9 - -- his instructions to his son, iii, 189-94 - -- abdicates in favour of his son, iii, 203 - -- resumes the government, iii, 212 - -- old age and illness of, iii, 218, 224, 225 - -- arranges the devolution of his state, iii, 219-23 - -- religious observances of, iii, 224 - -- retirement of, iii, 224 - -- death of, iii, 225, 226 - -- funeral of, iii, 226 - -- character of, iii, 226-30 - -- personal appearance of, iii, 230 - -- epithets applied by him, iii, 230 - -- portraits of, iii, 230, 231, 400, 483, 486 - -- letters from him to his granddaughter, iii, 232-5 - -- wills of, iii, 240 - -- disposal of his libraries, iii, 240-3 - -- pupil of Comandino, iii, 261 - -- patron of Paciotti, iii, 264 - -- patron of Baldi, iii, 269, 270, 273 - -- patron of letters, iii, 277 - -- patron of Tasso, iii, 323, 326, 327 - -- patron of Zuccaro, iii, 364 - -- patron of Baroccio, iii, 372, 374, 376 - -- patron of arts, iii, 398, 400-2, 410 - -- inscription on, iii, 461 - -- collections of art of, iii, 477 - - Francesconi, on Aretino, iii, 290 - - Francia, Francesco, ii, 254; iii, 335 - - Francia, Padre di, ii, 299 - - Franciotti, Galeotto, ii, 315 - - Francis I., of France, ii, 57, 305; iii, 22, 34, 41, 385, 395 - -- duel of, ii, 54 - -- and Federigo Fregoso, ii, 60 - -- succession of, ii, 362 - -- his designs on Italy, ii, 362 - -- takes Milan, ii, 431 - -- taken prisoner, ii, 431 - -- allied against Charles V., ii, 435 - - Francis II., of France, ii, 406 - - Franco, Gian Battista, iii, 100, 356, 370 - -- his paintings, iii, 399, 400 - -- majolica work of, iii, 423 - - Frangipani, the, i, 55, 331 - - Frankfort, iii, 162, 414 - - Frati, ii, 73 note - - Frati, L., _Federigo Duca d'Urbino_, i, 166 note - - Frati, _La Donna Italiana_, ii, 73 note - -- _Lettere_, ii, 118 note - - Fratini, P.G., _Storia della Basilica di S. Francesco in Assisi_, i, - 35 note - - Frederick II. invests Buonconte, i, 25 - - Frederick III., i, 190 - -- coronation of, i, 103 - - Frederick III., of Saxony, iii, 487 - - Frederick Barbarossa creates counts of Montefeltro, i, 24, 25 - - Freducci, Ludovico, ii, 398 - - Fregoso, Agostino, i, 291; ii, 58 - - Fregoso, Aurelio, iii, 110 - - Fregoso, Costanza, ii, 58, 72 - - Fregoso, Federigo, i, 291; ii, 83, 324 - -- at Urbino, ii, 58, 60, 78 - -- Archbishop of Salerno and Gubbio, ii, 60 - -- on the death of Guidobaldo, ii, 126, 127 - -- buries Francesco Maria I., iii, 73 - - Fregoso, Margherita, ii, 58, 72 - - Fregoso, Ottaviano, i, 172, 291, 420; ii, 81, 438; iii, 78 - -- defends S. Leo, ii, 14, 24, 25, 59 - -- at Urbino, ii, 37, 49, 58, 77 - -- given Sta. Agata, ii, 59 - -- Doge of Genoa, ii, 59 - -- anecdotes of, ii, 48 - - French invasion of Italy, i, 341-55 - - Frisio, Niccolo, ii, 71 - - Friuli, i, 256; ii, 321; iii, 58, 358 - - Frizzi, ii, 118 note - - Frosinone, ii, 448 - - Fruendesberg, Georg v., ii, 445-51; iii, 9 - - Fucci, Ercole, iii, 310 note - - Fucci, Maddolo, iii, 310 note - - Fucecchio, i, 423 - - Fuentes, iii, 132 - - Fumi, L., _Guidantonio e la Citta di Castello_, i, 45 note - - Furlo, pass of, iii, 281 - - Furlo, Pietra Pertusa, ii, 185 note - - Fuseli, ii, 460 - -- quoted, iii, 336 - -- on Michael Angelo, iii, 385 - - - Gabicce, iii, 421 - - Gabiccie, Count delle, iii, 212 - - Gabrielli, the, supplanted in Gubbio, i, 22, 37; ii, 232 - - Gabrielli, Count Carlo, ii, 377; iii, 78 - - Gaddi, Angelo, ii, 200 - - Gaeta, ii, 448; iii, 12 - - Gaetani, house of, i, 28, 331 - - Gaetani, Cardinal, i, 28 - - Gaetano, Luigi, iii, 400 - - Gaetani, Scipione, iii, 488 - - Gagliardino, Bernardo, iii, 472 - - Gaifa, iii, 413 - - Galeato, i, 406 - - Galileo, iii, 256 - -- visits Pesaro, iii, 164 - - Galler, Calber, iii, 143 - - Galli, Angelo, iii, 297 - -- verse of, ii, 143, 144 - - Galli, Antonio de, iii, 90, 130, 297 - -- at Urbino, iii, 294 - - Galli, Gallo, i, 168 - -- on Oddantonio Montefeltro, i, 52 - -- on the cost of palace of Urbino, i, 170 - - Gallia Senonia, i, 4 - - Galuzzi, iii, 207 - - Gambara, Veronica, ii, 65 - -- culture of, ii, 128 - - Gambino, commended to Federigo, i, 228 - - Gandia, Duke of, i, 320 - - Gara, Gabriele, ii, 281 - - Gardner, Mr. E.G., _Dukes and Poets at Ferrara_, i, 269 note, 299 - note; iii, 280 note - - Gardutia, iii, 413 - - Garfagna, granted to Ariosto, iii, 284 - - Garigliano, the, ii, 365 - -- rout of, i, 351 - - Garter, Order of the, i, 223 - - Gaspari, ii, 62 note - -- on fortresses, ii, 213 note - - Gathe, Marcial de, i, 312 - - Gatta, della, ii, 288 - - Gatti, Alessandro, iii, 423 - - Gatti, Giovanni, iii, 423 - - Gatti, Luzio, iii, 423 - - Gatti, Tiseo, iii, 423 - - Gattinara and the capitulation of Rome, iii, 23 - - Gattinara, Mercurino da, letter of, iii, 433 - - Gaudenzi, iii, 311 note - - Gauthiez, _L'Aretin_, iii, 287 note - - Gaye, _Carteggio d'Artisti_, i, 156 note, 157 note, 338, 347 note, - 350; ii, 23 note, 162 note, 163 note, 170 note, 192 note, 265; iii, - 360, 376, 383 note, 385, 388 note, 401 note, 404 note, 410 note - -- on Giorgio, ii, 212 - - Gazzuolo, ii, 451 - - Gem, expelled by his brother, ii, 293 - -- his pension seized, ii, 294 - -- at Rome, ii, 294, 297 - -- his death, ii, 297 - - Genga, Bartolomeo della, military engineer, iii, 352, 353 - - Genga, Cardinal della, iii, 108 - - Genga, Girolamo della, i, 171 note; ii, 148, 261, 324, 463 note; iii, - 77, 101, 108 note, 263, 369, 370, 399 - -- builds the Villa Casartole, iii, 50 - -- early friends of, iii, 347 - -- his _Resurrection_, iii, 348 - -- patronised by Dukes of Urbino, iii, 348-52 - - Genga, Nicolo della, iii, 369 - - Genga, Simone, iii, 353 - - Genoa, i, 123, 190, 348; ii, 315, 331 - -- Angevine defeat at, i, 135 - -- under Ludovico Sforza, i, 341 - -- sack of, ii, 59 - -- revolution of, iii, 41 - -- Doge of, iii, 299 - - Gentile, Bartolomeo di, ii, 265 note - - Gentile, Francesco di, da Fabriano, i, 436; ii, 211 note, 217, 266 - -- style of, ii, 191, 198 - -- influenced by Fra Angelico, ii, 194, 197 - -- his works, ii, 196, 198, 200 - -- in Rome, ii, 288 - - Gerard, M. Auguste, ii, 95 note - - Gerbe, ii, 402 - - Gerini, ii, 44 note - - Gerolimini convent, iii, 158 - - Gessi, Berlinghieri, Bishop of Rimini, Governor of Urbino, iii, 222 - - Gherardino da Cevi, iii, 78 - - Gherlasco, ii, 426 - - Ghetto, the, iii, 17 - - Ghiaradadda, the, ii, 328 - - Ghibellines, origin of, i, 5 - -- under Count Guido, i, 26 - -- feudatories adhere to the, i, 11 - - Ghirlandaio, Domenico, ii, 229; iii, 335, 487 - -- in Rome, ii, 288 - - Ghirlandaio, Ridolfo, ii, 229, 235 - - Ghislieri, iii, 343 - - Giacobatio, Fra, iii, 437 - - Giacomo, Maestro, i, 161 note, 163 - - Giacomo della Marca, Fra, ii, 299; iii, 135 - - Giacomo di San Severino, at Urbino, ii, 200 - - Gianandrea, A., _Della Signoria di F. Sforza_, i, 90 note - -- _Canti Popolari_, iii, 280 note - - Giannona, ii, 281 - - Giberti, ii, 441 note - - Gigli, Sylvester, _see_ (Bishop of) Worcester - - Ginestreto, ii, 388, 390 - - Ginguene, ii, 152 - - Ginori, iii, 414 - - Gioliti, iii, 276 note - - Giolito, press of, iii, 304 - - Giordani, the, iii, 341 - - Giordani, Camillo, iii, 136 - - Giordani, Count Giulio, iii, 212 - - Giorgi, Alessandro, Greek translator, iii, 259 - - Giorgi, Dr. Marino, i, 361; ii, 384 note - - Giorgio, a lute-player, i, 152 - - Giorgio, Francesco di, i, 150, 171, 174, 229, 339 note; ii, 265, 272, 365; iii, 260 note - -- not the architect of the ducal palace, i, 155, 158 - -- describes the stable-range, i, 169 - -- his paintings, ii, 211 - -- his works as architect, ii, 212, 213 - -- his MSS., ii, 215 - -- on Duke Federigo, i, 270 - -- military engineer, iii, 259 - - Giorgione, ii, 460; iii, 335, 482 - - Giornico, i, 337 note - - Giotto, ii, 174 - -- at Assisi, ii, 180 - -- style of, ii, 185, 186 - -- his work in Urbino, ii, 200 - -- in Rome, ii, 288 - - _Giovanni della Casa_, i, xxxvii - - Giovanni da Forli, ii, 13 - - Giovanni, Gaston, Grand Duke of Tuscany, iii, 239 - - Giovanni da Ravenna, i, 69 - - Giovanni di Sassoferrato, i, 84 - - Giovanni da Udine, iii, 370 - - Giovanni d'Urbino, iii, 378, 437, 441 - - Giovio, opinions of, i, 96; ii, 29; iii, 71 - -- details of, i, 443 - -- on Vergilio, ii, 117 - -- on the Calandra, ii, 148 - -- satire of, ii, 342 - -- invents device, ii, 422 - -- on Borgia, ii, 459 - - Giraldi, Annibale, ii, 378 - - Giraldi, Benedetto, ii, 376, 378, 379, 447; iii, 78 - - Giraldi, Tranquillo, ii, 369 - -- on Francesco Maria I., ii, 339, 348 note, 366, 409 - -- describes the taking of Urbino, ii, 378 - - Girona, Donna Madalena, iii, 135 - - Giulia Bella, i, xi, 345, 367 - - Giulia, Duchess of Urbino, marriage of, iii, 65-8 - -- death of, iii, 98 - -- funeral of, iii, 99 - -- a letter from her to her steward, iii, 99 - - Giulio da Cagli, ii, 468 - - Giulio of Urbino, iii, 422 - - Giunta, iii, 183 - - Giustiniani, _Dispacci_, ii, 316 note - - Giusto, diary of, i, 350 - - Glasgow College, i, xiv - - Glassford, James, i, xxxvii note - -- translations of, iii, 293, 316, 319, 321, 389, 390 - - Goito, ii, 370, 409 - - Golden Fleece, Order of the, bestowed on Guidobaldo II., iii, 111 - and note - -- bestowed on Francesco Maria II., iii, 158 - -- bestowed on the Marquis of Pescara, iii, 180 - -- said to have been bestowed on Prince Federigo, iii, 180 - - Golden Rose, the, i, 221 note - - Goletta, iii, 421 - - Gonfaloniere, significance of the, i, 179 note - - Gonsalvo di Cordova, i, 338, 354, 394 - -- receives Borgia, ii, 29, 30 - -- receives the Golden Rose, ii, 303 - - Gonzaga, the, i, 253 - - Gonzaga, Alessandro, Lord of Castiglione, i, 48 - - Gonzaga, Cardinal, i, 220 - -- at Pesaro, ii, 349 - - Gonzaga, Cecilia, i, 58 note - -- accomplishments of, i, 70 - - Gonzaga, Cesare, ii, 49; iii, 78 - -- at Urbino, ii, 58, 77 - - Gonzaga, Chiara, ii, 449 - - Gonzaga, Costanza, ii, 72 - - Gonzaga, Federigo, ii, 394, 401 - -- aids Francesco Maria I., ii, 372, 377 - - Gonzaga, Don Ferrante, patron of Baldi, iii, 268 - - Gonzaga, Francesco, defends Lodi, ii, 428 - - Gonzaga, Marquis Gian Francesco, i, 69 - - Gonzaga, Giovanni, ii, 420 - - Gonzaga, Isabella, i, 311 - - Gonzaga, Lauri di, i, 473, 476 - - Gonzaga, Leonora, ii, 316; _see_ Leonora, Duchess of Urbino - - Gonzaga, Ludovico, ii, 265 - -- challenged by Gian Giacomo Leonardi, iii, 71 - -- letter from him to the Duke Guidobaldo II., iii, 120, 121 - - Gonzaga, Luigi, suspected of poisoning Francesco Maria I., iii, 71 - - Gonzaga, Madalena, i, 311 - - Gonzaga, Margherita, ii, 72 - - Gonzaga, Ugolino, i, 39 - - Gordon, _Life of Alexander VI._, ii, 460 - - Gozzi's Chronicle, iii, 72, 151, 228 - - Gozzoli, Benozzo, at Assisi, ii, 180 - - Gradara, i, 23, 144; iii, 351, 407 - -- sack of, ii, 377 - - Gradenigo, Gianpaolo, i, 422 - - Gradio, Stefano, i, 169; iii, 245 - - Grafegnana, i, 424 - - Granarnolo, reduced, ii, 328 - - Granson, i, 337 - - Granville, the Right Hon. Thomas, iii, 12 note - - Grassis, Paris de, ii, 339 note, 340, 411 note - - Gratio, Padre, ii, 5 note - - Gratz, iii, 353 - - Gravina, Duke of, ii, 3, 11 - - Graziani, i, 54 note - - Graziano, Fra, on Giovanni della Rovere, ii, 291, 292 - - Grecian philosophies, ii, 105 - - Greek fathers, i, 230 - - Gregorian Kalendar, iii, 263 - - Gregorovius, _Lucrezia Borgia_, i, 319 note, 344 note, 396 note; ii, - 19 note - -- _Geschichte der Stadt Rom_, ii, 19 note - -- turned out of the Vatican Library, iii, 248 note - - Gregory XII., i, 95 - -- supported by Guidantonio, i, 42 - - Gregory XIII., iii, 81, 114, 141, 157, 360 - -- patron of art, iii, 366 - - Gregory XIV., iii, 164 - - Gregory XV., death of, iii, 212 - - Gregory XVI., iii, 175 note - - Grifone, Matteo, i, 79 - - Grimani, Cardinal, ii, 367 - -- palace, iii, 358 - - Grisons, the, ii, 396 - - Gritti, ii, 412 - - Gronau, iii, 479 note - -- _Titian_, iii, 390 note, 392 note - - Grossi, ii, 264; iii, 120 - -- Italian patriotism of, ii, 108 - -- on Vergilio, ii, 116 - -- _Uomini Illustri di Urbino_, iii, 261 note - -- on Baldi, iii, 272 - - Grottoferrata, i, 224, 451; ii, 302 - - Gruner, Mr. Lewis, i, xliv; ii, 230 - - Gualandi, ii, 214 note; iii, 386 note - - Guarimone, Cristofero, iii, 135 - - Guarino of Verona, i, 69; ii, 113; iii, 298, 310, 331 - - Guarini, Battista, patronised by Francesco Maria II., iii, 331-4 - - Guastalla, Abbot of, i, 149 - -- history of, iii, 269 - -- Lord of, iii, 268 - - Guasti, _Lettere_, ii, 73 note - - Guasto, Marquis of, iii, 125 - - Guazzo, Steffano, ii, 54 - - Gubbio, i, 93, 175, 397, 403; ii, 361, 402, 422 - -- coinage of, i, xlii - -- Counts and Dukes in, authorities for, i, 22 note - -- Montefeltri gain, i, 22, 37 - -- palace of, i, 154 - -- -- described, i, 171-3 - -- court of, i, 206 - -- birth of Guidobaldo I. at, i, 296 - -- Guidobaldo I. at, i, 362 - -- Castiglione at, ii, 52 - -- bishops of, ii, 60, 65 - -- school of, ii, 188, 189 - -- seized by Baglioni, ii, 368 - -- returns to Francesco Maria I., ii, 377 - -- Vittoria Farnese at, iii, 101 - -- Prince Federigo at, iii, 195 - -- copper mines of, iii, 229 - -- tables of, iii, 268 - -- painters of, iii, 380 - -- majolica of, iii, 406, 414, 422 - - Gueldres, Duke of, ii, 321 - - Guelphs, origin of, i, 5 - -- republics adhere to the, i, 11 - - Guerriero, i, 21, 37, 71 note, 205 note - - Guerrini, _Elogio_, ii, 138 note - - Guicciardini, Francesco, i, 339; ii, 29, 331; iii, 8 note, 20 and - note, 221 - -- unreliability of, i, xxxii - -- on Alexander VI., i, 318 - -- on Italy, i, 321 - -- on the French invasion, i, 346 - -- on the battle of the Taro, i, 354, 466 - -- on Becci, iii, 114 - -- on Francesco Maria I., ii, 335, 337 note, 346, 348 note, 366 note - -- on the battle of Ravenna, ii, 344 note - -- on Francesco Maria I., ii, 400, 425 note, 435, 436, 452, 454; - iii, 75, 76 - -- career of, ii, 436, 442 - -- commands against Charles V., ii, 436-9, 445 - -- insulted by Francesco Maria I., ii, 441 - -- _Il Sacco di Roma_, iii, 8 note, 20 and note - -- on Clement VII., iii, 66 - -- galleys preferable to, iii, 257 - - Guidantonio, Count of Urbino, conquers Castel Durante, i, 23 - -- his letter to Siena, i, 38 - -- made seigneur of Assisi, i, 42 - -- wars against Braccio di Montone, i, 43, 44 - -- is made grand constable of Naples, i, 43 - -- and vice-general of Romagna, i, 43 - -- and Duke of Spoleto, i, 44 - -- receives the Golden Rose, i, 45 - -- second marriage of, i, 45 - -- seizes Castel Durante, i, 46 - -- honoured by Florence, i, 45, 46 - -- checks in prosperity, i, 46 - -- knighted by Sigismund, i, 47, 71 - -- piety of, i, 47 - -- death of, i, 47 - -- character of, i, 47 - -- children of, i, 47-9 - -- begins library at Urbino, i, 47 note - -- patron of letters, ii, 109-11 - -- epitaph of, iii, 458 - - Guido the elder, Count of Urbino, i, 26-35 - -- Ghibelline policy of, i, 26 - -- conquers Romagna, i, 26 - -- senator of Rome, i, 26 - -- stratagem at Forli, i, 26 - -- seigneur of Lucca, i, 27 - -- excommunicated, i, 28 note - -- becomes a Franciscan monk, i, 28, 33 - -- his treacherous advice to Boniface VIII., i, 30 - -- -- narrated by Dante, i, 30-2 - -- -- doubts as to this story, i, 132 - -- authorities for life of, i, 32 note - -- death and character of, i, 34 - - Guidobaldo I., Duke of Urbino, i, 24, 253, 289 - -- reign of, i, xxxi - -- ward of Ottaviano, i, 51 note - -- estates devolving on, i, 51 note - -- his rules for the library, i, 167 - -- completes the palace of Gubbio, i, 172 - -- succession of, i, 295, 299, 300 - -- authorities for life of, i, 295 note - -- birth of, i, 296 - -- confirmation of, i, 296 - -- his early promise, i, 296-9 - -- his first condotta, i, 300 - -- in the service of Naples, i, 303 - -- -- of the Pope, i, 305 - -- his court, i, 309-11, 313 - -- his marriage, i, 311 - -- impotency of, i, 51 note, 312, 409 - -- his gout, i, 344, 370, 377, 378, 417, 419, 421, 424; ii, 28, 32, - 38, 42, 78, 79 - -- sent against the Orsini, i, 344, 348, 355, 358 - -- engaged by Florence, i, 356, 357 - -- taken prisoner, i, 360-62 - -- goes against Perugia, i, 369 - -- engaged against Pisa, i, 370 - -- at Bibbiena, i, 370 - -- adopts his nephew, i, 371; ii, 36-38, 313, 316 - -- visits Venice, i, 377 - -- his dominion, i, 380 - -- visits Rome, i, 399 - -- his first flight from Urbino, i, 401-8 - -- at Mantua, i, 408, 422 - -- his return, i, 416 - -- he again retires, i, 420-4; ii, 300 - -- received at Venice, i, 422 - -- at Mantua, ii, 14 - -- is restored, ii, 23, 231 - -- engaged by Venice, ii, 24 - -- his difficulties when engaged by Venice, ii, 28, 32 - -- his interview with Borgia, ii, 29, 33 - -- goes to Rome, ii, 32, 38 - -- engaged by Julius, ii, 34, 36 - -- made Knight of the Garter, ii, 34, 233, 462-70 - -- his domestic life, ii, 35, 43 - -- anecdotes of, ii, 47 - -- death of, ii, 80-2, 318 - -- funeral of, ii, 84-6 - -- character of, ii, 86-8 - -- patron of Paolo Cortesio, ii, 87 - -- patron of Raffaele, ii, 227, 232 - -- patron of art, ii, 265; iii, 259, 348, 351 - -- portraits of, i, 288; ii, 208, 209, 210, 233, 265; iii, 487 - -- patron of letters, ii, 43, 87, 107, 116, 119, 138, 204, 205 - -- monumental inscription on, iii, 459 - - Guidobaldo II., i, xxxi, 159, 161, 284; ii, 112, 357; iii, 265, 289, 352 - -- his villa, ii, 33 - -- birth of, ii, 360; iii, 87 - -- proposed marriage of, ii, 415 - -- goes to Venice with his mother, iii, 35 - -- left in charge of the state of Urbino, iii, 58 - -- marriage of, iii, 65-8 - -- gives Monte l'Abbate to Leonardi, iii, 72 - -- childhood of, iii, 87, 88 - -- his love of horses, iii, 88 - -- his claim to the sovereignty of Camerino, iii, 89 - -- ceremonial of his succession, iii, 89-92 - -- surrenders his rights in Camerino, iii, 92 - -- strengthens his position, iii, 93 - -- invested by the Doge of Venice as governor of the Republican - forces, iii, 97, 98 - -- goes to Rome to congratulate Pope Julius III., iii, 102 - -- governor of Fano, iii, 102 - -- named captain-general of the Church, iii, 104 - -- enters the Spanish service, iii, 111 - -- invested with the Order of the Golden Fleece, iii, 111 and note - -- prepares a discourse on the war against the Turk, iii, 113 - -- his great expenses, iii, 113 and note - -- visits King Henry III. of France, iii, 122 - -- death of, iii, 121 - -- funeral of, iii, 121 - -- character of, iii, 122-5 - -- children of, iii, 125 - -- patron of letters, ii, 215; iii, 295, 297 - -- employed by Venice, iii, 260 - -- patron of Federigo Comandino, iii, 260 - -- patron of arts, iii, 356, 358, 398, 399, 404 note, 408, 410, 420, - 422, 423, 472 - -- portraits of, iii, 356, 479, 484, 485 - -- patron of Muzio, iii, 275 - -- patron of Tasso, iii, 302-5, 314 - -- patron of Titian, iii, 391 note, 393-7 - -- portraits of, iii, 392 note, 393, 398 - -- inscription on, iii, 460 - - Guidobaldo del Monte, Marquis, iii, 261 - -- devoted to abstruse studies, iii, 262 - - Guilds, Florentine, i, 16 - - Guilds, Sienese, i, 16 - - Guise, Duc de, ii, 401; iii, 110 - - Guiscard, Robert, i, 323; iii, 31 - - Guiscard, Roger, i, 323 - - Guizot, on Italian republics, i, 8 - - Gunnery, art of, i, 248 - - Gurk, Cardinal, ii, 296 - - Guzzoni, Boccalino, i, 306 - - - Hague Museum, iii, 409 - - Hall, ii, 465, 468 - - Hallam, Henry, iii, 272 - - Hamilton Place, ii, 159 - - Harleian MSS., iii, 88 note - - Haro, Don Diego Lopez de, i, 342 note - - Hawkwoods, the, i, 333 - - Heidenheimer, ii, 294 note - - Henry II., of France, ii, 406; iii, 62, 103, 110, 263 - -- assists the Duke of Parma, iii, 103 - - Henry III., of France, ii, 406; iii, 122 - - Henry IV., of France, iii, 182 - - Henry VII., of England, ii, 117, 233 - -- invests Guidobaldo I. with the Garter, ii, 462-70 - - Henry VIII., ii, 116, 355, 372, 404, 423 - -- letters to, ii, 55, 121, 392, 435 note - -- allied against Charles V., ii, 435 - -- proposes the marriage of Princess Mary with the Duke Guidobaldo - II., iii, 89 note - - Henry, Prince, son of Francis I., marriage of, iii, 62 - - Henry of Cologne, ii, 114 - - Hepburn, Sir Thomas, iii, 416 - - Herrera, Commendatore, iii, 449 - - Heywood, William, i, 313 note; ii, 74 note, 153 note - -- _Palio and Ponte_, i, 56 note - -- _An Unknown Corner of Tuscany_, iii, 109 note - - Hill, Mr. G.F., i, xi, xii - -- _Pisanello_, ii, 269 note - - Hindoo art, ii, 175 - - Hogarth, ideas of, ii, 171 - - Hohenstaufen, the, i, 323, 341 - - Holbein, iii, 487 - - Hollinshed, ii, 465 - - Holroyd, _Michael Angelo_, ii, 115 note - - Honig, Rodolfo, _Conte Guido di Montefeltro_, i, 32 note - - Honorius III., invests the Montefeltri, i, 24 - -- invests Bonconte, i, 26 - - Horace, quoted, i, 175 note - - Hustan, Peter, iii, 18 - - Hussites, persecution of the, i, 96 - - Hutton, Edward, _Sigismondo Malatesta_, i, 10 note, 17 note, 43 note, - 72 note, 75 note, 114 note, 128 note, 192 note, 335 note; ii, 203 - note; iii, 63 note - -- _Cities of Umbria_, ii, 205 note - -- _An Unknown Corner of Tuscany_, iii, 109 note - - - Il Cerretani, iii, 488 - - Il Lasca, i, 313 note - - Illegitimacy no disgrace, i, 63 - - Imola, Seigneury of, i, 18, 47, 306, 381; ii, 453 - -- bought by Sforza, i, 196 - -- purchased by Sixtus IV., i, 225 - -- surrendered, i, 238 - -- Borgia at, i, 391, 416 - -- transferred to Riario, ii, 284 - - Imperial Casino, iii, 49-51, 107, 158 - - Imperiale Villa, built by Genga, iii, 349 - - Incisa, ii, 455 - - Indulgences belonging to a Corona, iii, 456 - - Infessura, on Sixtus IV., ii, 287, 290 - -- on Julius II., ii, 301 - - Innocent II., i, 323 - - Innocent III., ii, 287 - - Innocent VIII., i, 115, 263; ii, 293, 301, 419 - -- succession of, i, 304 - -- policy of, i, 304, 314 - -- death of, i, 314, 326 - - Inquisition re-established, iii, 96 and note - -- established in Gubbio, iii, 245 - - Inspruck, i, 337 - - Ireland, _Hogarth Illustrated_, ii, 171 note - - Iron crown of Lombardy, iii, 42, 46 - - Irving, Mr., i, xiv - - Isaacs, Mr. S., iii, 409 - - Isabella of Mantua, ii, 148 - - Isabella of Naples, i, 130, 325 - - Ischia, i, 141; iii, 291 note - -- Ferdinand III. at, i, 352 - - Isola di Fano, i, 404 - - Isola di Farnese, iii, 21 - - Isola Forsara, i, 297 - - Isola, iii, 434 - -- siege of, i, 359 - - Isonzo, i, 256 - - Italian art, its golden age, i, xxxi; iii, 335-9 - -- its continuity, ii, 95 note; iii, 336 note - -- definition of, ii, 157 - -- observations on, ii, 157-66 - -- its modifications in the fifteenth century, ii, 166-83 - -- rise of, ii, 157-66 - -- classicism in, ii, 168-70; iii, 344 - -- decline of, iii, 335, 339-45 - -- schools of, _see_ Bolognese, Sienese, Umbrian - - Italian ballet, origin of, i, 483 note - -- origin of, ii, 150, 152 - - Italian coinage, i, xli-xliii; iii, 114 note - - Italian drama, ii, 147 - - Italian language, copious, iii, 254, 258, 278; style in letter - writing, i, 105 note - - Italian literature, its golden age, ii, 93-5 - -- its revival, ii, 98-101 - -- its tendencies, ii, 101-7 - -- poetry, ii, 130-47 - -- decline of golden age, iii, 253 - -- Spanish influence on, iii, 253-55 - -- indirect influence of Reformation on, iii, 257 - -- absence of ballad poetry, iii, 279, 280 - -- the _rispetto_, iii, 280 note - -- pastoral dramas introduced, iii, 297 - - Italian manners, Spanish domination, fatal to, iii, 254 - - Italian militia, iii, 61, 94 - - Italian morals, corruption of, ii, 153-6 - - Italian nationality, i, 17, 19; iii, 60 - - Italian portrait medallions, ii, 268-73 - - Italian progress, 1825-46, i, xxxiv - - Italian republics, rise of, i, 6, 7 - -- nature of freedom in, i, 8, 15-21 - -- political power in, i, 10, 12 - -- civilization indebted to, i, 11, 22 - -- military power in, i, 13 - -- social relations in, i, 13 - -- more correctly communes, i, 15 - -- list of, in Central Italy, i, 18 - -- material advantages of, i, 18 - - Italian states in 1430, i, 66-8 - -- in Central Italy, their condition in 15th century, i, 87, 88 - -- after peace of Lodi, i, 182 - -- in the absence of the popes, ii, 96, 97 - - Italian topographers, their absurdity, i, 4 - - Italian towns, their origin and independence, i, 6, 7; _see_ Italian - republics - - Italian unity, i, xxxvi; ii, 304, 433 note - -- how far practicable, i, 19 - -- urged by Nicholas V., i, 107 - - Italian women, their social position in 16th century, ii, 72-5 - -- authorities for, ii, 72 note - -- their culture, ii, 128, 129 - - Italy, modern, horrors of, i, 241 - -- the battleground of Europe, i, 321 - -- ill prepared for French invasion, i, 341 - - Ivano, i, 211 note - - - James III. of Scotland, ii, 115 - - James IV. of Scotland, ii, 118 - - Jameson, Mrs., i, xxxix note; iii, 481 - - Jean, King of Navarre, i, 123, 376 - - Jean, Count of Boulogne, ii, 405 - - Jeanne of Valois, i, 373 - - Jenkins, Mr. H.G., i, xii - - Jerome, Abbot, i, 229 note - - Jerrold, Miss Maud, iii, 291 note - - Jesi, i, 90 - -- Braccio, vicar of, i, 45 - -- sack of, ii, 395 - -- siege of, i, 93 - - Jews attacked on the birth of Prince Federigo, iii, 174 - - Joanna of Austria, iii, 358 - - Joanna I. of Naples, i, 323 - - Joanna II., i, 68, 81, 324 - - _John Inglesant_, i, viii - - John of Austria, Don, iii, 132, 139-41 - -- Armada of, iii, 452-5 - - John of Bologna, iii, 400 - - John I. of Saxony, iii, 487 - - John II. of Anjou, i, 323 - - John XXII., i, 43 - - John XXIII., deposed, i, 45 - - Johnson, Dr., defines a cubit, i, 189 note - - Joly, ii, 44 note - - Jovius, ii, 327 - - Julius II., i, 24, 449; ii, 20, 48, 60, 126, 227; iii, 353, 435 - -- portrait of, ii, 51 note, 234; iii, 395, 478 - -- statue of, ii, 41 note, 42, 244, 338 - -- election of, ii, 26, 27, 303 - -- policy of, ii, 28, 304-6, 308, 323, 330, 347, 433 note - -- favours Guidobaldo I., ii, 32, 38, 39 - -- his treatment of Borgia, ii, 27-9 - -- charged with nepotism, ii, 36 - -- his expedition against Perugia, ii, 39 - -- visits Urbino, ii, 39, 40, 42, 77, 231 - -- his expedition against Bologna, ii, 39-42 - -- employs Bramante, ii, 235, 259, 262-4 - -- employs Raffaele, ii, 236-9 - -- death of, ii, 239, 350 - -- tomb of, ii, 243; 381-6 - -- natural children of, ii, 281 - -- character of, ii, 301, 302, 304 - -- favoured by Sixtus IV., ii, 301 - -- persecuted by the Borgia, ii, 301-3 - -- patron of art, ii, 306; iii, 345 - -- his improvements in Rome, ii, 306 - -- his designs on Romagna, ii, 321, 325-30 - -- his partiality for the Cardinal of Pavia, ii, 327, 330, 332, - 339, 340, 481-3 - -- takes the field, ii, 331-5 - -- reconciled to Francesco Maria, ii, 343, 347 - -- suspects him of treason, ii, 344 - -- invests Francesco Maria with Pesaro, ii, 348-50 - -- employs Ariosto, iii, 281 - - Julius III., nominates Guidobaldo II. governor of Fano, iii, 102 - -- names Guidobaldo II. captain-general of the Church, iii, 104 - -- death of, iii, 104 - -- employs Paciotti, iii, 263 - - Justus of Alemania, ii, 267 - - Justus of Ghent, i, 205, 231; ii, 209 note, 218 - -- at Urbino, ii, 267 - - - Kestner, Commendatore, i, xliv; ii, 409 - - Kestner Museum, iii, 417 note, 420 - - Kirkmichael, i, xiii - - Knight, Mr. Gaily, _Ecclesiastical Architecture of Italy_, i, 79 note - - - La Carda, palace of, i, 174 - - La Cattolica, ii, 349 - - La Colonella, monastery of, ii, 398 - - Ladislaus of Naples, i, 43 - - La Fratta, iii, 424 - - Lagno, Lucrezia del, i, 111 - - Lago di Guarda, ii, 409 - - Lago di Vico, ii, 293 - - L'Alemano, iii, 487 - - La Magione, diet of, i, 412, 413; ii, 8 - - La Magliana, ii, 384, 407, 411 - - La Marca, i, 33 - -- defined, i, xl - -- Church rule in, i, 5 - -- Sforzan interest in, i, 80, 83 - -- insecure tenure of, i, 92 - -- danger of, i, 136 - -- adventurers in, i, 306 - - Lamartine, on political progress, i, 8 - - Lamole, ii, 389; iii, 201 - -- iron mines of, iii, 229 - - La Molinella, battle of, i, 187, 189 - - Lanci, Cornelio, iii, 295 - - Lancia, the, i, 335 - - Lancia, Baldassare, iii, 352 - - Landino, Cristoforo, i, 228; ii, 145 - - Landriano, ii, 424 - - Landriano, Ambrogio, iii, 78 - - Landriani, Francesco, iii, 131 - - Lanfranco, Giacomo, iii, 410, 411 - - Lanfranco, Girolamo, iii, 411, 421, 472 - - Lanfranco, Ludovico, iii, 421 - - Lannoy, Don Carlos de, iii, 427, 448 - -- commands the allies, ii, 426 - -- advances on Rome, ii, 448 - -- treats with Bourbon, ii, 453 - -- death of, ii, 23-5 - - Lansius, ii, 24 - - Lansquenets, the introduction of, i, 338; ii, 445-8 - -- in Rome, iii, 437 - - Lante, Villa, ii, 240 - - Lanti, Marc Antonio, iii, 82 - - Lanz, _Correspondenz des Kaisers Carl V._, iii, 27 note - - Lanzani's _St. d. Communi Italiani_, i, 6 note - - Lanzi, ii, 184, 189, 200; iii, 350, 404 note - -- on Francesca, ii, 203 - -- refuted, ii, 216; iii, 377 - - Laocoon, ii, 306 - - La Pergola, i, 23, 92, 415; ii, 213, 389, 395-413; iii, 63, 123 - -- given to Count Federigo, i, 119 - - Lapidusa, iii, 123 - - La Puglia, iii, 39 - - Lascaris, Constantine, ii, 62, 128 - - La Serra, i, 403 - - La Stellata, i, 51 note, 262, 264, 267 - - La Storta, ii, 420 - - Lateran, iii, 377 - - Laurana, Lorenzo, i, 171 note - - Lauranna, Luziano, i, 150; ii, 260 note - -- architect of palace at Urbino, i, 155 - -- patent in favour of, i, 156 - -- death at Pesaro, i, 157 - - Laureani, Monsignore, i, xliii; ii, 460; iii, 176 note - - Laureo, Vincenzo, iii, 50 - - Lautrec, ii, 364, 409, 410, 412, 423; iii, 299 - -- General, advances on Naples, iii, 38, 39 - -- death of, iii, 39 - - La Vanosia, i, 320; ii, 168 note - - Laverna, ii, 178 - - Lawrence collection, the, ii, 259 - - Lazzaro, Maestro, i, 230 - - Lazzari, i, 226 - -- on the palace at Urbino, i, 154 - -- Italian patriotism of, ii, 108 - -- on Bramante, ii, 260 - -- _Uomini Illustri del Piceno_, iii, 265 - -- _Dictionary of Artists_ iii, 346, 458 - - Lazzarini, _Memorie Storiche dei Conti di Urbino_, i, 61 note - -- on cathedral of Urbino, i, 171 note - - Lee, Vernon, _Euphorion_, ii, 153 note - - Lega, Bacci della, iii, 287 note - - Leghorn, i, 241, 330 - - Legnano, i, 262 - -- fortress of, iii, 55 - - Leicester, Robert, Earl of, iii, 361 - - Leini, Admiral di, iii, 131, 139 - - Leland, ii, 117 - - Lennox, Earl of, i, xiii; i, 348 - - Lenzuoli, Giuffredo, i, 317 - - Lenzuoli, Roderigo, _see_ Borgia - - Leo III., ii, 237 - - Leo IV., ii, 237 - - _Leo X._, i, xxxix note - - Leo X., i, xxxii, 327; ii, 54, 64, 239, 281, 285, 287, 436; iii, 382, 408 - -- Petrucci's conspiracy against, ii, 17, 115 note, 357-62, 391 - -- Castiglione at court of, ii, 53 - -- patron of the drama, ii, 148 - -- policy of, ii, 307-9, 392, 397, 407 - -- election of, ii, 351, 353 - -- character of, ii, 352 - -- nepotism of, ii, 358, 364 - -- intrigues against Urbino, ii, 89, 341, 360-90, 392-410; iii, 281 - -- his devices to raise money, ii, 392, 404 - -- supports Charles V., ii, 408 - -- death of, ii, 411 - -- receives Ariosto, iii, 282, 284 - - Leo XII., iii, 352 - - Leonardi, Antenore, memoirs of, iii, 21 note, 36 note - - Leonardi, Gian Giacomo, iii, 35, 36 note, 71, 72, 77, 79, 264, 265 - -- on Francesco Maria I., ii, 441, 447, 451; iii, 79 - -- challenges Gonzaga, iii, 71 - -- made Count of Monte l'Abbate, iii, 72 - - Leonetti, _Papa Alessandra VI._, ii, 19 note - - Leoni, i, xxx, xxxii, 401, 449; ii, 427; iii, 68 note, 71, 76 note - -- on Guicciardini, ii, 436 - - Leoni, Gian Battista, iii, 274 note - - Leonora, Duchess of Ferrara, at Rome, ii, 285 note - - Leonora, Duchess of Urbino, i, 267 note; ii, 232; iii, 348 - -- marriage of, ii, 89, 323-5 - -- portrait of, ii, 325 - -- letters to, ii, 388 - -- returns to Pesaro, ii, 421 - -- in Venice, iii, 35 - -- at the coronation of Charles V., iii, 44-6 - -- builds a palace, iii, 50 - -- entertains Clement VII., iii, 52 - -- portrait of, iii, 52, 62, 80, 391 note, 393, 470, 479 - -- character of, iii, 51-3 - -- death of, iii, 80 - -- children of, iii, 80 - - Leonora, Queen of Hungary, ii, 301 - - Leopardi, iii, 330 note - - Lepanto, battle of, iii, 330, 344, 374 - - Leopold of Austria, iii, 211 - - Lerin, Count de, ii, 30 - - Le Sage, iii, 287 - - Leyva, Antonio della, surprises Pavia, iii, 40, 45 - - Liguria, i, 109 - - Lillio, Andrea, iii, 378 - - Lindsay, Lord, i, xviii, xxxix note; ii, 266 - - L'Ingegno, Andrea, ii, 244 - - Lione, Suares de, ii, 381-3 - - Lipsius, ii, 124, 437 - - Lira, Nicolo de, i, 166 - - Lisini, _Cesare Borgia_, ii, 11 note - - Litta, Count, i, 55; ii, 59; iii, 123 - - Liverotto da Fermo, i, 412, 413 - -- murdered at Sinigaglia, ii, 3, 4 - - Livia, Duchess of Urbino, iii, 477 - -- birth of iii, 82 - -- marriage of, iii, 170, 171 - -- letter from her to Princess Vittoria, iii, 236 - -- retirement of, iii, 239 - - Lloyd, Humphrey, ii, 117 - - Loches, Castle of, i, 385, 471 - - Lodi, ii, 424; iii, 77, 450 - -- peace of, i, 107, 123, 182 - -- capitulation of, ii, 428 - -- army of the League at, ii, 435 - - Lomazzo, ii, 203, 265 - - Lombardy, defined, i, xxxix - -- in 1430, i, 67 - -- Iron crown of, iii, 42, 46 - - Francesco Maria I., in, iii, 58, 70 - - Lonato, Pier-Antonio, iii, 131 - - London, treaty of, ii, 372 - - Lonno, ii, 409 - - Loredano, Leonardo, i, 256, letter to, i, 422 - - Lorenzo, Fiorenzo di, ii, 199 note - - Lorenzo da Ceri; _see_ Renzo - - Loreto, ii, 335, 379; iii, 350, 360, 411 - -- cathedral of, ii, 286 - -- church of, iii, 353 - -- drug-vases of, iii, 411 - -- Madonna of, iii, 176, 418 - - Loretto, i, 47 - -- Lady of, i, 125 - - Lorraine, Cardinal of, iii, 395 - - Lo Spagna, ii, 226 note - - Louis I., i, 323 - - Louis II., i, 324 - - Louis III., i, 324 - - Louis VIII., i, 323 - - Louis XI., of France, i, 324, 373 - -- employs the Swiss, i, 337 - - Louis XII., i, 400; ii, 11, 39, 303, 314, 449 - -- schemes of, ii, 330 - -- ambition of, i, 371 - -- succession of, i, 372 - -- designs on Naples, i, 372, 375, 393 - -- divorce of, i, 373 - -- meets Cesare Borgia, i, 412 - -- court of, i, 470 - -- suggests _Il Cortegiano_, ii, 119 - -- receives Francesco Maria, ii, 315 - -- supports Venice, ii, 321 - -- his designs on Milan, ii, 358 - -- death of, ii, 360 - - Louis XIV., iii, 339 - - Louvre, the, iii, 385, 415 - -- Raffaeles in the, ii, 232 - - Lovranna, Martini of, i, 155 - - Lower Italy, defined, i, xxxix - - Loyola, doctrines of, ii, 10 - - Lucano Bridge, i, 133 - - Lucarelli, _Memorie e Guida di Gubbio_, i, 71 note - - Lucas, Mr. E.V., his preference for della Francesca, ii, 210 note - - Lucca, i, 424; iii, 263 - -- sold to Florence, i, 67 - -- Bishop of, ii, 280 - -- Gian-Francesco, ii, 282 - - Lucrezia, Princess of Aragon, i, 311 - - Lucrezia, Duchess of Urbino, iii, 308, 334 - -- marriage of, iii, 135-9 - -- separated from her husband, iii, 153-5 - -- character of, iii, 154 - -- death of, iii, 165 - -- and Tasso, iii, 314 - - Ludovico, Count of Mirandola, ii, 335 note - - Ludovico, Maestro, i, 247 - - Ludovisi satyr, iii, 385 - - Lugo, i, 258; ii, 349, 413 - - Luini, iii, 335 - - Lumisden, Andrew, i, xvii - - Luna, iii, 125 - - Lungo, Del, ii, 67 note, 73 note - - Luzio, ii, 23 note, 70 note, 84 note, 119 note; iii, 287 note - -- _Vittoria Colonna_, iii, 291 note - - Luzio e Renier, ii, 44 note, 318 note, 324, 355 note - -- _Mantova e Urbino_, iii, 51 note - - Luzzatto, ii, 319 note - - Lyon, Lord, i, xiv - - Lyons, i, 470; ii, 152, 303, 315 - - - Macaulay, ii, 424 - -- on coinage, i, xliii - - Maccione of Fossombrone, ii, 379 - - Macerata, i, 142; iii, 353, 354 - - Machiavelli, Nicolo, i, 209, 251, 267 note, 374 note, 415; ii, 27 - -- plans civic militia, i, 15 - -- on the battle of Anghiara, i, 77 - -- _Istorie_, i, 95 note, 96 note, 106 note, 184 note - -- describes Italy under Eugene IV., i, 96 - -- on Colleone, i, 185 note - -- on battle of La Molinella, i, 188 - -- on Galeazzo Maria Sforza i, 234 - -- on Alexander VI., i, 319 note - -- on the _condottieri_, i, 106, 334; ii, 424, 425 note - -- on Borgia, i, 390, 321 - -- on the Romagna, i, 398 note - -- on the massacre of Sinigaglia, ii, 4, 8 - -- _Legazione al Valentino_, ii, 10 note - -- on Bibbiena, ii, 67 note - -- his _Principe_, ii, 120 - -- comedies of, ii, 147 - -- death of, iii, 38 - - Maciola, votive picture of, ii, 403 - - Madama, Villa, ii, 240 - - Madiai, Federico, ii, 5 note, 24 note, 37 note, 39 note, 40 note, 80 note - -- _Le Marche_, i, 58 note, 63 note - -- _Commentari_, i, 295 note - -- his _Diario_, i, 401 note - -- _Il Giornale di Paciotto_, iii, 236 note - -- on Baldi, iii, 266 note - - Madonna in art, ii, 180-3 - - Madrid, Francesco Maria II. at, iii, 132-4, 136 - -- Zuccaro in, iii, 361 - -- Castiglione at iii, 448-51 - - Maggieri, Cesare, iii, 378 - - Magione, i, 113 - - Magliabechiana Library, Florence, i, xxx; iii, 155, 240, 383 note - - Magliano, i, 131, 217; ii, 240 - - Magusano, ii, 412 - - Mahomet II., i, 106, 256; ii, 293 - - Mai, Cardinal, ii, 118; iii, 269 - - Maitani, ii, 187 note - - Maitland, Mr. Fuller, ii, 232 - - Maiuola, i, 78, 144 - -- surrender of, i, 411 - -- surprised, ii, 13 - -- siege of, ii, 369 - -- given to Florence, ii, 406, 420 - -- restored, ii, 456 - - Majolica, authorities for, iii, 404 - -- origin of, iii, 405 - -- made at Urbino, iii, 406 - -- made at Pesaro, iii, 406, 408-12, 416 - -- made at Gubbio, ii, 406 - -- mottoes on, iii, 416, 417 - -- processes of, iii, 409 - -- qualities of, iii, 410 - -- drug-vases of Loreto, iii, 411 - -- uses of, iii, 416, 418, 474 - -- artists of, iii, 413, 419-24 - -- decline of, iii, 412 - -- collections of, iii, 408 note, 411, 415-7, 421 - -- prices of, iii, 424 - -- artists in, petition Guidobaldo II., iii, 472 - - Malalbergo, i, 473 - - Malatesta, the, i, 333 - -- plural form, Florentine, i, 71 note - -- arms of, i, 71 note, 76 note - -- legitimation of the, i, 10 - -- sway of, i, 17 - -- seigneuries of, i, 18, 75 - -- fief of, i, 75 - -- their devolution to the Holy See, i, 179, 195 - -- medallions of, ii, 99 - - Malatesta, Antonia, i, 75 note - - Malatesta, Carlo, i, 380, 388 - -- legitimises his brother's children, i, 10 note - -- prisoner of di Montone, i, 43 note - -- ransom of, i, 43 - - Malatesta degli Sonetti, i, 40, 83, 427 - - Malatesta, Domenico Novello, Lord of Cesena, i, 48, 75 note, 145 - -- death of, i, 180 - -- patron of letters, i, 140 note; ii, 100 - - Malatesta, Elisabetta, Lady of Camerino, i, 41, 216, 299 note - -- carried off from her convent, i, 411 - - Malatesta, Galeazzo, Lord of Pesaro, i, 39, 83, 84 - -- expelled, i, 40 - -- sells Fossombrone, i, 23, 90 - -- sells Pesaro, i, 40, 89 - - Malatesta, Galeotto, Lord of Rimini, i, 45 - -- legitimised, i, 10 note, 75 note, 290 - -- captive of Braccio, i, 43 note - -- patrimony of, i, 83 - - Malatesta, Ginevra, iii, 298 - - Malatesta, Giovanni, i, 140 - - Malatesta, Isotta, i, 71 note, 77, 191, 192 note - -- resists Paul II., i, 195 - -- death of, i, 192 note, i, 196 note - - Malatesta, Pandolfo, ii, 420 - - Malatesta, Rainiero, i, 71, note - - Malatesta, Rengarda, i, 45 - - Malatesta, Roberto, i, 137, 299 note; iii, 410 - -- gains influence at Naples, i, 111 - -- surrenders Fano, i, 143 - -- seizes Cesena, i, 180 - -- supposed murderer of Isotta, i, 192 note, 196 note - -- marriage of, i, 194 note, 203 - -- covets Rimini, i, 192 note, 195 - -- re-establishes Malatestan sovereignty, i, 200 - -- invested by Sixtus IV., i, 202 - -- his title of Magnifico, i, 203 note - -- deserts to the Florentines, i, 247 - -- commands ecclesiastical forces, i, 260 - -- death of, i, 269 - -- marriage of, i, 289 - -- his children, i, 380 - - Malatesta, Sallustio, i, 195 - - Malatesta, Sigismondo Pandolfo, ii, 420; iii, 408 - -- legitimised, i, 10 note - -- Lord of Rimini, i, 388; ii, 425 note - -- arms of, i, 193 - -- receives Golden Rose, i, 45 note - -- corrupts Duke Oddantonio, i, 53, 89 - -- knighted by Sigismund, i, 71 note - -- his contest with Duke Federigo, i, 75-80, 83, 93-9 - -- marriage of, i, 80 - -- challenges Duke Federigo, i, 83 - -- his perfidy, i, 98, 99, 100 - -- his interviews with Duke Federigo, i, 99, 110, 119 - -- bought over by Sforza, i, 103 - -- treachery to Alfonso, i, 109 - -- intrigues with Naples, i, 111 - -- humbled by Federigo, i, 112 - -- supported by Sforza, i, 114 - -- reproved by Pius II., i, 117 - -- seizes Mondavio, i, 131 - -- burnt in effigy, i, 132 - -- defeated at Cesano, i, 137 - -- allied with Venice, i, 141, 142 - -- loses many Rimini fiefs, i, 144 - -- humiliation of, i, 145 - -- his losses, i, 146 - -- his campaign in the Morea, i, 194 - -- death of, i, 191, 194, 195 - -- character of, i, 191-4 - -- patron of letters, i, 191-4; ii, 98, 99, 133 - -- patron of arts, i, 17 note, 191-4; ii, 43 - -- portrait of, i, 193; ii, 208 - -- Dennistoun's mistakes concerning, i, 114 note, 192 note - - Malatesta, Violante, i, 180 - - Malavolti, _Historia_, i, 98 note - - Malcolm, Earl of Lennox, i, xiii - - Maldonato, ii, 380 - -- treason of, ii, 393-5 - - Malines, treaty of, ii, 355 - - Malombra, the, house of, i, 424 - - Malpiedi, the, iii, 379 - - Malvasia, ii, 216; iii, 419 - - Mammarelli, Domenico, iii, 53 note - - Mammiani, Count Francesco Maria, iii, 196, 212, 214 - - Manara, Ricci, ii, 265 note - - Mancini, ii, 203 note - - Manerola, Teodora, ii, 281 - - Manfred, i, 323 - - Manfredi, the, i, 258 - -- Faenza, Seigneury of, i, 18 - - Manfredi, Astorre, i, 109, 381; ii, 10 - -- Lord of Faenza, deserts to Venetians, i, 186 - -- strangled, i, 389 - - Manfredi, Guidantonio, i, 47, 53 - -- marriage of, i, 74 - - Manfredi, Ottaviano, i, 381 - - Manfredi, Taddeo, i, 236 note; ii, 284 - -- surrenders Imola, i, 238 - - Manfredonia, i, 247 - - Manso, iii, 312, 327 - - Mantegna, Andrea, i, 347; ii, 200, 217, 265 - -- portrait ascribed to, i, 286 - -- on Gem, ii, 297 - - Mantua, i, 44; ii, 409; iii, 311 - -- Marquis of, i, 48, 247, 311; ii, 51; iii, 26, 304 - -- congress at, i, 116, 124 - -- defends Ferrara, i, 259 - -- Federigo at, i, 264 - -- Guidobaldo I. at, i, 406, 408 - -- Marchioness of, iii, 18, 431 - -- palace of, iii, 352 - - Manutius, Aldus, i, 449; ii, 87 - - Maramaldo, Cardinal, i, 42 note - - Marc Antonio, burin of, ii, 240; iii, 287, 409 - - Marcellus II., iii, 104, 260 - - Marchese, Padre, i, 287 - - Marchesini, ii, 74 note - - Marciana, Caterina, ii, 280 - - Marcolini, _St. d. Prov. di Pesaro e Urbino_, i, 54 note - - Marcone, iii, 442 - - Marcucci, ii, 292, note - -- _Francesco Maria I._, ii, 313 note - - Maremma, the, i, 98, 103 - -- campaign in, i, 103-6 - - Margaret of Austria, marriage of, iii, 93 - -- her influence with Paul III., iii, 93 - - Margaretta of Bavaria, i, 311 - - Margaritone, style of, ii, 186 - - Maricourt, _Le Proces des Borgia_, ii, 19 note - - Mariello, ii, 44 note - - Marignano, ii, 439 - -- battle of, ii, 363 - - Marino, i, 330; iii, 291 note - - Marini, ii, 14, 204 note - -- Benedetto, iii, 380 - -- _Saggio di ragioni della citta di S. Leo_, i, 78 note; iii, 184 - - Mariotti, Signor, his _Italy_, i, xxxi, 21 note; ii, 277 note; iii, - 25 note, 48 note, 253 note - -- his mistakes, i, xxxi - -- on republicanism, i, 20 - -- on Malatesta, i, 191 - - Marliani, ii, 51 note, 470 - - Marryat, _History of Pottery and Porcelain_, iii, 404 note - -- on majolica, iii, 411, 415, 416, 421, 423 - - Marsciano, Nardo da, i, 126 - - Marseilles, i, 124, 348, 373 - - Marso, Paola, i, 228 - - Martin IV., i, 26; iii, 181 - - Martin V., i, 40; ii, 291 - -- creates countship of Castel Durante, i, 23 - -- arrives in Italy, i, 44 - -- his difficulties, i, 44, 45 - -- death of, i, 46 - -- legitimises Duke Federigo, i, 62 - -- letter to, i, 428 - - Martinate, ii, 51 note - - Martinengo, ii, 425; iii, 77 - - Martini, Simone, ii, 185 note, 188 note; iii, 336 note - - Martino of Siena, i, 152; ii, 212 - - Maruccelli MSS., iii, 229 note, 240 note, 246 note - - Mary, Queen of England, iii, 303 - - Marza, Ventura, iii, 378 - - Marzio, at S. Leo, ii, 14 - - Masaccio, ii, 172, 187, 199, 208 - -- in Rome, ii, 288 - - Mascherino, iii, 485 - - Maso di Bosco, iii, 385 - - Massa, i, 3; ii, 389 - - Massa collection, iii, 416, 417, 424 - - Massa Trabaria, ii, 368 - -- obtained by the Montefeltri, i, 23 - - Massa Vaccareccia, i, 51 note - - Masse, ii, 27 note, 298 note - -- on the papacy, i, 316 - - Massa Carrara, iii, 81 - - Massini, Domenico de', iii, 6, 431 - - Mastei, Antonio, i, 173 - - Matarazzo, _Chronicle of Perugia_, i, 369 note - - Matelica, iii, 68 - - Matilda, Countess, donations of, i, 5, 12 - - Mattei Palace, iii, 356 - - Mavorelli, Signor, iii, 424 - - Maximilian, Emperor, ii, 343, 407 - -- organises the _lanzknechts_, i, 331 - -- supports Il Moro, i, 353 - -- enters Italy, ii, 321 - - Maximilian II., iii, 132 - - Mazio, _Relazione a Urbano VIII._, i, 78 note - - Mazzatinti, Prof. Giuseppe, i, 22 note, 35 note - -- _Cronaca_, i, 23 note - -- _Di alcune legge_, i, 23 note - -- _Documenti_, ii, 190 note - - Mazzola, i, 209 - - Mazzoni, Giacomo, iii, 122, 135, 318 note - -- his funeral oration on Guidobaldo II., iii, 122 - -- _Vittoria Colonna_, iii, 291 note - - Mazzuchelli, i, 191 note; ii, 51 note; iii, 294 - - M'Crie, Dr., iii, 276 - - Medici, the, allies of, i, 243, 247 - -- expelled from Florence, i, 349-50; iii, 43 - -- scheme to re-enter Florence, i, 370, 393 - -- patrons of art and letters, ii, 43, 99 - -- return to Florence, ii, 347; iii, 43 - -- visit Urbino, ii, 351 - - Medici, Alessandro de', Duke of Florence, marriage of, iii, 62 - - Medici, Caterina de', ii, 152, 406, 414 note, 415; iii, 34, 391 note - -- marriage of, iii, 62 - - Medici, Clarice de', ii, 53, 365 - - Medici, Cosimo de', _Pater Patriae_, i, 92 - -- Ruler of Florence, i, 98 - -- library of, i, 163 - -- on crusade of Pius II., i, 177 - -- death of, i, 184 - -- adopts Platonic philosophy, ii, 105 - - Medici, Cosimo I. de', iii, 111, 198 - - Medici, Francesco Maria, Cardinal de', iii, 239 - -- letters to, iii, 137-9 - - Medici, Giovanni de', i, 381, 384; ii, 384; iii, 76 - - Medici, Giovanni, _delle Bande nere_, i, 384; ii, 414, 416, 436, 438; - iii, 288, 431 - -- death of, ii, 446 - - Medici, Giovanni Gaston, iii, 239 - - Medici, Giuliano de', i, 238 - -- murder of, i, 235 note, 240 - - Medici, Giuliano de', ii, 53, 127; iii, 78, 283 - -- life of, ii, 56, 57 - -- at Urbino, ii, 56, 57, 232, 351, 361 - -- his influence with Leo X., ii, 56 - -- as a poet, ii, 57 note - -- portrait of, ii, 234 - -- reconciled with Julius II., ii, 329 - -- aspires to Naples, ii, 358-65 - -- death of, ii, 365 - -- monument of, iii, 389 - - Medici, Cardinal Giulio de', ii, 414, 416, _see_ Clement VII. - - Medici, Cardinal Ippolito, ii, 57 - - Medici, Cardinal Lorenzo de', ii, 233 - - Medici, Lorenzo de', the Magnificent, i, 51 note, 157, 185, 209, 262, - 299; iii, 409 - -- gardens of, i, 174 note - -- attempted murder of, i, 235 note, 240-3 - -- in favour with Sixtus IV., i, 237 - -- policy of, i, 238, 251 - -- excommunicated, i, 242 - -- appeals to Ferdinand, i, 252 - -- defends Ferrara, i, 259, 263 - -- intrigues of, i, 307 - -- death of, i, 326 - -- tutor of, ii, 113 - -- supports Platonism, iii, 34, 256 - - Medici, Lorenzo de', Duke of Urbino, character of, ii, 365 - -- gains and loses Urbino, ii, 367-80 - -- challenged by Francesco Maria I., ii, 381-3 - -- shot at Mondolfo, ii, 385 - -- marriage of, ii, 405 - -- letter to, from Wolsey, ii, 484 - -- at Urbino, iii, 283 - -- monument of, iii, 389 - - Medici, Madalena de', i, 331 - - Medici, Mary de', iii, 488 - - Medici, Pasqualino de', ii, 57 - - Medici, Pietro de', i, 184, 185, 195, 201; iii, 389 - -- succession of, i, 327 - -- frustrates negotiations for Italian league, i, 328 - -- surrenders Sarzana, i, 349 - -- expelled, i, 350 - - Medicine, science of, in 15th century, i, 313 note - - Medina del Campo, ii, 30 - - Meldola, i, 27, 406; ii, 453 - -- ceded to Roberto Malatesta, i, 180 - - Mellara, i, 262 - - Melozzo da Forli, ii, 210, 218, 260 - -- his work, ii, 290 - - Mende, bishop of, ii, 282 note - - Mercatello, Countship of, i, 18, 63; iii, 201, 400 - -- obtained by the Montefeltri, i, 23 - -- palace of, i, 174 - -- built by Giorgio, ii, 213 - -- S. Francesco, ii, 201, 208 - - Mercatello, Francesco di, ii, 265 note - - Merlini, Guido, iii, 422 - - Merula, Giorgio, ii, 51 note - - Messina, ii, 62; iii, 452 - - Metauro river, the, iii, 321, 413 - - Mez de Silva, Ruggo, iii, 133 - - Michelotto, Don, i, 395, 415, 418; ii, 21 - -- at Sinigaglia, ii, 4, 11; iii, 63 - - Michiels, ii, 268 - - Milan, i, 37, 67 - -- accepts Sforza as duke, i, 97 - -- court of, i, 121 - -- defends Ferrara, i, 259 - -- Charles VIII. at, i, 348 - -- siege of, ii, 282, 425 - -- taken by Francis I., ii, 431 - -- held by Sforza, ii, 435, 437-41 - -- restored to the Sforza, ii, 346, 410 - -- Ariosto at, iii, 281 - - Milesio, Maestro Benedetto, iii, 73 - - Militia instituted by the Duke Francesco Maria I., iii, 61, 94 - - Milton, John, iii, 327 - - Minims, order of Friars, iii, 182, 224, 225, 240, 243 - - Minio, despatches of, ii, 277, 384, 392, 399, 404 - -- his conversation with Leo X., ii, 395-7, 400, 404 - - Minzocchi, Francesco, iii, 350 - - Mirafiori, iii, 180 - - Mirandola, Pico della, i, 313 note - - Mirandola, siege of, ii, 305, 334, 335 - - Modena, i, 381; ii, 362, 397; iii, 23, 37, 164 - -- capture of, ii, 345 - -- purchase of, ii, 359 - - Modula, Bishop of, on the sack of Rome, iii, 429 - - Mola di Gaeta, i, 330 - - Molinella, battle of, i, 339 - - Molini, ii, 408 note, 445 note - -- _Documenti_, iii, 25 note - - Molino, Ludovico del, ii, 211 note - - Molmenti, ii, 73 note - - Molza, Monsignor, i, 446; iii, 275 - - Monaldin, Victoria de, i, 435 - - Moncada, Don Ugo de, i, 418; ii, 396, 401; iii, 27, 442, 451 - -- succeeds Lannoy, iii, 25 - -- intrigues with Colonna, ii, 426, 444, 453 - - Moncenigo, iii, 113, 464 - -- on Guidobaldo I., ii, 88 - -- on Francesco Maria II., iii, 135, 136 - -- on Lucrezia d'Este, iii, 136 - - Mond, Mr. Ludwig, ii, 224 note - - Mondaino, i, 23, 140; ii, 292 - - Mondavio, i, 23, 119, 131; ii, 213, 291 - -- passes to della Rovere, i, 222 - - Mondolfo, i, 137, 144; ii, 213, 291, 378; iii, 160, 199 - -- siege of, ii, 384-7 - - Monopoli, i, 394 - - Monreale, Cardinal of, i, 345 - -- Archbishop of, iii, 162 - - Montaigne on Tasso, iii, 326 - - Montalto, ii, 213 - - Mont'Amiata, iii, 109 note - - Montanari, iii, 404 note - - Montano, Cola, i, 234 - - Montano, Marco, iii, 295, 298 - - Monte Asdrualdo, ii, 260 - - Montebaroccio, ii, 211 note, 380, 388; iii, 262 - -- sack of, ii, 383 - - Monte Bartolo, ii, 357, 388; iii, 49 - - Montebello, Count of, iii, 150 - - Monte Berticchio, iii, 182 - - Montecalvo, i, 418 - - Monte, Cardinal del, iii, 432 - - Monte Carlo, i, 423 - - Monte Carpegna, i, 160 - - Monte Catria, i, 160; ii, 78 - - Monte del Cavallo, i, 160 - - Montechio, iii, 80 - - Montecirignone, ii, 213 - - Monte Copiolo, i, 25, 405 - - Monte Corciano, iii, 180 - - Montefabri, Castle of, iii, 264 - - Montefalcone, Serafino da, i, 126 - - Montefeltrano, invested Count by Barbarossa, i, 25 - - Montefeltro, ii, 389 - -- see of, ii, 314 - -- given to Florence, ii, 406 - -- plunder of, ii, 415 - - Montefeltro, Counts of, beneficent sway of the, i, 17 - -- receive investiture of Urbino, i, 18, 22 - -- supplant Ceccardi in Cagli, i, 22, 37 - -- supplant Gabrielli in Gubbio, i, 22, 37 - -- created by Barbarossa, i, 24, 25 - -- arms of, i, 25 note, 76 note - -- Ghibelline principles of, i, 24-6, 35 - -- feuds of, i, 35 - -- patrons of letters, ii, 98, 107, 109 - -- patrons of art, ii, 192 - - Montefeltro, house of, antiquity of, i, 124 - -- branches of, i, 25 - - Montefeltro, Agnesina di, i, 48, 289; ii, 419; iii, 291 - -- marriage of, i, 222 - - Montefeltro, Anna, Aura, or Laura di, i, 39, 49 - -- marriage of, i, 39 note - - Montefeltro, Antonio di, i, 61 note, 290, 355, 466; ii, 47 note, 75 - -- legitimation of, i, 120 - -- knighted by Ferdinand, i, 223 - - Montefeltro, Battista, _see_ Battista, Countess of Urbino - -- _see_ Sforza - - Montefeltro, Battista di, her marriage, i, 39 - -- marriage contract of, i, 40 note - -- her accomplishments, i, 39, 122, 216; ii, 129 - -- becomes a nun, i, 40 - -- descent of, i, 41 - -- death of, i, 90 - -- sonnets of, i, 428 - - Montefeltro, Bernardino, i, 120, 291 - - Montefeltro, Bianca, Lady of Faenza, i, 47 - - Montefeltro, Brigida, Sueva di, unhappy marriage of, i, 48 note - -- becomes a Franciscan abbess, i, 48 note - -- articles taken by her into the convent, i, 433 - - Montefeltro, Buonconte, i, 120, 290 - - Montefeltro, Caterina, Princess of Salerno, i, 255 - - Montefeltro, Chiara, i, 290 - - Montefeltro, Costanza, i, 290 - - Montefeltro, Elisabetta, or Isabella, i, 289 - -- marriage of, i, 203 - - Montefeltro, Gentile, i, 291; ii, 58 - - Montefeltro, Giovanna di, i, 222, 289; ii, 282, 291, 419 - -- escapes from Sinigaglia, ii, 300 - - Montefeltro, Guido Ubaldo, _see_ Guidobaldo I., Duke of Urbino - - Montefeltro, Violante di, Lady of Cesena, i, 48, 58 note, 290 - -- assumed rights of, i, 76 - - Montefiascone, iii, 5 - - Montefiore, i, 423 - -- counts of, i, 51 note - -- siege of, i, 140 - - Monte Giordano, ii, 21 - - Monte l'Abbate, iii, 265 - - Montelocco, i, 77 - - Monte Luce, nuns of, ii, 230 - - Monteluro, battle of, i, 82 - - Monte Mario, iii, 21 - - Monte Nerone, i, 160 - - Monterosi, iii, 34 - - Monte Rotondo, iii, 21 - - Monte Sansovino, siege of, i, 244, 246, 247 - - Montevarchi, iii, 9 - - Montevecchio, Count of, i, 404 - - Montferrat, Marquis of, i, 260 - - Monti, Pietro, ii, 71 - - Montjoy, Lord, i, 224 - - Montoni, the, i, 333 - - Montorio, Count of, iii, 109 - - Montpellier, ii, 234 - - Montpensier, i, 355 - -- Gilbert, Count de, ii, 449 - - Montucla, on Comandino, iii, 262 - - Monzoni, ii, 123 - - Morat, i, 337 - - Morata, Olympia, iii, 125 - - Morea, the, i, 194 - - Moresca, the, ii, 49 - - Moresino, Alessandro, iii, 429 - - Morgarten, i, 337 - - Mori, Allegra di, i, 75 note - - Morici, iii, 122, note - - Morpurgo, ii, 73 note - -- _Girolamo Muzio_, iii, 274 note - - Morsolin, ii, 63 note - -- _Pietro Bembo_, ii, 119 note - - Mortara, ii, 47 - - Morton, Rev. John, i, 456 note - - Muccioli, the, iii, 90 - - Muglione, Luchina, children of, ii, 277-80 - - Mulazzano, attack on, i, 197 - - Munaxho, Padre Ludovico, iii, 226 - - Muntz, ii, 203 note, 220 note - - Murano, iii, 346 note - - Muratori, i, 211 note, 248 note, 317 note, 345 note; ii, 18, 203 - note, 435; iii, 153 - -- _Annali_, i, 21 note, 37 note, 54 note, 98 note - -- _Life of Nicholas V._, i, 165 note - -- Scriptores of, ii, 115, 133 - -- on the battle of Cesano, i, 136 note - -- and Filippi, ii, 119 - -- on Sixtus IV., ii, 284, note - -- on Francesco Maria I., ii, 413 - -- computes Bourbon's army, iii, 8 - -- on Clement VII., iii, 66 - - Murcia, kingdom of, i, 317 - - Murillo, iii, 406 - -- piety of, ii, 163 - - Murray, Isabella Katherina, i, xiv, xvii - - Murray, James Wolfe, i, xiv, xvii - - Muzio, Girolamo, i, xxx, xxxii, 32 note, 134, 181 note, 185, 198, - 449; iii, 139, 143-8 - -- on Duke Federigo, i, 109, 140 note, 174, 226, 276; ii, 111 - -- detailed history of, i, 149 - -- on the Court of Urbino, i, 152 - -- on battle of La Molinella, i, 188 note - -- on battle of Rimini, i, 199 - -- mistakes of, i, 214 note - -- on the Countess Battista, i, 219 - -- letter from him to Francesco Maria II., iii, 144-8 - -- career of, iii, 275 - -- works of, iii, 276 - -- at Urbino, iii, 294 - - Muzio of Giustinopoli, iii, 130 - - - Naldio, verse of, ii, 146 - - Naldo of Florence, i, 228 - - Nanni, Bernardino di, ii, 191 - - Naples, kingdom of, i, xl, 26; ii, 261, 302; iii, 299, 300, 321 - -- in 1430, i, 68 - -- Angevine claimants of, i, 102, 123, 129-41, 372 - -- Charles VIII. enters, i, 352 - -- conquered by Louis XII., i, 393 - -- disputed succession to, i, 322-25 - -- panic in, i, 351 - -- recovered, i, 354 - -- Lautrec's advance on, iii, 38, 39 - -- siege of by the French, iii, 39 - -- Francesco Maria I. visits Charles V. at, iii, 69 - -- _tenebristi_ of, iii, 341 - - Narni, i, 131, 379; ii, 38 - -- surrendered by Braccio di Montone, i, 45 - - Nasi, Lorenzo, ii, 299 - - Negri, Girolamo, ii, 445 note - -- calls the papal court a barn-yard of chickens, iii, 6 - - Negrini, _Elogii Historici_, ii, 122 - - Nelli, Martino, ii, 190 - - Nelli, Ottaviano, ii, 190, 202 - -- letter of, ii, 192 - -- in Urbino, ii, 200, 202 - - Nelli, Tomaso, ii, 191 - - Nemec, _Papst Alexander VI._, ii, 19 note - - Nepi, dukedom of, i, 395; ii, 22, 69; iii, 21, 93 - - Nepotism, papal, i, 116, 222 - -- restrained, iii, 97 - - Nevers, Duke of, iii, 120 - - Newbattle Abbey, ii, 47 note - - New College Hall, Oxford, i, xliv - - Nice, Council of, ii, 20 note - - Niceno, Cardinal, i, 205 note - - Nichol, _Anecdotes of Hogarth_, ii, 171 note - - Nicholas V., i, 62 note, 102, 177; ii, 263, 287 - -- urges Italian unity, i, 107 - -- career of, i, 107 - -- founds Vatican library, i, 163; ii, 289 - -- encourages Platonism, ii, 106 - -- biography of, ii, 119 - -- patron of art, ii, 202 - - Nicholas, friar, ii, 392 - - Nicolas, Harris, i, 177 note - - Nicolo da Cagli, i, 281 - - Nicolo of Fossombrone, ii, 314 - - Nicolo da Pesaro, iii, 369 - - Nigera, Abbot of, iii, 439 - - Nocera, iii, 406, 415 - - Nogarolo, Isotta, accomplishments of, ii, 128 - - Nottola, _Appunti sul Muzio_, iii, 274 note - - Novara, ii, 426 - - Novello, Domenico Malatesta, _see_ Malatesta - - Novillara, i, 23; iii, 152, 153, 220 - -- given to Castiglione, ii, 53, 356, 357 - - Noyon, treaty of, ii, 372 - - Nucci, Benedetto, iii, 380 - - Nucci, Virgilio, iii, 380 - - Nuremburg, ii, 198 - - Nursino, Bartolo, iii, 102 - - Nuzio, Allegretto, i, 436; ii, 193, 195 note; iii, 275 - - - Observantines, iii, 96 note, 182 - - Odasio, Ludovico, i, 152; ii, 114, 314 - -- tutor of Guidobaldo I., i, 207, 297 - -- funeral orations of, i, 283; ii, 86, 126 - -- _I Suppositi_, iii, 162 - - Oddantonio, Count, i, 76 - -- knighted by Sigismund, i, 47, 51, 71 - -- his early promise, i, 50 - -- made duke, i, 24 note, 51, 52 - -- his cruelties, i, 53 - -- his debaucheries, i, 53 - -- murder of, i, 53, 85 - -- betrothal of, i, 55, 58 note - -- tomb of, i, 56; iii, 459 - -- his letters to Siena, i, 56-8 - -- his dislike of Federigo, i, 58 note - -- portrait of, ii, 208 - - Oddi, the, ii, 226 - -- expelled from Perugia, i, 369 - - Oddi, Muzio, i, 171 note - -- military engineer, iii, 265 - - Oderigi da Gubbio, ii, 189, 191, 192 note, 254 - -- Dante on, ii, 188 - - Odescalchi Gallery, ii, 233 - - Odet, i, 465 - - Oliva, Fabio, i, 255 - - Olivarez, Don, iii, 361 - - Oliveriana Library, i, x, xxiii, 54; ii, 462 - - Oliveriana MSS., i, 150 note, 427; iii, 72 note, 80 note, 112 note, - 113 note, 114 note, 120, 129 note, 142, 151 note, 153, 154, 162, - 176 note, 220 note, 228, 325 note, 411, 477 - - Olivieri, _Life of Alessandro Sforza_, i, 49 note - -- Italian patriotism of, ii, 108 - -- on Novillara, ii, 356 - - Omens of the downfall of Rome, iii, 7 - - Opdycke, ii, 44 note - - Orange, Philibert, Prince of, ii, 426; iii, 437, 439, 441 - -- succeeds Bourbon in command, iii, 15, 23 - -- leaves Rome, iii, 38 - -- death of, iii, 43 - - Orange, Rene, Prince of, Count of Nassau, iii, 43 - - Orcagna, ii, 180, 230 - - Orciano, ii, 213; iii, 150 - - Orcinovo, iii, 77 - - Ordelaffi, the, of Forli, i, 18, 236, 254, 381 - - Order of Jesus Christ, iii, 264 - - Orlandi, ii, 259 - - Orleans Gallery, ii, 233 - - Orleans, house of, i, 97 - - Orsi, Cecco, i, 307 note - - Orsi, Count, i, 308 - - Orsi, Francesco Deddi de', i, 306 - - Orsi, Ludovico, i, 307 note - - Orsini, on coinage, i, xlii - - Orsini, the, depredations of, i, 329-30; iii, 360 - -- meet at La Magione, i, 412 - -- fall of, ii, 12 - -- reconciled with Colonna, ii, 354 - - Orsini, Alfonsina degli, ii, 366 - - Orsini, Angela, i, 51 note - - Orsini, Bartolomea, i, 359 - - Orsini, Camillo, ii, 408 - - Orsini, Cardinal, i, 220 - -- is poisoned, ii, 8 - - Orsini, Carlo, i, 359 - - Orsini, Fabio, ii, 5 - -- in the Campagna, ii, 11, 12 - - Orsini, Ferdinando, iii, 125 - - Orsini, Francesco, i, 152 - - Orsini, Fulvio, iii, 260 - - Orsini, Gentile Virginio, i, 331 - - Orsini, Gian-Giordano, i, 358; ii, 25, 281 - - Orsini, Gianpaolo, i, 74 - - Orsini, Giulio, i, 152, 267 - - Orsini, Monoculo, i, 367 - - Orsini, Napoleone, iii, 39 - - Orsini, Nicolo, i, 348, 421 - - Orsini, Paolo, i, 358, 402; iii, 125 - -- at Cagli, i, 415 - -- treats with Borgia, i, 418, 420 - -- murder of, ii, 3, 4, 11 - - Orsini, Prince of Tarento, i, 130, 141 - - Orsini, Virginio, i, 342 - -- claims the Cibo estates, i, 343 - -- fights against Ferdinand, i, 357, 358 - - Orte, surrendered by Braccio di Montone, i, 45 - - Orti-Manara, ii, 70 note - - Ortona, iii, 93 - - Orvieto, ii, 395; iii, 5, 26, 433 - -- surrendered by di Montone, i, 45 - -- cathedral of, ii, 185, 187, 189, 190, 196, 212; iii, 347 - - Osimo, i, 305; ii, 196 - - Ostia, ii, 29, 238, 297; iii, 23, 110 - -- harbour of, ii, 286 - -- see of, ii, 301 - -- reduction of, ii, 303 - - Ostiglia, iii, 304 - - Oswald, George, i, xiv - - Otho the Great, i, 78 - - Otranto, i, 394; iii, 141 - -- taken by and from the Turks, i, 257 - - Otricoli, iii, 18, 19 - - Ottaviani, Cardinal, ii, 267 - - Ottley, Mr. Young, ii, 207 - - Ottoboniana MSS., iii, 53 note, 186 note, 189 note - - Overbeck, iii, 366 - - Ovid, quoted, ii, 15 note - - Owen, i, 313 note - - - Pacieri, the, iii, 123 - - Pacioli, Fra Luca, ii, 203 - - Paciotti, Federigo, iii, 264 - - Paciotti, Felice, iii, 135, 263 - - Paciotti, Francesco, employed by Julius III., iii, 263 - -- enjoys royal favour, iii, 263 - - Paciotti, Guidobaldo, iii, 264 - - Paciotti, Jacopo, iii, 262 - - Paciotto, Orazio, iii, 263 - - Padua, ii, 62, 429; iii, 275, 311, 350 - -- University of, i, 69; iii, 87, 260, 267 - - Paganism mingled with Christianity, ii, 81 note, 105 - -- in Italian art, ii, 168 - - Paglioni, Gian Paolo, i, 412 - - Palaia, i, 356 - - Palazzo Vecchio, Florence, iii, 385 - - Palestrina, i, 330 - -- siege of, i, 30 - - Palladio, iii, 358 - - Pallavicini, Gaspare, ii, 71 - -- at Urbino, ii, 77; iii, 78 - - Palliano, Duke of, i, 289 - - Palliotto, ii, 192 note - - Palliser, Mrs. iii, 418 - - Palma, Jacopo, the younger, iii, 398 - - Palma, Vecchio, iii, 480, 482 - - Palma, Violante, iii, 398, 481 - - Palmeggiani, Marco, i, 255 - - Palmerucci, Guido, ii, 189, 190 - - Palmieri, Matteo, _La Citta della Vita_, ii, 158 note - - Palmos, iii, 131 - - Palotta, Archbishop, iii, 158 - - Paltroni, i, 129 - - Pampeluna, ii, 31 - - Pandolfi, Gian Giacomo, iii, 369 - - Pandolfo III., i, 380 - - Pandolfo IV., i, 380 - - Pandonio, Porcellio, his style, ii, 136 - -- his _Feltria_, ii, 137 - - Panizzi, ii, 153 note; iii, 306 - - Pantheon, Rome, ii, 249; iii, 357 - - Panvinio, ii, 284 - -- on Sixtus IV., ii, 285, 289, 297 note; iii, 109 - -- on Julius II., ii, 301 - - Paolo, Maestro, i, 150, 231, 244 - - Paolo, Simon, _Diario detto di Marcello Cervino_, i, 23 note, 37 note - - Papacy, its condition in 1430, i, 64-6 - -- state of, at the accession of Alexander VI., i, 315 - -- the loss of temporal ascendancy, iii, 95 - -- temporal rule of the, bad, iii, 220 note - - Papal court, "a barn-yard of chickens," iii, 6 - - Papini, iii, 280 note - - Parentucelli, Tommaso de', _see_ Nicholas V. - - Paris, ii, 405; iii, 263, 299 note - -- Hotel Cluny, iii, 409 - - Parisani, Cardinal Ascanio, iii, 383 - - Parma, i, 349; ii, 362, 365; iii, 370 - -- capture of, ii, 345 - -- cession of, iii, 23, 24 - - Parma, Bernardino, ii, 4 - - Parmegianino, iii, 338, 355, 370 - - Paruta, ii, 125, 427 note, 440; iii, 41 - - Pascoli, on Francesca, ii, 203 - - Pasolini, iii, 298 note - -- _Caterina Sforza_, i, 307 note - - Pasquino, ii, 287; iii, 222 note - - Passavant, i, xxxix note, 159; ii, 209 note - -- on Palmerucci, ii, 190 - -- on Giovanni Sanzi, ii, 216, 219 - -- on Raffaele, ii, 231, 232, 249 note - -- on Vite, ii, 259 - - Passeri, Bernardo, iii, 11 - - Passeri, Gianbattista, iii, 141, 169, 198, 203, 229, 473 - -- on Francesco Maria II., iii, 203, 207, 229 - -- on majolica, iii, 404, 407, 408, 410, 413, 415, 416, 421, 423, 424 - - Passignano, iii, 369 - - Passionei, the, iii, 90 - - Pastor, his History of the Popes, i, 319 note - - Patanazzi, Alfonso, iii, 380, 423 - - Patrimony of St. Peter, i, xl - - Paul II., ii, 106, 279, 283 - -- succession of, i, 178 - -- confirms Federigo in his command, i, 179 - -- continues policy against the Malatesta, i, 179 - -- his designs on Rimini, i, 192 note, 195 - -- death of, i, 202, 205 - - Paul III., ii, 60, 64; iii, 295 - -- election of, iii, 68 - -- and the Camerino succession, iii, 68, 89, 92 - -- strongly opposes the Reformation, iii, 96 - -- re-establishes the Inquisition, iii, 96 and note - -- opens the Council of Trent, iii, 96 - -- death of, iii, 101 - -- patron of art, iii, 344 - -- at the Imperiale, iii, 349 - -- patron of Michael Angelo, iii, 383 - -- patron of Titian, iii, 393 - -- portrait of, iii, 395, 485 - - Paul IV., iii, 343 - -- election of, iii, 104 - -- policy of, iii, 109 - -- obstinacy of, iii, 110 - - Paul V., his foresight in the marriage contract of Prince Federigo, - iii, 211 - - Paulo, Ambrogio da, i, 306 note - - Pavia, ii, 260, 279; iii, 414 - -- battle of, ii, 431; iii, 448 - -- cardinal of, _see_ Alidosio - -- Certosa of, ii, 441 - -- sack of, iii, 37 - -- recovered by the Duke Francesco Maria I., iii, 40 - -- Ariosto at, iii, 281 - - Pavoni, Monsignor, iii, 216, 217 - - Pazzi conspiracy, i, 239-43, 306; ii, 280 - - Pazzi, Francesco di, i, 239, 240 - - Pecorari, Counts of, i, 51 note - - Pedrada, Senor, anecdotes of, ii, 47, 48 - - Pelacane of Parma, i, 69 - - Pelissier, ii, 74 note - - Pellegrini, A., i, 401 note; ii, 368 note; iii, 101 note, 174 note, - 195, 379 - -- _Gubbio sotto i conti e Duchi d'Urbino_, i, 23 note - - Pelli, iii, 360 - -- his list of Urbino pictures, iii, 478 - - Pembroke, Lord, ii, 233 - - Penna da Billi, i, 23, 78, 144 - - Penshanger Madonna, ii, 233 - - Pepin, donations of, i, 5 - - Pergolotti, Piero di, commended to Siena, ii, 110 - - Peroli, portraits of the, ii, 191 - - Perotto, Nicolo, i, 228 - -- murder of, i, 411 - - Persia, envoys of, at Urbino, i, 204 - - Persius, birthplace of, i, 210 - - Perucchi, Ludovico, iii, 474 - - Perugia, i, 18, 360, 403; ii, 24; iii, 19, 38, 287, 371 - -- democratic element in, i, 7 note - -- feuds in, i, 43 - -- Montone, Vicar of, i, 45 - -- expeditions against, i, 369; ii, 304, 316 - -- archives of, ii, 5 - -- Borgia takes, ii, 11 - -- Baglioni expelled from, ii, 39 - -- Raffaele at, ii, 223, 224, 226, 230 - -- siege of, ii, 395 - -- Baglioni reinstated in, ii, 413 - -- majolica made at, iii, 406 - - Perugino, Pietro, i, 447; ii, 185 note, 210, 229, 236, 258; iii, 335, 347 - -- at Assisi, ii, 180 - -- style of, ii, 199 - -- not Raffaele's tutor, ii, 224 note, 225, 229 - -- work of, ii, 236, 238 - -- in Rome, ii, 288 - - Peruli, the, iii, 90 - - Peruzuolo, ii, 216 - - Peruzzi, Baldassare, ii, 148 - - Pesaro, i, 3, 18, 380; ii, 24, 388, 389, 436; iii, 265, 311, 370 - -- given to della Rovere, i, 23 - -- convent of Sta. Chiara at, i, 41 - -- convent of Corpus Domini, i, 48 note - -- siege of, i, 85; ii, 369 - -- sale of, i, 89, 90 - -- attacked by Sigismondo Malatesta, i, 100 - -- ball at, i, 344 - -- Borgia enters, i, 388 - -- Monte l'Abbate, ii, 185 note - -- under Galeazzo Sforza, ii, 348 - -- reduction of, ii, 349 - -- surrender to Francesco Maria I., ii, 413 - -- court of, ii, 421; iii, 161, 163, 181 - -- Venetian envoys at, ii, 421, 422 - -- Palace of, iii, 108 and note, 351 - -- -- art collection of, iii, 477 - -- Clement VII. at, iii, 52 - -- Bishop of, iii, 153 - -- carnival at, iii, 162 - -- Clement VIII. at, iii, 166 - -- Oddi imprisoned at, iii, 265 - -- Atanagi at, iii, 295 - -- Tasso at, iii, 302, 313 - -- fortress of, iii, 351 - -- harbour of, iii, 353 - -- Titian at, iii, 394 - -- majolica of, iii, 406-12 - - Pescara, Marquis of, ii, 59; iii, 291 - -- treason and death of, ii, 434 - -- envoy of King Philip III., iii, 177, 180 - - Peschiera, iii, 36 - - Pestilence in Rome, iii, 24, 25 - - Peter's pence, ii, 115 - - Petrarch, ii, 102; iii, 267, 278 - - Petriolo, i, 247 - - Petrucci, Alfonso, ii, 5 - -- exiled, ii, 11 - -- conspires against Leo X., ii, 17, 391 - - Petrucci, Borghese, ii, 414 note - - Petrucci, Fabio, ii, 414 note - - Petrucci, Randolfo, i, 412, 419; ii, 414; iii, 347 - - Petrucci, Raffaello, ii, 414 note - - Philip II., King of Spain, ii, 233, 446; iii, 107, 131-3, 156, 158 - -- patron of art, ii, 263, 303, 361, 372, 378, 411 - - Philip III., of Spain, his interest in Prince Federigo, iii, 177, - 189, 196 - - Phillips, Mr. Claude, ii, 175 - -- on Aretino, iii, 287 note - - Piacenza, ii, 362, 365; iii, 23, 24, 134, 380 - -- capture of, ii, 345 - - Pian di Meleto, Count Gian of, i, 199 - - Pianello di Perugia, ii, 393 - - Piatese, Aldobrandino, i, 480 - - Piccinino, Giacopo, i, 110, 252 - -- supports Count Federigo, i, 112 - -- his ambitions, i, 114, 119 - -- treachery of, i, 124 - -- his extraordinary march, i, 125 - -- fights at S. Fabbiano, i, 126-8 - -- challenges Sforza, i, 128 note - -- insults Federigo, i, 129 - -- scours the Campagna, i, 130 - -- ambitions of, 135 - -- defeated at Troia, i, 141 - -- death of, i, 183 - - Piccinino, Nicolo, i, 44, 72 - -- defeats Guidantonio, i, 46 - -- character of, i, 72 note - -- succeeds Visconti, i, 73 - -- his defeat at Anghiara, i, 77 - -- his defeat at Monteluro, i, 82 - -- death of, i, 89 - - Piccolomini, iii, 408 - -- elected Pope, ii, 22 - - Picenardi, Sommi, _Trattato fra Bernarbo Visconti_, i, 37 note - - Picene, Legate of, ii, 301 - - Pichi, ii, 203 note - - Picolpasso, Cipriano, iii, 408, 423, 424 - - Pienza, ii, 11 - - Pierantonio, Bernardino di, ii, 265 note - - Pier-Luigi, Duke, assassination of, iii, 100 - - Pietragutola, ii, 213 - - Pietra Robbia, i, 25 - -- given to Count Federigo, i, 119 - - Pietra Santa, ii, 307; iii, 382 - -- surrender of, i, 349 - - Pietro da Napoli, ii, 71 - - Pietro da Pesaro, ii, 427 - - Pietro of Siena, i, 248 - - Pieve, i, 396 - - Pigna, iii, 310, 321 - - Pignattari, Bartolomeo, iii, 472 - - Pignotti, i, 184 note - - Pii, Niccolo de', ii, 47 - - Pinacoteca, Bologna, ii, 243 - -- Urbino, i, 205 - - Pinchi, Giorgio, iii, 378 - - Pincian Hill, iii, 366 - - Pino, _I falsi Sospetti_, iii, 162 - - Pintelei, Baccio, ii, 291 - - Pinturicchio, i, xii, 48 note, 447; ii, 236, 258; iii, 335 - -- frescoes of, ii, 168, 459 - -- student of Raffaele, ii, 225 - -- in Rome, ii, 288 - - Pio da Carpi, Emilia, i, 61 note, 290, 400; ii, 33, 46 note, 360, - 367; iii, 433 - -- at Urbino, ii, 75-8 - -- her accomplishments, ii, 76, 129 - -- portraits of, ii, 272, 273 - - Pio, Giberto, ii, 75 - - Pio, Ludovico, iii, 78 - - Pio, Manfredi, i, 53, 54 - - Pio, Marco, i, 290 - - Piobbico, iii, 207 - - Piombino, ii, 24 - -- sack of, i, 393 - -- Princes of, iii, 82 - - Piombo, Sebastian del, iii, 480, 482 - - Pipo the Florentine, i, 150 - - Pirotti, Nicolo, i, 271 - - Pirotti, Pirro, on Duke Federigo, i, 271 - - Pisa, i, 26 - -- communal freedom in, i, 67 - -- Ghibelline stronghold at, i, 27, 36 - -- Council of, i, 42; ii, 332, 334, 340 - -- mitre of, i, 239 - - Pisan war, the, i, 356 - -- renewed, i, 370 - - Pisanello, i, 70; ii, 197 - - Pisani, Giorgio, i, 193, 377; ii, 454 - - Pisano, ii, 207; i, 436 - - Pisano, Niccolo, iii, 336 note - - Pistoia, iii, 299 - - Pitali, ii, 191 - - Pitti Palace, Florence, ii, 57, 231; iii, 291, 358, 391 note, 477 - - Pitigliano, i, 104, 421, 423 - - Pitigliano, Nicolo, Count of, i, 348, 371, 466; ii, 302, 321 - - Pius II., ii, 291 - -- on Oddantonio, Duke of Urbino, i, 52, 53 - -- on ceremonial for creation of dukes, i, 52 - -- recognises Ferdinand II., i, 116 - -- meets congress at Mantua, i, 116 - -- reproves Sigismondo, i, 117 - -- his brief to Count Federigo, i, 117 - -- his dislike of Sigismondo, i, 117 note, 138, 180, 192 note - -- his decision between Federigo and Sigismondo, i, 119, 145 - -- his arrangement with Federigo, i, 125 note, 130, 139 - -- _Commentaries of_, i, 131, 140 note, 141, 194 note - -- excommunicates the Malatesta, i, 132 - -- goes to Tivoli, i, 133 - -- compliments Federigo, i, 134, 138 - -- his projected crusade, i, 177 - -- death of, i, 177 - -- reign of, i, 178 - -- his praise of the Countess Battista, i, 217 - -- censures Cardinal Borgia, i, 317 - - Pius III., ii, 303 - -- election of, ii, 22 - -- and Borgia, ii, 25, 27 - - Pius V., iii, 82, 97, 404 note - -- gives an audience to Prince Francesco Maria, iii, 141 - -- indulgence of, iii, 456 - - Platina, _Lives of the Popes_, ii, 290 - - Platner, i, 169 - - Plato, taught in Florence, ii, 105, 106 - -- study of, declines, iii, 256 - - Plautus, _Asinaria_, i, 480 - -- _Menecmo_, ii, 152 - - Plethon, Gemistus, ii, 105 - - Plutarch's _Lives_, iii, 125 - - Poggibonsi, siege of, i, 248 - - Poggio d'Inverno, i, 290 - - Poggio, G.B., i, 72 note, 174 note - -- _Historia Populi Florentini_, i, 228 - - Poggio Imperiale, i, 248, 251 - - Poland, iii, 263 - - Pole, Cardinal, iii, 303 - - Polenta, the, i, 381 - -- Ravenna, Seigneury of, i, 18 - - Polesella, i, 424 - - Polesine, the, i, 262 - -- defined, i, xx - - Polidori, iii, 271 note - - Polidoro di Caravaggio, iii, 398 - - Politian, on Venice, i, 325; ii, 113 - - Pollaiuolo, i, 212; ii, 243 - - Pontano, i, 227 - - Pontelli, Baccio, i, 171 - -- architect of palace at Urbino, i, 157 - -- furnishes plans for Lorenzo de' Medici, i, 157 - - Ponte Laino, ii, 336 - - Ponte Milvio, ii, 238 - - Ponte Molle, ii, 32; iii, 436 - - Ponte Reno, ii, 452 - - Ponte Sacco, i, 356 - - Ponte Salara, iii, 18 - - Ponte S. Angelo, ii, 286 - - Ponte Sisto, ii, 286; iii, 14, 436 - - Pontormo, iii, 350 - - Pontremoli, i, 349 - -- destruction of, i, 464 - - Por, Danielle di, iii, 356 - - Porcellio, i, 50 note, 193, 211 note, 219 note, 222 note, 459 - - Pordenone, iii, 480 - - Porino, iii, 378 - - Porrino, Gandolfo, satirises Bembo, ii, 368 - - Porta Cavallegieri, iii, 10 - - Porta da Creta, Francesco, iii, 139 - - Porta Settiminiana, iii, 13 - - Portugal, King of, iii, 264 - - Poussin, Nicolo, iii, 344, 366 - - Pozzuoli, ii, 449 - - Prassede, Ottaviano della, ii, 265 note - - Prato, sack of, ii, 374 - - Prennier, iii, 357 - - Prescott, on coinage, i, xliii - -- _Ferdinand and Isabella_, ii, 156 note - - Prestino da Gubbio, iii, 415 - - Proccaccini, Giulio Cesare, iii, 365 - - Procida, Senor, i, 343 - - Promis of Turin, i, 158 - - Promis, Carlo, iii, 264 note - -- on Giorgio, ii, 212, 215 - -- on Francesco Maria I., iii, 77 - - Proto, _Rinaldo di Tasso_, iii, 309 note - - Provasi, _Le Marche_, iii, 271 note - - Ptolemy, treatise of, iii, 261 - - Puccini, ii, 249 note - - Puccio, ii, 189 - - Pulci, _Morgante Maggiore_, iii, 286 - - Pungileone, i, 154, 161 note, 287; ii, 148, 200; iii, 409, 413, 419, - 424 note - -- _Elogio di Bramante_, i, 156 note - -- _Elogio di Giovanni Santi_, i, 204 note - -- on della Francesca, ii, 206, 209 - -- on Fra Carnevale, ii, 211 - -- on Giovanni Sanzi, ii, 216, 218 - -- on Vite, ii, 258 note, 259 - -- on Bramante, ii, 260 - - - Quadri, i, 229 note - - Quaglino, Messer, iii, 91 - - _Quarterly Review_, i, xxxix, 155; ii, 204 note, 242 note; iii, 476 - -- Dennistoun's contributions to, i, xvi - - Querini, Girolamo, iii, 394 - - Quincy, Quartremere de, i, 287 - - Quirinal Palace, ii, 290 - - - Raczynski, iii, 292 note - - Radda, i, 244 - - Radicofani, i, 247 - - Raffaele da Montelupo, iii, 384 - - Raffaele, Don Pietro, i, xliii - - Ragusa, Archbishop of, at Urbino, ii, 36 - -- Paulo di, ii, 271 - - Raimondo, Annibale, _Treatise on Tides_, iii, 21 note - - Ramocciotto, ii, 325 - - Ramsay, Mary, i, xiv - - Ranghiasci, F., i, 23 note - - Rangone, Guido, ii, 380, 436, 442 - -- Count Guido, iii, 8, 21, 299 - - Ranieri, Guidangelo de', i, 100 - - Raniere, Matteo di, iii, 408 - - Ranke, i, 374 note; ii, 246, 305 note - -- _History of the Popes_, ii, 19 note - - Ratti, i, 255 - - Ravenna, Seigneury of, i, 18, 33; ii, 33, 322, 335; iii, 37, 81, 406 - - Ravenna, battle of, i, 340; ii, 344 - -- seized by Venice, i, 381 - -- Guidobaldo I. flies to, i, 406 - -- siege of, ii, 328 - -- Tasso at, iii, 302 - - Raynaldus, ii, 18, 30 - - Recanati, ii, 280, 395 - -- Cardinal of, ii, 307 - -- see of, iii, 81 - - Reformation, influence of the, iii, 47, 97, 257 - - Reforzato, i, 404 - - Reggio, fief of, i, 381; ii, 397; iii, 37, 164, 280, 448 - -- capture of, ii, 332, 345 - - _Relazioni_ of Venetian envoys, iii, 113 and note, 246 - - Religious revival in Italy, iii, 96, 97 - - Renan, on history, ii, 95 note - - Rene le Bon, i, 324 - - Rene, Count of Nassau, iii, 43 - - Rene of Provence, i, 68, 123, 135, 141; ii, 132 - - Renee, mother of Donna Lucrezia d'Este, iii, 139 - - Rengarda, Countess of Urbino, i, 56 - - Reni, Guido, i, x - -- style of, ii, 186 - - Renier, ii, 44 note, 70 note, 84 note; iii, 125 - -- _see_ Muzio - - Renzo da Ceri, ii, 200, 368, 380, 385, 386, 425; iii, 5, 8 and note, - 12, 13 and note, 436 - -- defender of Rome, iii, 5-9 - - Repetti, _Dizionario della Toscana_, i, 98 note - - Reposati, _Della Zecca di Gubbio_, i, 23 note, 34 note, 63 note, 71 - note, 140 note; ii, 41 note, 269 note; iii, 111, 168 note - -- his biographical sketches, i, xxxii - -- on coinage, i, xlii - -- indebted to Baldi, iii, 273 - -- indebted to Muzio, iii, 276 - - Reumont, _Lorenzo de' Medici_, i, 235 note - - Reynolds, Sir Joshua, iii, 230 - -- on Raffaele, ii, 172, 243 - - Rhodes, ii, 293 - - Riarii, the, Seigneur of Forli, i, 18 - - Riario, Cesare, ii, 280 - - Riario, Galeazzo, ii, 282, 283 - - Riario, Girolamo, i, xi, 220, 225; ii, 280, 282, 290 - -- marriage of, i, 236, 238 - -- visits Forli, i, 254 - -- designs on Ferrara, i, 258 - -- profits by nepotism, i, 302 - -- sovereignty established, i, 306 - -- murder of, i, 307, 308 - -- invested with Imola, i, 381; ii, 284 - -- portrait of, ii, 289 - - Riario, Orazio, ii, 280 - - Riario, Ottaviano, i, 308, 381, 384 - -- Bishop of Viterbo, ii, 280 - - Riario, Cardinal Pietro, ii, 280, 351 note; iii, 17 - -- entertained at Gubbio, i, 205 - - Riario, Cardinal Raffaele, i, 249 - - Riario, Raffaello, ii, 391 - - Riario Sforza, the, of Naples, ii, 280 - - Riccardi, Sigismondo, ii, 71 - - Riccardiana, Florence, ii, 118 - - Riccasoli, Antonio, ii, 371 - - Ricci, Marchese, ii, 200, 220 note; iii, 353, 404 note - - Ricotti, i, 188 note, 190; iii, 94 - -- on coinage, i, xlii - -- on battle of S. Fabbiano, i, 127 - -- _St. d. Compagnie di Ventura in Italia_, i, 183 note - -- on architects, iii, 265 - - Ridolfi, Carlo, iii, 379 - -- on Titian, iii, 391, 396 - - Ridolfi, Claudio, career of, iii, 379, 380 - - Rieti, iii, 81 - - Rigutino, iii, 19 note - - Rimini, Seigneury of, i, 18, 180, 380; ii, 321, 322, 377, 398; iii, - 37, 406, 408 - -- held against the Pope, i, 195 - -- reduction of, i, 196 - -- battle of, i, 199 - -- Borgia at, i, 388 - -- cathedral of, ii, 208 - -- surrender of, ii, 329 - -- recovered, ii, 420 - - Rinaldo, i, 93; iii, 472 - - Rinuccini, Alemanno, i, 227 - -- _Ricordi_, i, 211 note - - Rio on the Umbrian School, ii, 179 - - Ripatrasone, ii, 402 - - Ripetta, the, i, 364 - - Rispetto, the, iii, 280 note - - Rizzoli, _Sigilli nel Museo Bottacin di Padova_, i, 32 note - - Robbia, Andrea della, iii, 407 - - Robbia, Luca della, ware of, iii, 406, 407 - - Roberto da Fano, ii, 114 note - - Robertson, i, 315 - - Rocca Contrada, i, 93 - - Rodocanacchi, iii, 292 note - - Rocca Guglielmi, iii, 45 - - Rodomonte, Luigi Gonzaga, said to have poisoned the Duke Francesco - Maria I., iii, 71 - - Rogers, Mr. H., ii, 57; iii, 410 - - Romagna, defined, i, xl - -- Church rule in, i, 5 - -- list of minor states in, i, 18, 23 - -- its condition in 1430, i, 64-6 - -- described by Sismondi, i, 379-83 - -- rule of Borgia in, i, 389-92 - -- described by Machiavelli, i, 398 note - -- falling to the confederate chiefs, ii, 28 - - Romagnano, bridge of, ii, 426 - - Romano, Giulio, ii, 41 note, 242; iii, 287, 412, 420, 422 - - Rome, i, 3, 26 - -- Chiesa della Minerva, i, 36 - -- on the return of the Popes, i, 65 - -- sacked by the Colonna, i, 131; ii, 308 - -- invaded by French, i, 351 - -- after death of Alexander VI., ii, 21 - -- its debt to Sixtus IV., ii, 285-7 - -- its debt to Julius II., ii, 306 - -- invaded by the Colonna, ii, 444 - -- ill-garrisoned, iii, 5 - -- sacked by Bourbon, iii, 3-18, 31, 32 - -- -- authorities for, iii, 8 note - -- -- conflicting accounts, iii, 8 note, 9 - -- -- contemporary descriptions of, iii, 429-43 - -- pestilence of, iii, 24, 25 - -- capitulation of, iii, 23 - -- evacuation of, iii, 38 - -- nearly taken by the Duc de Guise, iii, 111 - -- Paciotti's plan of, iii, 263 - -- Baldi at, iii, 268 - -- Ariosto at, iii, 282 - -- Aretino in, iii, 287 - -- Tasso in, ii, 327; iii, 320 - -- the Zuccari in, iii, 355-68 - -- Titian at, iii, 394 - - Romita, iii, 196, 223 - - Ronchini, iii, 271 note - - Ronciglione, i, 179 - - Roncoroni, iii, 311 note - - Rondinello, iii, 379 - - Rondolino, iii, 421 - - Roscia, reduction of, ii, 328 - - Roscoe, i, xxxix note, 163, 236 note; iii, 75, 85 and note, 88 note - -- misrepresentations of, i, xxxiii; ii, 168 note, 281, 387, 468 - -- his _Life of Lorenzo de' Medici_, i, xxxiii note, 174 note; ii, - 132 note, 184 note - -- on Venice, i, 16 - -- on the battle of La Molinella, i, 188 note - -- his _Leo X._, i, 320, 342 note; ii, 154, 307, 294 note, 362, 411 - note; iii, 87 note, 282 note - -- defends the Borgia, ii, 19 note - -- on Bembo, ii, 64 - -- on Vergilio, ii, 117 - -- on _Il Cortegiano_, ii, 120 - -- on the sonnet, ii, 131 - -- on Accolti, ii, 147 - -- on Francesco Maria I., ii, 325, 342, 347, 399, 412 note - - Rose, Stewart, ii, 146 note - - Roseo, Mambrino, on the sack of Rome, iii, 12, 13 and note - - Rosini, i, 287; ii, 204, 228 note; iii, 308 note - -- on Bramante, ii, 260 - - Rosmini, _V. da Feltre_, i, 69 note - -- vindicates Sforza, i, 183 - - Rossano, Prince of, ii, 281 - - Rosselli, in Rome, ii, 288 - - Rossi, ii, 118 note, 220 note; iii, 88 note, 122 note - - Rossi, Count, murder of, i, 241 - - Rossi, _F. da Montefeltro_, i, 100 note - -- _La Guerra in Toscana_, i, 101 note - -- _Appunti per la storia della musica alla Corte d'Urbino_, ii, - 47 note - -- _Guarini_, iii, 331 note - - Rossi, Porzia de', iii, 299 - - Rotonda, ii, 248 - - Rouen, Cardinal of, i, 469; ii, 26 - -- intrigues of, ii, 330 - -- schemes to poison Julius II., ii, 335 - - Rovere, i, 263 - - Rovere, della, Seigneury of, i, 18 - -- gains through nepotism, i, 23 - -- arms of, i, 172 - -- origin of, ii, 277 - - Rovere, Antonio della, ii, 280 - - Rovere, Bartolomeo della, i, 281; ii, 280 - - Rovere, Clemente della, ii, 282 note - - Rovere, Costanza della, ii, 283 - - Rovere, Cristoforo della, ii, 282 note - - Rovere, Deodata della, ii, 283 - - Rovere, Domenico della, ii, 282 note - - Rovere, Elisabetta, iii, 80 - -- marriage of, iii, 106, 107 - -- death of, iii, 107 - - Rovere, Federigo della, ii, 282: iii, 80 - - Rovere, Felice della, ii, 281 - - Rovere, Francesco della, ii, 280 - - Rovere, Francesco Maria della, _see_ Francesco Maria I. - - Rovere, Galiotto della, ii, 282 - - Rovere, Gian Francesco della, i, 282 note - - Rovere, Giovanni della, i, 152, 187, 220; ii, 3, 281 - -- Mariotti's mistake _re_, i, xxxi - -- marriage of, i, 221 note, 222, 289; ii, 291 - -- obtains Sinigaglia, i, 144 - -- death of, i, 399; ii, 299 - -- portrait of, ii, 211, 289, 299 - -- children of, ii, 282 - -- prefect of Rome, ii, 291 - -- lord of Sinigaglia, ii, 291-3 - -- seizes Gem's pension, ii, 294, 298 - -- epitaph of, ii, 480 - - Rovere, Girolamo della, ii, 280 - - Rovere, Cardinal Giuliano della, ii, 296 - -- sent against Citta di Castello, i, 225 - -- visits Federigo, i, 254 - -- portrait of, iii, 486 - -- _see_ Julius II., i, 401 - - Rovere, Giuliano della, i, 238, 318, 371; ii, 284 - -- portrait of, ii, 289 - - Rovere, Giulio della, ii, 282 - - Rovere, Cardinal Giulio della, iii, 63, 81, 82, 101, 130, 134, 141, - 277, 371 - -- birth of, iii, 63 - -- character of, iii, 81, 82 - -- nominated cardinal at the age of fourteen, iii, 81, 101 - -- natural sons of, iii, 82 - -- inscription on, iii, 461 - -- letter to, iii, 474 - - Rovere, Guglielmo della, ii, 280 - - Rovere, Iolanda della, ii, 280 - - Rovere, Ippolita della, marriage of, iii, 53 - - Rovere, Ippolito della, Marquis of S. Lorenzo, iii, 82, 170 - -- portrait of, iii, 486 - - Rovere, Isabella della, iii, 125 - - Rovere, Joanna della, ii, 228 - - Rovere, Lavinia della, iii, 326 - -- married to Felice d'Avalos, iii, 125 and note, 157 - -- second marriage of, iii, 157 - -- inscription on, iii, 462 - - Rovere, Lavinia Franciotti, iii, 125 - - Rovere, Leonardo della, ii, 281, 291 - -- children of, ii, 277-80 - - Rovere, Livia della, iii, 171 - - Rovere, Luchina della, ii, 281, 282 - - Rovere, Lucrezia della, ii, 282 - - Rovere, Maria della, ii, 283; iii, 63 - -- paramour of, ii, 317. - - Rovere, Nicolo della, ii, 282 - - Rovere, Pietro della, Cardinal of San Sisto, ii, 284 - -- portrait of, ii, 289 - - Rovere, Raffaele della, i, 413; ii, 280 - -- children of, ii, 281 - - Rovere, Sisto della, ii, 281, 282 - - Rovere, Stefano della, ii, 282 note - - Rovere, Virginia della, iii, 100 - - Rovere, Vittoria della, portrait of, iii, 489 - - Rovigo di Urbino, i, 422, 424; iii, 422 - - Rubbiera, iii, 448 - - Rubens, iii, 369 - - Ruberto, iii, 271 note - - Rudolph, Emperor, iii, 263 - - Rumohr, Baron von, on Christian art, ii, 170 - - Ruscelli, Girolamo, i, 226; iii, 76, 123, 303 - -- _Imprese Illustri_, i, 164 - -- details of, i, 443 - - Ruskin, John, ii, 174, 224 - - Rustico, Antonio, of Florence, ii, 146 - - Rymer, ii, 392 - - - SS. Apostoli, ii, 286, 290, 307 - - S. Agata, Urbino, i, 23, 144, 291, 405; ii, 59, 213, 267, 315; iii, 482 - -- picture of Last Supper in, i, 205 - -- held for Borgia, i, 418 - - Sta. Agnese, ii, 307 - - S. Albertino, convent of, i, 160 - - S. Andrea delle Fratte, iii, 225 note - - S. Angelo, iii, 106 - - S. Angelo, Castel, Rome, ii, 445; iii, 25, 433, 436, 438 - -- conclave in, ii, 21 - -- Pope and Cardinals gain, iii, 13 - -- surrender of, iii, 22 note, 23 - - S. Angelo, Seigneury of, i, 18 - - S. Angelo, in Vado, i, 79; ii, 33, 201; iii, 175, 181, 201, 350 note, - 354, 355 - -- passes to the Montefeltri, i, 23 - -- built by Giorgio, ii, 213 - - S. Anna, Ferrara, iii, 326 - - S. Antonio, ii, 189 - - S. Arcangelo, i, 404 - - S. Augustin, iii, 96 note - - S. Benedetto, Ferrara, iii, 284 - - S. Bernardino, Urbino, i, 157, 171, 219, 282; ii, 200, 210, 255; iii, 459 - - S. Biagio, ii, 263 - - S. Casa, Loreto, ii, 286 - - S. Casciano, ii, 468 - - S. Caterina of Siena, iii, 348 - - S. Catherine of Alexandria, i, xii - - S. Catherine, marriage of, ii, 201 - - S. Cecilia, ii, 240 - -- Cardinal of, iii, 18 - - S. Chiara, Urbino, i, 34; ii, 261, 283; iii, 73, 90, 157, 210, 352, - 400, 460, 461 - - S. Crescenzio, iii, 175 - - S. Chrisogono, Cardinal of, ii, 289 - - S. Costanza, ii, 213, 291 - -- sack of, ii, 384 - - S. Croce, i, 77; ii, 288 - - S. Domenico, Cagli, ii, 218 - -- Siena, ii, 211 note - -- Urbino, iii, 407 - - S. Donato, Urbino, i, 47, 283; iii, 458 - - S. Egidio, battle of, i, 43 note - - S. Erasimo, ii, 192 - - S. Fabbiano, battle of, i, 449 - -- battle of, i, 126-8 - -- date of, i, 127 note - - S. Filippo, Gubbio, iii, 175 - -- Neri, iii, 373 - - S. Fiora, iii, 109 and note - - S. Fortunato, Todi, i, 173 - - S. Fosca, iii, 70 - - S. Francesco, Assisi, ii, 200, 286 - -- Borgia, i, 320 - -- Cagli, iii, 350 note - -- Citta di Castello, iii, 486 - -- Ferrara, iii, 311 note - -- Pesaro, iii, 373 - -- Urbino, iii, 377 - -- di Paolo, order of, ii, 20 - -- Rimini, i, 193 - - S. Francis of Assisi, ii, 170 note, 218 - -- career of, ii, 177, 178 - -- his influence on art, ii, 179-81 - - S. Francis of Paola, iii, 224 note - - S. Gaetano Tiene, iii, 96 note - - S. George, Chevalier de, i, 155 note - - S. Giorgio, Cardinal of, ii, 342 - - S. Giorgio Maggiore, Venice, ii, 429 - - S. Giovanni, ii, 455 note - - S. Giuliano, Rimini, ii, 399 - - S. Ippolito, ii, 213 - - S. John the Baptist, Pesaro, iii, 352 - - S. Leo, i, 23, 345, 405, 411, 420; iii, 202, 215, 465 - -- description of, i, 78 - -- surprised by Duke Federigo, i, 77-80 - -- surrender of, i, 413 - -- recapture of, i, 414 - -- besieged by Borgia, ii, 13-15, 23 - -- defended by Fregoso, ii, 59 - -- siege of, ii, 369-71 - -- given to Florence, ii, 406, 420 - -- restored, ii, 456 - - S. Lorenzo, iii, 82 - -- Court of, i, 404 - -- in Damaso, ii, 286 - -- Florence, iii, 388 - -- in Lucino, iii, 243 - - S. Lucia, Urbino, iii, 90 - - S. Malo, i, 347 - - S. Maria di Castello, Genoa, ii, 267 - - S. Maria degli Eremiti, curious tradition of, iii, 69 - - S. Maria del Fiore, iii, 386 note - - S. Maria delle Grazie, ii, 480 - - S. Maria Nuova, Fano, ii, 266 - - S. Maria della Pace, ii, 240, 257 note - - S. Maria del Popolo, ii, 240, 247, 280 note, 286, 289 - - S. Maria in Portico, ii, 268 - - S. Marino, i, 17, 246, 404; iii, 352 - -- independence of the state of, iii, 101 - -- under the protection of the Dukes of Urbino, iii, 101, 102 - - S. Martin, ii, 257 note - - S. Matteo, iii, 155 - - S. Nicolo di Tolentino, ii, 225 - - S. Onofrio, ii, 229, 234, 289; iii, 327 - - S. Pancrazio, iii, 10, 14, 435 - - S. Peter's, Rome, iii, 16 - -- building of, ii, 235, 240, 262, 263, 306; iii, 335, 382 - - S. Petersburg, ii, 233 - - S. Petronio, Bologna, ii, 323; iii, 46 - - S. Pietro in Bagno, ii, 453 - -- in Montorio, ii, 261, 307 - -- in Vaticano, iii, 386 note - -- in Vinculis, ii, 281, 282, 286; iii, 81, 101, 385 - - S. Pol, iii, 40, 42 - - S. Prassede, i, 382 - - S. Procul, Bologna, ii, 254 - - S. Quirico, ii, 11, 414 note - - S. Rocca, Castel Durante, iii, 203 note - - S. Roch, ii, 357 note - - S. Salvadore, Bologna, ii, 89 - - S. Satiro, ii, 261 - - S. Savino, Antonio di, takes possession of Urbino, ii, 12 - - S. Sebastian, ii, 257 note; iii, 374 - -- martyrdom of, ii, 201 - - S. Severo, Perugia, ii, 230 - - S. Silvester, ii, 238 - - S. Sisto, Cardinal of, ii, 284, 286; iii, 437 - - S. Spirito, ii, 286, 287; iii, 10 - - S. Thomas, ii, 257 note - - S. Ubaldo, Pesaro, i, 208; iii, 173-5, 460 - - S. Vitale, Rome, ii, 286 - -- cardinals of, ii, 282 note - - Sabadino, _Gynevra de la clare donne_, i, 73 note - - Sabellico, ii, 124 - - Sabina defined, i, xl - - Sabina, see of, ii, 301 - - Sabionetta, iii, 71 - - Sacchetti, Franco, ii, 73 note - - Sacchi, Bartolomeo, ii, 289 - - Sadoleto, ii, 126, 404 - -- at Ferrara, ii, 63 - -- at Rome, ii, 64 - -- letters by, ii, 116 - - Salamanca, ii, 129 - - Salerno, iii, 335 - -- Archbishop of, ii, 60 - -- Prince of, ii, 419 note - -- -- patron of Tasso, iii, 299 - - Salerno, Princess of, i, 254 - - Saluzzi, Chevalier, ii, 212 - - Saluzzo, Marquis of, ii, 442, 445, 452 - -- marches for Rome, iii, 19, 21 - - Salvadori, ii, 44 note - - Salvator Rosa, iii, 300, 366 - - Salviati, Francesco, Bishop of Pisa, i, 239, 240 - - Salviati, Cardinal Giovanni, iii, 448 - - Salviati, Lucrezia, ii, 53 - - Sancia of Aragon, i, 332, 342 - - Sanmichele, iii, 77, 260 note - - Sannazaro, quoted, i, 386 note - -- on Borgia, ii, 31 - -- his _Christeida_, ii, 74 - - Sanseverino, Antonello, i, 290 - - Sanseverino, Gian Francesco, retained by Ludovico Il Moro, i, 349 - - Sanseverino, Ferrante, iii, 299 - - Sanseverino, Nicolo Bernardino di, iii, 125 - - Sanseverino, Roberto di, i, 305 - -- at the battle of La Molinella, i, 187 - -- commands the Venetians against Ferrara, i, 260 - - Sansonio, Raffaele, ii, 280 - - Sansovino, i, 191; ii, 70, 74 note, 307 - - Santacroce, Filippo, iii, 404 note - - Santi, _see_ Sanzi - - Santinelli, Countess Vittoria Tortora Ranuccio, iii, 189 - - Santori, Leonardo, iii, 8 note, 25 and note - - Santorio, Paulo Emilio, Archbishop of Urbino, iii, 217 - - Sanuto, Marino, i, 260 note, 264, 365 note, 374, 387, 389, 391, 406 - note; ii, 5 note - -- on coinage, i, xxii - -- _Diario_, i, 361 note; ii, 335 note, 339 note; iii, 35 - -- on Guidobaldo I., i, 377; ii, 79 note - -- describes fourth marriage of Lucrezia Borgia, i, 473-83 - -- on the poisoning of Alexander VI., ii, 17-19, 21 - - Sanzi, Giovanni, quoted, i, 122, 139, 178, 212, 214, 219, 224, 231, - 235, 243, 245, 254, 265, 267, 268; ii, 199 - -- his Chronicle of Duke Federigo, i, x; ii, 138-43, 217, 471-79 - -- on Ottaviano Ubaldini, i, 50 note - -- on Duke Federigo, i, 62 note, 81, 85, 88, 110, 457 - -- on Florence, i, 67 - -- on Vittorino da Feltre, i, 71 - -- on the strife between the Malatesta, i, 76 - -- his description of S. Leo, i, 79 - -- describes Monteluro, i, 82 - -- on tournament at Urbino, i, 100 - -- on the Palace of Urbino, i, 153, 155, 164, 171 - -- his _Elogio_, i, 161 note - -- on the Palace of Gubbio, i, 171 - -- on war, i, 176 - -- describes Pietro Riario, i, 206 - -- on Countess Battista, i, 218 - -- on the Pazzi Conspiracy, i, 242 - -- authorities for, ii, 138 note - -- his paintings, ii, 139, 218, 256, 257 note - -- his ancestry, ii, 216 - -- his catalogue of artists, ii, 217 - -- on Da Vinci, ii, 229 - -- on Melozzo, ii, 290 - - Sanzio, Raffaele, i, x, 62 note; ii, 468; iii, 335, 341, 347, 355, - 370, 379, 485, 488 - -- his _Jurisprudence_, i, 284 - -- patronised by Bibbiena, ii, 66, 67 - -- adopts "new manner," ii, 67, 241, 252 - -- tutor of, ii, 114 - -- style of, ii, 172, 185 note, 196 - -- studies Francesca, ii, 207, 231 - -- authorities for, ii, 220 note, 221 - -- portraits of, ii, 218, 233 - -- work ascribed to, ii, 219, 224, 233 note, 234, 460 - -- his name, ii, 216, 220 note - -- his opportune birth, ii, 221-3 - -- early masters of, ii, 223, 229, 243 - -- his _Vision of a Knight_, ii, 224 note - -- he goes to Perugia, ii, 224, 226 - -- his work at Citta di Castello, ii, 225 - -- devotional pictures of, ii, 226 - -- at Florence, ii, 227, 228, 229, 234, 240 - -- visits Urbino, ii, 227, 230, 231 - -- his Madonna del Cardellino, ii, 228 - -- his work at Urbino, ii, 232-4 - -- called to Rome, ii, 235 - -- employed in the Stanze, ii, 236-40, 244 - -- overworked, ii, 240 - -- unfounded charges against, ii, 242, 243 - -- his imitative work, ii, 142, 468 - -- influenced by Michael Angelo, ii, 243-6 - -- his death, ii, 247-9 - -- his will, ii, 248 - -- his betrothal, ii, 249 - -- his sonnets, ii, 250 - -- his character, ii, 250 - -- his sense of beauty, ii, 249, 251 - -- and purity of taste, ii, 252 - -- employed by Julius II., ii, 307 - -- his work in majolica, iii, 403, 419 - -- pictures of, at Florence, iii, 478 - - Sapienza, Rome, iii, 244 - - Sappho, iii, 294 - - Sardi, iii, 71 - - Sarno, battle of, i, 125 - - Sarsina, i, 370, 405 - - Sarti, _De Episcopis Eugubinis_, i, 22 note - - Sartirana, ii, 426 - - Sarto, Andrea del, iii, 335, 350 - - Sarzana, i, 107 - -- surrender of, i, 349 - -- Thomas of, _see_ Nicholas V. - - Sassetta, ii, 185 note - - Sassi di Simeone, i, 160 - - Sassocorbaro, i, 23; ii, 36, 213, 317; iii, 131 - - Sasso Feretro, plans of, ii, 213 - - Sassoferrata, i, 403; ii, 314, 389; iii, 63, 239 - - Sauli, bishop of, ii, 391 - - Savelli, the, i, 132, 179, 331 - - Savello, Gian Battista, iii, 69 - - Savello, Troilo, ii, 387, 389 - - Savile, Henry, ii, 117 - - Savino, Guido di, iii, 423 - - Saviotti, iii, 271 note - - Savona, ii, 277, 281, 303, 315; iii, 131 - -- fall of, iii, 41 - - Savonarola, i, 321 note; ii, 171, 241 - - Savoy, Duchess of, iii, 45 - - Saxony, Duke of, i, 253 - - Scala, Can della, i, 67 - - Scaliger, on Bembo, ii, 124 - - Scaligers, tombs of the, ii, 99 - - Scalvanti, O., _Il mons Pietatis di Perugia_, i, 23 note, 54 note - - Scanderbeg, George, i, 135 - - Scarmiglione, Ludovico, surrenders S. Leo, i, 413 - - Scarpi, iii, 273 - - Scarsellino, iii, 487 - - Schippo, Vicenzo, iii, 92 - - Schlegel, on Italian morals, ii, 169 - - Schmarzow, ii, 138 note - - Schnorr, iii, 366 - - Schubert-Soldern, _Die Borgias und ihre Zeit_, ii, 19 note - - Scipio, Baldassare, ii, 30 - - Scipione, ii, 203 note - -- letter of, iii, 429 - - Scotoni, Professor C., iii, 216 note - - Scotston, i, xiv - - Scotti, iii, 180 - - Scrop, Sir John de la, i, 456 note - - Scutari, i, 256 - - Seigneuries, tenure and investiture of, i, 11, 12 - - Selys, i, 471 - - Serafino, Fra, ii, 77 - - Serafius, i, 53 - - Serassi, ii, 51 note, 57 note, 58 note, 76 note - -- _Lettere_, ii, 44 note - - Serenus, iii, 261 - - Sermene, ii, 375, 376 - - Sermini, Gentile, ii, 74 note - - Sermoneta, dukedom of, i, 396 - - Sermonetta's letters, iii, 22 - - Serra di S. Abondio, plans of, ii, 213 - - Sessa, Duke of, ii, 423 note - - Severi, Antonio de', i, 208 - - Seville, academy of, ii, 163 - - Seymour, Rev. M.H., _Pilgrimage to Rome_, quoted, ii, 181, 182 - - Sforza, the Seigneuries of, i, 18 - -- origin of, i, 80 - - Sforza, Alessandro, Lord of Pesaro, i, 41, 90, 93; iii, 49 - -- a dissolute husband, i, 48, note 1 - -- allied with Sigismondo, i, 99 - -- at S. Fabbiano, i, 126 - -- in Angevine campaign, i, 126-32 - -- reduces Rimini, i, 196 - -- sonnet by, i, 428 - -- invested with Pesaro, ii, 348 - - Sforza, Ascanio, i, 318, 351; ii, 307 - -- suspected murderer of Duke of Gandia, i, 365 - -- plots of, ii, 26 - - Sforza, Attendolo, i, 90 - - Sforza, Battista, i, 289; iii, 291 - -- accomplishments of, i, 121-3; ii, 129 - -- descent of, i, 121 - -- marriage of, i, 121 - -- death of, i, 296 - - Sforza, Bianca, i, 353 - - Sforza, Bozio, i, 125 - - Sforza, Caterina, i, 306, 381; ii, 280 - -- marriage of, i, 236 - -- resists the rebels, i, 307 - -- defends Forli, i, 384 - - Sforza, Costanza of Pesaro, i, 247, 263, 299; ii, 348, 356; iii, 409 - -- engaged by Venice, i, 303 - -- death of, i, 303 - -- sonnet of, i, 428 - - Sforza, Federigo, i, 131 - - Sforza, Francesco, i, 72; iii, 41, 62, 70 - -- holds La Marca, i, 80 - -- loses Neapolitan estates, i, 81 - -- gains by marriage, i, 81, 96 - -- buys Pesaro, i, 90 - -- finds a faithful ally in Duke Federigo, i, 89, 91, 93 - -- visits Urbino, i, 92 - -- his insecure tenure, i, 92 - -- becomes Duke of Milan, i, 97, 100, 102, - -- supports Sigismondo against Piccinino, i, 114 - -- brings about meeting of Federigo and Sigismondo, i, 119 - -- death of, i, 180, 183 - -- character and policy of, i, 180 - -- vindicated from charge of death of Piccinino, i, 183 - -- patron of letters, ii, 98 - -- returns to Milan, ii, 410 - -- league to maintain, ii, 423, 433 - - Sforza, Galeazzo, seigneur of Pesaro, ii, 348 - -- death of, ii, 349 - - Sforza, Galeazzo Maria, succeeds Francesco as Duke of Milan, i, 181, 263 - -- engaged against Colleone, i, 185-9 - -- marriage of, i, 190 - -- his friendly relations with Count Federigo, i, 190, 200 - -- character and policy of, i, 233 - -- murder of, i, 235, 240, 325; ii, 141 - -- his opinion of Federigo, i, 273 - - Sforza, Gian Galeazzo, portrait of, ii, 260 - - Sforza, Giovanni, i, 311; ii, 348; iii, 49 - -- marries Lucrezia Borgia, i, 344, 364 - -- -- Lord of Pesaro, i, 380 - -- -- escapes to Venice, i, 388 - - Sforza, Giovanni Galeazzo, i, 305 - -- succeeds to the dukedom, i, 325 - -- death of, i, 353 - - Sforza, Ippolita Maria, i, 109, 121, 183 - -- culture of, ii, 128 - - Sforza, Ludovico, Il Moro, i, 235 note, 299, 325 - -- selfish ambition of, i, 180, 328-32, 357 - -- invites Charles into Italy, i, 333, 341-55 - -- becomes Duke of Milan, i, 353 - -- supports Florence against Pisa, i, 370 - -- policy of, i, 376 - -- driven from Milan, i, 377 - -- returns to Milan, i, 385 - -- prisoner in France, i, 385, 470 - -- at Mortara, ii, 47 - -- patron of letters, ii, 98 - -- employs Bramante, ii, 260 - - Sforza, Maximiliano, ii, 346, 363 - - Sforza, Polissena, i, 80 - - Sforza, Riario, i, 256 - - Sforza Cesarini, the, iii, 109 note - - Shepherd, _Life of Bracciolini_, ii, 132 note - - Shirbourn, Sir Robert, ii, 463 - - Sicilian vespers, the, i, 323 - - Sicily, kingdom of, i, 323 - - Siena, i, 37, 51, 104, 244, 250, 423; iii, 5, 37, 347, 379 - -- democratic institutions of, i, 16 - -- Archivio Diplomatico, i, 38 - -- letters to, from Duke Oddantonio, i, 56-8 - -- communal freedom in, i, 67 - -- letters to, ii, 109-11 - -- Bourbon advances on, ii, 453 - -- cardinal of, ii, 391 - -- annexed by Florence, iii, 104 - - Siena, L., _Storia di Sinigaglia_, ii, 292 note - - Sienese school of painting, ii, 158, 160, 161, 172; iii, 345 - -- piety of, ii, 162, 187 - - Sienese, the, invaded by Borgia, ii, 11 - - Sigismondo of Foligno, ii, 126 - - Sigismund, Emperor, at Urbino, i, 40, 46, 51, 71 - -- knights Sigismondo Malatesta, i, 71 note - - Signore, designation of, i, 10 - - Signorelli, Luca, ii, 199 note, 210, 212, 236; iii, 347, 487 - -- influenced by Dante, ii, 187 - -- in Rome, ii, 288 - - Silva, Don Michel de, ii, 44 note - - Silvano, Francesco de, iii, 421 - - Silvestro, Guido Posthumo, iii, 87, 282 - - Simon of Pesaro, iii, 372 - - Simonetta, Girolamo, i, 107; iii, 130 - -- on battle of S. Fabbiano, i, 127, 128 - -- on Orsini's policy, i, 130 - -- intervenes to save Federigo's life, i, 189 note - - Sinigaglia, Seigneury of, i, 18, 23, 119, 131; ii, 3, 24; iii, 82, - 220, 349 - -- surrender of, i, 136 - -- conferred by Sixtus IV., on della Rovere, i, 144, 222, 380 - -- castle of, i, 157 - -- massacre of, ii, 4-10, 13 - -- under Giovanni della Rovere, ii, 291-3, 300 - -- Francesco Maria succeeds to, ii, 316 - -- held by Leo X., ii, 400 - -- fortress of, iii, 107, 123 - -- port of, iii, 465 - - Sinigaglia, _Su P. Aretino_, iii, 287 note - - Sirro of Castel Durante, i, 150 - - Sismondi, i, 107, 307 note, 320 note; iii, 63 note, 75 - -- his prejudices, i, xxxiii; iii, 75 - -- on coinage, i, xlii, xliii - -- on the republics, i, 9, 16 - -- on birth of Duke Federigo, i, 62 note - -- inaccuracies of, i, 91 note, 121 note, 203 note, 221 note - -- on the renewed hostilities, i, 102, 112 - -- on battle of S. Fabbiano, i, 128 - -- on the battle of Cesano, i, 136 note - -- on Pius II., i, 177 note - -- on Florence, i, 184 - -- on Colleoni, i, 185 note - -- on Sig. Malatesta, i, 194 note - -- on Galeazzo Maria Sforza, i, 235 - -- opinions of, i, 243 - -- on Alexander VI., i, 319; ii, 19 - -- on Julius II., ii, 347, 352 - -- on Leo X., ii, 352 - -- on the Romagna, i, 379-83 - -- on Cesare Borgia, i, 389, 391 note - -- on Francesco Maria I., ii, 424, 425 note, 431, 437, 438, 442, - 446, 451 - - Sistine Chapel, ii, 245, 288 - - Sixtus IV., i, 51 note, 157, 380, 381; ii, 263, 272; iii, 409 - -- confers Sinigaglia on della Rovere, i, 144 - -- election of, i, 203; ii, 279, 283 - -- invests Roberto Malatesta, i, 203 - -- creates Federigo Duke and Gonfaloniere, i, 220 - -- nepotism of, i, 222, 225, 236, 258; ii, 283-5, 293, 301 - -- policy of, i, 224, 256; ii, 279 - -- receives Lorenzo de' Medici, i, 237 - -- his subsequent dislike of, i, 238 - -- implicated in Pazzi conspiracy, i, 241, 306 - -- his allies, i, 243 - -- combines with Venice against Ferrara, i, 258, 266 - -- reconciled to Naples, i, 301 - -- death of, i, 304 - -- first employs the Swiss, i, 337 note - -- birth of, and omens concerning, ii, 277, 278 - -- education of, ii, 278 - -- hospitality of, ii, 285 - -- his improvements in Rome, ii, 285-7 - -- character of, ii, 287 - -- patron of arts, ii, 287-91; iii, 345 - -- adds to the library, ii, 289 - -- portraits of, ii, 289; iii, 395, 485 - - Sixtus V., ii, 289; iii, 262 - - Soane Museum, iii, 423 - - Sodarini, Pietro, ii, 228 note - - Soderini, Cardinal, ii, 391 - - Soderini, Gonfaloniere, iii, 388 - - Sodoma, iii, 335 - - Solerti on Tasso, iii, 308 note, 310 note, 311 note, 314 note, 317 note - - Solieri, _Le origini degli Sforza_, i, 80 note - - Solyman, Sultan, iii, 395 - -- menaces Apulia, iii, 170 - -- orders public rejoicings at the death of Francesco Maria I., iii, 76 - -- his armament against Malta, iii, 112 - - Sonnet, defects of the, ii, 131; iii, 279 - - Sora, Duke of, i, 133 - - Sora, duchy of, ii, 281, 313, 367; iii, 62, 134 - -- restoration of, iii, 45 - -- granted to Boncompagna, iii, 81 - - Soracte, Mount, i, 31 - - Soranzo, Giacomo, iii, 130 - - Sorbolongo, i, 404 - - Soriano, castle of, i, 361 - - Sorrento, iii, 311 - -- Tasso at, iii, 299, 300 - - Spagna, iii, 335 - - Spaniards, the, in Italy, i, 338; ii, 381, 402; iii, 283 - - Spanish domination fatal, iii, 253 - - Spanish schools of painting, ii, 163 - - Spello, iii, 406 - - Sperandei, of Mantua, ii, 271 - - Speroni, Sperone, iii, 275, 304 - - Spoleto, iii, 25, 415, 424 - -- sack of, iii, 37 - - Spoleto, dukedom of, i, 18, 51, 225, 379, 403; ii, 395 - -- given to Lucrezia Borgia, i, 395 - - Squarcione, ii, 290 - - Squillace, i, 343, 363 - - Staccoli, Agostino, ii, 147 - - Staccoli, Canon, iii, 413 note - - Staccoli, Guido, iii, 143 - - Stagirite philosophy, iii, 256 - - Stansted, ii, 232 - - Stati, Antonio, Count of Montebello, iii, 150, 151 - - Stephen, King of Poland, iii, 353 - - Stigino of Mantua, ii, 379 - - Stirling, Mr., iii, 406 - -- _Annals of the Artists of Spain_, ii, 163 note; iii, 364 note - -- on Zuccaro, iii, 361, 363 - - Stirling, battle of, ii, 115 - - Stoppani, Cardinal, i, 158; iii, 413, 423 - - Stradiotes, the, i, 336, 466 - - Strange, Sir Robert, i, xvii - - Strozzi, Filippo, ii, 53, 365; iii, 275 - - Stuart, Sir Bernard, advances on Romagna, i, 348 - - Suardi, Bartolomeo, ii, 259 - - Sulmona, i, 132, 141, 183 - - Sustermans, iii, 489 - - Swiss soldiery, i, 336, 384 - - Symonds, John Addington, i, 71 note - -- _The Renaissance in Italy_, ii, 128 note - -- translation of _The Life of Benvenuto Cellini_, iii, 11 note - -- -- of _Sonnets of Michelangelo_, iii, 389 note - - - Tacchi-Venturi, iii, 292 note - - Taddei, Taddeo, ii, 228 - - Tagliacozzo, battle of, i, 26 - - Tagliacozza, Duke of, i, 289 - - Talbot, Lord, ii, 463 - - Tarducci, _Cecilia Gonzaga_, i, 58 note - - Tarento, i, 375; ii, 359 - -- Prince of, i, 141 - - Taro, battle of, i, 290, 340, 353, 354, 463-7; ii, 51 note - - Taro, the, ii, 409 - - Tartaglia, Nicolo, iii, 77 - - Tarulli, i, 313 note - - Tascone, Giulio, i, 479 - - Tasso, Bernardo, i, 290; iii, 23, 50, 275, 298 - -- Mariotti's sketch of, i, xxxi - -- his _Amadigi_, i, 122; iii, 272, 295, 300, 303, 304 - -- details of, i, 443 - -- describes the Duchess of Urbino, ii, 89 - -- quoted, ii, 442 - -- letters of, iii, 111, 112 note - -- at Urbino, iii, 124, 294 - -- as purist, iii, 257-78 - -- on Ariosto, iii, 285 - -- irregularities of, iii, 298 - -- early services of, iii, 299 - -- appeals to the Prince of Salerno, iii, 301 - -- at Pesaro, iii, 302, 313, 351 - -- epitaph of, iii, 304 - -- character of, iii, 305 - -- style of, iii, 305-7 - -- and Titian, iii, 392 - -- sonnet to Titian, iii, 471 - -- Cornelia, iii, 301 - - Tasso, Torquato, iii, 23, 155, 165 - -- sonnet of, iii, 262 - -- birth of, iii, 300 - -- on his father, iii, 305 - -- authorities for, iii, 308 note, 310 note, 311 note - -- precocity of, iii, 309 - -- his insanity, iii, 309-13, 321 - -- his passion for Leonora D'Este, iii, 309, 313, 319 - -- visits Pesaro, iii, 313, 318, 351 - -- his _Gerusalemme_, iii, 314, 330 - -- at Ferrara, iii, 314, 318, 319, 320, 321, 326 - -- his poetry, iii, 315, 317, 319, 321, 329 - -- his passion for Lucrezia D'Este, iii, 316 - -- and canzone on her marriage, iii, 318 - -- his _Aminta_ performed, iii, 318 - -- his letter to Francesco Maria, iii, 323 - -- confined for seven years, iii, 326 - -- death of, iii, 327-8 - - Tavoleta, i, 23 - -- plans of, ii, 213 - - Tealto, Castle, i, 475 - - Teodoro, i, 40 - - Teofile, iii, 72 note - - Teramo, Bishop of, i, 216 - - _Terchi_, iii, 414 - - Terenzi, Terenzio, iii, 379, 421 - - Terni, i, 379; iii, 25, 81 - -- surrendered by Braccio di Montone, i, 45 - - Terouenne, siege of, ii, 355 note - - Terpandro, ii, 71 - - Terracina, i, 81, 363; ii, 296 - - Terrail, Pierre de, _see_ Bayard - - Theatines, iii, 96 and note, 109 - - Themistios, i, 194 - - Thomasello, Pier-Matteo di, iii, 433 - - Thou, De, opinions of, ii, 29 - - Thrasimene, i, 247; iii, 406 - - Thuasne, ii, 293, note - - Tiane, Alessandro, iii, 177 - - Tiapolo, Matteo, i, 388 - - Tiarini, iii, 369 - - Tibaldi, Pelegrino, iii, 369 - - Tibaldeo, iii, 485 - -- at Ferrara, ii, 63 - - Ticozzi, iii, 380, 395, 396, 421 - -- on Oderigi, ii, 188 - - Tiepolo, Nicolo, ii, 125 - - Tintoretto, iii, 391 note - -- his _Origin of the Milky Way_, ii, 210 note - - Tiraboschi, i, 40, note; ii, 61 note - -- on the _Assorditi_, ii, 112 - -- on Bembo, ii, 121, 124-7 - -- on Filelfo, ii, 132, 135 - -- _Storia della Letteratura Italiana_, ii, 132 note - -- on Machiavelli, ii, 147 - -- on Guidobaldo del Monte, iii, 262 - -- on Baldi, iii, 272 - -- on Muzio, iii, 276 - -- on Ariosto, iii, 283 - -- on Aretino, iii, 288, 289 - -- on Tasso, iii, 329 - - Tiranni Chapel, ii, 218 - - Titian, Vacellio, ii, 191, 222, 242; iii, 335, 338, 341, 486, 488 - -- his Medicean portraits, ii, 57 - -- his Flora, ii, 74 note; iii, 395 - -- his portrait of Borgia, ii, 460 - -- paints the Duchess Leonora, iii, 52, 62 - -- paints Francesco Maria I., iii, 62, 346, 470 - -- meets Charles V., iii, 62 - -- friend of Aretino, iii, 287 note, 289, 290 - -- his works for the Dukes of Urbino, iii, 390-7 - -- his pictures in Florence, iii, 479 - - Tivoli, i, 132, 288; ii, 261, 400; iii, 110 - - Tiziano, Marco di, iii, 480 - - Tobias, ii, 257 note - - Tobler, ii, 44 note - - Todi, i, 225, 360; iii, 34 - -- Montone, vicar of, i, 45 - - Toledo, ii, 55 - - Toledo, Don Pedro, iii, 300 - - Tolomei, Claudio, iii, 258 - - Tommasi, i, 365 note - -- on Alexander VI., i, 320; ii, 17 - - Tondi, _I Fasti della Gloria_, i, 22 note - - Tondini, iii, 71, 99, 107 note - - Tordelli, Serafino, iii, 415, 421, 424 - - Tordi, iii, 292 note - - Torelli Chapel, i, 255 - - Torelli, Guido, ii, 53 - - Torelli, Ippolita, ii, 53 - - Torlonia Gallery, ii, 41 note - - Torlonia, Prince, ii, 467 note - - Tornabuoni, i, 237 - - Tortosa, see of, ii, 416 - - Tosi, Battista, i, 360 - - Tour, Madelaine de la, ii, 405; iii, 283 - - _Trabaria_, i, 3 - - Trani, i, 394 - - _Transfiguration_, Raffaele's, ii, 240, 249 - - Trapezuntios, Georgios, ii, 105 note - - Traversari, Ambrogio, reports of, ii, 155 - - Trebanio, i, 193 - - Trebbia, ii, 452 - - Tre Capanne, iii, 21 - - Tremouille, De la, i, 465; ii, 13, 14 - - _Tresor de Numismatique_, ii, 269, 270 - - Trevi, aqueduct of, ii, 286 - - Trevignano, i, 359 - - Trevisano, Benedetto, despatch of, i, 470 - - Treviso, iii, 396 - - Tribaldello, treachery of, i, 27 - - Tricarico, given to the Duke of Gandia, i, 343 - -- see of, ii, 70 - - Trieste, i, 144 - - Trinita del Monte, iii, 357 - - Trivulzio, Alessandro, at Urbino, ii, 71 - - Trivulzio, Gian Giacomo, i, 152, 306, 348; ii, 71, 321 - -- commands the French, ii, 335, 340 - - Trivulzio, Teodoro, ii, 423 - - Troia, i, 256; iii, 39, 69 - - Trometta, Nicolo, iii, 369 - - Trotti, i, 402 - - Trumello, ii, 426 - - Tunis, expedition against, iii, 299 - - Turin, iii, 311 - -- Archbishop of, ii, 282 note - - Turkish Empire, domination of, i, 106 - -- progress of in Europe, i, 256 - -- crusade proposed against, iii, 70 - -- league against, iii, 42 - -- naval expedition against, iii, 139-41 - - Turrio, Baldassare, iii, 260 - - Tuscany, defined, i, xx - -- condition of, in 1430, i, 66 - -- campaign in, i, 103-6, 243 - - Tuscany, Duke of, indulgence granted to, iii, 456 - - Tusculum, see of, iii, 81 - - - Ubaldini della Carda, arms and origin of, i, 49 note - - Ubaldini, Bernardino, i, 49, 50 note, 51 note, 74 - -- supposed father of Duke Federigo, i, 61 - - Ubaldini, Francesco, i, 126 - - Ubaldini, Gentile, iii, 78 - - Ubaldini, Guidantonio, i, 51 note - - Ubaldini, Ottaviano, i, 74, 206, 253, 273, 278; ii, 114 - -- character of, i, 50 note - -- guardian of Guidobaldo I., i, 260, 283, 300 - -- sonnets of, i, 436 - -- death of, i, 51 note, 369, 377 - - Ubaldini, Pietro, i, 51 note, 187, 224 - -- sent to England, i, 452-456 - - Ubaldini, Vicenzo, iii, 433 - - Uberti, Farinato degli, ii, 51 - - Uccelli, Paolo, ii, 200, 203 - - Udine, iii, 275, 370 - - Uffizi Gallery, Florence, i, 218, 284; ii, 211 note, 234; iii, 62, - 360, 477, 391 note, 393, 395 - -- Urbino pictures in, iii, 478 - - Ugolini, iii, 200 note - -- _Storia de' Conti e Duchi d'Urbino_, i, vii, 25 note, 39 note, - 63 note, 78 note, 295 note, 297 note; ii, 29; iii, 200 note - -- on Baldi, iii, 266 note - - Ugolino, Count, murder of, i, 27 - - Uguccione, i, 306 - - Umbria defined, i, xl, 4 - - Umbrian schools of painting, ii, 158, 161, 169-72, 240 - -- influence of St. Francis on, ii, 179 - -- dramatic character of, ii, 185 - - Upper Italy, defined, i, xxxix - - Urban VI., i, 44 - - Urban VIII., ii, 209; iii, 181, 214-18, 221, 222 note, 243, 456 - -- takes possession of Urbino, i, 24 - -- election of, iii, 214 - -- his designs on the duchy of Urbino, iii, 214-18 - - Urbani of Urbino, ii, 146, 326 note; iii, 77 - - Urbania, i, 36 - -- stoneware of, iii, 413 - -- _see_ Castel Durante - - Urbinelli, iii, 380 - - Urbino, Francesco, ii, 114 note - - Urbino, Archbishop of, letter from, iii, 474 - -- bishops of, ii, 367, 369 - -- cathedral of, i, 47, 154, 171, 399; ii, 39; iii, 73, 374, 398, 423 - - Urbino, city of, asylum of letters, i, xxix - -- citizens of, i, 26 - -- convent of Santa Chiara, i, 34 - -- welcomes Sigismund, i, 40 - -- library of, i, 47 note - -- S. Francesco, i, 56 - -- tournament at, i, 100 - -- festivities at, i, 312 - -- panic in, i, 410 - -- Borgia enters, i, 410 - -- Guidobaldo I. returns to, i, 417 - -- its demands on the election of Federigo, i, 438-42 - -- taken by Borgia, ii, 12 - -- printing introduced, ii, 114 note - -- oratory of St. John Baptist, ii, 200 - -- concessions to, by Francesco Maria I., ii, 319 - -- siege of, ii, 369 - -- returns to Francesco Maria I., ii, 377-80 - -- loyalty of, ii, 406 - -- outbreak of, iii, 114-21 - -- Clement VIII. at, iii, 265 - -- mathematicians and engineers at, iii, 259-77 - - Urbino, Counts of, _see_ Antonio, Buonconte, Federigo, Guido, - Guidantonio, Montefeltrano, Oddantonio - - Urbino, Counts and Dukes of, in Gubbio, authorities for, i, 22 note - - Urbino, Counts of, origin of, i, 24 - -- territorial acquisitions of, i, 23 - - Urbino, countship of, devolution of, to the Holy See, i, 23 - -- feuds with the Brancaleoni, i, 45 - - Urbino, court of, constitution of, i, 150 - -- examples of manners at, i, 152; ii, 47-50; iii, 88 - -- music at, i, 152; ii, 49, 147 - -- under Guidobaldo I., i, 309 - -- hospitalities of, i, 153, 204-6, 246 note; ii, 35, 56-71 - -- entertains Persian envoys, i, 204 - -- entertains Sigismund, i, 46, 71 - -- Lucrezia Borgia at, i, 345, 397 - -- Julius II. at, ii, 39-42, 231 - -- entertainments at, ii, 76-8, 147-52 - -- the Medici at, ii, 351 - -- Raffaele at, ii, 227, 230, 231 - -- poetry at, ii, 130, 138 - -- requisites of a lady at, ii, 45, 46, 72 - -- Vittoria Farnese at, iii, 100 - -- list of chief officers at, iii, 152 - -- Prince Federigo at, iii, 207 - -- _Assorditi_ constituted at, iii, 255 - -- poets at, iii, 280-98 - -- Ariosto at, iii, 281, 284 - -- B. Tasso at, iii, 304 - -- engineers and architects of, iii, 347-54 - -- artists at, iii, 355-400 - -- Clement VIII. at, iii, 373 - -- sculptors at, iii, 400 - - Urbino, duchy of, its devolution to the Holy See, i, xxx, xxxi, 169, - 286; ii, 36; iii, 220-5 - -- brightest era of, i, xxxi - -- coinage of, i, xlii; ii, 269 note - -- topography of, i, 3, 23 - -- in the fifteenth century, i, 18 - -- its fortunate condition, i, 88 - -- suffers from the Malatesta, i, 109 - -- its extent under Federigo, i, 175, 213 note - -- war a benefit to, i, 175 - -- condition at the succession of Guidobaldo I., i, 299 - -- returns to Guidobaldo I., ii, 23 - -- artists in, ii, 188-273 - -- conferred on Lorenzo de' Medici, ii, 367 - -- seized by Leo X., ii, 406 - -- incorporated with the Papal States, iii, 225 - -- after the devolution, iii, 246-9 - -- watchmaking in, iii, 404 note - -- majolica of, iii, 406, 413 - -- statistics of, iii, 463-9 - -- population of, iii, 466 - - Urbino, Dukes of. _See_ Federigo; Francesco Maria I.; Francesco Maria - II.; Guidobaldo I.; Guidobaldo II.; Oddantonio - -- their judicious sway, i, xxix - -- their early biographers, i, xxx, xxxii - -- _Lives of_, i, 449 - -- devices and mottoes of, i, 443; ii, 422 - -- patrons of art, iii, 345 - - Urbino, legation of, i, 3 - - Urbino MSS., i, xxx _et passim_ - - Urbino, palace of, ii, 99; iii, 351, 353 - -- when begun, i, 154 - -- descriptions of, i, 154, 159-62 - -- architects of, i, 155-7; ii, 211, 212 - -- frieze of, i, 158 - -- library of, i, 162-9; ii, 33, 144 - -- -- removed to the Vatican, iii, 242, 245 - -- librarians of, i, 167-9 - -- cost of library of, i, 168 - -- illuminated MSS. in, i, 446-9 - -- stable-range for, i, 169 - -- -- cost of, i, 170 - - Usher, Thomas, Archbishop of York, Cardinal of St. Cecilia, iii, 18 - - Usum-cassan, i, 204; ii, 198 - - - Vagnarelli, Lorenzo, iii, 378 - - Vaila, ii, 328 - - Vaissieux, _Archivio_, ii, 82 note - - Val di Chiana, i, 243; iii, 19 - - Valbona, iii, 90 - - Valenti, Abbe Francesco, i, xliv - - Valentino, ii, 315 - -- Duke, _see_ Borgia (Cesare) - - Valetta, D. Giuseppe, ii, 460 - - Vallardi, Giuseppe, ii, 460 - - Valle, Padre della, i, 302 note; ii, 212 - - Valle, Cardinal Andrea della, iii, 18, 437 - - Vallery, i, 307 note - - Valmaggi, ii, 44 note - - Vanni, Francesco, iii, 379 - - Vanzolini, iii, 88 note, 287 note - - Valturio, Roberto, i, 158 - -- on Sigismondo, i, 192, 193 - - Van Eyck, Jean, his bath scene, ii, 266, 267 - - Vanozza, Caterina, i, 318 - - Vanucci, ii, 199 - - Varadino, iii, 353 - - Varana, the, i, 379 - -- the Seigneury of, i, 18 - - Varana, Bernardo, iii, 63 - - Varana, Costanza, i, 90, 216, 428 - -- canzonet on, ii, 144 - - Varana, Ercole, iii, 64 - - Varana, Gentil Pandolfo, iii, 63 - - Varana, Giovanni, iii, 63 - - Varana, Giovanni Maria, ii, 36, 418, 419; iii, 64 - - Varana, Giulia, iii, 65-8, 88, 98, 391 note - - Varana, Giulio Cesare, i, 400 - -- strangled, i, 411 - - Varana, Giulio di, of Camerino, i, 379 - - Varana, Maria, ii, 36 - - Varana, Matteo, iii, 64 - - Varana, Pier-Gentile, iii, 63 - - Varana, Rodolfo, iii, 65 - - Varana, Sigismondo, ii, 36, 283, 402, 408 - -- defends S. Leo, ii, 371; iii, 63 - -- death of, iii, 64 - -- reinstated, ii, 413 - -- death of, ii, 419 - - Varana, Venanzio, i, 411; ii, 283; iii, 63 - - Varchi, iii, 273, 275, 294 - - Varconi, _La Donna Italiana_, ii, 73 note - - Vasari, Giorgio, i, xii; ii, 114 note, 199, 265, 267; iii, 349, 359, - 404 note, 411 - -- mistakes of, i, 155, 158, 286 note; ii, 168 note - -- on the palace at Urbino, i, 157, 158 - -- piety of, ii, 163 - -- on Oderigi, ii, 189 - -- on della Francesca, ii, 200-3 - -- on Giorgio, ii, 212 - -- on Raffaele, ii, 220, 232, 242, 245, 250 - -- on Perugino, ii, 224 - -- on Timoteo Viti, ii, 258 - -- on Julius II., ii, 306 - -- on Genga, iii, 350, 351 - -- on Zuccaro, iii, 355, 367 - -- on Michael Angelo, iii, 381, 383 note, 399 - -- on Titian, iii, 390, 391 note, 395 - -- origin of surname of, iii, 422 note - - Vasto, Marquis of, iii, 299, 442 - - Vatican, the, iii, 335, 357, 377 - -- Raffaele's work in, ii, 236-40, 244 - -- Bramante's work in, ii, 263 - -- Library, i, xxx, xliii, 108, 167; ii, 286 - - Vecellio, Marco, iii, 291, 480 note - - Vecchietta, ii, 211 note - - Vedetta, the, iii, 157 - - Vehon, _Les Borgia_, ii, 19 note - - Veit, iii, 366 - - Velletri, see of, ii, 301 - - Velluti, _Cronica Domestica_, ii, 73 note - - Venanzio, ii, 317 - - Venetian school of painting, iii, 345 - - Venezianello, Antonio, ii, 291; iii, 429 - - Veneziano, Domenico, ii, 202 note - - Venice, i, 262; ii, 62; iii, 298, 311; 350, 394 - -- individual safety in, i, 16 - -- in 1430, i, 67 - -- Ferrara invaded by, i, 258 - -- Guidobaldo I. at, i, 277, 422 - -- in the absence of the popes, ii, 97 - -- MSS. of, ii, 100 - -- art in, ii, 191 - -- Gentile da Fabriano at, ii, 197 - -- Francesco Maria I. at, ii, 429, 431 - -- Aretino at, iii, 288 - -- Tasso at, iii, 313 - - Venice, Signory of, breaks alliance with Florence, i, 102 - -- disputes with the Emperor, i, 144 - -- abet Florentine exiles against the Medici, i, 185 - -- designs on Ferrara, i, 202 - -- engage Sforza of Pesaro, i, 303 - -- zenith of power of, i, 326 - -- negotiates for release of Guidobaldo I., i, 361 - -- supports Pisa, i, 370 - -- re-engage Guidobaldo I., ii, 24, 32 - -- aggressions of, ii, 38 - -- claims on Romagna, ii, 38 - -- League of Cambray formed against, ii, 321, 322 - -- sue for peace, ii, 328 - -- employ Francesco Maria I., ii, 423-8, 431-5 - -- leagues against the Emperor Charles V., iii, 37 - - Ventura di Simone, iii, 408 - - Venturelli, Vittorio, iii, 242 - - Venturi, Bastiano, iii, 477 - -- _Storia dell'Arte Italiana_, ii, 188 note - -- his list of Urbino pictures, iii, 485 - - Venturi, Lattanzio, iii, 353 - - Venturi, Venturo, iii, 354 - - Venturini, Francesco, his Latin grammar, ii, 114 - -- his pupils, ii, 114 - - Vercelli, Battista da, ii, 391, 426 - - Verdi, ii, 365 - - Verdizzotti, sonnet by, iii, 131, 358 - - Verga, Dr. Andrea, on Tasso, iii, 312, 313 - - Vergilio, Polydoro di, obtains preferment in England, ii, 115 - -- his works, ii, 116 - -- his _History of England_, ii, 116-18 - -- quoted, ii, 466-7 - - Vergiliano, i, 197 - - Vermiglioli, ii, 5, 10 note, 395 - - Vernarecci, ii, 67 note, 148 note; iii, 88 note - - Verona, ii, 317, 364, 410, 412, 435; iii, 379 - -- fortress of, iii, 55 - -- Guidobaldo II. at, iii, 260 - - Veronensis, Gaspar, on Alexander VI., i, 317 note - - Veronese, Paolo, iii, 338, 361, 379 - - Verrocchio, ii, 199 note, 291 - - Verucchio, i, 404; ii, 28, 32 - -- tricked surrender of, i, 140 - - Vespasiano, i, 149, 186, 211 note - -- _Vite_, i, 166 note - -- on court of Urbino, i, 152 - -- on library of Urbino, i, 164, 168 - -- on Duke Federigo, i, 230, 272 - - Vesuvius, iii, 300 - - Veterani, Federigo, librarian at Urbino, i, 168 - -- quoted, i, 269 - -- transcriber of MSS., ii, 143, 144 - -- his verse, ii, 145 - - Veterani, Giulio, iii, 143 - - Vettori, Pietro, iii, 294 - - Viane, Count, i, 123; ii, 31; iii, 71 note - - Vincenza, iii, 81, 394 - - Vicino da Imola, i, 480 - - Vicopisano, i, 356 - - Vienne, i, 348 - - Vieri, Ugolino, iii, 405 note - - Vieussieux, iii, 113 note - - Vigeri, the, iii, 131 - - Vigerio, Stefano, iii, 89 - - Villa Franca, iii, 137 - - Villani, ii, 74 note - -- on coinage, i, xlii - -- on Count Guido the elder, i, 26, 32 - -- _Cronaca_, i, 32 note - - Vincennes, iii, 120 - - Vincenzo of Mantua, Prince, iii, 326 - - Vinova, ii, 277 - - Virgil, quoted, i, 121, ii, 81 - - Visconti, Barnabo, iii, 463 note - - Visconti, Bianca Maria, i, 73, 96 - - Visconti, Count Cesare di Castelbarco, ii, 460 - - Visconti, Duke Giovan Maria, i, 235 note - - Visconti, Filippo Maria, i, 73, 81, 91, 93, 436 - -- death of, i, 95, 96 - -- treachery of, i, 97 - -- bequest of sovereignty, i, 97 - - Visconti, Valentina, i, 372 - - Viseo, Bishop of, ii, 44 note - - Vitale, Alessandro, ii, 161; iii, 378 - - Vite, Timoteo della, i, 162; ii, 148, 324; iii, 347, 350 - -- Raffaele and, ii, 224 note, 231, 257-9 - -- works of, ii, 24, 255-9 - - Vitelli, the, ii, 225, 325 - -- Seigneury of, i, 18 - -- at Citta di Castello, i, 225 - -- Condottieri, i, 360 - - Vitelli, Alessandro, iii, 92 - - Vitelli, Bishop of Urbino, ii, 377 - - Vitelli, Camillo, i, 335 - - Vitelli, Chiappino, entertains Princess Elisabetta, iii, 106 - - Vitelli, Gian Paolo, i, 420 - - Vitelli, Giulio, ii, 369 - - Vitelli, Isabella, iii, 82 - - Vitelli, Nicolo, i, 247 - - Vitelli, Paolo, i, 360, 370 - - Vitelli, Vitello, ii, 361, 381, 385, 413 - -- commands the Florentines, ii, 436 - - Vitelli, Vitellozzo, i, 360, 310 - -- at Arezzo, i, 412, 419, 400, 403 - -- murdered at Sinigaglia, ii, 3, 4, 10 - - Vitellioni, ii, 205 - - Viterbo, i, 82, 253; ii, 456; iii, 5, 34, 357, 429, 433 - -- battle of, i, 363 - -- bishop of, ii, 280 - - Vitruvius, i, 159 - - Vittorio, Don V., iii, 419 - - Vittoria, Duchess of Urbino, iii, 260, 275, 294, 304 - -- marriage of, iii, 100, 295, 352, 400 - -- death of, iii, 171, 172 - -- inscription on, iii, 460 - -- portrait of, iii, 489 - - Vittoria, Princess, Grand Duchess of Tuscany, birth of, iii, 210 - -- education of, iii, 213, 239 - -- sent to Tuscany, iii, 214 - -- betrothed to Ferdinand II., iii, 213, 114 - -- letters of, iii, 231-8 - -- character of, iii, 239 - -- marriage of, iii, 239 - -- death of, iii, 239 - - Vivaldi, iii, 280 note, 310 note - - Vivarini, the, ii, 191, 197 - - Viviani, Antonio, iii, 377 - -- Ludovico, iii, 378 - - Voigt, i, 313 note - - Volpelli's history of S. Leo, i, 79 - - Voltaire, ii, 19 note - - Volterra, i, 227 note, i, 446; ii, 371 - -- described, i, 208 - -- siege and sack of, i, 210, 211, 212, 449 - -- arms of, i, 212 note - - Volterrano, i, 221 note, 253 note - -- on Julius II., ii, 301 - - - Walpole, Horace, iii, 360, 422 - - Ward, Lord, ii, 225 - - Waters, W.G., _Piero della Francesca_, i, 286 note - - Wellesley, Dr., i, xliv - - Western Empire, decay of, i, 4 - - Whear, ii, 117 - - Wigtown, Earl of, i, xiii - - Wilkie, David, on Italian art, ii, 175, 176 - - William III. of England, iii, 43 - - Winchester, Bishop of, ii, 117 - - Winspeare's _St. d'Abusi Feudali_, i, 6 note - - Witting, ii, 203 note - - Wolsey, Cardinal, ii, 116 - -- letter to, ii, 434, 440 - -- his letter to Lorenzo de' Medici, ii, 484 - - Woodburn, Mr. Samuel, ii, 159 note - - Woodward, Professor, _V. da Feltre_, i, 69 note - - Worcester, Bishop of, ii, 440, 466 - - Wordsworth, _Excursion_, ii, 178 - - Wyatt, Sir Thomas, iii, 89 note - - - Xante, Fra, iii, 417 note, 420, 421 - - Xativa, i, 317 - - - Young Italy, provincial spirit of, i, 20 - - Yriarte, ii, 74 note - -- _Cesar Borgia_, ii, 19 note - -- _Autour des Borgias_, ii, 19 note - - - Zaccagnini, Guido, i, 63 note; ii, 369 note - -- _Vita di B. Baldi_, i, 295 note - -- on Baldi, iii, 266 note, 270 note, 271 note - - Zambotto, quoted, i, 269 note - - Zane, iii, 113 note, 134, 149 - -- on Urbino, iii, 464, 466 - - Zanelli, ii, 73 note - - Zannetti, i, 193 - -- on coinage, ii, 269 - - Zannoni, G., _Federico II._, i, 63 note, 230 note - - Zara, iii, 70 - - Zdekauer, Professor, i, xii; ii, 73 note - - Zenatti, iii, 276 note - - Zeni of Venice, the, ii, 198 - - Zeno, Cardinal, i, 220 - - Zibetto and the outbreak of the Urbino citizens, iii, 114 - - Zizim, _see_ Gem - - Zoccolantines, Church of the, i, 283, 287, 407; ii, 85, 211; iii, - 240, 349, 459 - -- founded by Giovanni della Rovere, ii, 299 - - Zoppo, Marco, ii, 265 - - Zuccari, the, iii, 346, 487, 488 - -- portraits of, iii, 365, 366 - - Zuccaro, Federigo, ii, 233, 460; iii, 201, 484 - -- paintings of, iii, 357-67, 372 - -- his Calumny, iii, 360 - -- in Madrid, iii, 361-3, 369 - -- style of, iii, 364, 370 - -- his palace on the Pincian, iii, 367 - -- his writings, iii, 367 - - Zuccaro, Ottaviano, iii, 355 - - Zuccaro, Taddeo, iii, 411, 423 - -- early hardships of, iii, 355 - -- work of, ii, 33; iii, 356-8, 368 - - Zucha da Cagli, commended to Siena, ii, 111 - - * * * * * - -VINCENZO FOPPA OF BRESCIA, FOUNDER OF THE LOMBARD SCHOOL, HIS LIFE -AND WORK. 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I have never -turned from her even when she wore an unexpected aspect." Still, it -is believed that the day has come for giving English versions of all -his imaginative works, and of his monumental study JOAN OF ARC, which -is undoubtedly the most discussed book in the world of letters to-day. - -** MR. JOHN LANE has pleasure in announcing that he will commence -publication of the works of M. ANATOLE FRANCE in English, under -the general editorship of MR. FREDERIC CHAPMAN, with the following -volumes: - - THE RED LILY - MOTHER OF PEARL - THE GARDEN OF EPICURUS - THE CRIME OF SYLVESTRE BONNARD - THE WELL OF ST. CLARE - THE OPINIONS OF JEROME COIGNARD - JOCASTA AND THE FAMISHED CAT - BALTHASAR - THE ASPIRATIONS OF JEAN SERVIEN - THE ELM TREE ON THE MALL - MY FRIEND'S BOOK - THE WICKER-WORK WOMAN - THAIS - AT THE SIGN OF THE QUEEN PEDAUQUE - JOAN OF ARC (2 vols.) - -** All the books will be published at 6/- each with the exception -of JOAN OF ARC, which will be 25/- net the two volumes, with eight -Illustrations. - -** The format of the volumes leaves little to be desired. The size -is Demy 8vo (9 x 5-3/4 in.), that of this Prospectus, and they will -be printed from Caslon type upon a paper light in weight and strong -in texture, with a cover design in crimson and gold, a gilt top, -end-papers from designs by Aubrey Beardsley and initials by Henry -Ospovat. In short, these are volumes for the bibliophile as well as -the lover of fiction, and form perhaps the cheapest library edition -of copyright novels ever published, for the price is only that of an -ordinary novel. - -** The translation of these books has been entrusted to such competent -French scholars as MR. ALFRED ALLINSON, HON. MAURICE BARING, -MR. FREDERIC CHAPMAN, MR. ROBERT B. DOUGLAS, MR. A.W. EVANS, MRS. -FARLEY, MRS. JOHN LANE, MRS. NEWMARCH, MR. C.E. ROCHE, MISS WINIFRED -STEPHENS, and MISS M.P. WILLCOCKS. - -** As Anatole Thibault, _dit_ Anatole France, is to most English -readers merely a name, it will be well to state that he was born in -1844 in the picturesque and inspiring surroundings of an old bookshop -on the Quai Voltaire, Paris, kept by his father, Monsieur Thibault, -an authority on eighteenth-century history, from whom the boy caught -the passion for the principles of the Revolution, while from his -mother he was learning to love the ascetic ideals chronicled in the -Lives of the Saints. He was schooled with the lovers of old books, -missals and manuscripts; he matriculated on the Quais with the old -Jewish dealers of curios and _objets d'art_; he graduated in the -great university of life and experience. It will be recognised that -all his work is permeated by his youthful impressions; he is, in -fact, a virtuoso at large. - -** He has written about thirty volumes of fiction. His first novel was -JOCASTA & THE FAMISHED CAT (1879). THE CRIME OF SYLVESTRE BONNARD -appeared in 1881, and had the distinction of being crowned by the -French Academy, into which he was received in 1896. - -** His work is illuminated with style, scholarship, and psychology; -but its outstanding features are the lambent wit, the gay mockery, -the genial irony with which he touches every subject he treats. But -the wit is never malicious, the mockery never derisive, the irony -never barbed. To quote from his own GARDEN OF EPICURUS: "Irony and -Pity are both of good counsel; the first with her smiles makes life -agreeable, the other sanctifies it to us with her tears. The Irony -I invoke is no cruel deity. She mocks neither love nor beauty. She -is gentle and kindly disposed. Her mirth disarms anger and it is she -teaches us to laugh at rogues and fools whom but for her we might be -so weak as to hate." - -** Often he shows how divine humanity triumphs over mere ascetism, and -with entire reverence; indeed, he might be described as an ascetic -overflowing with humanity, just as he has been termed a "pagan, -but a pagan constantly haunted by the pre-occupation of Christ." -He is in turn--like his own Choulette in THE RED LILY--saintly -and Rabelaisian, yet without incongruity. At all times he is the -unrelenting foe of superstition and hypocrisy. Of himself he once -modestly said: "You will find in my writings perfect sincerity (lying -demands a talent I do not possess), much indulgence, and some natural -affection for the beautiful and good." - -** The mere extent of an author's popularity is perhaps a poor -argument, yet it is significant that two books by this author are -in their HUNDRED AND TENTH THOUSAND, and numbers of them well -into their SEVENTIETH THOUSAND, whilst the one which a Frenchman -recently described as "Monsieur France's most arid book" is in its -FIFTY-EIGHTH THOUSAND. - -** Inasmuch as M. FRANCE'S ONLY contribution to an English periodical -appeared in THE YELLOW BOOK, vol. v., April 1895, together with the -first important English appreciation of his work from the pen of the -Hon. 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His discriminating treatment has - resulted in a book that is ... one that arrests attention - by the conviction its reasoned conclusions carry." - -THE DUKE OF REICHSTADT (NAPOLEON II.) By EDWARD DE -WERTHEIMER. Translated from the German. With numerous -Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 21_s._ net. (Second Edition.) - - _Times._--"A most careful and interesting work which - presents the first complete and authoritative account of - the life of this unfortunate Prince." - - _Westminster Gazette._--"This book, admirably produced, - reinforced by many additional portraits, is a solid - contribution to history and a monument of patient, - well-applied research." - -NAPOLEON'S CONQUEST OF PRUSSIA, 1806. By F. LORAINE PETRE. -With an Introduction by FIELD-MARSHAL EARL ROBERTS, V.C., -K.G., etc. With Maps, Battle Plans, Portraits, and 16 Full-page -Illustrations. Demy 8vo (9 x 5-3/4 inches). 12_s._ 6_d._ net. - - _Scotsman._--"Neither too concise, nor too diffuse, the - book is eminently readable. It is the best work in English - on a somewhat circumscribed subject." - - _Outlook._--"Mr. Petre has visited the battlefields and - read everything, and his monograph is a model of what - military history, handled with enthusiasm and literary - ability, can be." - -NAPOLEON'S CAMPAIGN IN POLAND, 1806-1807. A Military History -of Napoleon's First War with Russia, verified from unpublished -official documents. By F. LORAINE PETRE. With 16 Full-page -Illustrations, Maps, and Plans. New Edition. Demy 8vo (9 x 5-3/4 -inches). 12_s._ 6_d._ net. - - _Army and Navy Chronicle._--"We welcome a second edition of - this valuable work.... Mr. Loraine Petre is an authority - on the wars of the great Napoleon, and has brought the - greatest care and energy into his studies of the subject." - -NAPOLEON AND THE ARCHDUKE CHARLES. A History of the Franco-Austrian -Campaign in the Valley of the Danube in 1809. By F. LORAINE -PETRE. With 8 Illustrations and 6 sheets of Maps and Plans. Demy -8vo (9 x 5-3/4 inches). 12_s._ 6_d._ net. - -RALPH HEATHCOTE. Letters of a Diplomatist During the Time of -Napoleon, Giving an Account of the Dispute between the Emperor and -the Elector of Hesse. By COUNTESS GUENTHER GROEBEN. With Numerous -Illustrations. Demy 8vo (9 x 5-3/4 inches). 12_s._ 6_d._ net. - -[Symbol: asterism] _Ralph Heathcote, the son of an English father -and an Alsatian mother, was for some time in the English diplomatic -service as first secretary to Mr. Brook Taylor, minister at the Court -of Hesse, and on one occasion found himself very near to making -history. Napoleon became persuaded that Taylor was implicated in a -plot to procure his assassination, and insisted on his dismissal from -the Hessian Court. As Taylor refused to be dismissed, the incident at -one time seemed likely to result to the Elector in the loss of his -throne. Heathcote came into contact with a number of notable people, -including the Miss Berrys, with whom he assures his mother he is not -in love. On the whole, there is much interesting material for lovers -of old letters and journals._ - -MEMOIRS OF THE COUNT DE CARTRIE. A record of the extraordinary events -in the life of a French Royalist during the war in La Vendee, and of -his flight to Southampton, where he followed the humble occupation -of gardener. With an introduction by FREDERIC MASSON, Appendices -and Notes by PIERRE AMEDEE PICHOT, and other hands, and numerous -Illustrations, including a Photogravure Portrait of the Author. Demy -8vo. 12_s._ 6_d._ net. - - _Daily News._--"We have seldom met with a human document - which has interested us so much." - - _Athenaeum._--"As a record of personal suffering and - indomitable perseverance against opposing circumstances the - narrative of De Cartrie's escape to the Eastern frontier, - in the disguise of a master-gunner, could not easily be - surpassed." - -WOMEN OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. Chronicles of the Court of Napoleon III. -By FREDERIC LOLIEE. With an introduction by RICHARD WHITEING and 53 -full-page Illustrations, 3 in Photogravure. Demy 8vo. 21_s._ net. - - _Standard._--"M. Frederic Loliee has written a remarkable - book, vivid and pitiless in its description of the intrigue - and dare-devil spirit which flourished unchecked at the - French Court.... Mr. Richard Whiteing's introduction is - written with restraint and dignity." - - _Daily Telegraph._--"It is a really fascinating story, - or series of stories, set forth in this volume.... Here - are anecdotes innumerable of the brilliant women of the - Second Empire, so that in reading the book we are not only - dazzled by the beauty and gorgeousness of everything, but - we are entertained by the record of things said and done, - and through all we are conscious of the coming 'gloom and - doom' so soon to overtake the Court. Few novels possess the - fascination of this spirited work, and many readers will - hope that the author will carry out his proposal of giving - us a further series of memories of the 'Women of the Second - Empire.'" - -LOUIS NAPOLEON AND THE GENESIS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE. By F.H. -CHEETHAM. With Numerous Illustrations. Demy 8vo (9 x 5-3/4 -inches). 16_s._ net. - -MEMOIRS OF MADEMOISELLE DES ECHEROLLES. Translated from the French -by MARIE CLOTHILDE BALFOUR. With an Introduction by G.K. FORTESCUE, -Portraits, etc. 5_s._ net. - - _Liverpool Mercury._--"... this absorbing book.... The work - has a very decided historical value. The translation is - excellent, and quite notable in the preservation of idiom." - -JANE AUSTEN'S SAILOR BROTHERS. Being the life and Adventures of -Sir Francis Austen, G.C.B., Admiral of the Fleet, and Rear-Admiral -Charles Austen. By J.H. and E.C. HUBBACK. With numerous -Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 12_s._ 6_d._ net. - - _Morning Post._--"... May be welcomed as an important - addition to Austeniana ...; it is besides valuable for its - glimpses of life in the Navy, its illustrations of the - feelings and sentiments of naval officers during the period - that preceded and that which followed the great battle of - just one century ago, the battle which won so much but - which cost us--Nelson." - -SOME WOMEN LOVING AND LUCKLESS. By TEODOR DE WYZEWA. -Translated from the French by C.H. JEFFRESON, M.A. With -Numerous Illustrations. Demy 8vo (9 x 5-3/4 inches). 7_s._ 6_d._ net. - -POETRY AND PROGRESS IN RUSSIA. By ROSA NEWMARCH. With 6 -full-page Portraits. Demy 8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._ net. - - _Standard._--"Distinctly a book that should be read ... - pleasantly written and well informed." - -THE LIFE OF PETER ILICH TCHAIKOVSKY (1840-1893). By his Brother, -MODESTE TCHAIKOVSKY. Edited and abridged from the Russian and German -Editions by ROSA NEWMARCH. With Numerous Illustrations and Facsimiles -and an Introduction by the Editor. Demy 8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._ net. Second -edition. - - _The Times._--"A most illuminating commentary on - Tchaikovsky's music." - - _World._--"One of the most fascinating self-revelations - by an artist which has been given to the world. The - translation is excellent, and worth reading for its own - sake." - - _Contemporary Review._--"The book's appeal is, of course, - primarily to the music-lover; but there is so much of human - and literary interest in it, such intimate revelation of - a singularly interesting personality, that many who have - never come under the spell of the Pathetic Symphony will - be strongly attracted by what is virtually the spiritual - autobiography of its composer. High praise is due to the - translator and editor for the literary skill with which - she has prepared the English version of this fascinating - work.... There have been few collections of letters - published within recent years that give so vivid a portrait - of the writer as that presented to us in these pages." - -COKE OF NORFOLK AND HIS FRIENDS: The Life of Thomas William Coke, -First Earl of Leicester of the second creation, containing an -account of his Ancestry, Surroundings, Public Services, and Private -Friendships, and including many Unpublished Letters from Noted Men of -his day, English and American. By A.M.W. STIRLING. With 20 -Photogravure and upwards of 40 other Illustrations reproduced from -Contemporary Portraits, Prints, etc. Demy 8vo. 2 vols. 32_s._ net. - - _The Times._--"We thank Mr. Stirling for one of the most - interesting memoirs of recent years." - - _Daily Telegraph._--"A very remarkable literary - performance. Mrs. Stirling has achieved a resurrection. She - has fashioned a picture of a dead and forgotten past and - brought before our eyes with the vividness of breathing - existence the life of our English ancestors of the - eighteenth century." - - _Pall Mall Gazette._--"A work of no common interest; in - fact, a work which may almost be called unique." - - _Evening-Standard._--"One of the most interesting - biographies we have read for years." - -THE LIFE OF SIR HALLIDAY MACARTNEY, K.C.M.G., Commander of Li Hung -Chang's trained force in the Taeping Rebellion, founder of the first -Chinese Arsenal, Secretary to the first Chinese Embassy to Europe. -Secretary and Councillor to the Chinese Legation in London for thirty -years. By DEMETRIUS C. BOULGER, Author of the "History of -China," the "Life of Gordon," etc. With Illustrations. Demy 8vo. -Price 24_s._ net. - - _Daily Graphic._--"It is safe to say that few readers will - be able to put down the book without feeling the better - for having read it ... not only full of personal interest, - but tells us much that we never knew before on some not - unimportant details." - -DEVONSHIRE CHARACTERS AND STRANGE EVENTS. By S. -BARING-GOULD, M.A., Author of "Yorkshire Oddities," etc. With 58 -Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 21_s._ net. - - _Daily News._--"A fascinating series ... the whole book is - rich in human interest. It is by personal touches, drawn - from traditions and memories, that the dead men surrounded - by the curious panoply of their time, are made to live - again in Mr. Baring-Gould's pages." - -CORNISH CHARACTERS AND STRANGE EVENTS. By S. BARING-GOULD. -Demy 8vo. 16_s._ net. - -THE HEART OF GAMBETTA. Translated from the French of FRANCIS LAUR by -VIOLETTE MONTAGU. With an Introduction by JOHN MACDONALD, Portraits -and other Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._ net. - - _Daily Telegraph._--"It is Gambetta pouring out his soul to - Leonie Leon, the strange, passionate, masterful demagogue, - who wielded the most persuasive oratory of modern times, - acknowledging his idol, his inspiration, his Egeria." - -THE MEMOIRS OF ANN, LADY FANSHAWE. Written by Lady Fanshawe. With -Extracts from the Correspondence of Sir Richard Fanshawe. Edited by -H.C. FANSHAWE. With 38 Full-page Illustrations, including -four in Photogravure and one in Colour. Demy 8vo. 16_s._ net. - - [Symbol: asterism] _This Edition has been printed direct - from the original manuscript in the possession of the - Fanshawe Family, and Mr. H.C. Fanshawe contributes numerous - notes which form a running commentary on the text. Many - famous pictures are reproduced, including paintings by - Velazquez and Van Dyck._ - -THE DIARY OF A LADY-IN-WAITING. By LADY CHARLOTTE BURY. -Being the Diary Illustrative of the Times of George the Fourth. -Interspersed with original Letters from the late Queen Caroline -and from various other distinguished persons. New edition. Edited, -with an Introduction, by A. FRANCIS STEUART. With numerous -portraits. Two Vols. Demy 8vo. 21_s._ net. - - [Symbol: asterism] _This book, which appeared anonymously - in 1838, created an enormous sensation, and was fiercely - criticised by Thackeray and in the Reviews of the time. - There is no doubt that it was founded on the diary of Lady - Charlotte Bury, daughter of the 5th Duke of Argyll, and - Lady-in-Waiting to the unfortunate Caroline of Brunswick, - when Princess of Wales. It deals, therefore, with the - curious Court of the latter and with the scandals that - occurred there, as well as with the strange vagaries of the - Princess abroad. In this edition names left blank in the - original have been (where possible) filled up, and many - notes are given by the Editor to render it useful to the - ever-increasing number of readers interested in the later - Georgian Period._ - -THE DAUGHTER OF LOUIS XVI.: Marie-Therese-Charlotte of France, -Duchesse D'Angouleme. By G. LENOTRE. With 13 Full-page Illustrations. -Demy 8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._ net. - - [Symbol: asterism] _M.G. Lenotre is perhaps the most - widely read of a group of modern French writers who have - succeeded in treating history from a point of view at - once scientific, dramatic and popular. He has made the - Revolution his particular field of research, and deals not - only with the most prominent figures of that period, but - with many minor characters whose life-stories are quite as - thrilling as anything in fiction. The localities in which - these dramas were enacted are vividly brought before us in - his works, for no one has reconstructed 18th century Paris - with more picturesque and accurate detail. "The Daughter of - Louis XVI." is quite equal in interest and literary merit - to any of the volumes which have preceded it, not excepting - the famous Drama of Varennes. As usual, M. Lenotre draws - his material largely from contemporary documents, and among - the most remarkable memoirs reproduced in this book are - "The Story of my Visit to the Temple" by Harmand de la - Meuse, and the artless, but profoundly touching narrative - of the unhappy orphaned Princess: "A manuscript written by - Marie Therese Charlotte of France upon the captivity of the - Princes and Princesses, her relatives, imprisoned in the - Temple." The illustrations are a feature of the volume and - include the so-called "telescope" portrait of the Princess, - sketched from life by an anonymous artist, stationed at a - window opposite her prison in the tower of the Temple._ - -THE TRUE STORY OF MY LIFE: an Autobiography by ALICE M. -DIEHL, Novelist, Writer, and Musician. Demy 8vo. 10_s._ 6_d._ -net. - - _Daily Chronicle._--"This work ... has the introspective - touch, intimate and revealing, which autobiography, if - it is to be worth anything, should have. Mrs. Diehl's - pages have reality, a living throb, and so are indeed - autobiography." - -HUBERT AND JOHN VAN EYCK: Their Life and Work. By W.H. -JAMES WEALE. With 41 Photogravure and 95 Black and White -Reproductions. Royal 4to. L5 5_s._ net. - - SIR MARTIN CONWAY'S NOTE. - - _Nearly half a century has passed since Mr. W.H. James - Weale, then resident at Bruges, began that long series of - patient investigations into the history of Netherlandish - art which was destined to earn so rich a harvest. When - he began work Memlinc was still called Hemling, and was - fabled to have arrived at Bruges as a wounded soldier. - The van Eycks were little more than legendary heroes. - Roger Van der Weyden was little more than a name. Most of - the other great Netherlandish artists were either wholly - forgotten or named only in connection with paintings with - which they had nothing to do. Mr. Weale discovered Gerard - David, and disentangled his principal works from Memlinc's, - with which they were then confused. During a series of - years he published in the "Beffroi," a magazine issued by - himself, the many important records from ancient archives - which threw a flood of light upon the whole origin and - development of the early Netherlandish school. By universal - admission he is hailed all over Europe as the father of - this study. It is due to him in great measure that the - masterpieces of that school, which by neglect were in - danger of perishing fifty years ago, are now recognised as - among the most priceless treasures of the Museums of Europe - and the United States. The publication by him, therefore, - in the ripeness of his years and experience, of the result - of his studies on the van Eycks is a matter of considerable - importance to students of art history. Lately, since the - revived interest in the works of the Early French painters - has attracted the attention of untrained speculators to - the superior schools of the Low Countries, a number of - wild theories have been started which cannot stand upright - in the face of recorded facts. A book is now needed which - will set down all those facts in full and accurate form. - Fullness and accuracy are the characteristics of all Mr. - Weale's work._ - -VINCENZO FOPPA OF BRESCIA, FOUNDER OF THE LOMBARD SCHOOL, HIS LIFE -AND WORK. By CONSTANCE JOCELYN FFOULKES and MONSIGNOR RODOLFO -MAJOCCHI, D.D., Rector of the Collegio Borromeo, Pavia. Based on -research in the Archives of Milan, Pavia, Brescia, and Genoa, and on -the study of all his known works. With over 100 Illustrations, many -in Photogravure, and 100 Documents. Royal 4to. L3. 11_s._ 6_d._ net. - - [Symbol: asterism] _No complete Life of Vincenzo Foppa, one - of the greatest of the North Italian Masters, has ever been - written: an omission which seems almost inexplicable in - these days of over-production in the matter of biographies - of painters, and of subjects relating to the art of Italy. - In Milanese territory--the sphere of Foppa's activity - during many years--he was regarded by his contemporaries - as unrivalled in his art, and his right to be considered - the head and founder of the Lombard school is undoubted. - His influence was powerful and far-reaching, extending - eastwards beyond the limits of Brescian territory, and - south and westwards to Liguria and Piedmont. In the - Milanese district it was practically dominant for over - a quarter of a century, until the coming of Leonardo da - Vinci thrust Foppa and his followers into the shade, and - induced him to abandon Pavia, which had been his home for - more than thirty years, and to return to Brescia. The - object of the authors of this book has been to present a - true picture of the master's life based upon the testimony - of records in Italian archives; all facts hitherto known - relating to him have been brought together; all statements - have been verified; and a great deal of new and unpublished - material has been added. The authors have unearthed a large - amount of new material relating to Foppa, one of the most - interesting facts brought to light being that he lived - for twenty-three years longer than was formerly supposed. - The illustrations will include several pictures by Foppa - hitherto unknown in the history of art, and others which - have never before been published, as well as reproductions - of every existing work by the master at present known._ - -CESAR FRANCK: A Study. Translated from the French of Vincent d'Indy. -And with an Introduction by ROSA NEWMARCH. Demy 8vo. 7_s._ -6_d._ net. - - [Symbol: asterism] _There is no purer influence in modern - music than that of Cesar Franck, for many years ignored in - every capacity save that of organist of Sainte-Clotilde, - in Paris, but now recognised as the legitimate successor - of Bach and Beethoven. His inspiration "rooted in love - and faith" has contributed in a remarkable degree to the - regeneration of the musical art in France and elsewhere. - The now famous "Schola Cantorum," founded in Paris in 1896, - by A. Guilmant, Charles Bordes and Vincent d'Indy, is the - direct outcome of his influence. Among the artists who - were in some sort his disciples were Paul Dukas, Chabrier, - Gabriel Faure and the great violinist Ysaeye. His pupils - include such gifted composers as Benoit, Augusta Holmes, - Chausson, Ropartz, and d'Indy. This book, written with - the devotion of a disciple and the authority of a master, - leaves us with a vivid and touching impression of the - saint-like composer of "The Beatitudes."_ - -JUNIPER HALL: Rendezvous of certain illustrious Personages during the -French Revolution, including Alexander D'Arblay and Fanny Burney. -Compiled by CONSTANCE HILL. With numerous Illustrations by -ELLEN G. HILL, and reproductions from various Contemporary -Portraits. Crown 8vo. 5_s._ net. - - _Daily Telegraph._--"... one of the most charming volumes - published within recent years.... Miss Hill has drawn a - really idyllic and graphic picture of the daily life and - gossip of the stately but unfortunate dames and noblemen - who found in Juniper Hall a thoroughly English home." - - _The Times._--"This book makes another on the long and - seductive list of books that take up history just where - history proper leaves off.... We have given but a faint - idea of the freshness, the innocent gaiety of its pages; - we can give none at all of the beauty and interest of the - pictures that adorn it." - - _Westminster Gazette._--"Skilfully and charmingly told." - -JANE AUSTEN: Her Homes and Her Friends. By CONSTANCE HILL. Numerous -Illustrations by ELLEN G. HILL, together with Reproductions from Old -Portraits, etc. Cr. 8vo. 5_s._ net. - - _World._--"Miss Constance Hill has given us a thoroughly - delightful book...." - - _Spectator._--"This book is a valuable contribution to - Austen lore." - - _Daily Telegraph._--"Miss Constance Hill, the authoress of - this charming book, has laid all devout admirers of Jane - Austen and her inimitable novels under a debt of gratitude." - -THE HOUSE IN ST. MARTIN'S STREET. Being Chronicles of the Burney -Family. By CONSTANCE HILL, Author of "Jane Austen, Her Home, -and Her Friends," "Juniper Hall," etc. With numerous Illustrations by -ELLEN G. HILL, and reproductions of Contemporary Portraits, -etc. Demy 8vo. 21_s._ net. - - _World._--"This valuable and very fascinating work.... - Charmingly illustrated.... Those interested in this - stirring period of history and the famous folk who were - Fanny Burney's friends should not fail to add 'The House in - St. Martin's Street' to their collection of books." - - Mr. C.K. SHORTER in _Sphere_.--"Miss Hill has - written a charming, an indispensable book." - -STORY OF THE PRINCESS DES URSINS IN SPAIN (Camarera-Mayor). By -CONSTANCE HILL. With 12 Illustrations and a Photogravure -Frontispiece. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 5_s._ net. - - _Truth._--"It is a brilliant study of the brilliant - Frenchwoman who in the early years of the eighteenth - century played such a remarkable part in saving the Bourbon - dynasty in Spain. Miss Hill's narrative is interesting from - the first page to the last, and the value of the book is - enhanced by the reproductions of contemporary portraits - with which it is illustrated." - -NEW LETTERS OF THOMAS CARLYLE. Edited and Annotated by ALEXANDER -CARLYLE, with Notes and an Introduction and numerous Illustrations. -In Two Volumes. Demy 8vo. 25_s._ net. - - _Pall Mall Gazette._--"To the portrait of the man, Thomas, - these letters do really add value; we can learn to respect - and to like him the more for the genuine goodness of his - personality." - - _Morning Leader._--"These volumes open the very heart of - Carlyle." - - _Literary World._--"It is then Carlyle, the nobly filial - son, we see in these letters; Carlyle, the generous and - affectionate brother, the loyal and warm-hearted friend, - ... and above all, Carlyle as the tender and faithful lover - of his wife." - - _Daily Telegraph._--"The letters are characteristic enough - of the Carlyle we know: very picturesque and entertaining, - full of extravagant emphasis, written, as a rule, at fever - beat, eloquently rabid and emotional." - -THE NEMESIS OF FROUDE: a Rejoinder to "My Relations with Carlyle." -By SIR JAMES CRICHTON BROWNE and ALEXANDER CARLYLE. Demy 8vo. 3_s._ -6_d._ net. - - _Glasgow Herald._--"... The book practically accomplishes - its task of reinstating Carlyle; as an attack on Froude it - is overwhelming." - - _Public Opinion._--"The main object of the book is to prove - that Froude believed a myth and betrayed his trust. That - aim has been achieved." - -NEW LETTERS AND MEMORIALS OF JANE WELSH CARLYLE. A Collection of -hitherto Unpublished Letters. Annotated by THOMAS CARLYLE, and -Edited by ALEXANDER CARLYLE, with an Introduction by Sir JAMES -CRICHTON BROWNE, M.D., LL.D., F.R.S., numerous Illustrations drawn -in Lithography by T.R. WAY, and Photogravure Portraits from hitherto -unreproduced Originals. In Two Volumes. Demy 8vo. 25_s._ net. - - _Westminster Gazette._--"Few letters in the language have - in such perfection the qualities which good letters should - possess. Frank, gay, brilliant, indiscreet, immensely - clever, whimsical, and audacious, they reveal a character - which, with whatever alloy of human infirmity, must endear - itself to any reader of understanding." - - _World._--"Throws a deal of new light on the domestic - relations of the Sage of Chelsea. They also contain the - full text of Mrs. Carlyle's fascinating journal, and her - own 'humorous and quaintly candid' narrative of her first - love-affair." - - _Daily News._--"Every page ... scintillates with keen - thoughts, biting criticisms, flashing phrases, and touches - of bright comedy." - -EMILE ZOLA: NOVELIST AND REFORMER. An Account of his Life, Work, and -Influence. By E.A. VIZETELLY. With numerous Illustrations, Portraits, -etc. Demy 8vo. 21_s._ net. - - _Morning Post._--"Mr. Ernest Vizetelly has given ... a very - true insight into the aims, character, and life of the - novelist." - - _Athenaeum._--"... Exhaustive and interesting." - - _M.A.P._--"... will stand as the classic biography of Zola." - - _Star._--"This 'Life' of Zola is a very fascinating book." - - _Academy._--"It was inevitable that the authoritative life - of Emile Zola should be from the pen of E.A. Vizetelly. No - one probably has the same qualifications, and this bulky - volume of nearly six hundred pages is a worthy tribute to - the genius of the master." - - Mr. T.P. O'CONNOR in _T.P.'s Weekly._--"It is a - story of fascinating interest, and is told admirably by Mr. - Vizetelly. I can promise any one who takes it up that he - will find it very difficult to lay it down again." - -MEMOIRS OF THE MARTYR KING: being a detailed record of the last two -years of the Reign of His Most Sacred Majesty King Charles the First, -1646-1648-9. Compiled by ALLAN FEA. With upwards of 100 -Photogravure Portraits and other Illustrations, including relics. -Royal 4to. 105_s._ net. - - Mr. M.H. SPIELMANN in _The Academy._--"The volume - is a triumph for the printer and publisher, and a solid - contribution to Carolinian literature." - - _Pall Mall Gazette._--"The present sumptuous volume, a - storehouse of eloquent associations ... comes as near to - outward perfection as anything we could desire." - -AFTER WORCESTER FIGHT: being the Contemporary Account of King Charles -II.'s escape, not included in "The Flight of the King." By ALLAN -FEA. With numerous Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 15_s._ net. - - _Morning Post._--"The work possesses all the interest of - a thrilling historical romance, the scenes of which are - described by the characters themselves, in the language of - the time, and forms a valuable contribution to existing - Stuart literature." - - _Western Morning News._--"Mr. Fea has shown great industry - in investigating every possible fact that has any - bearing on his subject, and has succeeded in thoroughly - establishing the incidents of that romantic escape." - - _Standard._--"... throws fresh light on one of the most - romantic episodes in the annals of English History." - -KING MONMOUTH: being a History of the Career of James Scott, the -Protestant Duke, 1649-1685. By ALLAN FEA. With 14 Photogravure -Portraits, a Folding-plan of the Battle of Sedgemoor, and upwards of -100 black and white Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 21_s._ net. - - _Morning Post._--"The story of Monmouth's career is one of - the most remarkable in the annals of English History, and - Mr. Fea's volume is singularly fascinating. Not only does - it supplement and correct the prejudiced though picturesque - pages of Macaulay, but it seems to make the reader - personally acquainted with a large number of the characters - who prominently figured in the conspiracies and in the - intrigues, amorous and political, when society and politics - were seething in strange cauldrons." - -FRENCH NOVELISTS OF TO-DAY: Maurice Barres, Rene Bazin, Paul Bourget, -Pierre de Coulevain, Anatole France, Pierre Loti, Marcel Prevost, and -Edouard Rod. Biographical, Descriptive, and Critical. By WINIFRED -STEPHENS. With Portraits and Bibliographies. Crown 8vo. 5_s._ -net. - - [Symbol: asterism] _The writer, who has lived much in - France, is thoroughly acquainted with French life and - with the principal currents of French thought. The book - is intended to be a guide to English readers desirous to - keep in touch with the best present-day French fiction. - Special attention is given to the ecclesiastical, social, - and intellectual problems of contemporary France and their - influence upon the works of French novelists of to-day._ - -THE KING'S GENERAL IN THE WEST, being the Life of Sir Richard -Granville, Baronet (1600-1659). By ROGER GRANVILLE, M.A., -Sub-Dean of Exeter Cathedral. With Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 10_s._ -6_d._ net. - - _Westminster Gazette._--"A distinctly interesting work; it - will be highly appreciated by historical students as well - as by ordinary readers." - -THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF ROBERT STEPHEN HAWKER, sometime -Vicar of Morwenstow in Cornwall. By C.E. BYLES. With -numerous Illustrations by J. LEY PETHYBRIDGE and others. -Demy 8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._ net. - - _Daily Telegraph._--"... As soon as the volume is opened - one finds oneself in the presence of a real original, a man - of ability, genius and eccentricity, of whom one cannot - know too much.... No one will read this fascinating and - charmingly produced book without thanks to Mr. Byles and a - desire to visit--or revisit--Morwenstow." - -THE LIFE OF WILLIAM BLAKE. By ALEXANDER GILCHRIST. Edited with an -Introduction by W. GRAHAM ROBERTSON. Numerous Reproductions from -Blake's most characteristic and remarkable designs. Demy 8vo. 10_s._ -6_d._ net. New Edition. - - _Birmingham Post._--"Nothing seems at all likely ever to - supplant the Gilchrist biography. Mr. Swinburne praised - it magnificently in his own eloquent essay on Blake, and - there should be no need now to point out its entire sanity, - understanding keenness of critical insight, and masterly - literary style. Dealing with one of the most difficult of - subjects, it ranks among the finest things of its kind that - we possess." - -MEMOIRS OF A ROYAL CHAPLAIN, 1729-63. The correspondence of Edmund -Pyle, D.D., Domestic Chaplain to George II, with Samuel Kerrich, -D.D., Vicar of Dersingham, and Rector of Wolferton and West Newton. -Edited and Annotated by ALBERT HARTSHORNE. With Portrait. -Demy 8vo. 16_s._ net. - - _Truth._--"It is undoubtedly the most important book of - the kind that has been published in recent years, and - is certain to disturb many readers whose minds have not - travelled with the time." - -GEORGE MEREDITH: Some Characteristics. By RICHARD LE -GALLIENNE. With a Bibliography (much enlarged) by JOHN -LANE. Portrait, etc. Crown 8vo. 5_s._ net. Fifth Edition. -Revised. - - _Punch._--"All Meredithians must possess 'George Meredith; - Some Characteristics,' by Richard Le Gallienne. This book - is a complete and excellent guide to the novelist and the - novels, a sort of Meredithian Bradshaw, with pictures of - the traffic superintendent and the head office at Boxhill. - Even Philistines may be won over by the blandishments of - Mr. Le Gallienne." - -LIFE OF LORD CHESTERFIELD. An account of the Ancestry, Personal -Character, and Public Services of the Fourth Earl of Chesterfield. By -W.H. CRAIG, M.A. Numerous Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 12_s._ -6_d._ net. - - _Daily Telegraph._--"Mr. Craig has set out to present - him (Lord Chesterfield) as one of the striking figures - of a formative period in our modern history ... and has - succeeded in giving us a very attractive biography of a - remarkable man." - - _Times._--"It is the chief point of Mr. Craig's book to - show the sterling qualities which Chesterfield was at - too much pains in concealing, to reject the perishable - trivialities of his character, and to exhibit him as - a philosophic statesman, not inferior to any of his - contemporaries, except Walpole at one end of his life, and - Chatham at the other." - -A QUEEN OF INDISCRETIONS. The Tragedy of Caroline of Brunswick, Queen -of England. From the Italian of G.P. CLERICI. Translated by -FREDERIC CHAPMAN. With numerous Illustrations reproduced -from contemporary Portraits and Prints. Demy 8vo. 21_s._ net. - - _The Daily Telegraph._--"It could scarcely be done - more thoroughly or, on the whole, in better taste than - is here displayed by Professor Clerici. Mr. Frederic - Chapman himself contributes an uncommonly interesting and - well-informed introduction." - - _Westminster Gazette._--"The volume, scholarly and - well-informed ... forms one long and absorbingly - interesting chapter of the _chronique scandaleuse_ of Court - life ... reads like a romance, except that no romancer - would care or dare to pack his pages so closely with - startling effects and fantastic scenes." - -LETTERS AND JOURNALS OF SAMUEL GRIDLEY HOWE. Edited by his Daughter -LAURA E. RICHARDS. With Notes and a Preface by F.B. SANBORN, an -Introduction by MRS. JOHN LANE, and a Portrait. Demy 8vo (9 x 5-3/4 -inches). 16_s._ net. - - _Outlook._--"This deeply interesting record of experience. - The volume is worthily produced and contains a striking - portrait of Howe." - - _Daily News._--"Dr. Howe's book is full of shrewd touches; - it seems to be very much a part of the lively, handsome - man of the portrait. His writing is striking and vivid; - it is the writing of a shrewd, keen observer, intensely - interested in the event before him." - -THE LIFE OF ST. MARY MAGDALEN. Translated from the Italian of an -Unknown Fourteenth-Century Writer by VALENTINA HAWTREY. -With an Introductory Note by VERNON LEE, and 14 Full-page -Reproductions from the Old Masters. Crown 8vo. 5_s._ net. - - _Daily News._--"Miss Valentina Hawtrey has given a most - excellent English version of this pleasant work." - - _Academy._--"The fourteenth-century fancy plays - delightfully around the meagre details of the Gospel - narrative, and presents the heroine in quite an - unconventional light.... In its directness and artistic - simplicity and its wealth of homely detail the story reads - like the work of some Boccaccio of the cloister; and - fourteen illustrations taken from Italian painters happily - illustrate the charming text." - -MEN AND LETTERS. By HERBERT PAUL, M.P. Fourth Edition. Crown -8vo. 5_s._ net. - - _Daily News._--"Mr. Herbert Paul has done scholars and the - reading world in general a high service in publishing this - collection of his essays." - - _Punch._--"His fund of good stories is inexhaustible, and - his urbanity never fails. On the whole, this book is one - of the very best examples of literature on literature and - life." - -ROBERT BROWNING: Essays and Thoughts. By J.T. NETTLESHIP. -With Portrait. Crown 8vo. 5_s._ 6_d._ net. (Third Edition.) - -A LATER PEPYS. The Correspondence of Sir William Weller Pepys, Bart., -Master in Chancery, 1758-1825, with Mrs. Chapone, Mrs. Hartley, -Mrs. Montague, Hannah More, William Franks, Sir James Macdonald, -Major Rennell, Sir Nathaniel Wraxall, and others. Edited, with an -Introduction and Notes, by ALICE C.C. GAUSSEN. With numerous -Illustrations. Demy 8vo. In Two Volumes. 32_s._ net. - - DOUGLAS SLADEN in the _Queen_.--"This is - indisputably a most valuable contribution to the literature - of the eighteenth century. It is a veritable storehouse of - society gossip, the art criticism, and the _mots_ of famous - people." - - _Academy and Literature._--"The effect consists in no - particular passages, but in the total impression, the sense - of atmosphere, and the general feeling that we are being - introduced into the very society in which the writer moved." - - _Daily News._--"To Miss Alice Gaussen is due the credit - of sorting out the vast collection of correspondence - which is here presented to the public.... Her industry - is indefatigable, and her task has been carried out with - completeness. The notes are full of interesting items; - the introduction is exhaustive; and the collection of - illustrations enhances the value of the book." - - _World._--"Sir William Pepys's correspondence is admirable." - -ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON, AN ELEGY; AND OTHER POEMS, MAINLY PERSONAL. -By RICHARD LE GALLIENNE. Crown 8vo. 4_s._ 6_d._ _net_. - - _Daily Chronicle._--"Few, indeed, could be more fit to sing - the dirge of that 'Virgil of Prose' than the poet whose - _curiosa felicitas_ is so close akin to Stevenson's own - charm." - - _Globe._--"The opening Elegy on R.L. Stevenson includes - some tender and touching passages, and has throughout the - merits of sincerity and clearness." - -RUDYARD KIPLING: a Criticism. By RICHARD LE GALLIENNE. With -a Bibliography by JOHN LANE. Crown 8vo. 3_s._ 6_d._ net. - - _Guardian._--"One of the cleverest pieces of criticism we - have come across for a long time." - - _Scotsman._--"It shows a keen insight into the essential - qualities of literature, and analyses Mr. Kipling's - product with the skill of a craftsman ... the positive and - outstanding merits of Mr. Kipling's contribution to the - literature of his time are marshalled by his critic with - quite uncommon skill." - -POEMS. By EDWARD CRACROFT LEFROY. With a Memoir by W.A. -GILL, and a Reprint of Mr. J.A. SYMONDS' Critical Essay -on "Echoes from Theocritus." Photogravure Portrait. Crown 8vo. 5_s._ -net. - - _The Times._--"... the leading features of the sonnets are - the writer's intense sympathy with human life in general - and with young life in particular; his humour, his music, - and, in a word, the quality which 'leaves a melody afloat - upon the brain, a savour on the mental palate.'" - - _Bookman._--"The Memoir, by Mr. W.A. Gill, is a - sympathetic sketch of an earnest and lovable character; - and the critical estimate, by J. Addington Symonds, is a - charmingly-written and suggestive essay." - -APOLOGIA DIFFIDENTIS. By W. COMPTON LEITH. Demy 8vo. 7_s._ -6_d._ net. - - [Symbol: asterism] _The book, which is largely - autobiographical, describes the effect of diffidence upon - an individual life, and contains, with a consideration of - the nature of shyness, a plea for a kindlier judgment of - the inveterate case._ - - _Daily Mail._--"Mr. Leith has written a very beautiful - book, and perhaps the publisher's claim that this will be a - new classic is not too bold." - -BOOKS AND PERSONALITIES: Essays. By H.W. NEVINSON. Crown -8vo. 5_s._ net. - - _Daily Chronicle._--"It is a remarkable thing and probably - unique, that a writer of such personality as the author of - 'Between the Acts' should not only feel, but boldly put on - paper, his homage and complete subjection to the genius of - one after another of these men. He is entirely free from - that one common virtue of critics, which is superiority to - the author criticised." - -OTIA: Essays. By ARMINE THOMAS KENT. Crown 8vo. 5_s._ net. - -BOOKS AND PLAYS: A Volume of Essays on Meredith, Borrow, Ibsen, and -others. By ALLAN MONKHOUSE. Crown 8vo. 5_s._ net. - -LIBER AMORIS; or, THE NEW PYGMALION. By WILLIAM -HAZLITT. Edited, with an introduction, by RICHARD LE -GALLIENNE. To which is added an exact transcript of the original -MS., Mrs. Hazlitt's Diary in Scotland, and Letters never before -published. Portrait after BEWICK, and facsimile Letters. 400 -copies only. 4to. 364 pp. Buckram. 21_s._ net. - -TERRORS OF THE LAW: being the Portraits of Three Lawyers--the -original Weir of Hermiston, "Bloody Jeffreys," and "Bluidy Advocate -Mackenzie." By FRANCIS WATT. With 3 Photogravure Portraits. -Fcap. 8vo. 4_s._ 6_d._ net. - - _The Literary World._--"The book is altogether - entertaining; it is brisk, lively, and effective. Mr. Watt - has already, in his two series of 'The Law's Lumber Room,' - established his place as an essayist in legal lore, and the - present book will increase his reputation." - -CHAMPIONS OF THE FLEET. Captains and Men-of-War in the Days that -Helped to make the Empire. By EDWARD FRASER. With 16 Full-page -Illustrations. Crown 8vo. - - [Symbol: asterism] _Mr. Fraser takes in the whole range - of our Navy's story. First there is the story of the - "Dreadnought," told for the first time: how the name was - originally selected by Elizabeth, why she chose it, the - launch, how under Drake she fought against the Armada, - how her captain was knighted on the quarter-deck in the - presence of the enemy. From this point the name is traced - down to the present leviathan which bears it. This is - but one of the "champions" dealt with in Mr. Fraser's - volume, which is illustrated by some very interesting - reproductions._ - -THE LONDONS OF THE BRITISH FLEET: The Story of Ships bearing -the name of Old Renown in Naval Annals. 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