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diff --git a/old/51748.txt b/old/51748.txt deleted file mode 100644 index be6532f..0000000 --- a/old/51748.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,2296 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Torpedo War, and Submarine Explosions, by -Robert Fulton - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Torpedo War, and Submarine Explosions - - -Author: Robert Fulton - - - -Release Date: April 13, 2016 [eBook #51748] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TORPEDO WAR, AND SUBMARINE -EXPLOSIONS*** - - -E-text prepared by MWS, Tom Cosmas, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made -available by Internet Archive/American Libraries -(https://archive.org/details/americana) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this - file which includes the original illustrations. - See 51748-h.htm or 51748-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/51748/51748-h/51748-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/51748/51748-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive/American Libraries. See - https://archive.org/details/torpedowarsub00fultrich - - - - - -TORPEDO WAR, AND SUBMARINE EXPLOSIONS. - - -by - -ROBERT FULTON - -Fellow of the American Philosophical Society, -and of the -United States Military and Philosophical Society. - - - The Liberty of the Sea will be the Happiness of the Earth. - - - - - - - -New-York: -Printed by William Elliot, 114 Water-Street. -1810 - -New York -Reprinted -William Abbatt -1914 - -Being Extra No. 35 of The Magazine of History with Notes and Queries - - - - -CONTENTS - - - Page - TORPEDO WAR, &c. 5 - PLATE I 7 - PLATE II 10 - PLATE III 13 - PLATE IV, Fig. 1 15 - Fig. 2 17 - PLATE V, Fig. 1 & 2 17 - Fig. 3 20 - - THOUGHTS -- On the probable effect of this invention 20 - Estimate of the Force to Attack so Formidable a Blockade Fleet 32 - Manner of Arranging the Boats Until Wanted 33 - First Mode of Attack 35 - Second Mode of Attack 36 - - ON -- the imaginary inhumanity of Torpedo war 40 - - A VIEW -- of the political economy of this invention 43 - - - - -EDITOR'S PREFACE - - -In view of the prominent part played in the present World War by -torpedoes and submarines, the subject of our Extra No. 35 is -peculiarly timely. - -The original of 1810 is very scarce, only one copy having been sold -at auction in many years: nor are copies to be found in any but a few -of our libraries. Fulton's claims for his invention have been fully -substantiated and some of his predictions, made more than a century -ago, are remarkably interesting, in view of the events of the past -five months. His estimate of our population in 1920 has already been -exceeded in fact, and only his plan of affixing torpedoes to their -prey by means of harpoons seems--for it was made in the days of wooden -ships--fantastic, in these days of iron clads. He could not foresee that -almost exactly a century would elapse before his invention would be -extensively used--though he cautiously says "it is impossible to foresee -to what degree torpedoes may be improved and rendered useful." - -In the Joline collection of autograph letters, sold this month, was an -extremely interesting letter of Fulton's, addressed to Gen. William -Duane. A part reads: - - "New York, March 1, 1813 - - I am happy to find you continue the firm friend to torpedoes; an - infant art which requires only support and practice to produce a - change in Maritime affairs of immence (_sic_) importance to this - country. Expecting the enemy here, I have not been idle, I have - prepared 9 torpedoes with locks that strike fire by concussion, and - four with clockwork locks." - -The letter is of great interest throughout, and tells of his plans for -blowing up the enemy or driving them from New York waters, his regret -that he had not enough torpedoes for the Chesapeake; and contains a list -of the cost of various sorts, &c. - -We regret that we could not secure permission to copy the whole of it. - - - - -TORPEDO WAR, &c. - - - _To JAMES MADISON, Esq. President of the United States, and to the - Members of both Houses of Congress._ - -Gentlemen, - -In January last, at Kalorama, the residence of my friend Joel Barlow, -I had the pleasure of exhibiting to Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and a -party of gentlemen from the senate and house of representatives, some -experiments and details on Torpedo defence and attack; the favourable -impression which the experiments appeared to make on the minds of the -gentlemen then present; and my conviction that this invention, improved -and practised to the perfection which it is capable of receiving, will be -of the first importance to our country, has induced me to present you in -the form of a pamphlet a description of my system, with five engravings, -and such demonstrations as will give each of you an opportunity to -contemplate its efficacy and utility at your leisure; and enable you to -form a correct judgment on the propriety of adopting it as a part of our -means of national defence. It being my intention to publish hereafter -a detailed account of the origin and progress of this invention, and -the embarrassments under which I have laboured to bring it to its -present state of certain utility; I will now state only such experiments -and facts as are most important to be known, and which, proving the -practicability of destroying ships of war by this means, will lead the -mind to all the advantages which we may derive from it. I believe it -is generally known that I endeavoured for many years to get torpedoes -introduced into practice in France, and in England; which, though -unsuccessful, gave me the opportunity of making numerous very interesting -experiments on a large scale; by which I discovered errors in the -combinations of the machinery and method of fixing the torpedoes to a -ship; which errors in the machinery have been corrected: and I believe I -have found means of attaching the torpedoes to a vessel which will seldom -fail of success. It is the result of my experience which I now submit -to your consideration; and hoping that you will feel an interest in the -success of my invention, I beg for your deliberate perusal and reflection -on the following few pages. Gentlemen who have traced the progress of -the useful arts, know the years of toil and experiment, and difficulties -which frequently pass, before the utility and certain operation of new -discoveries have been established; hence it could not be expected, -that torpedoes should be rendered useful without encountering many -difficulties; and I am aware, that in the course of farther essays other -difficulties will appear; but from my past experience I feel confident, -that any obstacle which may arise can be surmounted by attention and -perseverance: of this gentlemen will be better able to judge, after -examining the following facts and details: - - -Note on vessels of war of the United States - -From which a comparative estimate may be made of their expence, and the -expence of armed Torpedo boats; also the degree of protection which a -given sum would effect, expended in either way. - -_The Ship Constitution_ - - Guns 54 - First cost, dollars 302,718 - Annual expence when in commission, dollars 100,000 - Draft of water, feet 23 - -_The Wasp_ - - Guns 18 - First cost, dollars 60,000 - Annual expence in commission, dollars 38,000 - Draft of water, feet 15 - -_A Gun Boat_ - - First cost, fitted for sea, dollars 12,000 - Annual expence in commission, dollars 11,000 - Men 36 - Number of gun boats of the United States 167 - - This Work having been published in haste, the errors of the press, - and those of diction, shall be corrected in the second edition. - - (For tables, see pages 54-55) - - -[Illustration: PLATE I.] - -PLATE I - -_Is a view of the brig Dorothea, as she was blown up on the 15th of Oct. -1805._ - -To convince Mr. Pitt and lord Melville that a vessel could be destroyed -by the explosion of a Torpedo under her bottom, a strong built Danish -brig, the _Dorothea_, burthen 200 tons, was anchored in Walmer road, -near Deal, and within a mile of Walmer Castle, the then residence of Mr. -Pitt. Two boats, each with eight men, commanded by lieutenant Robinson, -were put under my direction. I prepared two empty Torpedoes in such a -manner, that each was only from two to three pounds specifically heavier -than salt water; and I so suspended them, that they hung fifteen feet -under water. They were then tied one to each end of a small rope eighty -feet long: thus arranged, and the brig drawing twelve feet of water, the -14th day of October was spent in practice. Each boat having a Torpedo -in the stern, they started from the shore about a mile above the brig, -and rowed down towards her; the uniting line of the Torpedoes being -stretched to its full extent, the two boats were distant from each other -seventy feet; thus they approached in such a manner, that one boat kept -the larboard the other the starboard side of the brig in view. So soon -as the connecting line of the Torpedoes passed the buoy of the brig, -they were thrown into the water, and carried on by the tide, until the -connecting line touched the brig's cable; the tide then drove them under -her bottom. The experiment being repeated several times, taught the men -how to act, and proved to my satisfaction that, when properly placed -on the tide, the Torpedoes would invariably go under the bottom of the -vessel. I then filled one of the Torpedoes with one hundred and eighty -pounds of powder, and set its clockwork to eighteen minutes. Every thing -being ready, the experiment was announced for the next day, the 15th, -at five o'clock in the afternoon. Urgent business had called Mr. Pitt -and lord Melville to London. Admiral Holloway, Sir Sidney Smith, Captain -Owen, Captain Kingston, Colonel Congreve, and the major part of the -officers of the fleet under command of Lord Keath were present; at forty -minutes past four the boats rowed towards the brig, and the Torpedoes -were thrown into the water; the tide carried them, as before described, -under the bottom of the brig, where, at the expiration of eighteen -minutes, the explosion appeared to raise her bodily about six feet; she -separated in the middle, and the two ends went down; in twenty seconds, -nothing was to be seen of her except floating fragments; the pumps and -foremast were blown out of her; the fore-topsail-yard was thrown up to -the cross-trees; the fore-chain plates with their bolts, were torn from -her sides; the mizen-chain-plates and shrouds, being stronger than those -of the foremast, or the shock being more forward than aft, the mizenmast -was broke off in two places; these discoveries were made by means of the -pieces which were found afloat. - -The experiment was of the most satisfactory kind, for it proved a fact -much debated and denied, that the explosion of a sufficient quantity of -powder under the bottom of a vessel would destroy her.[A] There is now -no doubt left on any intelligent mind as to this most important of all -facts connected with the invention of Torpedoes; and the establishment of -this fact alone, merits the expenditure of millions of dollars and years -of experiment, were it yet necessary, to arrive at a system of practice -which shall insure success to attacks, with such formidable engines. For -America, I consider it a fortunate circumstance that this experiment was -made in England, and witnessed by more than a hundred respectable and -brave officers of the Royal navy; for, should Congress adopt Torpedoes -as a part of our means of defence, lords Melville, Castlereagh, and -Mulgrave, have a good knowledge of their combination and effect. Lord -Grenville, Earls Gray and St. Vincent[B], have on their minds a strong -impression of their probable consequences. Sir Home Popham, Sir Sidney -Smith, and Colonel Congreve, the latter now celebrated for his ingenious -invention of Pyrotecnic arrows or rockets, were my friends and companions -in the experiments; they are excellent and brave men, and from my -knowledge of those noblemen and gentlemen, and their sentiments on this -subject, I can predict that they would feel much disposed to respect the -rights, nor enter the waters of a nation who should use such engines with -energy and effect. - -[Footnote A: Twenty minutes before the _Dorothea_ was blown up, Capt. -Kingston asserted, that if a Torpedo were placed under his cabin while -he was at dinner, he should feel no concern for the consequence. Occular -demonstration is the best proof for all men.] - -[Footnote B: The morning of my first interview with Earl St. Vincent he -was very communicative. I explained to him a Torpedo and the _Dorothea_ -experiment. He reflected for some time, and then said, Pitt was the -greatest fool that ever existed, to encourage a mode of war which they -who commanded the seas did not want, and which, if successful, would -deprive them of it.] - -This fortunate experiment left not the least doubt on my mind that the -one which I made in the harbour of New-York in August 1807, would be -equally successful. The brig was anchored, the Torpedoes prepared and -put into the water in the manner before described; the tide drove them -under the brig near her keel, but in consequence of the locks turning -downwards, the powder fell out of the pans and they both missed fire. -This discovery of an error in the manner of fixing the locks to a -Torpedo, has been corrected. On the second attempt, the Torpedo missed -the brig; the explosion took place about one hundred yards from her, -and threw up a column of water ten feet diameter sixty or seventy feet -high. On the third attempt she was blown up: the effect and result -much the same as that of the _Dorothea_ before described. About two -thousand persons were witnesses to this experiment. Thus, in the course -of my essays, two brigs, each of two hundred tons, have been blown up. -The practicability of destroying vessels by this means, has been fully -proved. It is also proved, that the mechanism will ignite powder at any -required depth under water within a given time. It now remains to point -out means by which Torpedoes may be used to advantage with the least -possible risque to the assailants. - - -PLATE II - -Represents the anchored Torpedo, so arranged as to blow up a vessel which -should run against it; B is a copper case two feet long, twelve inches -diameter, capable of containing one hundred pounds of powder. A is a -brass box, in which there is a lock similar to a common gun-lock, with a -barrel two inches long, to contain a musket charge of powder: the box, -with the lock cocked and barrel charged, is screwed to the copper case -B. H is a lever which has a communication to the lock inside of the box, -and in its present state holds the lock cocked and ready to fire. C is -a deal box filled with cork, and tied to the case B. The object of the -cork is to render the Torpedo about fifteen or twenty pounds specifically -lighter than water, and give it a tendency to rise to the surface. It is -held down to any given depth under water by a weight of fifty or sixty -pounds as at F: there is also a small anchor G, to prevent a strong tide -moving it from its position. With Torpedoes prepared, and knowing the -depth of water in all our bays and harbours, it is only necessary to fix -the weight F at such a distance from the Torpedo, as when thrown into the -water, F will hold it ten, twelve, or fifteen feet below the surface at -low water, it will then be more or less below the surface at high water, -or at different times of the tide; but it should never be so deep as the -usual draught of a frigate or ship of the line. When anchored, it will, -during the flood tide, stand in its present position; at slack water it -will stand perpendicular to the weight F, as at D; during the ebb it will -be at E. At ten feet under water the waves, in boisterous weather, would -have little or no tendency to disturb the Torpedo; for that if the hollow -of a wave should sink ten feet below what would be the calm surface, -the wave would run twenty feet high, which I believe is never the case -in any of our bays or harbours. All the experience which I have on this -kind of Torpedo is, that in the month of October 1805, I had one of -them anchored nine feet under water, in the British Channel near Dover; -the weather was severe, the waves ran high, it kept its position for -twenty-four hours, and, when taken up, the powder was dry and the lock in -good order. The Torpedo thus anchored, it is obvious, that if a ship in -sailing should strike the lever H, the explosion would be instantaneous, -and she be immediately destroyed; hence, to defend our bays or harbours, -let a hundred, or more if necessary, of these engines be anchored in the -channel, as for example, the Narrows, to defend New-York. - -[Illustration: PLATE II.] - -The figure to the right of the plate is an end view of the Torpedo H. H -shews its lever forked, to give the better chance of being struck. - -Having described this instrument in a way which I hope will be -understood, I may be permitted to put the following question to my -readers, which is, knowing that the explosion of one hundred pounds of -powder, or more if required, under the bottom of a ship of the line, -would destroy her, and seeing, that if a ship in sailing should strike -the lever of an anchored torpedo, she would be blown up, would he have -the courage, or, shall I say, temerity, to sail into a channel where one -or more hundred of such engines were anchored? I rely on each gentleman's -sense of prudence and self-preservation, to answer this question to my -satisfaction. Should the apprehension of danger become as strong on the -minds of those who investigate this subject as it is on mine, we may -reasonably conclude that the same regard to self-preservation, will make -an enemy cautious in approaching waters where such engines are placed; -for, however brave sailors may be, there is no danger so distressing to -the mind of a seaman, or so calculated to destroy his confidence, as that -which is invisible and instantaneous destruction. - -The consideration which will now present itself, is, that the enemy might -send out boats to sweep for and destroy the Torpedoes. It is therefore -proper to examine the nature of such an operation, and its chance of -success. Suppose two hundred Torpedoes to be placed in three miles of -channel, the enemy's boats, in attempting to sweep for them, would be -exposed to the fire of our land batteries, or necessitated to fight our -boats, for whenever they leave their ships and take to boats, we can -be as well armed and active at boat fighting as they; and thus opposed -by batteries and boats, they would have three or more square miles of -channel to sweep, which, even if successful, would be a work of time, -and were they to get up some of the Torpedoes, they could not ascertain -if all were destroyed, for they could not know whether five or five -hundred had been put down; nor could they prevent our boats throwing -in additional numbers each day and night. It therefore amounts to an -impossibility for an enemy to clear a channel of Torpedoes, provided it -were reasonably guarded by land batteries and row boats. Added to the -opposition which might be made to the enemy, there is a great difficulty -in clearing a channel of Torpedoes with any kind of sweep or drag, so -as to establish full confidence in sailing through it. It is only they -who put them down and know the number, that could tell when all were -taken up. To facilitate the taking of them up, I have, since Plate II -was engraved, thought of a very useful and simple piece of mechanism -which, being screwed to the box C, will hold the Torpedo under water at -any given depth, and for any number of days. They may be set to stay -under water a day, week, month, or year, and on the day which shall be -previously determined, they will rise to the surface; at the same instant -each will lock its lever H so that it cannot strike fire, and the Torpedo -may be handled with perfect safety. Not having time to engrave this -improvement, it shall be exhibited to Congress in a working model, by -which it will also be better understood. - -I will now suppose the enemy to be approaching a port; a signal announces -them; our boats run out and throw into the channel two hundred Torpedoes, -set each to 15 days. Should the enemy sail among them, the consequence -will teach future caution; should they cruise or anchor at a distance, -what could they do? They not knowing the number of Torpedoes which were -put down, nor the day on which they were to rise to the surface, could -not have their boats out exposed to our fire, and waiting from day to day -for a time uncertain. Whereas, our officers, knowing the number which -were put down, and the day they were to rise to the surface, would have -their boats ready to take them in, and at the same time replace them -with others set for ten, fifteen, twenty, or more days. Viewing this -subject in all its bearings, the impression on my mind is, that it would -be impossible for an enemy to enter a port where anchored Torpedoes were -thus used, without their incurring danger of such a kind, that courage -could not guard them from its consequences. Prudence and justice would -warrant their abandoning such an enterprise; and the probability is, that -knowing us to be thus prepared, they never would attempt it, or should -they, and only one vessel were to be destroyed, we might calculate on its -good effect to protect us from future hostile enterprises. - - -[Illustration: PLATE III.] - -PLATE III - -_Represents a clockwork Torpedo, as prepared for the attack of a vessel -while at anchor or under sail, by harpooning her in the larboard and -starboard bow._ - -B is a copper case to contain one hundred or more pounds of powder; C -a cork cushion to give the whole Torpedo such a buoyancy, that it will -be only from two to three pounds heavier than salt water. To ascertain -such weight, when it is charged with powder and the lock screwed on, it -is put into a large tub of sea water. C is to have fifteen or twenty -inch-holes bored in its sides and top, to let the water rush in and the -air out, otherwise, the air would prevent its immediately sinking. A is -a cylindric brass box, about seven inches diameter and two inches deep, -in which there is a gun-lock with a barrel two inches long, to receive -a charge of powder and a wad, which charge is fired into the powder of -the case B. In the brass box A there is also a piece of clockwork moved -by a spring, which being wound up and set, will let the lock strike fire -in any number of minutes which may be determined within one hour. K is -a small line fixed to a pin, which pin holds the clockwork inactive; -the instant the pin is withdrawn the clockwork begins to move, and the -explosion will take place in one, two, three, or any number of minutes -for which it has been set; the whole is so made as to be perfectly tight -and keep out the water, although under a pressure of twenty-five or -thirty perpendicular feet. D is a pine box two feet long, six or eight -inches square, filled with cork; it is ten or fifteen pounds lighter -than water, and floats on the surface; the line from it to the Torpedo -is the suspending line, which must be of a length in proportion to the -estimated draft of water of the vessel to be attacked; vessels of a -certain number of guns usually draw within a few feet of the same draft -of water; the suspending line should be from four to eight feet longer -than the greatest draft of the vessel, that it may bend round the curve -of her side, and lay the Torpedo near her keel. From the Torpedo and the -float D, two lines, each twenty feet long, are united at E, from thence -one line goes to the harpoon, the total length of the line from the -Torpedo to the harpoon being about fifty feet, according to the length -of the vessel to be attacked, will, when the ship is harpooned in the -bow, bring the Torpedo under her bottom near midship. See the harpoon. -It is a round piece of iron, half an inch diameter and two feet long, -the butt one inch diameter, the exact calibre of the harpoon-gun; in the -head of the harpoon there is an eye, the point six inches long is barbed, -the line of the Torpedo is spliced into the eye of the harpoon, a small -iron or tough copper link runs on the shaft of the harpoon, to the link -the Torpedo-line is also tied, and at such a distance, that when the -harpoon is in the gun it will form a loop as at H, but when fired, the -link will slide along to the butt of the harpoon, and, holding the rope -and harpoon parallel to each other, the rope will act like a tail or rod -to a rocket, and guide it straight; without this precaution, the butt of -the harpoon would turn foremost, and make a very uncertain shot. F is the -harpoon-gun, made strong, and to work on a swivel in a stanchion fixed -in the stern-sheets of a boat. My experience with this kind of harpoon -and gun, is, that I have harpooned a target of six feet square fifteen -or twenty times, at the distance of from thirty to fifty feet, never -missing, and always driving the barbed point through three inch boards up -to the eye, which practice was so satisfactory, that I did not consider -it necessary to repeat it. The object of harpooning a vessel on the -larboard and starboard bow, is, to fix one end of the Torpedo-line, then, -if the ship be under sail, her action through the water will draw the -Torpedo under her; if she be at anchor, the tide will drive it under her, -where, at the expiration of the time for which the clockwork was set, the -explosion will destroy her. - -This being the kind of Torpedo and clockwork by which the _Dorothea_ -in Walmer roads, and the brig in New-York harbour were blown up, and -the harpoon having succeeded to fix the line to the target, these two -experiments shall be combined, and the mode of practice, with the -prospect of success and risque to the assailants, examined. - - -[Illustration: PLATE IV. - -_Fig. 1._ - -_Fig. 2._] - -PLATE IV, Fig. 1 - -Represents the stern of a row-boat; a platform about four feet long, -three feet wide, is made on her stern on a level with the gunwale, -and projecting over the stern fifteen or eighteen inches, so that -the Torpedo, in falling into the water, may clear the rudder. On the -platform, the Torpedo and its suspending line of cork are to be laid, -and the harpoon-line carefully coiled as at F, so that when the harpoon -is fired, the line may develope with ease: very pliable well greased, -or white line would be best for this purpose. The harpoon and gun are -so well engraved as require no explanation. B is the copper case to -hold one hundred or one hundred and fifty pounds of powder. C, the box -of cork to diminish its tendency to sink and bring it to a specific -gravity of only two or three pounds more than sea-water. Its suspending -box of cork explained in Plate III is not seen in this figure, lest the -drawing should be confused; it can be imagined in its proper place. A, -is the brass box with the clockwork lock; D, the pin which prevents the -clockwork moving; the line from the pin is tied to a bolt, or otherwise -fixed to the boat as at E. Thus fastened, when the Torpedo is pulled into -the water, the pin D will remain in the boat, and the clockwork will -begin to act. The man who shall be stationed at the gun, and who may be -called the harpooner, is to steer the boat and fire when sufficiently -near. If he fixes his harpoon in the bow of the enemy, it will then -only be necessary to row away; the harpoon and line being fixed to the -ship, will pull the Torpedo out of the boat, and at the same instant -set the clockwork in motion. This reduces the attack of each boat to -one simple operation, that only of firing with reasonable attention. -Should the harpooner miss the ship, he can save his Torpedo and return -to the attack. While I was with the British blockading fleet off the -coast of Boulogne in 1804 and 1805, I acquired some experience on the -kind of row-boat best calculated for active movements, and which I now -believe well adapted to a harpooning and Torpedo attack; hence I propose -clinker-built boats, each twenty-seven feet long, six feet extreme -breadth of beam, single banked, and six long oars; one blunderbuss, on -a swivel, on the larboard and one on the starboard bow; one ditto on -the larboard and one on the starboard quarter, total four, for which -cartridges should be prepared, each containing twelve half-ounce balls. -To work the blunderbusses, in case of need, two mariners should be placed -in the bow, two in the stern; each of those men to be provided with a -horse-pistol and cutlass, and each oarsman a cutlass, in case of coming -to close quarters with a boat of the enemy. - -_Total of boat's crew_ - - 1 Harpooner. - 1 Bowman. - 4 Marines. - 6 Oarsmen. - Total 12 Men. - -Such boats would be active well armed, and, if good men, may be said to -be strong handed, and well prepared to make good a retreat, or act on the -defensive, in case of encountering the enemy's boats. - - -Fig. 2 - -A, is a bird's eye view of a vessel at anchor; B, her cable; EE, two -Torpedoes; CD, is their coupling line, about 120 feet long; it is here -represented touching the cable collapsing, and the Torpedoes driving by -the tide under the vessel. This is the manner in which the _Dorothea_ in -Walmer roads, and the brig in New-York harbour, were blown up. - - -[Illustration: PLATE V. - -_Fig. 1._ - -_Fig. 2._ - -_Fig. 3._] - -PLATE V. Fig. 1 - -A, shews a Torpedo, with the harpoon-line fixed to the centre of its end; -when the line is thus fixed, the tide cannot drive the Torpedo under a -vessel, for the pressure of the current being equal on both sides, it -will hang perpendicular to its suspending box of cork C, Fig. 2, and -remain as at B, where, exploding, it would blow the water perpendicular -to C, and up the side of the ship; the lateral movement of the water from -B to E would give her a sudden cant to one side, but do her no injury. -This has been proved by the following practice. - -On the first of October, 1805, captain Siccombe, in a galley with eight -men and his coxswain, placed two Torpedoes in the manner described, -Plate IV, Fig. 2, between the buoy and cable of a French gun-brig, in -Boulogne roads. The tide drove them until they both lay perpendicular -to her sides. When the French saw captain Siccombe advancing without -answering the countersign, they exclaimed that the infernal machines -were coming, and fired a volley of musketry at his boat, but without -touching a man.[C] The moment the French fired, fearing the effect of the -explosions, they all ran aft and were in the greatest confusion. The tide -drove captain Siccombe's boat so far down, that he was obliged to cross -under the brig's stern, where, seeing her men collected, and expecting -another volley, he discharged at them two blunderbusses, each containing -fifteen half-ounce balls[D], and was rowing away, when both Torpedoes -exploded, but, to his astonishment, the brig was not destroyed. On the -same night, lieutenant Payne, of captain Owen's ship _l'Immortality_, -placed two Torpedoes across the bow of another French gun-brig; he -received their fire, had one man wounded, rowed to some distance, and -waited till he saw the explosion of the Torpedoes, which did not appear -to do any injury to the vessel. When captain Siccombe called on me in the -morning and reported these circumstances, I was much at a loss to account -for the brig not being blown up. Defective in the experience which this -failure gave me, I had not reflected, that if the copper case, with the -clockwork and powder, weighed specifically fifteen or twenty pounds -more than water, it would hang like a heavy pendulum to its suspending -cork-box C, and if the coupling line were fixed in the centre of the end, -as at A, Fig. 1, the action of the tide being equal on both sides, would -have no tendency to sheer or drive it from its perpendicular position. -After about half an hour's consideration, I was forcibly impressed with -this error in arrangement, as the real cause of captain Siccombe's and -lieutenant Payne's failure. - -[Footnote C: They had got some idea of these machines, from an attempt -which had been made with them against the Boulogne flotilla, in Oct. -1804, called the Catamaran expedition.] - -[Footnote D: The report on this attack in the French papers, acknowledged -that the brig had five men killed and eight wounded: this from two -blunderbusses shews that the persons in the vessel attacked have to fear -the small arms of the Torpedo boats.] - -I immediately had a large tub made, then filling a copper case with -powder, I screwed on to it the clockwork lock, and tied to it the -pine box C, then suspending the whole Torpedo by a line in the tub -of seawater; the end of the suspending line was tied to one end of a -scale-beam. I then filled the pine box C with cork, until the whole -volume of the Torpedo and box of cork would, when just covered with -water, hold three pounds in equilibrio in the scale on the other end of -the beam. The Torpedo being then three pounds heavier than water, had a -sufficient tendency to sink; and being so balanced, would, while under -water, be easy moved by a slight pressure to either side. Then, instead -of tying the coupling line to the end of the Torpedo, as at A, I tied it -to a bridle, as at B, which presenting the side on an angle to the tide, -the pressure of the current in the direction of the arrow, would cause -the Torpedo to sheer from B to G. This arrangement perfectly succeeded to -sheer the Torpedo from its perpendicular C, and the side of the vessel to -E, near the keel, a position, near which it should be to do execution. -In this situation, the explosion being under the vessel, would have a -great body of water to remove laterally, before it could get out by a -line curving round her side. The water, when acted on in so instantaneous -a manner as by the explosion of one hundred or one hundred and fifty -pounds of powder, does, for the instant, operate like a solid body; -hence the explosion raises the vessel up with a great force, acting on -a small portion of her bottom, which portion giving way, is the same in -effect, as though a high sea had lifted her fifteen or twenty feet, and -let her down on the point of a rock of three or four feet diameter. This, -I believe, accounts for the certain destruction which will follow all -explosions that take place near the keel. In all cases when the explosion -is under water, the action will be perpendicular to the surface, as from -B to C, for in the perpendicular, there are less particles to remove, and -less resistance than in any diagonal, as for example, from B to D. - - The French papers, giving an account of the attack of captain - Siccombe and lieutenant Payne, acknowledged that the Torpedoes blew - up along side of the gun-brigs, but gave them only a violent shock - and cant to one side; they spoke of the engines as things of little - consequence and not to be feared. It is now, however, evident, that - they owed the safety of the two brigs to the trifling circumstance of - the Torpedoes not being properly balanced in water, and the coupling - lines not being tied to a bridle, so as to make the Torpedoes sheer - under the bottoms of the brigs. - - -Fig. 3 - -Is a bird's eye view of a ship of the line, either at anchor or under -sail, and the Torpedo boats rowing on to the attack. I am sensible -that there are strong prejudices against the possibility of row-boats -attacking a ship or ships of the line, with any reasonable hope of -success; I will, therefore, commence my reasoning and demonstrations -by the following questions. What is the basis of the aggression and -injustice of one nation towards another? Is it not a calculation on -their power to enforce their will? What is the basis of all courage and -obstinate perseverance in battle? Is it not a calculation on some real -or presumed advantage? A frigate of 30 guns is not expected to engage a -ship of eighty guns, for every rational calculation is against her, and -to strike her colours would be no dishonour. If I now prove that all the -calculations are in favour of the Torpedo boats, it shall hereafter be no -dishonour for a ship of the line to strike her colours, and tamely submit -to superior science and tactics. - -I will run my calculations against a third rate, an 80 gun ship, she -being the medium between first rates of 110 guns and fifth rates of 44 -guns. I will suppose her to enter one of our ports or harbours in a -hostile manner; her draft of water, when loaded, is twenty-two feet; her -full complement of men six hundred. Were we to oppose to the enemy an -80 gun ship, she would cost four hundred thousand dollars; we would also -have to give her a full complement of six hundred men. If she engaged the -enemy, the chances are equal that she would be beaten; if an obstinate -engagement, she might have from one to two hundred men killed and -wounded, and be so shattered as to require repairs to the amount of forty -or fifty thousand dollars; she might be taken and lost to the nation, and -add to the strength of the enemy. It is now to be seen if six hundred men -and a capital of four hundred thousand dollars, the value of an eighty -gun ship, cannot be used to better advantage in a Torpedo attack or -defence. - - 600 men at 12 to a boat, would man 50 boats, - - 50 boats at one hundred dollars each $5,000 - - 50 Torpedoes complete, one hundred and fifty dollars - each, powder included 7,500 - - 50 harpoon-guns, thirty dollars each 1,500 - - 200 blunderbusses, twenty dollars each 4,000 - - 100 pair of pistols, fifteen dollars a pair 1,500 - - 600 cutlasses, three dollars each 1,800 - - Contingencies 3,000 - ------ - Total $24,300 - -The pay and provisions for six hundred men, whether in an 80 gun ship or -in Torpedo boats, may be estimated, for the present, to amount to the -same sum annually. - -Here is an establishment of fifty boats with their Torpedoes, and armed -complete, for 24,300 dollars; the economy 375,700 dollars.[E] It is -evident the ship could not put out fifty boats to contend with our fifty; -she could not, in fact, put out twenty; therefore, as to boat fighting, -the enemy could have no chance of success, and would have to depend -for protection on her guns and small arms. Unless in a case of great -emergency, the attack should be in the night, for if an enemy came into -one of our harbours to do execution, the chances would be much against -her getting out and to any great distance before night. In a night -usually dark, rowboats, if painted white, and the men dressed in white, -cannot be seen at the distance of three hundred yards; and there are -nights so dark, that they cannot be seen if close under the bow. I might -here draw into my calculations on chances that an enemy, who understood -the tremendous consequences of a successful attack with Torpedoes, would -not like to run the risk of the night being dark. But in any night, the -fifty boats closing on the vessel in all direction, would spread or -divide her fire, and prevent it becoming concentered on any one or more -boats. Boats which row five miles an hour, and which all good boats can -do for a short time, run at the rate of one hundred and forty yards a -minute. At the distance of three hundred yards from the ship, they take -the risque of cannon shot, which must, from necessity, be random and -without aim, on so small a body as a boat, running with a velocity of one -hundred and forty yards a minute. At two hundred yards from the ship, the -boats must take the chance of random discharges of grape and cannister -shot; and at one hundred yards from the ship, they must run the risque of -random musket; each boat will, therefore, be two minutes within the line -of the enemy's fire before she harpoons, and two minutes after she has -harpooned before she gets out of the line of fire, total, four minutes -in danger[F]: the danger, however, is not of a very serious kind, for, -as before observed, no aim can be taken in the night at such quick -moving bodies as row-boats; yet some men might be killed, and some boats -crippled[G]; in such an event, the great number of boats which we should -have in motion, could always help the unfortunate. But what would be the -situation of the enemy, who had their six hundred men in one vessel? -The Torpedo boats closing upon her, twenty-five on the larboard and -twenty-five on the starboard bow, some of them would certainly succeed to -harpoon her between the stem and main chains, and if so, the explosion of -only one Torpedo under her would sink her, killing the greatest part of -the people who were between decks, and leave those who might escape to -the mercy of our boats to save them. - -[Footnote E: As each boat with a Torpedo, and armed complete, costs four -hundred and eighty-six dollars, this economy would pay for seven hundred -and eighty-nine boats; hence, eight hundred and thirty-nine Torpedo -boats, with Torpedoes and arms, could be fitted out for the sum which one -80 gun ship would cost.] - -[Footnote F: A deduction may be made from this time; after harpooning, -if the ship were anchored in a current which ran one mile and a half an -hour, that would be two feet three lines a second; hence, if the distance -from the harpoon to the Torpedo were sixty feet, thirty seconds would be -sufficient for the tide to push it under the keel; its clockwork might -be set to explode in one minute from the time the Torpedo fell out of -the boat. If a vessel were under sail, running more than two miles an -hour, one minute would be sufficient time for the clockwork to act before -explosion. After explosion there would, of course, be no resistance, -and the probability is, that all hands would be too much occupied in -attempting to save themselves, to keep them under any discipline. Thus -each Torpedo boat would not be more than three minutes within the line of -the enemy's fire.] - -[Footnote G: It is very easy to make the boats so that they cannot be -sunk.] - -I now beg of my reader to meditate on this kind of attack, and make up -his mind on which are in the greatest danger, the six hundred men in the -ship or the six hundred men in the boats? Are not the chances fifty to -one against the ship, that she would be blown up before she could kill -two hundred men in the boats? Should this appear evident, or be proved by -future practice, no commander would be rash enough to expose his ship to -such an attack. - -To give a fair comparative view of the two modes of fighting, I have, in -these calculations, made the number of men on each side equal; by the -same rule, if twenty ships of 80 guns were to come into one of our ports, -we should be necessitated to have one thousand boats and twelve thousand -men; but such a preparation would not be necessary. It can never be -necessary for us to have more boats than are sufficient to meet the boats -which the enemy could put out to oppose us; an 80 gun ship, which is to -work her guns, cannot be encumbered with many boats; they usually have: - - 1 launch, which is a bad rowing boat, - 1 long-boat, which may row well, - 1 the captain's barge, a good row-boat, - 1 yawl or galley, a good row-boat. - -They may, in some cases, have two more boats, total number, six; -therefore, twelve boats on our part would be sufficient to attack an -80 gun ship[H]; particularly as all our boats would be built expressly -for running, and our business is to run to harpoon and not to fight; -for this purpose our six oarsmen, in each boat, never quit their oars, -while our four marines keep up a running fire. The six or eight boats, -if the enemy could put out so many, could not prevent our twelve boats -closing on the ship. If our boats came into contact with the boats of -the enemy, the contest would be reduced to boat fighting; the ship could -not use her cannon or small arms against us without firing on her own -boats. If we succeeded to drive the boats under the guns of the ship, we -should follow so close, that her guns and small arms could not be used, -for in the night and amidst a number of boats in confusion, they could -not discriminate between friends and enemies. On this theory, if twenty -ships of 80 guns, or a force to that amount, were to enter one of our -ports, two hundred and forty boats, with two thousand, eight hundred and -eighty men would be sufficient, and perhaps more than sufficient, for the -attack; and the following view of chances exhibits a strong probability, -that such a force of Torpedo boats and men would destroy the twenty ships -of the line within one hour. - -[Footnote H: While organizing a system of Torpedo attack against the -Boulogne flotilla, during the administration of Mr. Pitt, it was -determined that men should be taken from Lord Keath's blockading fleet -to man the boats; but a difficulty occurred how to carry a sufficient -number of good active boats. Finding that the ships of war could not take -on board more than their usual number, without being encumbered, four -ordnance vessels were to be prepared, with large hatchways, to receive a -number of boats in the hole, and to carry Torpedoes. Lord Melville was -impeached, Mr. Pitt died, and my system was opposed by Lords Grenville -and Howic, and the new administration. I mention this, my experience, -to shew that ships of war cannot carry a sufficient number of boats -to contend with the boats which we could bring into action; they may, -indeed, bring with them ordnance ships to carry boats; but, if they unman -the ships to man the boats, the ship will be less formidable in her fire; -and I believe it is self-evident, that they who have to cross three -thousand miles of sea, cannot be so well furnished with boats as we who -command the land.] - -Let the attack be in the night. The enemy must be at anchor; twenty -vessels could not keep under way in narrow waters which could not be well -known to their pilots. If they put out their boats, they could not bring -into action more than six good boats from each ship, total, one hundred -and twenty boats. Each ship would be a point from which their boats could -depart, or to which they could retreat, total, twenty positions; in -these twenty positions, twelve thousand men would be exposed to Torpedo -explosion, which is the same, in effect, as a mine under a fortification. -We, with two hundred and forty boats, exposing only two thousand, eight -hundred and eighty men, would have the whole of our shores to depart -from or retreat to; being the assailants, and having it in our power -to approach in every direction, the enemy could not know a feint from -a real attack, nor could they tell which ship we would attack first; -they, consequently, could not concentrate their boats; each vessel would -be necessitated to keep her own boats on the look-out, and to aid in -protecting her; while we should have the power to divide our force, -or concentre one hundred boats on one vessel, as circumstances might -require; hence, every thing is in favour of the success of the Torpedo -attack, while the greatest danger is to be apprehended for the ships. - -Having given my experience and theory on anchored and harpoon Torpedoes: -a system, which I hope will, by every friend to America and humanity, -be considered of some interest to the United States. I am aware of the -doubts which may arise, as to the success of harpooning, in the minds of -men in general, and particularly of those who have no experience, who -are so impressed with the imaginary tremendous fire of an 80 gun ship, -or a ship of war, that the question has often been put to me, where will -you find men who have courage to approach in boats within twenty feet -of an 80 gun ship, to harpoon her? I answer, that the men in the boats, -who are not more than three minutes within the line of the enemy's fire, -are not so much in danger, nor does it require so much courage, as to -lie yard-arm and yard-arm, as is usual in naval engagements, and receive -broadsides, together with grape-shot and volleys of small arms, for forty -or sixty minutes. It is not so great a risque, nor does it require so -much courage, as to approach a vessel in boats, climb her sides, and -take her by boarding, yet this has frequently been done. This risque is -not so great, nor does it require so much courage, as to enter a breach -which is defended by interior works and close ranges of cannon, flanked -by howitzers or carronades loaded with cannister or grape-shot, and the -parapet crowded with infantry; yet such breaches have been forced, and -cities taken by assault, with numerous examples of this kind. I hope -there can be no doubt of sufficient courage to make a Torpedo attack. In -the instances of captain Siccombe and lieutenant Payne, before mentioned, -they considered the risque of so little importance, that they went to the -attack without any apparent concern; and the sailors, who were offered a -few guineas for each gun of a vessel which they should destroy, used all -their influence with the officers to be permitted to be of the party. -But I will not propose a project so novel, and look to others to execute -it. If Torpedoes be adopted as a part of our means of defence, with a -reasonable number of men organized and practised to the use of them, -if it be thought proper to put such men under my command, and an enemy -should then enter our ports, I will be responsible to my fellow-citizens -for the courage which should secure success. While I propose this, I -wish it to be understood, that I do not desire any command or public -employment. My private pursuits are the guarantee of an independence and -freedom of action, which is always grateful to my feelings; they are -useful and honourable amusements, and the most rational source of my -happiness. - -_Estimate for an anchored Torpedo_ - - Thirty-two pounds of copper, at seventy-five cents a - pound $24.00 - - A lock in a brass box, water-tight 20.00 - - One hundred pounds of powder, twenty cents a pound 20.00 - - Machinery to let it rise to the surface in a given time, - rope, cork-box, anchor, and weights 20.00 - ------ - Total $84.00 - -In page 22, I have given an estimate for a clockwork and harpooning -Torpedo. - - The Torpedo will cost $150.00 - Each boat, armed complete 336.00 - -_Estimate for an Establishment in our most important and vulnerable -Ports._ - - | | Anchored | Clockwork - | Boats | Torpedoes | Torpedoes - +-------+-----------+---------- - Boston, | 150 | 300 | 300 - New-York, | 150 | 300 | 300 - In the Delaware, | 50 | 200 | 100 - Chesapeake, | 100 | 200 | 200 - Charleston, | 100 | 200 | 200 - New-Orleans, | 100 | 200 | 200 - +-------+-----------+---------- - Total, | 650 | 1400 | 1300 - - 650 boats, at three hundred and - thirty-six dollars each 218,400 dolls. - - 1400 anchoring Torpedoes, eighty-four - dollars each 117,600 - - 1300 clockwork Torpedoes, one hundred - and fifty dollars each 195,000 - -------------- - Total 531,000 dolls. - -Having mentioned the ports in which it is most probable the enemy -would attempt to make an impression, calculations can be made for a -like mode of defending other situations--a _minutiae_, which I am not -prepared to enter into, nor is it necessary in the present state of -this disquisition. I have shewn a strong power, in boats and Torpedoes, -to defend six of our principal ports. Gentlemen will please to look to -the numbers allotted to each port, and reflect, whether an enemy would -not be inclined to respect a force so active and tremendous in its -consequences; a force, which under the cover of the night, could follow -them into every position within our waters, and pursue them for some -leagues from our shores into the open sea; yet those establishments -would not require an expenditure of four hundred thousand dollars; for -the cutlasses and fire-arms to arm the boats, and the powder for the -Torpedoes, are already in our arsenals and magazines. And what is four -hundred thousand dollars in a national point of view? A sum, which would -little more than build and fit out for sea two ships of 30 guns. After -reflecting on these experiments and demonstrations, I hope no one will, -for a moment, hesitate in deciding, that the two thousand, seven hundred -Torpedoes and six hundred and fifty boats, before estimated, will be a -better protection for six of our sea-ports, than two ships of thirty -or any other number of guns. To man the boats in the different ports, -nothing more will be necessary than a marine militia; they can be as -numerous as any possible necessity could require; and should be exercised -to row and use the Torpedoes until the practice became familiar; after -which practice, once a month would be sufficient. Corps thus formed, -would be no expence to the national government; Torpedoes would require -no repairs, and the boats, carefully laid up in houses built for the -purpose, would last many years. - -To compare Torpedoes with the usual marine establishments, and the -superior protection which they give, for any specific sum expended, I -have stated this prospect of economy; but I do not consider economy, in -the commencement of such a system, as an object of primary importance. -Let our fellow-citizens be convinced. Convince the people of Europe of -the power and simple practice of these engines, and it will open to us a -sublime view of immense economy in blood and treasure. As we are not in -actual hostility, and have no opportunity to try experiments on an enemy, -my opinion is, that we should immediately prepare for such an event; -and to satisfy the public, we should, without loss of time, make the -following experiment: - -Purchase a strong ship; make six Torpedoes; build two good row-boats, -and prepare them as for action, with twelve men each. Let the ship be -anchored, and the men practised in harpooning, throwing the Torpedoes, -and observing the action of the tide in driving them under her bottom. -After practising on her while at anchor, the ship to be got under way in -moderate and stiff breezes, and while under way, the men to row at and -harpoon her, letting the Torpedoes fall into the water, and observing the -action of the current in driving them under her bottom. When the men have -been so exercised as to be certain of harpooning the ship, the Torpedoes -to be charged, a committee appointed, or the whole of congress witness -the effect, the ship to be put under way, the helm lashed, her men take -to the boat, the Torpedo boats advance, harpoon her, and blow her up. The -success of such an experiment will shew the value of the system; to which -courage must be added in case of an actual engagement. - -_Probable expence of such an experiment_ - - A strong though old ship; 1000 dolls. - Six Torpedoes, one hundred and fifty dollars each 900 - Two boats, one hundred dollars each 200 - Two harpoon-guns 60 - ---- - Total, 2160 dolls. - -Twenty-four men can be chosen from the sailors in government employ. - - - - -THOUGHTS - -_On the probable effect of this invention_ - - -At the time a new discovery is made in physics or mathematical science, -the whole of its consequences cannot be foreseen. In the year 1330, -Bartholomew Schwartz is said to have invented gun-powder; twenty-five -years after, a very imperfect kind of cannon was constructed of welded -bars of iron, others of sheet-iron, rolled in the form of a cylinder -and hooped with iron rings; in some cases, they were made of leather, -strengthened with plates of iron or copper; balls of stone were used; -and it was not until the beginning of the fifteenth century, that is, -one hundred and seventy years after the invention of powder, that iron -balls were introduced into practice. Muskets were not used until the -year 1521, or one hundred and ninety-one years after the invention of -gun-powder. The Spaniards were the first who armed their foot-soldiers -in this manner--they had matchlocks; but firelocks, that is, locks with -flints, were not used until the beginning of the eighteenth century, -one hundred and eighty years after the invention of muskets, and three -hundred and eighty years after the invention of powder. When firelocks -were first invented, Marshal Sax had so little confidence in a flint, -that he ordered a match to be added to the lock with a flint, lest the -flint should miss fire[I]: such is the force of habit and want of faith -in new inventions. - -[Footnote I: I have seen one of these firelocks in the collection of -ancient arms, Rue de Bacq. Paris.] - -Although cannon, fire-arms, and the whole detail of ammunition, now -appear extremely simple, yet we here see the very slow advances to their -present state of perfection; and they are still improving: hence I -conclude, that it is now impossible to foresee to what degree Torpedoes -may be improved and rendered useful. When Schwartz invented powder, it -may be presumed that his mind did not embrace all its consequences, or -perceive that his discovery would supercede the use of catapultas, -armour, bows and arrows, and totally change the whole art of war. He -certainly could have no conception of such a combination of art as we -now see in ships of the line; those movable fortifications, armed with -thirty-two pounders, and furnished with wings, to spread oppression -over every part of the ocean, and carry destruction to every harbour -of the earth. In consequence of the invention of gun-powder, ships of -war have been contrived, and increased to their present enormous size -and number[J]; then may not science, in her progress, point out a means -by which the application of the violent explosive force of gun-powder -shall destroy ships of war, and give to the seas the liberty which shall -secure perpetual peace between nations that are separated by the ocean? -My conviction is, that the means are here developed, and require only -to be organized and practised, to produce that liberty so dear to every -rational and reflecting man; and there is a grandeur in persevering to -success in so immense an enterprise--so well calculated to excite the -most vigorous exertions of the highest order of intellect, that I hope to -interest the patriotic feelings of every friend to America, to justice, -and to humanity, in so good a cause. - -[Footnote J: Compared with existing military marines, I consider all -galleys and vessels of war, which were in use previous to the invention -of powder, as very insignificant. It is probable that four 74 gun ships -in open sea would destroy all that ever existed at any one time.] - -I have shewn that a ship of 80 guns and six hundred men, could have -little chance of resisting fifty Torpedo boats of twelve men each, equal -six hundred men. If it can be admitted possible that an 80 gun ship will -be necessitated to retreat before fifty boats, she must run so far that -the boats cannot follow her, that is, more than eight or ten leagues; -therefore, boats could follow a ship over the narrow parts of the Baltic -or British channel; but I will confine my remarks to the British channel, -between Boulogne and Romney, from Calais to Dover, and from Ostend to -the mouth of the Thames. If I can shew that in those waters the British -fleets would be compelled to retreat before Torpedo boats or perish, it -follows, that they must yield to a like system of attack in every other -sea; and the like combination of power which can force them to yield, -will act on all ships of war to their total annihilation. - -Let the coast of Boulogne be the scene for action; suppose the British to -have one hundred ships of 80 guns, or a force to that amount, equal eight -thousand guns and sixty thousand men; this is a greater power than ever -has been engaged in one action. I have mentioned large ships, because the -strength of a fleet depends more on the size of the ships and weight of -metal, than on their number; in such case, the line will not be so much -extended as if the vessels were smaller and more numerous; the signals -can be seen and answered from the extremities of the line with more -certainty, and the order of battle can be better kept. The length of a -ship, from the point of the bowsprit to the stern, may be estimated at -forty fathoms, and the distance between two ships one hundred fathoms, -consequently, the one hundred ships would form one line of fourteen -thousand fathoms, or twenty-eight thousand yards, equal to near sixteen -miles. Such a line could not see and answer signals from the van and -rear to the centre. It could, however, be formed into four divisions -of twenty-five ships each, and they again could be subdivided; but the -tactics which must be adhered to when two fleets of near equal force -engage, will be of little utility when the attack is made by a sufficient -number of Torpedo boats. - - -ESTIMATE OF THE FORCE TO ATTACK SO FORMIDABLE A BLOCKADING FLEET - -Men, sixty thousand, a number equal to the British; they cannot all be -sailors, nor is it necessary they should, but men, who with six weeks -exercise can learn to row well, for to row with tolerable dexterity, is -all the nautical knowledge required. To divide the sixty thousand men, -twelve in a boat, will require five thousand boats, each of which will be -so light, that its twelve men can draw it on the beach above high water -mark, or on the sands or plane, in a few minutes, or launch it into the -water with equal facility. - - -MANNER OF ARRANGING THE BOATS UNTIL WANTED - -A boat being six feet wide and twenty-seven feet long, if a space of -twelve feet wide and thirty-nine feet long be allowed for each boat, -four hundred and forty of them would range side by side in the distance -of one mile, then leaving twelve feet from the stems of the first row -to the sterns of the second, and a like space between each line, the -five thousand boats could be laid up on a beach or plane one mile long, -one hundred and fifty yards wide, and give sufficient room for the men -to get at the boats without confusion; this plan would not require the -expence of forming a bason or harbour. Thus arranged, each boat with its -Torpedo, harpoon-guns, arms, and oars, in their places, and the twelve -men in their stations, six on each side of the boat, the whole could be -run into the water and manned in an hour, which facility of embarking is -of the first importance for rapid movements, and to take advantage of the -weather.[K] - -[Footnote K: When the British fleet is becalmed before Boulogne, the -French flotilla is becalmed also, and cannot make any advantageous -movements. The calms which lay the British fleet under great -disadvantage, will give every possible advantage to the Torpedo boats, -and will be the most favourable time for the attack.] - - -ESTIMATE FOR THE PREPARATIONS - - 5000 boats, one hundred dollars each 500,000 dolls. - 5000 Torpedoes, one hundred and fifty dollars each 750,000 - 5000 harpoon-guns, thirty dollars each 150,000 - --------- - Total 1,400,000 dolls. - -This is equal to 315,000_l._ sterling or about the value of three ships -of 80 guns; it is equal to 7,560,000 livres, a sum of little importance -to France, it being not equal to the expences of her government for one -day; the men she has, and three times the number if required; the powder -for the Torpedoes and arms for the men, are in her magazines. - -Suppose the boats and Torpedoes prepared, the harpooners exercised, -and the men practised to the oars. The intrepidity of the French, in -an assault, has been so often proved, that there can be no question as -to their courage to rush on to the attack in any case where there is a -reasonable hope of success. It is obvious, that the British ships could -not put out a sufficient number of boats to oppose five thousand Torpedo -boats; consequently, they have not other means of resistance than to -manoeuvre and defend themselves from their ports and decks, in the best -manner they can devise. - -It is now necessary, in calculating the chances of success, to examine -various modes of attack and defence; I therefore beg of the reader, -never to lose sight of the facility with which the whole of the French -boats can be run into the water, manned, and ready for action, or again -drawn up on the shore, and with how much ease every advantage may be -taken of calms and favourable circumstances; he must also separate from -his mind the idea of boats attempting to fight ships; such an attempt -would be absurd; it is Torpedoes, those instruments of instantaneous -destruction, which are to decide the contest; the boats are but the means -of harpooning and attaching the Torpedoes to the ships: this is the whole -object of the attack. - -In defence, it is to be considered by what means a ship or ships could -prevent the boats approaching so near as to harpoon them in the larboard -and starboard bow, and make good their retreat? I will name the calm -months of June, July, and August, as most favourable for the enterprise. -Let it be recollected, that in all attacks of this kind, the boats row -at the rate of five miles an hour, or one hundred and forty-six yards -a minute; at the distance of four hundred and thirty-eight yards or -three minutes from the ship, they will risk random round shot[L]; at two -hundred and nineteen yards or one and a half minutes from the ship, they -risk one discharge of grape; at one hundred yards or forty seconds from -the ship, they risk one volley of small arms, before they harpoon. After -harpooning, it is probable the ship's crew would be more occupied about -their own safety, than in standing deliberately to fire at the boats. -And thus, each boat will not be more than four minutes within the line -of the ship's random shot: such rapidity and decision in attack, gives -incalculable advantages to the boats. - -[Footnote L: All shot from cannon, carronades, or howitzers, against -boats, must be random: a boat is too small and moves too quick to admit -of taking aim; and in the night, musket shot will be random also.] - - -FIRST MODE OF ATTACK - -In a calm and usually dark night, the ships at anchor, either in one -line or parallel lines, or promiscuously. The Torpedo boats to be formed -into divisions, each division to consist of fifty boats, and to attack -one ship. Suppose the ships first attacked to be those nearest the land; -in a calm they could not get under way, nor could they change their -positions; a ship, by having a spring on her cable, might possibly bring -her broadside to bear on the boats; but as the fire of the broadside -could do little injury until the boats were within four hundred and -thirty-eight yards, or three minutes, of her bow, and, as three minutes -after coming within the line of fire is to decide the contest, I conceive -that her broadside could not protect her; if the boats, at six hundred -yards distance, run for her bow, it would be impossible for her to change -her position so quick by a spring on her cable, as the boats could change -their direction to keep under her bow. If the ships were in one line, and -the headmost first attacked, she could receive no assistance from the -vessel astern, for she would lie between the stern ship and the boats, -and receive the fire which might be directed for them. If the ships lay -in several parallel lines, or promiscuously, and the next line were on -her larboard, the larboard ship would be distant at least one hundred -fathoms, and while the boats were bearing down, might fire broadsides on -them when they were at the distance of two hundred yards; but the moment -they closed in with the ship she must cease her fire, otherwise she would -do more injury to the ship than to the boats; the larboard ship would, -therefore, only have an opportunity to fire two minutes at the boats, in -which time, she might possibly discharge two broadsides; but as the boats -could keep in a line with the bow of the vessel attacked, and there is -more danger from the larboard or starboard ship than the one attacked, -a better mode would be to attack the headmost ship of each line at the -same time; in such case, each ship would be necessitated to reserve her -whole fire for her own defence; she could not assist the next ship, and -thus each vessel would be as much exposed and left to her own resources, -as though there were not another ship within three leagues of her. -The succeeding ships of the line, or lines, could be attacked in like -manner: hence, this mode of attacking any number of vessels with an equal -number of divisions of boats, amounts to nothing more than a repetition -of an attack with fifty boats on one ship, and it does not appear to -me possible, that her fire could repel fifty boats, or prevent them -lodging ten, fifteen, or twenty harpoons, if necessary, in her larboard -and starboard bow. I leave to nautical men and experienced commanders, -to shew to the public how a ship or ships of war, anchored in a calm as -before stated, could resist such an attack, and their total destruction -in a few hours. - -But commanders, seeing the danger of being becalmed while at anchor, may -keep the fleet under way. - - -SECOND MODE OF ATTACK - -In the night, the ships under way, calm, or light breezes of not more -than four knots an hour. Ships of the line, that are under way, seldom -approach nearer each other than a cable's length; this precaution, is -to prevent their running foul and causing confusion; when expecting an -enemy of equal force, the custom is to form one line; admitting, that -to oppose the Torpedo boats, they preserved this usual order of battle, -close hauled and under easy sail, to let the boats come up, here, as in -the case of being at anchor, each ship must apply her whole fire against -the division of boats which attack her; she cannot aid the ship next to -her. As the boats, advancing under cover of the night, each division -will, in three minutes from the time they arrive within danger of cannon -shot, be in with the bow of the destined ship, and fire their harpoons -into her. Therefore it appears, that her chance while under way is very -little better than when at anchor. If, as the boats advance, a ship turns -her bow to meet them, she facilitates their harpooning her. Will any -other order of battle than one right line, give more security? Would two, -three, or four parallel lines, give better protection? In such case, the -line nearest the boats would be attacked first, and the other lines taken -in succession. Were the ships to form a crescent, the headmost vessels -would be first attacked, in this form, they might surround a number of -boats and get them between two fires; but whatever situation the boats -may be in, after they arrive within the range of grape-shot they can, in -a few minutes, be under the bow of the ship, where they will be safe from -all fire except small arms; but to arrive under her bow, amounts to a -moral certainty of effecting her destruction. Therefore, with the immense -advantage which Torpedoes give to an attack with boats, it is of little -consequence whether it be made in the night or day, in a calm or a breeze -of from four to six knots. If the ships engage with the boats, their case -will be desperate. In all my reflections on this kind of war, I see no -chance for their escape other than by retreat; and the moment English -ships of war retreat before Torpedo boats, that moment the power of the -British marine is for ever lost, and with it the political influence of -the nation. - -In this view of chances, I have calculated the number of men in the boats -equal to the number in the ships, and estimated five thousand boats to be -brought into action; but in all cases when there are sufficient Torpedo -boats to drive in the boats of the ships, there will be sufficient to -attack the fleet; the one hundred ships could not put six hundred good -boats in motion, therefore, one thousand Torpedo boats would suffice for -the attack; they could be formed into fifty divisions of twenty boats -each; they would have every advantage, in a calm, of directing fifty or -one hundred boats against one vessel, while the ships would not have the -power to concentrate their fire on the boats; the ships could not be -defended, unless there were transports or ordinance vessels expressly -for carrying good row-boats, the number of which should be sufficient to -repel the Torpedo boats; but if ships can only be protected by boats, -it follows, that they will cease to be of use, and the contest for the -command of the channel must be decided by boat fighting. In such case, -the nation which could put in action the greatest number of boats, and -was least dependent on commerce, would have a decided advantage. England -is more dependent on commerce than France; her merchant vessels could be -attacked, destroyed, and her trade ruined; yet the commerce of France -could not be more, nor so much, injured as it is at present. In such an -event, England, who has usurped the dominion of the ocean and laid all -nations under contribution, would be the most humble supplicant for the -liberty of the seas. And then the Emperor of France would have a noble -opportunity to display a magnanimity of soul, a goodness of heart, which -would add lustre to his great actions, and secure to him the admiration -of the civilized world, by granting to so ingenious, industrious, -enterprising, and estimable a people, a perfect liberty of commerce.[M] - -[Footnote M: A government, and particularly a monarchy or aristocracy, -may be in the habitual practice of vice, while the people are in the -habitual practice of virtue. In an aristocracy, where the army, navy, -places, and pensions, are in the power of the few, the voice of the -people has little or no influence. The genius, industry, and enterprise -of the English, have converted a barren island into the most fruitful and -beautiful spot on earth; their improvements in the useful arts, have made -them the greatest and most useful manufacturing people that ever existed. -In proportion as the people, by their industry, increased the riches of -the nation, the government found a facility in raising revenue, and have -loaded the virtuous people with taxes to the amount of twenty-five or -more millions a year, to pay for ruinous wars, the conquest of America, -the establishment of the Bourbons, and the balance of Europe.] - -I have now run this subject to a conclusion, in which I do not hesitate -to say, that two thousand Torpedo boats and twenty-four thousand men, -would take the command of the British channel from Boulogne to Romney, -from Calais, Gravelines, Dunkirk and Ostend, to the mouth of the Thames, -and that the command of the commerce of those narrow seas, would command -the British nation; but there the power of Torpedo boats must cease--a -nation cannot send such boats to sea to depredate on commerce, nor to -foreign countries on expeditions of conquest, and therefore the seas must -be free. - - - - -ON - -_the imaginary inhumanity of Torpedo war_ - - -In numerous discussions which I have had on this subject and its -consequences, it has been stated, that instead of giving liberty to the -seas, its tendency would be to encourage piracy and buccaneering, by -enabling a few men in a boat to intimidate and plunder merchant vessels, -thereby producing greater evil than the existing military marines. This -idea, is similar to one which might have arisen on the invention of -muskets, which, giving to an individual the power of certain death at the -distance of fifty or a hundred yards, robbers might infest the highways, -and from an ambush, shoot the traveller and take his property; yet there -is not so much robbery now as before the invention of gun-powder; society -is more civilized; it is not so much divided into feuds, or clans, to -secrete and protect villainy; and all civilized society will, in their -own defence, combine against the robber, who has little chance to escape. -In like manner, as an individual, instigated by revenge, might with an -air-gun shoot his neighbour, or by means of gun-powder blow up his barn -or buildings; but society combine against such atrocious acts, and he -who would commit them, could have little other prospect before him than -the gibbet. In the case of pirates or buccaneers, they could not make -a Torpedo without some intelligent workmen, who would be a means of -discovery. Were they to take a prize, they must have some port to carry -it to, or it could be of no use to them; were they to plunder a ship, -they could not carry much in a Torpedo boat, and the boat must have a -port to go to, where neighbours or spectators, observing her suspicious -character, would lead to investigation; added to which, pirates are -seldom constant in their attachment to each other, and each would suspect -the other turning informer. It would be difficult for a Torpedo boat to -depart from any port of America, and return without being detected. -It is certainly much more easy and secure for an individual to go on -the highway and rob, yet how seldom is that done. When nations combine -against pirates, there is no reason to fear that individuals can make a -bad use of this invention. - -But men, without reflecting, or from attachment to established and -familiar tyranny, exclaim, that it is barbarous to blow up a ship with -all her crew. This I admit, and lament that it should be necessary; but -all wars are barbarous, and particularly wars of offence. It is barbarous -for a ship of war to fire into a peaceable merchant vessel, kill part of -her people, take her and the property, and reduce the proprietor with his -family from affluence to penury. It was barbarous to bombard Copenhagen, -set fire to the city, and destroy innocent women and children. It would -be barbarous for ships of war to enter the harbour of New-York, fire on -the city, destroy property, and murder many of the peaceable inhabitants; -yet we have great reason to expect such a scene of barbarism and -distress, unless means are taken to prevent it; therefore, if Torpedoes -should prevent such acts of violence, the invention must be humane. - -When a fortress is besieged, and a mine driven under the citadel, the -powder laid, and the train ready to light, it is the custom for the -besiegers to send to the commander of the besieged, to inform him of the -preparations, and leave it to his judgment to surrender or risque the -explosion; if he will not surrender after such warning, and he, with his -men, should be blown up, he is to be charged with the inhumanity, and -not the besiegers. Should government adopt Torpedoes as a part of our -means of defence, the Europeans will be informed of it, after which, -should they send hostile ships into our ports among anchored Torpedoes or -Torpedo boats, and such ships should be blown up, the inhumanity must be -charged to them, and not to the American government or to this invention. - -Having, in the preceding chapter, given details for a system of French -Torpedo boats, which could command the narrow parts of the British -channel, I may be accused of enmity to England and partiality to France; -yet I have neither hatred nor particular attachment to any foreign -country. I admire the ingenuity, industry, and good faith of the English -people; I respect the arts, sciences, and amiable manners of the people -of France. There is much in each of those countries which we may copy -to great advantage. But my feelings are wholly attached to my country, -and while I labour for her interest in this enterprise, I am happy that -the liberty of the seas, which I believe can be effected, will not only -benefit America; it will be an immense advantage to England, to France, -and to every other nation. Convinced of this, I have viewed military -marines as remains of ancient warlike habits, and an existing political -disease, for which there has hitherto been no specific remedy. Satisfied -in my own mind, that the Torpedoes now discovered, will be an effectual -cure for so great an evil. To introduce them into practice, and prove -their utility, I am of opinion, that blowing up English ships of war, or -French, or American, were there no other, and the men on shore, would be -humane experiments of the first importance to the United States and to -mankind. - - - - -A VIEW - -_of the political economy of this invention_ - - -At the death of Queen Elizabeth, in 1602, the royal navy consisted of the -following vessels. - - 4 ships of 40 guns. - 4 of 32 - 10 of 30 - 2 of 20 - 3 of 16 - 2 of 12 - 5 of 10 - 3 of 8 - 1 of 6 - 4 of 4 - 4 of 2 - -- --- - Total 42 180 guns, with 3 hoys. - -When equipped for sea, it carried 8376 men. - -At the death of King James I. in 1665, the royal navy amounted to -sixty-two sail; the money expended per annum was fifty thousand pounds -sterling, equal to 222,222 dollars, 20 cents. - -At the death of King William, in 1701-2, the navy consisted of - - Ships of the line, including fourth rates; 123 - Frigates 46 - Fire Ships 87 - --- - Total 256 - -The whole navy mounting about 9300 guns, and to completely man the ships, -it would take 52,000 men; the sum allowed per annum for the navy, was -1,046,397 pounds sterling, equal to 4,650,653 dollars, 30 cents. Thus in -one century, it increased in vessels and men six fold, and in expence -twenty fold. - - In 1801, the royal navy consisted of - 192 ships of the line } - 28 ships of 50 guns } - 227 frigates } - 181 sloops } Principal force for combat, 760 - 96 gun vessels } - 11 gun barges } - 15 bombs } - 10 fire ships } - 11 store ships - 8 yachts - 9 tenders - 2 advice boats - 5 armed transports - 13 Dutch hoys - 6 river barges - 1 convalescent ship - 130 hired ships and cutters. - --- - Total 945 - -Annual expence, 13,654,013 pounds sterling, equal 60,684,502 dollars, 40 -cents; at present, I have not time to ascertain the exact number of men, -which however amount to more than one hundred thousand. - -From 1701 to 1801, the number of vessels have been increased four -fold, and the expence twelve fold; the expence is now two hundred and -seventy times greater than at the death of King James I, one hundred and -eighty-five years ago. - -STATE OF THE MARITIME POWER OF NATIONS ABOUT THE YEAR 1790 - -Taken from Arnauld - - ---------+--------------+------------+------------+-------+------+------- - | Ships of | | | Total | Total| Total - Nations | the Line | Frigates | Sloops |Vessels|Cannon| Seamen - ---------+--------------+------------+------------+-------+------+------- - | ships guns | guns | | | | - | | | | | | - | from to| from to| | | | - Spain | 72 112 - 58| 41 |109 | 222 |10,000| 50,000 - Portugal | 10 80 - 58| 14 44 - 30| 29 | 53 | 1,500| 1,000 - Naples | 10 74 - 50| 10 | 12 | 32 | 1,000| 5,000 - Venice | 20 88 - 16| 10 | 58 | 88 | 1,000| 14,000 - Ottoman | | | | | | - Empire | 30 74 - 50| 50 50 - 10|100 galliots| 180 | 3,000| 50,000 - Holland | 44 74 - 56| 43 40 - 24|100 | 187 | 2,300| 15,000 - Denmark | 38 90 - 50| 20 42 - 20| 60 chebecks| 118 | 3,000| 12,000 - Sweden | 27 74 - 50| 12 38 - 20| 40 gallies | 79 | 3,000| 13,000 - Russia | 67 110 - 66| 36 44 - 28|700 various | 803 | 9,000| 21,000 - France | 81 118 - 64| 69 40 - 30|141 various | 291 |14,000| 78,000 - England |195 100 - 50|210 |256 | 661 |12,000|100,000 - ---------+--------------+------------+------------+-------+------+------- - 2714 59,800 359,000 - -Taking the whole of these fleets, and estimating their expence by that -of the British marine, it must amount to about twenty-six millions of -pounds sterling per annum, equal to 115,555,555 dollars, 50 cents. Can -we reflect on this table and not feel, in the most sensible manner, the -folly of the eleven European nations, who support such establishments for -their mutual oppression? Is there an American who, after viewing these -horrid consequences of divided Europe and her barbarous policy, that can -for a moment harbour a wish, that these happy States should be divided, -and each petty government, in proportion to its resources, augment its -fleets and armies either for defence or to gratify a mad ambition, by -depredating on its neighbours? If there be such men, they are in a state -of political insanity, and the worst enemies to the American people. -The humane and excellent Dean Tucker, in his work on political economy, -published during the American revolution, has observed, "That the wars -of Europe, for the last two hundred years, have, by the confession of -all parties, really ended in the advantage of none, but to the manifest -detriment of all. Suffice it to remark, that had each of the contending -powers employed their subjects in cultivating and improving such lands -as were clear of all disputed titles, instead of aiming at more extended -possessions, they had consulted both their own and their people's -greatness much more efficaciously, than all the victories of a Cesar or -an Alexander." This important truth should be deeply impressed on the -mind of every American. - -But I will return to the fleets of Europe, and endeavour to point out the -principal causes of the great increase of those engines of oppression, -and from whence the wealth has arisen to support such expences. I will -also shew the increasing resources which will, if science does not check -it, enable England hereafter to support a marine of fifteen hundred armed -ships, with as much ease as she now does seven hundred and sixty. - -In 1602, the British nation could not possibly have paid for the expence -of such a navy as it possessed in 1701, and in 1701, the resources of -the nation were not equal to the expence of the navy of 1801. The reason -is, that since 1602, the sciences have developed immense resources. -Chemistry and mechanics have multiplied the produce of productive labour, -and increased the riches of every nation in Europe; the commerce of -China and the East-Indies has been opened; Russia and Sweden have become -civilized and commercial; South America, the West India islands, and -North America, have, from a few hundred persons, grown to a population -of at least twenty-five millions; who have created a vast and productive -commerce, of which there was no conception two centuries ago. Agriculture -has every where been improved; the earth produces more for a given -labour; manufactures are carried on, in various degrees of perfection, -in every country and district of country, which, creating surplus wealth -to pay for luxuries, returns millions of riches on so enterprising -and commercial a people as the English, which, added to their own -improvements in mechanism, manufactures, and agriculture, enables the -government, at this day, to expend thirteen millions of pounds sterling, -annually, on their marine. Yet the people in general live better, have -more enjoyments, and because they have more enjoyments, they are in -reality not more oppressed than the people of 1625, who paid only fifty -thousand pounds to the marine. Such is the natural consequence of a -general cultivation of the useful arts; but a just government and a wise -people, should take care that the wealth which the useful arts give to -them, should not be uselessly expended. - -As imports and exports are the consequence of increased population and -industry, the following will shew how the expences of the British marine -have not only kept pace, but gained on her sources of wealth. - -_Table of British Imports, Exports, and Expence of the Marine, in pounds -sterling._ - - In 1701 - Imports 5,869,609_l._ - Exports 7,621,053_l._ - -------------- - Total 13,490,662_l._ - -_Expence of the Marine_ - -1,046,397_l._ or one thirteenth of the whole imports and exports. - - In 1798 - Imports 46,963,000_l._ - Export of British manufactures 33,602,000_l._ - Export of foreign goods 14,387,000_l._ - -------------- - Total 94,952,000_l._ - - -_Expence of the Navy_ - -13,654,013_l._ or about one seventh of the total imports and exports. - -In 1800, the population of the United States was estimated at 5,214,801; -with this population, we import from England to the amount of seven -millions sterling per annum, for which we pay, in direct and circuitous -trade, equal seven millions, making our imports from England, and exports -to pay for them fourteen millions, or equal to one seventh of the imports -and exports of England. Therefore, as it is the profits of trade which -support the British marine, we pay one seventh of its whole expence, or -about two millions sterling, and, in fact, support one seventh of seven -hundred and sixty armed ships, equal 108. Thus we cherish an evil of -which we complain, and unless we can destroy it, we must continue to -nourish it. - -In 1700, the population of England and Wales amounted to 5,475,544; in -1800, to 9,343,578; it did not double in the last century notwithstanding -the great increase of trade. As her population is now equal to one person -for every six acres, there is a powerful check on its increase, and the -rational calculation is, that it will not double, or rise to eighteen -millions in the next two centuries. But the United States is doubling its -population in about twenty-five years, or, for probable correctness, say -in thirty years; consequently, in - - 1830 we shall have; 10,429,602 - 1860 20,859,204 - 1890 40,718,408 - 1920 81,436,816 - -Even then, the acres of the United States will be more than ten to an -individual. As our habits and customs are English, it is a reasonable -calculation, that - - In 30 years, we shall take from them to the amount of 14,000,000 - 60 28,000,000 - 90 56,000,000 - -This is more than they now send to all the world, which wealth resulting -from American labour, being turned into England, will increase her -resources equal to the maintenance of her present marine: for, as I -before stated, if of seven millions which we now import, we furnish -funds for the seventh part of her naval expences, or say two millions. -Seven is into fifty-six, the imports of ninety years hence, eight times; -the United States will, therefore, furnish sixteen millions sterling -per annum, to support the British marine, and enable England to double -her present naval establishment. Thus we are continually aiding and -supporting, the only tyranny which can oppress us, or disturb our -tranquility. - -I am aware that, opposed to this statement, it will be said that we -shall become manufacturers, and hereafter import, in proportion to our -population, less from England; but, in a vast country like the United -States, where lands are cheap, and men can easy be provided for in -agricultural pursuits; it will be difficult for the manufactures to keep -pace with the population. We are now much greater manufacturers than we -were twenty-five years ago; yet our imports increase; the manufactures -of England have augmented ten fold in the last century. Although her -population has not doubled, yet her exports and imports have kept near -even pace with each other. The consequence of manufactures, is to create -abundance and give the means of purchasing luxuries; therefore, more -persons enjoy the luxuries of fine articles. England has her manufactures -established and her people taught; she has the start of all the world, -which she will keep for very many years; nor can such superiority be -an injury to America, or to France, or any other nation, provided the -profits are not expended on a military marine to oppress them.[N] Then -what is to be done to arrest this enormous evil, this organizing system -of oppression? One of three things must be done: we must have a marine -of a force to be respected, or we must suffer our commerce to be as -limited as the British government may think proper, and be laid under -contribution; or, military marines must be destroyed, and liberty given -to the seas. - -[Footnote N: Many appear to be of opinion, that if Bonaparte could get -the command of the seas, or had it in his power, he would reduce London -to ashes, and destroy the arts and manufactures of England. Carthage is -always cited as an example of a conqueror's vengeance. This, however, -has never been my opinion, because it is not justified by any act of his -life. In all the countries he has conquered, he has ever respected the -sciences and useful arts; he has not burned Vienna, Berlin, or Madrid. -Had he no other motive, his own fame, in a great measure, depends on the -protection which he may give to the sciences. But, independent of this, -I believe he well understands the benefit which Europe receives from -English arts and industry; and his war is not against them, but against -the manner in which their profits are applied; that is, against the -marine, and interference of the British government in all the concerns of -the continent.] - -What kind of a marine would obtain for us that consideration and respect -which would give to our merchant ships unmolested admittance into the -ports of Europe? Fifty ships of 80 guns each, and thirty thousand men, -certainly could not guarantee to us such respect. Russia has a greater -naval force, and dare not show a ship out of the Baltic. Yet fifty such -ships would cost the United States twenty-five millions of dollars, and -seven millions of dollars a year; which, added to repairs, dock-yards, -arsenals, navy-boards, and agents, may be estimated at ten millions a -year. But even could such a marine secure to us a reasonable liberty -of commerce, America could not now bear such an expenditure; and where -is the additional commerce to pay for ten millions a year, expended to -protect it? Should our resources, in twenty years, enable us to support -such a marine, I have shewn, that the British can augment their fleets -also, and spare a force to meet us at sea. But were America to try her -finances to the utmost, and establish a marine equal to fifty ships of 80 -guns, it would be to us the greatest of misfortunes; for so many persons -would become interested in obtaining a support from it, that, like -England, we should continue adding, until our successors would find it a -power superior to their liberty--one which would load them with taxes, -press their children into senseless wars, nor leave them permission to -complain. Should we ever be necessitated to have a marine of a force to -be respected, such are the accumulated evils under which our posterity -must suffer. But if science and energy should sweep military marines -from the ocean, America will be the garden of the world--an example -for Europe to imitate. When we contemplate the immense sums which are -expended in European marine establishments, and calculate the infinite -good which might have been done with the capital, we have to lament that -man, instead of gratifying his ambition in wars and devastation, has not -sought a more noble and lasting fame in promoting the arts, the sciences, -and civilization. - -The annual expence of the navy of Great Britain amounts to upwards of -thirteen millions a year; as long as war continues, the expence will not -be diminished; but taking the chance of war and peace for the succeeding -twenty-five years, and estimate that the marine will cost ten millions -a year, the expenditure in twenty-five years will be two hundred and -fifty millions of pounds sterling. If driven to have a marine, such might -be the expenditure of our successors; if we can avoid it, the capital -might be expended in useful work. I will now give a short sketch of the -improvements which might be made in America for such a sum: - -First, twelve canals, running from the eastern and northern parts of the -United States to the south, each fifteen hundred miles long, and fifty -miles distant from each other, equal to eighteen thousand miles; thirty -canals, running from the sea coast to the interior, each six hundred -miles long and fifty miles apart, or eighteen thousand miles--total, -thirty-six thousand miles, at three thousand pounds sterling a mile, -amounting to one hundred and eight millions. Canals to this extent, -would intersect a country fifteen hundred miles long six hundred miles -wide, equal nine hundred thousand square miles, or seven hundred and -fifty-six millions of acres, not an acre of which would be more than -twenty-five miles from canal carriage; and which acres, allowing six to -an individual which is equal to the density of English population, or say -seven, allowing for rivers, roads, and canals, would be ample space in a -country which, by its improvements, must be fertile for one hundred and -eight millions of inhabitants. - - 2d, Two thousand bridges, at thirty thousand - pounds sterling each, equal; 60,000,000 - - Two thousand and fifty public establishments - for education, at forty thousand - pounds sterling each 82,000,000 - - The canals; 108,000,000 - ----------- - Total 250,000,000 - -The two hundred and fifty millions, raised by loan and funded at five -per cent. would, if expended on a marine, lay a tax on the people of -12,500,000_l._ sterling a year, equal to 55,555,555 dollars a year, with -a horde of excise-men and tax-gatherers, to torment honest industry. But -if expended on canals, the profits to transport would pay the interest, -and give inconceivable advantages to the people. Such communications -would facilitate every species of industry. Canals bending round the -hills, would irrigate the grounds beneath, and convert them into -luxuriant pasturage. They would bind a hundred millions of people in one -inseparable compact--alike in habits, in language, and in interest; one -homogeneous brotherhood, the most invulnerable, powerful, and respectable -on earth. Say, legislators, you who direct the destinies of this great -nation, shall Americans, like servile creatures of established habits, -imitate European vices, or copy them because they are familiar? Shall -they nourish a useless marine, lay the basis for its increase, and -send it down the current of time to futurity with all its complicated -evils? Shall such a system consume our resources, deprive the earth -of improvements, draw into its vortex ambitious men, divert the best -talents of our country from useful works, and interest them in its -support--creating non-productive labourers, who must be the consumers -of the produce of the productive class, and diminish their enjoyments? -Or will you search into the most hidden recesses of science, to find a -means for preventing such incalculable evils? And direct the genius and -resources of our country to useful improvements, to the sciences, the -arts, education, the amendment of the public mind and morals. In such -pursuits, lie real honour and the nation's glory; such are the labours -of enlightened republicans--those who labour for the public good. Every -order of things, which has a tendency to remove oppression and meliorate -the condition of man, by directing his ambition to useful industry -is, in effect, republican. Every system, which nourishes war and its -consequent thousands of idlers and oppressors, is aristocratic in its -effects, whatever may be its name. These sentiments exhibit my political -creed, the object of all my exertions; and these principles, practised by -Americans, will create for them a real grandeur of character, which will -secure to them the respect and admiration of the civilized world. - - -FINIS - - -_Number and Nature of Ordnance for each of the Ships in the British Navy_ - - ------+-------+-----------------------------------++------------------- - |Number | Number of guns of each nature || Carronades - Rates | of +----+----+----+----+----+----+-----++----+----+----+---- - | guns | 42 | 32 | 24 | 18 | 12 | 9 | 6 || 32 | 24 | 18 | 12 - ------+-------+----+----+----+----+----+----+-----++----+----+----+---- - 1st --| 100 | 28 | - | 28 | - | 30 | - | 18 || 2 | 6 | - | - - | | | | | | | | || | | | - 2d --| 98 | - | 28 | - | 30 | 40 | - | - || 2 | - | 6 | - - | | | | | | | | || | | | - {| 80 | - | 26 | - | 26 | - | 24 | 1} || | | | - - {| 74 | - | 28 | - | 28 | - | 18 | -} || 2 | - | 6 | - - 3d {| 70 | - | 28 | - | 28 | - | 14 | -} || | | | - - {| 64 | - | - | 26 | 26 | - | 12 | - || - | 2 | 6 | - - | | | | | | | | || | | | - 4th {| 60 | - | - | 24 | - | 26 | - | 10 || - | - | - | - - {| 50 | - | - | 22 | - | 22 | - | 6 || - | 6 | - | 6 - | | | | | | | | || | | | - {| 44 | - | - | - | 20 | 22 | - | 6 || - | - | 8 | - - 5th {| 36 | - | - | - | 26 | 2 | 8 | - || 8 | - | - | - - {| 32 | - | - | - | - | 26 | - | 6 || - | 6 | - | - - | | | | | | | | || | | | - {| 28 | - | - | 8 | - | - | 24 | 4 || - | 6 | - | - - 6th {| 24 | - | - | - | - | - | 22 | 2 || - | 2 | 6 | - - {| 20 | - | - | - | - | - | 20 | - || - | - | - | 8 - | | | | | | | | || | | | - Sloops| 18 | - | - | - | - | - | - | 18 || - | - | - | 8 - ------+-------+----+----+----+----+----+----+-----++----+----+----+---- - -For "Notes on Vessels of War of the United States" see pages 6 -and 7. - -_Dimensions of Ships, Number of Men, and Draught of Water_ - - -------+------------+---------+-----------------------+------------------ - Number | Length on | Extreme | Compliment of | Depth of water - of Guns|the Gun-deck| Breadth |Sailors | Marines | required for each - -------+------------+---------+--------+--------------+------------------ - | Ft. In. | Ft. In. | Num. | Officers | Feet - 110 | 190 0 | 53 0 | 875 |1 Cap. 3 Subs.| 24 - 100 | 186 0 | 52 0 | 875 | Do. | 24 - 98 | 180 0 | 50 0 | 750 | Do. | 23 - 90 | 177 6 | 49 0 | 750 | Do. | 23 - 80 | 182 0 | 49 6 | 650 | Do. | 18 - 74 | 182 0 | 48 7 | 650 | Do. | 18 - 74 | 169 0 | 46 11 | 650 | Do. | 18 - 64 | 160 0 | 44 6 | 650 |1 Cap. 2 Subs.| 18 - 50 | 146 0 | 40 6 | 420 |2 Lieutenants.| 16 - 44 | 140 9 | 38 8 | 300 | 1 Subaltern. | 16 - 38 | 144 0 | 39 0 | 300 | Do. | 16 - 36 | 142 0 | 38 0 | 300 | Do. | 16 - 32 | 126 0 | 35 4 | 300 | Do. | 15 - 28 | 120 0 | 33 6 | 200 | Do. | 15 - 24 | 114 7 | 32 3 | 200 | Do. | 15 - 20 | 108 0 | 30 0 | 200 | Do. | 15 - 18 | 110 0 | 29 6 | 125 | Sergeant. | 13 - 16 | 106 0 | 28 0 | 125 | Do. | 13 - -------+------------+---------+--------+--------------+----------------- - -N. B. The usual Complement of Marines is one for every gun in the ship - -For "Notes on Vessels of War of the United States" see pages 6 -and 7. - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber's note: - - -The Plates were moved to the start of the section describing them. - -Hyphenation was standardized. - -The Table of Contents was added by the transcriber. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TORPEDO WAR, AND SUBMARINE -EXPLOSIONS*** - - -******* This file should be named 51748.txt or 51748.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/1/7/4/51748 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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