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diff --git a/old/51757-0.txt b/old/51757-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b63a6de..0000000 --- a/old/51757-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,10920 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Samuel Pepys and the World He Lived In, by -Henry B. (Henry Benjamin) Wheatley - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Samuel Pepys and the World He Lived In - - -Author: Henry B. (Henry Benjamin) Wheatley - - - -Release Date: April 14, 2016 [eBook #51757] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SAMUEL PEPYS AND THE WORLD HE -LIVED IN*** - - -E-text prepared by MWS, Fay Dunn, and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by -Internet Archive/American Libraries (https://archive.org/details/americana) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this - file which includes the original illustrations. - See 51757-h.htm or 51757-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/51757/51757-h/51757-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/51757/51757-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/samuelpepysworld00whea - - -Transcriber’s Note - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text in small capitals is shown in UPPER CASE. - - Several unusual characters are used in this book, notably - scribal abbreviations (e.g. Ꝑ, Ꝭ, ꝉ) in Appendix II. If - these are being displayed as empty squares, try using a - different font to view the book. A monospace font is - recommended to make the lists in Appendix VI line up. - If changing font does not correct the problem, the reader - should consult the html version noted above. If the - characters are not properly displayed in the html version, - the reader should consult the original page images noted - above. - - A transcriber's note at the end of the book provides - details about the changes that were made. - - - - - -SAMUEL PEPYS AND THE WORLD HE LIVED IN. - - -[Illustration: Nell Gywn] - - -SAMUEL PEPYS AND THE WORLD HE LIVED IN. - -by - -HENRY B. WHEATLEY, F.S.A. - - - “His Diary is like a good sirloin, which requires only to be basted - with its own drippings.”--_Athenæum_, 1848, page 551. - - -Second Edition. - - - - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - -London: -Bickers and Son, 1, Leicester Square. -1880. - -Chiswick Press: Charles Whittingham and Co. Tooks Court, Chancery -Lane. - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -PREFACE. - - -This little book does not need any long Preface, as the title -sufficiently explains the object aimed at. Although the various -subjects referred to in the “Diary” are annotated in the different -editions, there is in none of these any complete analysis of the entire -work or of the incidents of Pepys’s life. - -I have endeavoured in the following pages to draw together some of the -most interesting incidents of the “Diary” relating both to Pepys’s -life and to the manners of his time, and also to illustrate them from -other sources. I have used the best edition of the “Diary,” by the -Rev. Mynors Bright; but in order that this book may form a companion -to all editions I have referred to the date of the entries rather -than to the volume and page. It must therefore be understood that the -passages referred to when not met with in the other editions will be -found among the hitherto unpublished matter of that of Mr. Bright. It -has been my endeavour to illustrate the contents of this entertaining -work more completely than has previously been attempted, and several of -the circumstances of Pepys’s life are here brought prominently forward -for the first time. I may add that the whole of the present volume -was printed off before the appearance of the excellent article in the -July number of the “Edinburgh Review” (1880), as otherwise it might -be supposed that certain points had been suggested by that article. I -have, however, availed myself of its pages to make a correction of a -small matter in the Index. - -Mr. T. C. Noble has kindly sent me, since the completion of this book, -a copy of Pepys’s original marriage certificate from the Registers of -St. Margaret’s Church, Westminster, and I therefore insert it here to -complete the account in Chapter I. “Samuell Peps of this parish Gent & -Elizabeth De Sⁿᵗ Michell of Martins in the ffeilds Spinster. Published -October 19ᵗʰ, 22ⁿᵈ, 29ᵗʰ [1655] and were married by Richard Sherwyn -Esqʳ one of the Justices of the Peace of the Cittie and Lyberties of -Westmʳ December 1ˢᵗ. (Signed) Ri. Sherwyn.” - -The pronunciation of Pepys’s name has long been a disputed point, but -although the most usual form at the present day is _Peps_, there can -be little doubt that in his own time the name was pronounced as if -written _Peeps_. The reasons for this opinion are: (1) that the name -was sometimes so spelt phonetically by some of his contemporaries, as -in the Coffee-house paper quoted in the “Diary” (ed. Mynors Bright, -vol. vi. p. 292): “On Tuesday last Mr. Peeps went to Windsor,” &c.; (2) -that this pronunciation is still the received one at Magdalene College, -Cambridge; and (3) that the present bearers of the name so pronounce it. - -In conclusion, it is my pleasing duty to express here my best thanks to -those friends who have kindly assisted me in my work. Chief among these -are Professor Newton, F.R.S., who, as Fellow of Magdalene College, -facilitated my inquiries respecting the Pepysian Library, Mr. Pattrick, -Senior Fellow and President of the College, Mr. Pepys Cockerell, Mr. -George Scharf, F.S.A., Mr. Richard B. Prosser, of the Patent Office, -who communicated the documents relating to Mrs. Pepys’s father, and -Colonel Pasley, whose List of the Secretaries of the Admiralty, &c., in -the Appendix will be found of great value, not merely in illustrating -Pepys’s life, but as a real addition to our information respecting the -history of the Navy. - - H. B. W. - - 5, Minford Gardens, W., - September, 1880. - -P.S. Since the first publication of this book I have received an -interesting letter from Mr. Walter Courtenay Pepys, a member of the -Cottenham branch of the Pepys family, who, while agreeing with the -statement above as to the Diarist’s pronunciation, reminds me that his -branch have pronounced the name as “Pep-pis” for at least one hundred -years. In favour of this pronunciation Mr. Pepys adds that the French -branch, which is now settled at La Rochelle, but came from Languedoc -and originally from Italy (where the name exists as “Peppi”), now spell -the name “Pepy.” - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - PAGE - PREFACE v - - CHAP. I. PEPYS BEFORE THE DIARY 1 - - ″ II. PEPYS IN THE DIARY 16 - - ″ III. PEPYS AFTER THE DIARY 46 - - ″ IV. TANGIER 63 - - ″ V. PEPYS’S BOOKS AND COLLECTIONS 77 - - ″ VI. LONDON 100 - - ″ VII. PEPYS’S RELATIONS, FRIENDS, AND - ACQUAINTANCES 116 - - ″ VIII. THE NAVY 128 - - ″ IX. THE COURT 159 - - ″ X. PUBLIC CHARACTERS 183 - - ″ XI. MANNERS 199 - - ″ XII. AMUSEMENTS 217 - - ″ XIII. CONCLUSION 232 - - APPENDIX I. PORTRAITS OF PEPYS 237 - - ″ II. SCHEMES OF ALEXANDER MARCHANT, SIEUR - DE ST. MICHEL (MRS. PEPYS’S FATHER) 241 - - ″ III. PEPYS’S MANUSCRIPTS AT OXFORD 251 - - ″ IV. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 252 - - ″ V. PEPYS’S CORRESPONDENTS 254 - - ″ VI. LIST OF SECRETARIES OF THE ADMIRALTY, - CLERKS OF THE ACTS, &C., DRAWN UP BY - COLONEL PASLEY, R.E. 266 - - ″ VII. PLAYS WHICH PEPYS SAW ACTED 289 - - INDEX 297 - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -SAMUEL PEPYS AND THE WORLD HE LIVED IN. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -PEPYS BEFORE THE DIARY. - - “He was a _pollard_ man, without the _top_ (_i. e._ the reason as the - source of ideas, or immediate yet not sensuous truths, having their - evidence in themselves; or the imagination or idealizing power, by - symbols mediating between the reason and the understanding), but on - this account more broadly and luxuriantly branching out from the upper - trunk.”--COLERIDGE’s MS. note in his copy of the “Diary” (_Notes and - Queries_, 1st S. vol. vi. p. 215). - - -Samuel Pepys was the first of a well-established stock to make a -name in the outer world, but since his time the family can boast of -having had amongst its members a Court physician, a bishop, and a lord -chancellor. - -The earliest recorded Pepys was named Thomas, and appears, on the -authority of the Court Rolls of the manor of Pelhams, in Cottenham, to -have been bailiff of the Abbot of Crowland’s lands in Cambridgeshire, -in the early part of the reign of Henry VI.[1] From that time the -family flourished, and there seems to be some reason for believing that -certain members enriched themselves with the spoils of the abbey lands -in the time of Henry VIII. - -Before the Diarist became known, one of the most distinguished members -of the family was Richard Pepys, created Lord Chief Justice of Ireland -by Charles I. When the King was executed, Richard resigned his office; -but he enjoyed the favour of Cromwell, and resumed the place. As he did -not die until 1678, it is strange that there should be no allusion to -him in the “Diary.” - -The branch from which Samuel was descended had not much money; and his -father, being a younger son, came to London and became a tailor. This -descent in the social scale has caused much misapprehension, and his -enemies did not forget to taunt him on his connection with tailoring; -but it is a well-accredited axiom that trade does not injure gentry. -Some remarks of Pepys himself upon his family have been greatly -misunderstood. Referring to the non-appearance of any account of the -Pepyses in Fuller’s “Worthies,” he writes:--“But I believe, indeed, our -family were never considerable.”[2] Dr. Doran paraphrased this into: -“Let others say of his family what they might: he, for his own part, -did not believe that it was of anything like gentle descent.”[3] This -is a pure blunder, for Pepys merely meant that none of the family had -made much mark; and he would have been very indignant had any one told -him that they were not gentle. - -Samuel, the fifth child of John and Margaret Pepys, was born on -February 23rd, 1632, either at Brampton, a village near Huntingdon, or -in London. There is something to be said in favour of each supposition, -but, as the registers of Brampton church do not commence until the -year 1654,[4] the question cannot now be definitely settled. We have -Pepys’s own authority for the statement that his father and mother were -married at Newington, in Surrey, on October 15th, 1626.[5] The register -of marriages of St. Mary, Newington, has been searched, but the name -of Pepys occurs neither in the years 1625, 1626, nor in 1627,[6] and -Mrs. John Pepys’s maiden name is still unknown. In early youth, Samuel -went to a school at Huntingdon, as appears by a passage in the “Diary” -(March 15th, 1659–60), where he writes: “I met Tom Alcock, one that -went to school with me at Huntingdon, but I had not seen him this -sixteen years.” He seems to have spent his youth pretty equally between -town and country, for on one occasion, when he was walking over the -fields to Kingsland, he remembered the time when, as a boy, he lived -there, and “used to shoot with my bow and arrow in these fields.”[7] -When he left Huntingdon he entered St. Paul’s School, and remained -there until he had reached the age of seventeen. In after life, on -the occasion of an official visit to Mercers’ Hall, he remembered the -time when he was a petitioner for his exhibition.[8] He was a stout -Roundhead in his boyish days, and this fact was remarked upon, to his -great chagrin, in after years, by his friend and schoolfellow Mr. -Christmas. He went to see the execution of Charles I. at Whitehall, -and made himself conspicuous by saying on his return that, were he to -preach upon the event of the day, he should select as his text the -verse: “The memory of the wicked shall rot.” He was in some fear that -Mr. Christmas might remember this also, but he was happy to find that -that gentleman had left school before the incident occurred.[9] Pepys -always took a lively interest in the welfare of his school, to which -references are frequently made in the “Diary.” - -In 1650, his name occurs as a sizar on the boards of Trinity College, -Cambridge; but before going to reside at the University, on March 5, -1650–51,[10] he was entered at Magdalene College, having probably been -led to make the change by the greater inducements held out to him by -the latter college. Here he was elected into one of Mr. Spendluffe’s -scholarships in the following month; and two years later, on October -14, 1653, he was preferred to one on Dr. John Smith’s foundation. His -father was at this time described as a citizen of London. - -Little is known of Samuel’s academic career, during which he does not -appear to have gained much distinction; and remarks in various parts -of the “Diary” show that his conduct was not such as became a Puritan. -The College books can be brought as a witness against him, for we learn -from that source that, on October 21st, 1653, “Peapys and Hind were -solemnly admonished ... for having been scandalously over-served with -drink the night before.” Still, we must not jump to the conclusion that -his time was entirely wasted, for he evidently carried into his busy -life a good stock of classical learning. It was while he was at the -University that he made the acquaintance of the learned Selden, from -whom he borrowed the collection of ballads which formed the basis of -the famous Pepysian collection. He relates that, while at Cambridge, he -wrote a romance entitled, “Love a Cheate,” which he tore up on the 30th -of January, 1663–64. This work of destruction must have been performed -with some feelings of regret, for he tells us that he rather liked -the tale, and wondered that he had ever been able to write so well. -His previous literary performances had consisted in the concocting of -some anagrams upon Mrs. Elizabeth Whittle, afterwards the wife of Sir -Stephen Fox.[11] It is not recorded at what time Pepys left college, -but it must have been either in 1654 or 1655. He was made Master of -Arts by proxy, in June, 1660, the grace being passed on the 26th of -that month. - -On the 1st of December, 1655,[12] when he was still without any settled -means of support, Pepys married Elizabeth St. Michel, a beautiful -and portionless girl of fifteen. Although there is extant a letter -from Balthasar St. Michel to Pepys (dated from Deal, February 8th, -1673–74), in which the history of Mrs. Pepys’s family is set forth, -Lord Braybrooke was contented with the information on her monument, -and merely added that she was educated in a convent, which in point -of fact she was not. The letter alluded to was printed as far back as -the year 1841,[13] and yet I cannot find that the history contained in -it has ever been used by the biographers of Pepys. What is even more -remarkable than Lord Braybrooke’s silence respecting it, is the fact -that the Rev. John Smith, who published the letter, overlooked it when -he wrote his introduction. Mons. St. Michel was of a good family in -Anjou, but having turned Huguenot at the age of twenty-one, when in the -German service, his father disinherited him, and he was left penniless. -He came over to England in the retinue of Henrietta Maria, on her -marriage with Charles I., as one of her Majesty’s gentleman carvers; -but the Queen dismissed him on finding out that he was a Protestant, -and did not go to mass. Being a handsome man with courtly manners, he -gained the affections of the daughter of Sir Francis Kingsmall (lately -left a widow by an Irish squire), who married him against the wishes -of her family, and, with _£_1,500 which they raised, the newly-married -couple started for France, in the hope of recovering, if possible, some -part of the family estates. Unhappily, they were taken prisoners at -sea, with all their goods, by the Dunkirkers, and when released they -settled at Bideford, in Devonshire. Here, or near by, Elizabeth and -Balthasar and the rest of the family were born. - -In course of time they all went to France, and the father, in command -of a company of foot, assisted at the taking of Dunkirk. He occupied -his time with propositions of perpetual motion and other visionary -schemes, and consequently brought himself and all dependent upon him to -the brink of poverty. While he was away from Paris, some devout Roman -Catholics persuaded Madame St. Michel to place her daughter in the -nunnery of the Ursulines. The father was enraged at this action, but -managed to get Elizabeth out of the nunnery after she had been there -twelve days. Thinking that France was a dangerous place to live in, he -hurried his family back to England, and shortly afterwards Elizabeth -married Pepys. Her father was greatly pleased that she had become the -wife of a true Protestant; and she herself said to him, kissing his -eyes, “Dear father, though in my tender years I was by my low fortune -in this world deluded to popery by the fond dictates thereof, I have -now (joined with my riper years, which give me more understanding) a -man to my husband too wise, and one too religious in the Protestant -religion, to suffer my thoughts to bend that way any more.” - -There are several references in the “Diary” to Mrs. Pepys’s father -and mother, who seem never to have risen out of the state of poverty -into which they had sunk. On May 2, 1662, Mons. St. Michel took out a -patent, in concert with Sir John Collidon and Sir Edward Ford,[14] for -the purpose of curing smoky chimneys; but this scheme could not have -been very successful, as a few months afterwards he was preparing to -go to Germany in order to fight against the Turks.[15] Pepys gave him -some work to do in 1666, and Mrs. Pepys carried the account-books that -he was to rule; but such jobs as these must have given him but a sorry -living, and in the following year he again proposed to go abroad. Pepys -sent him three jacobuses in gold to help him on his journey.[16] We -hear nothing more of either father or mother, with the exception of -an allusion to their pleasure at seeing the prosperous state of their -daughter[17]--a prosperity in which they certainly did not share. - -This account of Mrs. Pepys’s parentage has led us away from the early -days of Pepys, when, with improvident passion, he married his young -wife; and we will therefore return to the year 1655. Early marriages -were then far from uncommon, and Mrs. Pepys’s beauty was considered -as forming a very valid excuse for the improvidence of the match. -There seems to be some reason for believing that she was of a dark -complexion, for her husband on one occasion was mad with her for -dressing herself according to the fashion in fair hair.[18] Sir Edward -Montagu, who was Pepys’s first cousin one remove (Samuel’s grandfather -and Sir Edward’s mother being brother and sister), gave a helping hand -to the imprudent couple, and allowed them to live in his house. The -Diarist alludes to this time, when, some years afterwards, he writes of -how his wife “used to make coal fires, and wash” his “foul clothes with -her own hand,” in their little room at Lord Sandwich’s.[19] - -Samuel does not appear to have lived with his father after he had grown -up, and as old John Pepys was not a very thriving tradesman, it seems -likely that Montagu had previously assisted his young kinsman. Indeed, -it was probably under his patronage that Samuel went to the University. - -The Diarist seems to have held some official position in the year 1656, -because on Thursday, August 7th, a pass was granted “to John Pepys -and his man with necessaries for Holland, being on the desire of Mr. -Samˡˡ. Pepys.”[20] John Pepys had probably long been in the habit of -going backwards and forwards to Holland, for Samuel writes (January -24th, 1665–66): “We went through Horslydowne, where I never was since -a little boy, that I went to enquire after my father, whom we did -give over for lost coming from Holland.” Whether these journeys were -undertaken in the way of business, or whether they had any connection -with Montagu’s affairs, we cannot now tell. That Samuel acted as a -sort of agent for Montagu, we have evidence; and among the Rawlinson -Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library is a memorandum of the payment to -him on General Montagu’s part for the ransom of the Marquis of Baydez -(22nd January, 1656–57). - -On March 26th, 1658, he underwent an operation for the stone, a disease -that seems to have been inherited. The operation was successfully -performed, and ever after he made a practice of celebrating the -anniversary of this important event in his life with thanksgiving. - -In 1659 he accompanied Sir Edward Montagu in the “Naseby,” when that -admiral made his expedition to the Sound; and he was very surprised -to learn afterwards how negotiations had been carried on of which at -the time he was quite ignorant. This is not the place for a history -of the various stages that led to the Restoration, but a passing -allusion to one of these may be allowed here, as the particulars are -given in the “Diary.” When Sir Edward Montagu left England for the -Sound, he said to the Protector Richard, on parting with him, that -“he should rejoice more to see him in his grave at his return home, -than that he should give way to such things as were then in hatching, -and afterwards did ruin him.”[21] Finding the condition of affairs -in England hopeless, Montagu took advantage of this expedition to -correspond with Charles II.; but he had to be careful and secret, for -his fellow-plenipotentiary, Algernon Sidney, who suspected him, was -an enemy.[22] Pepys’s remark on finding out what had been going on -under his nose was, “I do from this raise an opinion of him, to be one -of the most secret men in the world, which I was not so convinced of -before.”[23] - -On Pepys’s return to England he was employed in the office of Mr., -afterwards Sir George, Downing, as a clerk of the Exchequer connected -with the pay of the army, and soon afterwards commenced to keep the -“Diary” which we now possess. - -The account of the incidents of Pepys’s early life must be more or -less fragmentary, as they can be obtained merely from occasional -allusions; and it is only in the next chapter, in which we see Pepys -in the “Diary,” that we can obtain any full idea of the man as painted -by himself. Before passing on to this part of our subject, it will be -well to set down a few notes on the “Diary” as a book. The book has -thrown such a flood of light upon the history and manners of the middle -of the seventeenth century, that we are apt to forget the fact that -before the year 1825 the world knew nothing of this man of gossip. Yet -so ungrateful are we to our benefactors, that the publication of the -“Diary” did an immense injury to the writer’s reputation. Previously he -was known as a staid, trustworthy, and conscientious man of business; -as a patron of science and literature, and as a President of the Royal -Society. Jeremy Collier says, he was “a philosopher of the severest -morality.” Since 1825 we have been too apt to forget the excellence -of his official life, and to think of him only as a busybody and a -_quidnunc_. - -When Pepys’s library was presented to Magdalene College, Cambridge, -by his nephew, John Jackson, in 1724, there were, among the other -treasures, six small volumes of closely-written MS. in shorthand -(upwards of three thousand pages in all), which attracted little or -no notice until after the publication of Evelyn’s “Diary.” Then it -was that the Hon. and Rev. George Neville, Master of the College, -drew them out of their obscurity, and submitted them to his kinsman, -the well-known statesman, Lord Grenville, who had as a law student -practised shorthand. Lord Grenville deciphered a few of the pages, and -drew up an alphabet and list of arbitrary signs. These were handed to -John Smith, an undergraduate of St. John’s College, who undertook to -decipher the whole. He commenced his labours in the spring of 1819, -and completed them in April, 1822--having thus worked for nearly three -years, usually for twelve and fourteen hours a day.[24] What was -remarkable in all this was, that in the Pepysian library there rested -a little volume which contained the account of Charles II.’s escape -after the battle of Worcester, taken down in shorthand by Pepys from -the King’s dictation, and written out by himself in long-hand. Here, -therefore, was the key that would have unlocked the “Diary” quite -overlooked. Lord Braybrooke made the statement that the cipher used -by Pepys “greatly resembled that known by the name of Rich’s system;” -but this was misleading, as the system really adopted was the earlier -one of Thomas Shelton. Mr. J. E. Bailey, F.S.A., communicated a very -valuable paper, “On the Cipher of Pepys’s Diary,” to the Manchester -Literary Club in 1876, in which he gave particulars of the various old -systems of shorthand, and expressed the opinion that Pepys made himself -familiar with Shelton’s “Tachygraphy”[25] while a student at Cambridge. -The earliest edition of Rich’s “Pen’s Dexterity” was published in 1654, -while in 1642 Shelton could refer to twenty years’ experience as a -shorthand-writer. When the Rev. Mynors Bright was about to decipher -the “Diary” afresh, he consulted Shelton’s book, a copy of which, -with other works on shorthand, is preserved in the Pepysian Library. -Mr. Bright informs us that, “When Pepys wished to keep anything -_particularly concealed_, he wrote his cipher generally in French, -sometimes in Latin, or Greek, or Spanish. This gave me a great deal of -trouble. Afterwards he changed his plan and put in _dummy_ letters. -I was quite puzzled at this, and was nearly giving up in despair the -hope of finding out his device, but at last, by rejecting every other -letter, I made out the words. It would have been better for Pepys’s -credit if these passages could not have been deciphered, as all of them -are quite unfit for publication.” - -Pepys was a great lover of shorthand, and he was always ready to invent -a character, as it was then called, for a friend. He used the art in -drafting his public and private letters; and although he was forced -to discontinue his “Diary” in 1669, on account of the weakness of his -eyesight, he continued its use throughout his life. - -We learn from the “Diary” itself some particulars of how it was -written. The incidents of each day were dotted down in short, and then -the writer shut himself up in his office to fill up all the details. -Sometimes he was in arrear: thus we read, on January 1st, 1662–63, -“So to my office to set down these two or three days’ journal;” on -September 24th, 1665, “Then I in the cabin to writing down my journal -for these last seven days to my great content;” and on November 10th, -1665, “Up and entered all my journal since the 28th of October, having -every day’s passage well in my head, though it troubles me to remember -it.” - -Lord Braybrooke, who first introduced the “Diary” to the public, had no -very accurate notions of the duties of an editor; and he treated his -manuscript in a very unsatisfactory manner. Large portions were omitted -without explanation, and apparently without reason; and although much -was added to succeeding editions, still the reader might well say-- - - “That cruel something unpossess’d - Corrodes and leavens all the rest.” - -The third edition, published in 1848, contained a large mass of -restored passages, amounting, it is said, to not less than one-fourth -of the entire work. Some fresh notes were added to the fourth edition, -published in 1854; but no alteration of the text was made beyond -“the correction of a few verbal errors and corrupt passages hitherto -overlooked.” Subsequent editions have been mere reprints of these. In -1875 appeared the first volume of the Rev. Mynors Bright’s entirely new -edition, with about one-third of matter never yet published, all of -which was of the true Pepysian flavour. Here was a treat for the lovers -of the “Diary” which they little expected. - -Having traced the particulars of Pepys’s life to the year 1659, and -described the way in which the “Diary” was written, and the means by -which it first saw the light, I will now pass on to notice, in the next -chapter, the chief personal incidents recorded in the book itself. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] “Diary,” ed. Mynors Bright, vol. iv. p. 366; vol. vi. p. 306. - -[2] “Diary,” Feb. 10, 1661–62. - -[3] “Habits and Men,” p. 300. - -[4] I am indebted to the kindness of the Rev. Herbert Bree, Rector of -Brampton, for this information. - -[5] “Diary,” Dec. 31, 1664. - -[6] “Notes and Queries,” 1st S. vol. xii. p. 102. - -[7] “Diary,” May 12, 1667. - -[8] Jan. 22, 1660–61. - -[9] Nov. 1, 1660. - -[10] “Did put on my gown first, March 5, 1650–51,” Dec. 31, 1664 (note). - -[11] “Diary,” Nov. 11, 1660. - -[12] Lord Braybrooke says October, but the “Athenæum” (1848, p. 551) -says December 1st. - -[13] “Life, Journals, and Correspondence of S. Pepys,” vol. i. p. 146. - -[14] “Diary,” Sept. 22, 1663. In the original patent (No. 138) St. -Michel’s name appears as Alexander Merchant of St. Michaell. (See -Appendix.) - -[15] Jan. 4, 1663–64. - -[16] June 21, 1667. - -[17] Dec. 28, 1668. - -[18] “Diary,” May 11, 1667. - -[19] Feb. 25, 1666–67. - -[20] Entry-Book No. 105 of the Protector’s Council of State, p. 327 -(_quoted_, “Notes and Queries,” 5th S. vol. v. p. 508). - -[21] “Diary,” June 21, 1660. - -[22] March 8, 1664–65. - -[23] Nov. 7, 1660. - -[24] Smith afterwards took orders, and was presented to the rectory of -Baldock in Hertfordshire by Lord Brougham in 1832, at the instigation -of Harriet Martineau. In 1841 he published two octavo volumes, -entitled, “The Life, Journals, and Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, -Esq., F.R.S.” This wretchedly edited book contains the Tangier “Diary” -and much valuable information; but I cannot find that the information -has been used by the successive editors of the “Diary.” He died in 1870. - -[25] “Tachygraphy. The most exact and compendious methode of short and -swift writing that hath ever yet beene published by any. Composed by -Thomas Shelton, author and professor of the said art. Approued by both -Unyuersities. Ps. 45, 1, My tongue is as the pen of a swift writer.” -1641. - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -PEPYS IN THE “DIARY.” - - “An exact Diary is a window into his heart that maketh it: and - therefore pity it is that any should look therein but either the - friends of the party or such ingenuous foes as will not, especially in - things doubtful, make conjectural comments to his disgrace.”--PRYNNE’S - _Remarks on Abp. Laud_. - - -On the 1st of January, 1659–60, Samuel Pepys (then in his -twenty-seventh year) commenced to write his famous “Diary.” If, as -seems more than probable, he had previously kept a journal of some -kind, all traces of it are now lost; and our earliest glimpses of the -circumstances of his life are to be obtained only from the “Diary,” -which is by far the most remarkable book of its kind in existence. -Other men have written diaries and confessions, but they have been -intended either for the public or at least for a small circle of -friends to see. This “Diary” was only intended for the writer’s eye. He -wrote it in secret, and when he unguardedly told Sir William Coventry -in the Tower that he kept a diary, he was sorry for his indiscretion -immediately afterwards. Pepys has been likened to the barber of King -Midas, who relieved his mind by communicating to a bundle of reeds the -fact that his master had the ears of an ass; and assuredly no other -writer has so unreservedly stripped his soul bare. It is, therefore, -only fair to bear in mind what is said in the motto at the head of -this chapter, and not to forget that very few could bear the accusing -witness of such a truthful record of thoughts as well as actions as is -here. The “Diary” extends over nearly ten eventful years in the history -of England, and contains a voluminous record of both public and private -events. The fascination of Pepys’s garrulity is so great, that most of -those who have written about him have found it difficult to restrain -their praise within bounds. A writer in the “Athenæum” (apparently -the late Peter Cunningham) was quite carried away by his subject when -he wrote--“He has the minuteness of Dee and Ashmole without their -tediousness, the playfulness of Swift in his best moments without his -prejudice and his party feelings, and a charm over Byron and Scott, -and, indeed, above all other memorialists that we can call to mind, in -that his Diary was kept without the slightest view to publication.”[26] - -I will now first note some of the chief circumstances of Pepys’s life -during the period covered by the “Diary,” and then say something about -his character as it is painted by himself. - -When we are first introduced to Pepys he is living in Axe Yard, -Westminster, with very small means of support, but making so good a -show that he is esteemed rich. His family consists of himself, his -wife, and servant Jane. During the frosty weather they have not a coal -in the house, and he is forced to dine at his father’s, or make himself -as comfortable as he can up in the garret. That the larder is not very -plentifully supplied is seen by the fact that, on the 1st of February, -he and his wife dine on pease pudding, and on nothing else. At one -time he has not money enough in the house to pay the rent, but soon -afterwards he finds himself worth _£_40 which he did not expect, and is -therefore afraid that he must have forgotten something. On the 16th of -January, Mr. Downing (in whose office he then was) asked our Diarist, -in a half-hearted way, whether he would go to Holland, and gave him -the impression that his services could be dispensed with. At this time -political affairs were in the greatest confusion, and no one knew what -opinions to hold with profit to himself. Thus, William Symons said that -“he had made shift to keep in, in good esteem and employment through -eight governments in one year, and then failed unhappy in the ninth, -viz., that of the King’s coming in.”[27] - -As in times of anarchy every one wishes to talk, the Rota, or Coffee -Club founded by James Harrington, the author of “Oceana,” was found to -be a congenial resort by those who wished to express their opinions -on passing events. The principle of the club was political, and the -plan formed there for the government of the country was, that every -official should be chosen by ballot. Every year a third part of the -House of Commons were to “rote out by ballot,” and no magistrate -was to continue in his position more than three years. Other than -politicians attended the meetings, and many distinguished men, such -as Dr. Petty, Dr. Croon, Sir William Poultney, and Cyriack Skinner, -were to be found in the evening at the Turk’s Head, in the New Palace -Yard. The room was usually as full as it would hold, and Aubrey gives -it as his opinion that the arguments heard in Parliament were flat as -compared with those delivered at the Rota Club. The object of worship -was the ballot-box, and the company sat round an oval table, which had -a passage in the middle for Miles, the landlord, to deliver his coffee. -Pepys paid his eighteen-pence on becoming a member of the club, on the -9th of January, 1659–60, and he frequently attended after this. If the -following can be considered as a good illustration of proceedings, -there must have been considerable divergence in the opinions of the -members:--“I went to the Coffee Club and heard very good discourse; -it was in answer to Mr. Harrington’s answer, who said that the state -of the Roman government was not a settled government, and so it was no -wonder that the balance of property was in one hand, and the command -in another, it being therefore always in a posture of war; but it was -carried by ballot, that it was a steady government; so to-morrow it -is to be proved by the opponents that the balance lay in one hand and -the government in another.”[28] On the 20th of February, Pepys writes: -“After a small debate upon the question whether learned or unlearned -subjects are best, the club broke up very poorly, and I do not think -they will meet any more.” After the Restoration Harrington was put in -the Tower, and then removed to Portsea Castle. His imprisonment turned -him mad, so that he fancied his perspiration turned sometimes to flies -and sometimes to bees, but all his hallucinations were inoffensive. One -of the first steps taken by Monk towards obtaining a free Parliament -was the admission of the secluded members who had been previously -purged out. Pepys describes the marching-in of these men on the 21st -of February, and specially notices Prynne’s “old basket-hilt sword.” -The editors of the “Diary” might have illustrated this by an amusing -passage from Aubrey’s “Lives.” It appears that as the members were -going to the House, Prynne’s long rusty sword “ran between Sir William -Waller’s short legs, and threw him down;” which caused laughter, as -Aubrey takes care to add. About this time Pepys seems to have discerned -the signs of the times, for we find him, on a visit to Audley End, -drinking the health of the King down in a cellar.[29] Sir Edward -Montagu now comes to the front, and is intent upon benefiting his -kinsman. Pepys hopes to be made Clerk of the Peace for Westminster, but -finds the place already promised to another. Montagu offers him the -post of Secretary to the Generals at Sea, which he joyfully accepts; -and he receives his warrant on the 22nd of March. The following day -sees the party on board the “Swiftsure” at Longreach, where Pepys -receives a letter directed to “S. P., Esq.,” and this superscription -seems to have delighted him greatly, for he says, “of which God knows -I was not a little proud.” On the 30th inst. Montagu and his people -went on board the “Naseby,” which was the ship in which he had gone -to the Sound in the previous year. They remain for a time in the -neighbourhood of Deal, and on the 3rd of May the King’s declaration -and letter to the two generals is received by Montagu, who dictates to -Pepys the words in which he wishes the vote in favour of the King to be -couched. The captains all came on board the “Naseby,” and Pepys read -the letter and declaration to them; and while they were discoursing -on the subject he pretended to be drawing up the form of vote, which -Montagu had already settled. When the resolution was read, it passed -at once; and the seamen all cried out, “God bless King Charles!” a cry -that was echoed by the whole fleet. A little piece of Pepys’s vanity -(and perhaps shrewdness also) here peeps out, for he tells us that he -signed all the copies of the vote of the Council of War, so that if it -should by chance get into print his name might be attached to it.[30] -The English fleet lies off the Dutch coast about the middle of May, and -our Diarist avails himself of the opportunity to visit the Hague and -some of the chief towns of Holland. The Dukes of York and Gloucester -came on board the “Naseby” on the 22nd inst., and the King followed -them on the following day, when the opportunity of his visit was taken -to change the objectionable names of the ships. The “Naseby” became the -“Charles,” the “Richard” the “James,” the “Speaker” the “Mary,” and the -“Lambert” the “Henrietta.” - - “The Naseby now no longer England’s shame, - But better to be lost in Charles his name.”[31] - -Pepys takes the opportunity, when the Duke of York is on board, to -bespeak his favour; and is overjoyed at the Duke calling him Pepys. -On the 25th the King lands at Dover, and is received by Monk. Pepys -tells how the mayor presented the King with a handsome Bible, which he -received, and told the people that “it was the thing he loved above all -things in the world!” - -The 5th of June was Pepys’s last day on board, and he was awoke about -three o’clock in the morning by the pouring into his mouth of the water -with which the people above were washing the deck; and he was forced -to rise and sleep leaning on the table. He returned to shore better -off than he had originally left it, as he took care to make use of his -opportunities by getting men made captains, and by obtaining gratuities -for the favours. Fortune continued to smile upon him, for he had not -been many days back in London when Sir Edward Montagu, now a Knight -of the Garter, and in high favour with the King, obtained for him the -promise of the place of Clerk of the Acts. On the 28th of June he -clears himself of his old office under Sir George Downing, and is glad -to part from this stingy fellow, as he calls him. On the following day -he gets his warrant, but is much cast down when he learns that his -predecessor, Mr. Barlow, is still alive, and coming up to town to look -after the place. General Monk’s wife wishes the clerkship to be given -to Mr. Turner, of the Navy Office; but Montagu’s influence secures it -for Pepys. Turner then offers to give Pepys _£_150 to be joined with -him in the patent, but this is refused. Pepys is kept in a great state -of excitement respecting Barlow for a time. He hears that he is a -sickly man, and on July 17th he agrees to give him _£_100 a year out -of his raised salary. This payment continued until February, 1664–65, -when Barlow died. Pepys’s remarks on the death are particularly -characteristic: “For which God knows my heart, I could be as sorry as -is possible for one to be for a stranger, by whose death he gets _£_100 -per annum, he being a worthy honest man; but when I come to consider -the providence of God by this means unexpectedly to give me _£_100 a -year more in my estate, I have cause to bless God, and do it from the -bottom of my heart.”[32] - -Now, our Diarist has become a man of importance, as one of the -principal Officers of the Navy, and Montagu consequently asks him to -dinner for the first time.[33] Yet he has not much faith in his power -to keep the place; and when a Mr. Man offers him _£_1,000 for it, his -mouth waters, and he would gladly take the money if his patron would -agree.[34] On the 23rd of July he takes the oaths as a Clerk of the -Privy Seal, which he does not expect to be a very profitable office; -but he soon finds himself making about _£_3 a day,[35] in addition -to his regular salary at the Navy Office. Being settled at his house -in Seething Lane, attached to the office, he is glad to get his -little house in Axe Yard off his hands, which he does on the 17th of -September, receiving _£_41 for his interest in it. About this time he -is sworn as a justice of the peace, and he is “mightily pleased” at -the honour, although he confesses that he is wholly ignorant of the -duties.[36] - -There were great doings at the coronation of Charles II. in the -following year, and the “Diary” is full of particulars respecting it. -Pepys and a party went to a shop in Cornhill to see the procession when -the King passed from the Tower to Whitehall, and while they waited they -partook of “wine and good cake.”[37] - -On the next day Pepys gets into Westminster Abbey to see the -coronation, and sits patiently in a scaffold from a little after four -until eleven. Afterwards he goes into Westminster Hall, sees the -banquet, and returns home to bed with the feeling that he will “never -see the like again in this world.” Next morning he wakes with his “head -in a sad taking through the last night’s drink.”[38] - -Sometimes the Clerk of the Acts has a great deal of business to get -through, and he always sticks to his work manfully. By going to the -office early and staying late he was often able to spare the afternoons -for the theatre. Day after day he gets up and is at his desk at four -o’clock in the morning;[39] but this hard work is varied by some idle -days. On June the 5th the Officers of the Navy play at bowls and drink -and talk. Pepys takes his flageolet, and plays upon the leads. Sir -William Penn comes out in his shirt-sleeves, and there is more drinking -and talking, the result of which is, that Pepys goes to bed nearly -fuddled, and wakes up the next morning with an aching head. - -A very important event in the life of the Diarist occurred in the -following month. His uncle, Robert Pepys, dies, and a small property at -Brampton, worth about _£_80 per annum,[40] comes into the possession of -old John Pepys, not, however, without some litigation on the part of -some members of the family. As his father has no money, Samuel takes -all the business affairs into his own hands, and seems to consider the -property as his own. When he learns the news, on the 6th of July, -1661, he posts down to Brampton, leaving London between eleven and -twelve o’clock in the morning, and arriving there about nine o’clock at -night. When he gets to his uncle’s house he is very uncomfortable, from -the badness of the food and drink, and the biting of the gnats; but -although he is nearly out of his wits, he appears contented, so as not -to trouble his father. He has much work of arrangement to get through, -and he remains nearly sixteen days away from London. When he returns he -gives out among his most distinguished friends and acquaintances that -he has had an estate of _£_200 a year in land left him, beside money, -“because he would put an esteem upon himself.”[41] - -Pepys acknowledged to two weaknesses, of which he tried to cure himself -by means of vows--not, however, with a very successful result. The -first weakness was a too great addiction to the bottle, and the second -a too frequent attendance at theatres. On July 26th, 1661, we find -him making this confession: “Having the beginning of this week made a -vow to myself to drink no wine this week (finding it unfit me to look -after business), and this day breaking of it against my will, I am much -troubled for it; but I hope God will forgive me!” On Michaelmas Day, -1661, he took so much wine that he “was even almost foxed,” so that he -“durst not read prayers for fear of being perceived by my servants in -what case I was.” Next year, on the same day, he finds that his “oaths -for drinking of wine and going to plays are out,” and so he resolves -to take some liberty, “and then fall to them again.” On December 30th, -1662, we find him writing: “After dinner drinking five or six glasses -of wine, which liberty I now take till I begin my oathe again.”[42] - -On October 29th, 1663, he drinks some hippocras, which consists of wine -mixed with sugar and spices, under the belief that he is not breaking -his vow, because it is “only a mixed compound drink, and not any wine.” -Sir Walter Scott likened this piece of casuistry to that of Fielding’s -Newgate chaplain, who preferred punch to wine because the former was a -liquor nowhere spoken against in Scripture. - -It is necessary now to return to the date at which we broke off to -follow our hero’s vows. He sums up his blessings on February 23rd, -1661–62, in these words: “I am 29 years of age, and in very good -health, and like to live and get an estate; and if I have a heart to be -contented, I think I may reckon myself as happy a man as any is in the -world, for which God be praised.” Yet, on the next day, he is troubled -to part with _£_5 for five weeks’ music-lessons; and soon afterwards -he complains at his father spending _£_100 a year.[43] Although he was -of a saving turn, he could clearly see that it was wise to spend money -while he could enjoy the results of his spending, and alludes to this -on two separate occasions. On May 20th, 1662, he writes: “But though I -am much against too much spending, yet I do think it best to enjoy some -degree of pleasure now that we have health, money, and opportunity, -rather than to leave pleasures to old age or poverty when we cannot -have them so properly.” Four years after this we find the same idea -in other words: “The truth is I do indulge myself a little the more -in pleasure, knowing that this is the proper age of my life to do it; -and out of my observation that most men that do thrive in the world do -forget to take pleasure during the time that they are getting their -estate, but reserve that till they have got one, and then it is too -late for them to enjoy it with any pleasure.”[44] - -About this time Pepys is sworn a younger brother of the Trinity House, -is made a burgess of Portsmouth, is troubled with a lawsuit by one -Field, signs warrants as a justice of the peace, and is appointed one -of the Commissioners for the Affairs of Tangier. This business with -Field, which was connected with the office, gives him much annoyance. -At one time he is in fear of being taken by the bailiffs,[45] and at -another he is in such terror that the falling of something behind a -door makes him start with fright.[46] - -About the middle of the year 1662 he engages the services of Mr. -Cooper, mate of the “Royal George,” of whom he intends to learn -mathematics; but his early attempts do not appear to have been very -ambitious, for he begins by learning the multiplication-table. In the -following year, he and Mrs. Pepys learn to dance, and he thinks he -shall be able to manage the coranto well enough. He grudges the cost, -however, particularly as he is forced by his oath to give half as much -more to the poor.[47] - -The mixture of extravagance and frugality that is constantly exhibited -in the “Diary” is most amusing, particularly in the case of clothes. -Thus, when he hears that the Queen is ill, he stops the making of his -velvet cloak until he sees whether she lives or dies.[48] In spite of -this forethought, he finds, on casting up his accounts, that he spent -_£_55 on his own clothes, although, as a set-off against this large -sum, Mrs. Pepys’s clothes only cost _£_12. This love of fine clothes is -continually peeping out, and it has been suggested that he inherited -it with the tailor blood of his father. A better reason, however, may -be found in the fact that at one time he was very poor, and “forced to -sneak like a beggar” for want of clothes; so that, now he is in funds, -he tries to make up for his former deficiency, and resolves to dress -himself handsomely.[49] - -A few years after this he expresses himself as ashamed of the -shabbiness of his clothes, when he wished to speak to the King but did -not like to do so, because his linen was dirty and his clothes mean.[50] - -At the end of the year 1663, Pepys performed a duty in a way that -did him great credit. Sir Edward Montagu, now Earl of Sandwich, is -taken ill, and, on his recovery, he goes for change of air to Chelsea. -After a time it gets abroad that he dotes upon one of the daughters -of his landlady, and neglects his duties. On the 9th of September, -1663, Mr. Pickering tells Pepys of all this, and we therefore read in -the “Diary:” “I am ashamed to see my lord so grossly play the fool, -to the flinging-off of all honour, friends, servants, and everything -and person that is good, with his carrying her abroad and playing on -his lute under her window, and forty other poor sordid things, which -I am grieved to hear.” Pepys determines to be silent, as he learns -that the Earl will not bear any allusion to his doings. Still his -mind continually reverts to the matter, and in the end he decides to -write a letter of counsel to his patron.[51] When this is sent, he -continues for some time to be anxious as to the manner in which the -Earl is likely to receive it. Nothing is, of course, said when the two -meet, and there is for a time a coldness between them; but at last -they return to their old relations with each other, and Lord Sandwich, -having left Chelsea, is seen in the world again. - -Pepys’s habit of sitting up late, reading and writing by candlelight, -begins to tell upon his eyesight; and in January, 1663–64, he finds -it fail him for the first time. In October, 1664, he consults the -celebrated Mr. Cocker as to the best glass to save his eyes at night; -but they continue to trouble him, and he proposes to get some green -spectacles.[52] How the eyesight got weaker, so that the “Diary” had to -be discontinued, we all know to our great loss. - -On one occasion Mr. Coventry talks with Pepys on the need for a -history of the navy of England, and then suggests that he should -write a history of the late Dutch war. Pepys likes the idea, as he -thinks it agrees with his genius, and would recommend him much to the -authorities;[53] but he succeeded in doing this without writing the -history. On the 10th of March, 1663–64, he was appointed one of the -assistants of the Corporation of the Royal Fishery, of which the Duke -of York was the Governor; his commission as Treasurer of the Tangier -Committee is signed on the 18th of April, 1665; and in October of -the same year he obtains the appointment of Surveyor-General of the -Victualling Office. Besides these tangible proofs of his success in -life were the expressions of esteem made use of in respect to him by -men in authority. The Duke of York told him that he highly valued his -services,[54] and the Duke of Albemarle said that he was the right hand -of the navy.[55] - -Pepys quite deserved these words of praise, and moreover continued -to deserve them, for during the whole period of the Dutch war he did -his best to provide what was required for the navy, and while the -plague was devastating London he alone remained at his post. His -straightforward common-sense shows out strongly during the course of -the Great Fire. From the 2nd of September, 1666--when the servants -wake him to tell of the burning which they saw in the city--to the 7th, -when he visits the ruins, we have a lively picture of the whole scene -in the pages of the “Diary.” On the Sunday Pepys goes to Whitehall, and -tells the King and the Duke of York of what he had seen. He says that -unless his Majesty will command houses to be pulled down, nothing can -stop the fire. On hearing which, the King instructs him to go to the -Lord Mayor, and command him to pull down houses in every direction. -Sir Thomas Bludworth, the Lord Mayor, seems to have been but a poor -creature; and when he heard the King’s message, “he cried like a -fainting woman, ‘Lord! what can I do? I am spent: people will not obey -me. I have been pulling down houses, but the fire overtakes us faster -than we can do it.’” On the 4th inst. there seemed to be little hope -of saving the Navy Office, unless some extraordinary means were taken -with that object. Pepys therefore suggested that the workmen from -Woolwich and Deptford Dockyards should be sent for to pull down the -houses round them. Sir William Penn went to see after the men, and -Pepys wrote to Sir William Coventry for the Duke of York’s permission. -In the letter he remarks that the fire is very near them, both on the -Tower Street and Fenchurch sides; and that unless houses are pulled -down, there are little hopes of their escape. The next day Penn sends -up the men, who help greatly in the blowing-up of houses; and to this -action Pepys mainly attributes the stoppage of the fire. He then goes -up to the top of Barking church, and there he saw “the saddest sight of -desolation”--“everywhere great fires, oil-cellars, and brimstone and -other things burning.” He then walks through the town, the hot ground -almost burning his feet, till he comes to Moorfields, which he finds -full of people, “the poor wretches carrying their goods there, and -everybody keeping his goods together by themselves.” - -During the period of fright, when he expected the office to be -destroyed, he sent off his money, plate, and best things to Sir W. -Rider, at Bethnal Green, and then he and Penn dug a hole in the garden, -in which they put their wine and Parmezan cheese. On the 10th of -September, Sir W. Rider lets it be known that, as the town is full of -the report respecting the wealth in his house, he will be glad if his -friends will provide for the safety of their property elsewhere. - -About the time of the Great Fire, Pepys had saved a large sum of money, -and was making a good income; so we find his thoughts running on the -advantage of keeping a private coach, as he is ashamed to be seen in a -hackney coach.[56] It was not, however, until more than a year after -this that he actually bought his carriage, and we find that he spent -_£_53 on the coach,[57] and _£_50 on a fine pair of black horses.[58] -He was very proud of the appearance of his carriage, but his enemies -made some capital out of the proceeding, and protested that he throve -on the distresses of others. - -In these days of banks and other means for the deposit of money, it -is not easy to realize the difficulties of men who possessed money in -the seventeenth century. Pepys sent some down to Brampton to be buried, -but his wife and father did the business entrusted to them so badly -that he was quite wild and uneasy with fears that it might be found by -others.[59] Therefore, at the first opportunity, he goes down himself -to see after his treasure; and the description of the hunt after it is -certainly one of the most entertaining passages in the “Diary.”[60] He -and his father and wife go out into the garden with a dark lantern, -and grope about a long time before they come on the trace. Then they -find that the bags are rotten, and gold and notes are all spread about -and covered with dirt, the latter being scarcely distinguishable. Then -there is a gathering of it up to be washed, and in the end not much is -lost, although throughout the proceedings Pepys is in dread that the -neighbours will see and hear what is going on. - -We now come to the consideration of one of the most important incidents -in the life of the Diarist--that is, his great speech at the Bar of -the House of Commons. When peace was concluded with the Dutch, and -the people had time to think over the disgrace which this country had -suffered by the presence of De Ruyter’s fleet in the Medway, they -naturally looked round for someone to punish. It was the same feeling, -only in a much intensified degree, which found expression at the time -of the Crimean war in the cry, “Whom shall we hang?” A Parliamentary -Committee was appointed in October, 1667, to inquire into everything -relating to this business, at Chatham. Pepys is warned to prepare -himself, as there is a desire to lay the blame upon the Commissioners -of the Navy, and a resolution “to lay the fault heavy somewhere, and to -punish it.”[61] He therefore gives as clear a statement as possible, -and satisfies the Committee for a time; but for months afterwards he -is continually being summoned to answer some charge, so that he is -mad to “become the hackney of this Office in perpetual trouble and -vexation, that need it least.”[62] Then breaks out a storm in the -House of Commons against the Principal Officers of the Navy, and some -members demand that they be put out of their places. The result is, -that they are ordered to be heard in their own defence at the Bar of -the House. The whole labour of defence falls upon Pepys, and he sets -to work with a will to collect his evidence, and to display it in -the most satisfactory manner. He is somewhat annoyed that the other -officers can do little to help him; but he is proud that they, in -spite of themselves, must rely upon him. The eventful day (5th March, -1667–68) at last arrives, and, having first fortified himself with half -a pint of mulled sack and a dram of brandy, our Diarist stands at the -Bar with his fellow-officers. But here we must use his own words, for -it would be presumptuous to paraphrase the vivid account he himself -gives:--“After the Speaker had told us the dissatisfaction of the -House, and read the Report of the Committee, I began our defence most -acceptably and smoothly, and continued at it without any hesitation or -loss, but with full scope, and all my reason free about me, as if it -had been at my own table, from that time (about twelve o’clock) till -past three in the afternoon; and so ended without any interruption from -the Speaker; but we withdrew. And there all my Fellow-officers and all -the world that was within hearing, did congratulate me, and cry up my -speech as the best thing they ever heard; and my Fellow-officers were -overjoyed in it.” The orator was congratulated on every side, and the -flattery he received is set down in the “Diary” in all good faith. -Sir William Coventry addresses him the next day with the words, “Good -morrow, Mr. Pepys, that must be Speaker of the Parliament-house;” -and the Solicitor-General protests that he spoke the best of any man -in England. One man says that he would go twenty miles to hear such -another speech; and another, although he had sat six-and-twenty years -in Parliament, had never heard anything like it before; and there is -much more to the same effect. - -I do not find that Pepys ever distinguished himself by another speech, -although he sat for several years in the House of Commons; and there is -therefore reason to doubt his oratorical powers. In fact, it is easy -to explain the secret of his success, for he was speaking on a subject -that he thoroughly understood to an audience that understood it but -imperfectly. Still we must give Pepys due credit for his achievement. -He had a bad case, and yet he seems to have converted his audience. It -was here that his clear-headedness and remarkable powers of arrangement -were brought into play, and having at the same time his whole soul in -the matter, he easily carried his hearers with him. - -The praises he received raised up a strong desire in his breast -to become a Parliament-man. He hints at this design on the 5th of -December, 1668, and again, on the 19th of February, 1668–69, he opens -the matter to his friend, Sir William Coventry, who likes the idea -mightily, and promises to speak about it to the Duke of York. A few -more months, and his eyes--which already, as we have seen, had given -him trouble--become so much worse that he begins to think seriously -of taking rest. On the 16th of May, 1669, he draws up a rough copy of -a petition to the Duke of York for leave of absence for three or four -months. A few days after, the Duke takes him to the King, who expresses -his great concern at the state of his eyes, and gives him the leave -he desires.[63] On the 31st of May, 1669, the pen that has written -so much to amuse us is put to the paper for the last time; and the -“Diary” ends with these words of deep but subdued feeling:--“And thus -ends all that I doubt I shall ever be able to do with my own eyes in -the keeping of my Journal, I being not able to do it any longer, having -done now so long as to undo my eyes almost every time that I take a -pen in my hand; and therefore whatever comes of it I must forbear; and -therefore resolve, from this time forward to have it kept by my people -in longhand, and must be contented to set down no more than is fit for -them and all the world to know; or if there be any thing, which cannot -be much, now my amours are past, and my eyes hindering me in almost all -other pleasures, I must endeavour to keep a margin in my book open, -to add here and there, a note in short-hand with my own hand. And so -I betake myself to that course, which is almost as much as to see -myself go in to my grave: for which and all the discomforts that will -accompany my being blind, the good God prepare me!” The “Diary” is one -of the most curious of psychological studies, and surely no other man -has so relentlessly laid bare his secret motives. When he does a good -action from a good motive, he cannot forbear to add a dirty little -motive as well. There is no posing for effect, such as the writers of -confessions adopt, and herein consists the chief charm of the book. - -I cannot pretend to draw the character of the Diarist, for he has -done that himself in his own vivid manner; but a few of his leading -characteristics may be set down here. Two of the most prominent of -these characteristics are his money-grubbing and his love of women. - -1. _Money-grubbing._ His paramount anxiety is to get money, and we find -him constantly making up his accounts in order to see how much better -off he is this month than he was in the last. He takes care that no -opportunity of money-getting shall be allowed to slip, and he certainly -succeeds in his endeavours; for whereas, at the opening of the “Diary,” -he is only worth about _£_40, he makes _£_3,560 in the year 1665, while -his salary as Clerk of the Acts remains at _£_350. In the following -year he only made _£_2,986.[64] - -The same prudent habits that made Pepys so careful in casting up his -accounts induced him to make a new will as changes were required. On -the 17th of March, 1659–60, he bequeathed all that he possessed (but -this was not very much at that time) to his wife, with his French -books, the other books being left to his brother John. Another will was -made on August 10th, 1665, because the town was so unhealthy “that a -man cannot depend upon living two days.” We have fuller particulars of -the will of May 27th, 1666, by which Pall Pepys, the Diarist’s sister, -was to have _£_500, his father _£_2,000, and his wife the rest of his -estate--“but to have _£_2,500 secured to her though by deducting out of -what I have given my father and sister.” Another will was prepared in -the following year, by which Pepys left all he possessed to be equally -divided between his wife and father.[65] - -2. _Admiration for women._ Some of the oddest passages in the “Diary” -grew out of this trait in Pepys’s character; and one can only marvel -that he thought it well to set down such passages on paper. When he -came to Gravesend, after Charles II.’s landing, he kissed “a good -handsome wench,” because she was the first he had seen for a great -while;[66] and, at another time, the widow of a naval officer came to -see him, apparently on business, when he had “a kiss or two of her, -and a most modest woman she is.”[67] His gallantry was so great as -even to cause him to kiss the mouth of Katherine of Valois, whose body -was exposed at Westminster Abbey. He seems to have performed this act -with great content, for he notes particularly that on his birthday, -February 23rd, 1668–69 (being then thirty-six years of age), he “did -first kiss a queen.” Although he was always ready to kiss the ladies he -met, his admiration was often quite disinterested; this was peculiarly -the case with regard to the two Court beauties, the Duchess of Richmond -and the Countess of Castlemaine, to neither of whom, apparently, he -ever spoke. There is an odd little entry which he made on the 9th of -September, 1668, that well illustrates this feeling of his. The Duke of -Richmond wanted to consult Pepys about his yacht, and sent for him to -his lodgings in Whitehall. Pepys hoped to have seen the Duchess, but -found that she was in the country; so he adds, “I shall make much of -this acquaintance, that I may live to see his lady near.” But the Clerk -of the Acts’ chief admiration was lavished upon the worthless Countess -of Castlemaine. He is always delighted when he can get a glimpse of -her; and he usually finds the play to be insipid if she does not grace -the theatre with her presence. Even the sight of her clothes gives him -pleasure, for he tells us that one day, in passing the Privy Garden at -Whitehall, he saw her smocks and linen petticoats hanging out to dry, -and it did him good to look upon them.[68] - -Pepys was a pretty regular attendant at church, and he seems to -have enjoyed a good sermon; but his chief delight was to look about -for pretty women: thus, on the 26th of May, 1667, he went (alone, -by-the-bye) to St. Margaret’s Church, Westminster, and there, he says, -“Did entertain myself with my perspective glass up and down the church, -by which I had the great pleasure of seeing and gazing at a great many -very fine women; and what with that, and sleeping, I passed away the -time till sermon was done.” - -Our hero was very fond of pretty Betty Michell, and would take some -trouble to get a sight of her; and there is a most ludicrous passage -in the “Diary” in which he describes a mistake he made once at church. -He went again to St. Margaret’s, in hopes of seeing Betty, and stayed -for an hour in the crowd, thinking she was there “by the end of a -nose” that he saw; but at last, to his great disgust, the head turned -towards him, and it was only her mother; he naturally adds, “which -vexed me.”[69] Although he gave his wife much cause to be jealous, -he was inclined, without any cause, to be jealous of her; and, from -his own account, he seems often to have treated her in a very boorish -manner. One would have liked to have read the lady’s account of the -constant little squabbles which occurred; but Pepys was not of the same -opinion, for on one occasion, when he found a paper which his wife had -written on the “disagreeables” of her life, he burnt it, in spite of -her remonstrances.[70] - -Pepys’s nature was singularly contradictory, and in summing up the -chief points of his character, we can do little more than make a -catalogue of his various qualities, giving the bad ones first, and -then enumerating the good ones as a set-off. Thus, he was unfaithful to -his wife, and a coward, yet he knew his faults, and could try to amend -them. He was vain, ignorant, credulous, and superstitious; yet he had -scholarly tastes, and his orderly and business habits were so marked -that they alone would point to him as a man out of the common run. He -was mean, and yet he was also generous. This seems a harsh verdict, but -it can easily be proved to be true, and we will proceed to notice the -several points _seriatim_. - -As to his unfaithfulness, his own description of his conduct towards -several women makes it probable; but, in the instance of Deb Willett, -there can be no doubt. This episode, which occurred in October and -November, 1668, is by far the most painful one in the “Diary.”[71] -Pepys appears to have been infatuated, and, in spite of his struggles, -he fell. He repented, and prayed fervently in his chamber that he -might not fall again. He resolved not to give any new occasion for his -wife’s jealousy, and he found great peace in his mind by reason of this -resolution.[72] - -He was a coward, for on one occasion he was so angry with the cookmaid -that he kicked her. He was not sorry for doing this, but he was vexed -that Sir William Penn’s footboy saw him, and would probably tell the -family.[73] - -His vanity may be taken for granted, as every line of the “Diary” shows -it. He was ignorant of history, for he expected to find an account -of England’s dominion on the sea in “Domesday Book.”[74] As to his -credulity, he appears to have believed everything that was told him, -however absurd. His superstition is shown in his belief in charms -and in most of the popular delusions of his time; and also by his -subterfuges, as when he opens a letter, and does not look at it until -the money has fallen out, so that he may be able to say that he saw no -money in the paper, if he should be questioned about it.[75] - -He was mean, for he grudges money for his wife, while he spends -liberally on himself; he is stingy to his father, and dislikes lending -money to the benefactor from whom all his prosperity originally came. -Yet he could be singularly generous at times. He gave _£_600 to his -sister Paulina as her marriage portion;[76] and, after quarrelling -with his wife because she had spent twenty-five shillings on a pair of -earrings without his leave,[77] he pays _£_80 for a necklace which he -presents her with.[78] Of his scholarly tastes and business habits we -shall have an opportunity of saying somewhat further on. - -Perhaps, on the whole, the most remarkable characteristic of the man -was his total want of the imaginative faculty. Here was one who had -been well educated, and had kept up his learning through life; who had -an artistic taste, and was a thorough musician; who could not so much -as understand true wit or the higher poetry. “Midsummer Night’s Dream” -was insipid and ridiculous to him,[79] and he found “Hudibras” so silly -that he was ashamed of it.[80] - -I must leave my readers to answer the question why it is that, in spite -of all that has been said, Pepys can stand the ordeal through which we -have passed him; and why it is that, with all his faults, we cannot put -his book down without some sort of affection for the man? - -FOOTNOTES: - -[26] “Athenæum,” 1848, p. 669. - -[27] “Diary,” Jan. 8, 1663–64. - -[28] “Diary,” Jan. 17, 1659–60. - -[29] Feb. 27, 1659–60. - -[30] “Diary,” May 4, 1660. - -[31] Dryden, “Astræa Redux,” ll. 230–31. - -[32] “Diary,” Feb. 9, 1664–65. Thomas Barlow was appointed in 1638 -Clerk of the Acts, jointly with Dennis Fleming, who had held the -office for several years previously. Lord Braybrooke says in a note, -that “Barlow had previously been Secretary to Algernon, Earl of -Northumberland, when High Admiral;” but Colonel Pasley tells me this is -a mistake, for Barlow had been appointed Clerk of the Acts two months -before the Earl became Lord High Admiral. Barlow had, however, been in -his service at an earlier date, and the Earl had appointed him Muster -Master of the Fleet under his command in 1636. - -[33] “Diary,” July 2, 1660. - -[34] Aug. 6, 10, 1660. - -[35] Aug. 10, 1660. - -[36] Sept. 23, 1660. - -[37] April 22, 1661. - -[38] “Diary,” April 23, 1661. - -[39] July 3, 1662; June 17, 1663. - -[40] June 17, 1666. - -[41] “Diary,” July 24, 1661. - -[42] There are some amusing passages relating to the vow on -theatre-going under date of Feb. 23, 1662–63; Jan. 2, 1663–64. - -[43] “Diary,” April 23, 1663. - -[44] “Diary,” March 10, 1666. - -[45] Feb. 21, 1662–63. - -[46] Feb. 23, 1662–63. - -[47] “Diary,” May 4, 1663. - -[48] Oct. 22, 1663. - -[49] Oct. 31, 1663. - -[50] March 20, 1667. - -[51] This letter is printed in the “Diary,” under date Nov. 18, 1663. - -[52] “Diary,” Dec. 13, 1666. - -[53] June 13, 1664. - -[54] March 22, 1664–65. - -[55] April 24, 1665. - -[56] “Diary,” April 21, 1667. - -[57] Oct. 24, 1668. - -[58] Dec. 11, 1668. - -[59] “Diary,” June 19, 1667. - -[60] Oct. 10, 1667. - -[61] “Diary,” Oct. 21, 1667. - -[62] Feb. 11, 1667–68. - -[63] “Diary,” May 24, 1669. “To Whitehall where I attended the Duke of -York and was by him led to the King.” To this passage Lord Braybrooke -added this note: “It seems doubtful whether the expression of being -led to the King has any reference to the defective state of Pepys’s -vision. Perhaps he might wish to make the most of this infirmity, in -the hope of strengthening his claim for leave of absence.” It is rather -too absurd to think that the Duke of York would lead Pepys by the hand -through the corridors of the palace. If a guide had been needed, the -services of a less august personage could surely have been obtained. - -[64] The particulars of his accounts, as given in the “Diary,” are very -curious, and it may be worth while here to tabulate some of them. - - On June 3, 1660, he was worth nearly _£_100 - ″ Dec. 31, 1660, ″ _£_300 - ″ May 24, 1661, ″ _£_500 - ″ Aug. 31, 1662, ″ _£_686 19_s._ 2½_d._ - -About this time he appears to have made but little extra money, for his -monthly balances vary only a few pounds, sometimes more and sometimes -less:-- - - Dec. 31, 1663 _£_800 - (Of which _£_700 was in Lord Sandwich’s hands). - March 31, 1664 _£_900 - July 31, 1664 _£_1,014 - Feb. 28, 1664–65 _£_1,270 - Aug. 13, 1665 _£_2,164 - -This year he made money by prizes and fees for victualling, so that by -Dec. 31 he had raised his estate to _£_4,400. - - April 30, 1666 _£_5,200 - Dec. 31, 1666 _£_6,200 - -After this he did not pay so much attention to these details, and on -Jan. 23, 1668–69, he says that he is two years behindhand. - -[65] “Diary,” June 13, 1667. - -[66] June 8, 1660. - -[67] Dec. 21, 1665. - -[68] “Diary,” May 20, 1662. - -[69] “Diary,” Aug. 25, 1667. - -[70] Jan. 9, 1662–63. - -[71] See particularly “Diary,” Oct. 15, 1667; Oct. 25, Nov. 3, 13, 19, -20, 29, 1668. - -[72] Dec. 5, 18, 1668. - -[73] April 12, 1667. - -[74] “Diary,” Dec. 21, 1661. Each count in the above indictment is -founded on many instances, but one will frequently be sufficient to -give. The reader will easily find others for himself. - -[75] April 3, 1663. On July 19, 1662, he makes the following odd -remark: “Methought it lessened my esteem of a king, that he should not -be able to command the rain.” - -[76] Feb. 10, 1667–68. - -[77] July 4, 1664. - -[78] April 30, 1666. - -[79] “Diary,” Sept 29, 1662. - -[80] Dec. 26, 1662. - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -PEPYS AFTER THE “DIARY.” - - “Truly may it be said that this was a greater and more grievous loss - to the mind’s eye of his posterity, than to the bodily organs of Pepys - himself. It makes me restless and discontented to think what a Diary, - equal in minuteness and truth of portraiture to the preceding, from - 1669 to 1688 or 1690, would have been for the true causes, process, - and character of the Revolution.”--COLERIDGE’S MS. note in his copy of - the “Diary” (“Notes and Queries,” 1st S. vol. vi. p. 215). - - -We have seen in the previous chapter how Pepys wrote the last line of -his “Diary” on the 31st of May, 1669; and how, by the physical defect -which had then increased to alarming proportions, we have suffered -what Coleridge calls “this grievous loss.” In treating of Pepys’s life -after the “Diary,” we at once find the difference between dealing with -a few isolated facts and condensing from the living record of the man’s -own life. Moreover, Pepys as painted by his friends and as painted by -himself, appears like two different men. The question is--would the -highly-respected Secretary of the Admiralty and the dignified President -of the Royal Society have proved himself of the same nature as was the -officious Clerk of the Acts if the “Diary” had been continued for some -twenty or more years? or did time and domestic affliction mellow and -settle the somewhat turbulent affections of the Diarist? There seems -to be some reason for taking the latter view, and it is probable that, -when he attained a more mature age, the dross of meanness was refined -away, leaving the native ore of generosity pure and undefiled. When -Pepys had obtained his leave of absence, he set out on a tour through -France and Holland, accompanied by his wife. He carried with him on -his journey the love which he always evinced for the occupation of his -life, and he attempted to improve his knowledge of nautical affairs, -making at the time collections respecting the French and Dutch navies. -Some months after his return he spoke of his journey as having been -“full of health and content,” but no sooner had they returned to London -than his wife became seriously ill with a fever. The disease took a -fatal turn, and on the 10th of November, 1669, Elizabeth Pepys died, at -the early age of twenty-nine years, to the great grief of her husband. -She died at their house in Crutched Friars, and was buried in St. -Olave’s Church, where Pepys erected a tablet to her memory. - -Mrs. Pepys occupies so prominent a position in the “Diary,” and her -husband, in spite of his faults, was so truly fond of her, that we -must believe her death gave him a shock from which he would be long -in recovering. He had no child nor near connection to be with him, and -therefore, after this sad event, the whole current of his home life -must have been changed. - -In this same year, 1669, Sir Robert Brooke, member of Parliament for -the borough of Aldborough, in Suffolk, died, and Pepys came forward as -a candidate to fill his place. The Duke of York was favourable, and -used all his influence to obtain the return of the Clerk of the Acts, -but without success. When the election came on, Pepys was in distress, -and his loss prevented him from taking part in the proceedings; so -that, in spite of all that friends could do for him, he was defeated, -and John Bence was elected on the 9th of November. In the following -year he quarrelled with Sir James Barkman Leyenburg, the Swedish -Resident in this country, and a duel between them was only prevented by -an order from the King, given in a letter from Matthew Wren to Pepys, -commanding him not to send or receive a challenge. This incident is -not easy to be understood, as from what we know of Pepys he was not -a man who would be very wishful to rush into a hostile encounter. -Lord Braybrooke suggests that, as Leyenburg married the widow of Sir -William Batten, the quarrel may have related to some money which was -owed to Pepys by Batten, and for which the widow was liable; but this -suggestion can only be taken for what it is worth. - -We do not know the exact date of Pepys’s appointment to the -Secretaryship of the Admiralty, but in a document found among his -manuscripts, and dated November 3, 1672, he is described as holding -that office.[81] When he was thus raised in his official position he -was able to obtain his old place of Clerk of the Acts for his own -clerk, Thomas Hayter, and his brother, John Pepys, who held it jointly. -The latter does not appear to have done much credit to Samuel. He -took holy orders in 1666,[82] and was appointed clerk to the Trinity -House in 1670. When he died, in 1677, he was in debt _£_300 to the -corporation, which Samuel had to pay. - -[Illustration: _Engraved by R. Cooper._ - -THE Rᵗ. HON. FRANCIS NORTH, - -LORD KEEPER, GUILDFORD.] - -Pepys’s kind patron and kinsman the Earl of Sandwich died heroically -in the naval action in Solebay, and on June 24, 1672, his funeral was -performed with some pomp. There were eleven earls among the mourners, -and Pepys, as the first among “the six Bannerrolles,” walked in the -procession. This same year there was some talk of the elevation to -the peerage of Sir Robert Paston, M. P. for Castle Rising, and the -Duke of York at once thought of Pepys as a candidate for his seat. The -influence of Lord Howard, who had done what he could at Aldborough, was -pre-eminent at Castle Rising; and James at once spoke to him to obtain -his interest. Lord Howard was, however, in somewhat of a fix, for -according to a letter which Thomas Povey wrote Pepys on August 31st, -1672, “he stands engaged to the King for Sir Francis North, to the -Duchess of Cleveland for Sir John Trevor, her counsel and feoffee, and -to the Duke for” Pepys. Time, however, got the peer out of his dilemma. -First of all, Sir Robert Stewart, a Master of Chancery and the other -member for the borough, died, and Trevor was elected in his place; -then North was put in for King’s Lynn; and lastly, when Paston was -created Viscount Yarmouth, Pepys was chosen to succeed him, on the 4th -of November, 1673. Mr. Offley, his unsuccessful opponent, petitioned -against the return, and the Committee of Privilege determined the -election to be void; but Parliament being prorogued shortly afterwards, -before any decision had been come to by the House, Pepys was permitted -to retain his seat. The journals of the House[83] contain a full -account of the proceedings, which chiefly consisted of evidence -respecting a frivolous charge made against Pepys. It was reported -that a person of quality (who turned out to be Lord Shaftesbury) had -seen an altar with a crucifix upon it in his house. When called upon, -Shaftesbury denied that he had ever seen “an altar in Mr. Pepys’s -house or lodgings; as to the crucifix,” he said he had “some imperfect -memory of seeing somewhat which he conceived to be a crucifix.”[84] -Pepys stood up in his place and flatly denied “that he had ever had any -altar, or crucifix, or the image or picture of any saint whatsoever in -his home from the top to the bottom of it.”[85] He further explained -what might have given cause for the aspersion. “Because he could -not go much abroad, he has made his home as pleasant to himself as -he could, embellishing it with painting. He has a small table in his -closet, with a Bible and Common Prayer-book upon it, and ‘The Whole -Duty of Man,’ a bason and an ewer, and his wife’s picture over it, done -by Lombard. This is the whole thing talked of for an altar.”[86] - -It appears from the endorsement of a letter from Balthasar St. Michel -to Pepys, to which allusion has already been made, that the latter -was actually charged with having turned Mrs. Pepys from a Protestant -to a Roman Catholic. Pepys therefore obtained from her brother an -account of the fortunes of their family, which shows the utter -absurdity of any such imputations.[87] He was always a true Protestant, -although there is some reason for believing that Mrs. Pepys was a -Catholic at heart.[88] On the passing of the Test Act, in 1673, the -Duke of York resigned all his employments; and the Admiralty being -put in commission, Pepys, as secretary, was brought in immediate -correspondence with Charles II. - -In 1677[89] he was elected Master of the Clothworkers’ Company, when -he presented a richly-chased silver cup, which is still used at their -dinners. He was not long allowed to remain in peace, for the charge -of popery, which was first made in 1673, was frequently repeated, -and in 1679 he was accused, on the depositions of Colonel John Scott, -of betraying the navy, by sending secret particulars to the French -Government; and also of a design to dethrone the King and extirpate the -Protestant religion. He and Sir Anthony Deane were committed to the -Tower under the Speaker’s warrant on May 22nd, and Pepys’s place at the -Admiralty was filled up by the appointment of Thomas Hayter. When the -two prisoners were brought to the bar of the King’s Bench on the 2nd -of June, the Attorney-General refused bail; but subsequently they were -allowed to find security for _£_30,000. At length, after several months -of delay, it was found that Colonel Scott refused to acknowledge to -the truth of the original deposition; and the prisoners were relieved -from their bail on February 12th, 1679–80. Scott turned out to be a -blackguard. He is said to have cheated the States of Holland out of -_£_7,000, in consequence of which he was hanged in effigy at the Hague, -in 1672; and in 1681 he fled from England to escape from the law, as he -had been found guilty of wilful murder for killing a coachman. James, -a butler, previously in Pepys’s service, confessed on his deathbed, in -1680, that he had trumped up the whole story relating to his former -master’s change of religion at the instigation of Mr. Harbord, M.P. for -Launceston, a leading enemy of Pepys.[90] - -Evelyn visited Pepys in the Tower, and expressed his belief in the -unjustness of the charge. While he was in custody Pepys kept up a -correspondence with the Duke of York, who was then abroad, and he -received an application from a Mr. D’Oyly for a loan of _£_50; but he -was obliged to answer that he himself had been forced to borrow _£_100 -from friends, to pay his fees and defray his expenses while in durance. -It is impossible not to respect Pepys for his conduct towards James -when the Royal Duke was in disgrace. He certainly made enemies by his -action, and one of these was Andrew Marvell, who is reputed to have -published a “Black Book” entitled, “A List of the principal labourers -in the great design of Popery and arbitrary Power,” which contains the -following vituperative entry: “Castle Rising--Samuel Pepys Esquire, -once a taylor, then a serving man to Lord Sandwich, now Secretary to -the Admiralty, got by passes and other illegal wages _£_40,000.” We -know these assertions to be untrue, but they probably did the victim as -much harm as if they had been true. - -Pepys was chosen by the electors of Harwich as their member in the -short Parliament that sat from March to July, 1679, his colleague -being Sir Anthony Deane; but both members were superseded in the next -Parliament, that met on the 17th of October, 1679. - -In 1680 Pepys attended on Charles II. at Newmarket, and there he took -down, from the King’s own mouth, the narrative of his escape after the -Battle of Worcester, which now remains in the Pepysian Library, both in -shorthand and longhand. - -Sir Thomas Page, the Provost of King’s College, Cambridge, died in -August, 1681; and S. Maryon, a Fellow of Clare, wrote at once, -suggesting that Pepys was a fit and proper person for the post, and -urging him to apply to the King for it. Pepys replied that he believed -Colonel Legge (afterwards Lord Dartmouth) wanted to get the office for -an old tutor. Although he pretended unfitness, he evidently liked the -idea; and in a letter to Legge, while recommending an early application -for the tutor, he expresses himself as willing to take the Provostship -if the tutor cannot get it. He also promises, if he should be chosen, -to give the whole profit of the first year, and at least half of that -of each succeeding year, to “be dedicated to the general and public use -of the college.”[91] In the end Dr. John Copleston was appointed to the -post. - -In May, 1682, Pepys accompanied the Duke of York to Scotland, and -narrowly escaped shipwreck by the way. Before letters could arrive -in London to tell of his safety, the news came of the wreck of the -“Gloucester” (the Duke’s ship), and of the loss of many lives. His -friends’ anxiety was relieved by the arrival of a letter which Pepys -wrote from Edinburgh to Hewer on the 8th inst., in which he detailed -the particulars of the adventure. The Duke invited him to go on board -the “Gloucester,” but he preferred his own yacht, in which he had more -room, and in consequence of his resolution he saved himself from the -risk of drowning. On the 5th of May, about five in the morning, the -frigate struck upon the sand called “The Lemon and the Oar,” about -sixteen leagues from the mouth of the Humber, through the carelessness -of the pilot, it was said. The Duke and his party were all asleep at -the time, and after they were awoke it is supposed that they remained -so long on board in the hope of saving the ship, that more men were -drowned than otherwise need have been. It is said that the sinking -sailors gave a loud huzza for the Duke, although they perhaps owed -their deaths to an error of judgment on his part. Pepys writes that, -had the said wreck occurred two hours earlier, and the accompanying -yachts been at the distance they had previously been, not a soul would -have escaped. Pepys on his arrival in Edinburgh was allowed by the Duke -to attend one or two of the councils, and he was greatly struck with -the union of absoluteness and gentleness by which James maintained -his authority. He then made a tour through some of the Scottish towns -with Colonel Legge, being most pleased with the “beauty and trade” of -Glasgow. The people were not to his liking, for he writes to Hewer: -“The truth is, there is so universal a rooted nastiness hangs about the -person of every Scot (man and woman) that renders the finest show they -can make nauseous, even among those of the first quality.”[92] - -The time was now coming when Pepys was to be again employed officially, -and on July 30, 1683, he left London for Portsmouth, in order to join -his old friend Colonel Legge (now Lord Dartmouth) in his expedition to -Tangier for the purpose of demolishing that place. Pepys kept a journal -of his proceedings, which is now in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, -and has been printed by the Rev. John Smith in his “Life, Journals, -&c., of Pepys.” As the next chapter is devoted particularly to Tangier, -it is not necessary to do more here than remark that, although this -journal is of considerable interest, it falls very far short of the -_naïveté_ and charm of the original “Diary.” On March 29th, 1684, -Lord Dartmouth and his party (including Pepys) arrived in the English -Channel. - -Shortly after this, Charles II. made some further alterations at -the Admiralty, and appointed Pepys to his old place of Secretary, -possession of which he kept until the Revolution, when friends of the -banished prince were not likely to be in favour. This same year he was -elected President of the Royal Society, an office which he held for two -years, apparently with credit to himself and general satisfaction to -the Fellows. He certainly was not a scientific man, but at that period -most of the subjects discussed could be understood by an intelligent -man; and Pepys had a sincere love for curious learning which made him -peculiarly fitted to act the part of an imitation Mecænas. In 1685 -Charles II. died, and James came to the throne. We have already seen -how Pepys was a spectator at Charles’s coronation, now he was to take -the position of an actor. We find that he marched in the procession at -James’s coronation, immediately behind the King’s canopy, as one of the -sixteen barons of the Cinque Ports. A Parliament was summoned to meet -on the 19th of May, and Pepys was elected both by the burgesses of -Harwich and by those of Sandwich. He chose to serve for Harwich, and -Sir Philip Parker, Bart., was elected to fill his place at Sandwich. -This Parliament was dissolved by proclamation, July 2nd, 1687, and -on August 24th, the King declared in Council that another Parliament -should be summoned for November 27th, 1688, the writs to bear date -September 5th; but they were recalled on news being received of the -Prince of Orange’s design. On December 10th, James ordered those writs -which had not been sent out to be burned; and the same night, on his -going away from Whitehall, he threw the Great Seal into the water. The -Rev. Alexander Mills, a friend of Pepys, wrote to him from Sandwich -in July, 1687, after the news of the dissolution had arrived, to say -that he thought that Pepys might again be chosen if he felt inclined to -stand for the town. In the next few months a great change had come over -public affairs, and when the Convention Parliament was called together -in January and February, 1689–90, Pepys found no place in it. In 1688 -he had some correspondence with the Mayor of Harwich respecting the -removal of the Custom-house from Ipswich to Harwich, and his chances of -election seemed good at that time; but a few months changed all that, -and the corporation did not care to be represented by an official of -the late King: so when the election came on, someone called out in the -street, “No Tower men, no men out of the Tower!” His public career was -closed soon after this, for an order was made out by the Commissioners -of the Admiralty on the 9th of March, 1688–89, commanding him to give -up his books, &c., to Phineas Bowles, the newly-appointed Secretary -of the Admiralty. He still retained hopes of a return to public -life, and on the 8th of February, 1689–90, he wrote to the proud Sir -Edward Seymour for “his interest anywhere, by which I might compass -an election” for the new Parliament.[93] What Seymour’s answer was we -do not know, but we do know that a few months afterwards (June, 1690) -Pepys was committed to the Gate-house at Westminster, upon pretence of -his being affected to King James; but he was soon permitted to return -to his own home on account of ill-health. On this occasion four stanch -friends--Sir Peter Palavicini, Mr. James Houblon, Mr. Blackburne, and -Mr. Martin--were bail for him. Soon after, he published his “Memoirs of -the Navy,” to show what he had done for its improvement and government, -but although he was on all sides looked up to as the greatest authority -on naval affairs, he continued, even in 1692, to apprehend some fresh -persecution. - -Pepys had never been a healthy man, and as years began to tell upon him -he suffered much. One day, when he was at Tangier, he was frightened -by the old swimming in the head coming over him, and this made him -melancholy.[94] In December, 1686, he was again troubled with pain -night and day, caused by the complaint for which he was successfully -operated upon before the “Diary” commences. In a letter to his -brother-in-law, St. Michel, he expresses the opinion that a general -decay of his stomach and system will soon bring his life to an end; but -he had several years still to live. - -About this time Pepys secured the services of a Mrs. Fane as his -housekeeper, and of her he wrote, in 1689: “I do not believe that -a more knowing, faithful, or vigilant person, or a stricter keeper -at home (which is to me a great addition)--a person more useful in -sickness as well as health, than Mrs. Fane is, can anywhere be found. -As such I esteem and love her with all my heart, and should ever desire -to keep her acquaintance, friendship, and neighbourhood.” But--and this -is a very important reservation--Mrs. Fane had a very disagreeable -temper, as her victim goes on to say: “She hath a height of spirit, -captiousness of humour, and bitterness and noise of tongue, that of all -womankind I have hitherto had to do withal, do render her conversation -and comportment as a servant most insupportable.”[95] He parted with -her once, but Mrs. Skinner prevailed upon him to receive her again. At -last, after forbearance for three years and a-half, she was obliged to -leave finally. Mr. James Houblon pleaded for her, but when he heard the -above explanation, he was unable to say more. - -In 1700, Pepys removed from York Buildings to what his friend Evelyn -calls his “Paradisian Clapham.” Here he lived with his old clerk and -friend, William Hewer, but his infirmities kept him constantly in the -house. - -The eminent Dr. John Wallis, Savilian Professor of Geometry in the -University of Oxford, was highly esteemed by Pepys, who had known him -for many years as one of the most distinguished Fellows of the Royal -Society. In 1701, therefore, the Diarist matured a scheme which did -him the greatest credit. He sent Sir Godfrey Kneller down to Oxford to -paint the old man’s portrait; and, when it was finished, he presented -the picture to the University of Oxford, and received in exchange a -Latin diploma thanking him in gorgeous language for his munificence. -Pepys explained to Kneller that it had long been his wish to provide -from the painter’s hands a means of “immortalizing the memory of the -person--for his fame can never die--of that great man and my most -honoured friend, Dr. Wallis, to be lodged as an humble present of mine, -though a Cambridge man, to my dear aunt, the University of Oxford.” - -So much for the donor. The painter, on his part, was proud of his work, -and assured Pepys that he had never done a better picture, if so good a -one, in his life before. - -In the following year all was over with both Wallis and Pepys. On -the 26th of May, 1703, Samuel Pepys, after long-continued suffering, -breathed his last, in the presence of the learned Dr. George Hickes, -the non-juring Dean of Worcester, who writes as follows of the -death-bed: “The greatness of his behaviour, in his long and sharp -tryall before his death, was in every respect answerable to his great -life; and I believe no man ever went out of this world with greater -contempt of it, or a more lively faith in every thing that was revealed -of the world to come. I administered the Holy Sacrament twice in his -illnesse to him, and had administered it a third time but for a sudden -fit of illness that happened at the appointed time of administering of -it. Twice I gave him the absolution of the church, which he desired, -and received with all reverence and comfort, and I never attended any -sick or dying person that dyed with so much Christian greatnesse of -mind, or a more lively sense of immortality, or so much fortitude and -patience, in so long and sharp a tryall, or greater resignation to the -Will which he most devoutly acknowledged to be the wisdom of God: and I -doubt not but he is now a very blessed spirit, according to his motto, -_mens cujusque is est quisque_.” - -It was found necessary to have a post-mortem examination of his body, -when a nest of seven stones, weighing about four and a-half ounces, -was found in the left kidney, which was entirely ulcerated. His -constitution generally, however, appears to have been strong. The body -was brought from Clapham, and buried in St. Olave’s Church, Crutched -Friars, on the 5th of June, at nine o’clock in the evening, in a vault -close by the monument erected to Mrs. Pepys. - -John Jackson, Pepys’s nephew, sent a suit of mourning to Evelyn, and -expressed his sorrow that distance and his correspondent’s health would -prevent him from assisting at the holding-up of the pall. - -It appears from a list printed at the end of Pepys’s correspondence, -that mourning was given to forty persons, and that forty-five rings at -20_s._, sixty-two at 15_s._, and sixteen at 10_s._ were distributed to -relations, godchildren, servants, and friends; also to representatives -of the Royal Society, of the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, of -the Admiralty, and of the Navy Office. The bulk of the property was -bequeathed to John Jackson, the son of Mrs. Jackson, the Pall Pepys -of the “Diary;” but the money which was left was much less than might -have been expected. In spite of all his public services, which were -universally acknowledged, he received neither pension nor remuneration -of any kind after his enforced retirement at the Revolution. Public men -in those days, without private property, must have starved if they had -not taken fees, for the King had no idea of wasting his money by paying -salaries. At the time of Pepys’s death there was a balance of _£_28,007 -2_s._ 1¼_d._ due to him from the Crown, and the original vouchers still -remain an heirloom in the family. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[81] Smith’s “Life, Journals, and Correspondence of S. Pepys,” 1841, -vol. i. p. 142. - -[82] “Diary,” Feb. 21, 1665–66. - -[83] Vol. ix. - -[84] Vol. ix. p. 309. - -[85] Vol. ix. p. 306. - -[86] Grey’s “Debates.” - -[87] Smith’s “Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. i. p. 147. - -[88] “Diary,” Nov. 29, Dec. 6, 1668. - -[89] In this year was published “The Portugal History: or a Relation of -the Troubles that happened in the court of Portugal in the year 1667 -and 1668. By S. P. Esq. London (Richard Tonson),” 1677, which has been -attributed to Pepys. There is a copy in the Pepysian Library. - -[90] Several letters relating to this affair will be found in Smith’s -“Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. i. - -[91] Smith’s “Life, &c., of S. Pepys,” vol. i. pp. 265–72. - -[92] Smith’s “Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. i. p. 295. - -[93] Smith’s “Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. ii. p. 246. - -[94] _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 452. - -[95] Smith’s “Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. ii. p. 219. - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -TANGIER. - - “And with asphaltick slime broad as the gate - Deep to the roots of hell the gather’d beach - They fasten’d: and the _mole_ immense wrought on - Over the foaming deep high-arch’d: a bridge - Of length prodigious.”--_Paradise Lost_, x. 298–302. - - -Pepys was so intimately connected with the government of Tangier during -the twenty-two years it remained in the possession of the English, that -it seems necessary, in a memoir of him, to give some account of the -history of the place during that period. - -Tangier is a seaport, on a small bay or inlet of the Straits of -Gibraltar, which affords the only good harbour for shipping on the -sea-board of Morocco, an extent of coast of about 900 miles. The town -was early coveted by the Portuguese, and in 1437 their army attacked -it, but were defeated beneath the walls. On this occasion Dom Fernando, -the King’s brother, was left behind as a hostage. A treaty of peace -was concluded, but the stipulations not being executed, the Moors threw -Dom Fernando into prison, where he died. The prince’s body was treated -with insult, and hung up by the heels over the city walls. A few years -later this unworthy conduct was revenged, for in 1463, the Portuguese -being successful in battle, Alonzo V. took the town from the Moors. -For two centuries the Portuguese kept possession, but about the period -of our Restoration they found the place somewhat of an encumbrance, -and were anxious to obtain a desirable alliance against their enemies -the Spaniards, by transferring it to another power. In November, -1660, Thomas Maynard, British Consul at Lisbon, writing to Sir Edward -Nicholas, says, that the King of Portugal would part with Tangier to -England on reasonable terms.[96] - -[Illustration: Katherine of Braganza] - -Shortly afterwards the Portuguese ambassador in London proposed the -Infanta Katharine, daughter of that Duke of Braganza who became King -of Portugal as Joam IV., as a wife for Charles II., offering at -the same time a portion of half a million pounds sterling (“almost -double what any King [of England] had ever received in money by any -marriage”),[97] and in addition a grant of a free trade in Brazil -and the East Indies, and the possession of Tangier and the Island of -Bombay. The ambassador observed that these two places “might reasonably -be valued above the portion in money.”[98] It was supposed that the -possession of Tangier would be of infinite benefit to England and -a security to her trade, and the Earl of Sandwich and Sir John Lawson -were consulted respecting the proposed acquisition. Lord Sandwich said -that if the town were walled and fortified with brass, it would yet -repay the cost, but he only knew it from the sea. Lawson had been in -it, and said that it was a place of that importance, that if it were -in the hands of Hollanders they would quickly make a mole, which could -easily be done. Then ships would ride securely in all weathers, and -we could keep the place against the world, and give the law to the -trade of the Mediterranean.[99] The Portuguese were delighted at the -prospect of a marriage between the Infanta and Charles, and after a few -hitches the treaty was concluded, but some murmurs were heard against -the delivery of Tangier into the hands of heretics. Dom Fernando de -Menezes, the Governor, entreated the Queen Regent to spare him the -grief of handing over the city to the enemies of the Catholic faith. He -was given to understand that, if he obeyed instructions, a marquisate -would be conferred upon him, but if he continued to resist he would be -dismissed. Upon this, Dom Fernando threw up his command. - -Lord Sandwich was instructed to take possession of Tangier, and -then convey the Infanta and her portion to England. Although the -Queen Regent sent a governor whom she had chosen as one devoted to -her interest, and sure to obey her commands, yet Clarendon affirms -that he went to his government with a contrary resolution.[100] This -resolution, however, was frustrated by the action of the Moors. A few -days only before Lord Sandwich arrived, the Governor marched out of the -town with all the horse and half the foot of the garrison, and fell -into an ambush. The whole party were cut off, and the Governor and many -of his chief men were killed. The town was so weak that, when Lord -Sandwich arrived at this conjuncture, he was hailed as a deliverer from -the Moors. He conveyed the remainder of the garrison into Portugal, and -Henry, second Earl of Peterborough, with the English garrison, entered -the town on the 30th of January, 1662, as the first Governor from -England. - -Now began a system of mismanagement worthy of the disorganized -condition of public affairs. A commission was appointed for the -purpose of carrying on the government of Tangier in London, and -constant meetings were held. None of the commissioners knew anything -of the place, and they were quite at the mercy of the governors -and deputy-governors who were sent out. Pepys was placed upon the -commission by the influence of Lord Sandwich, and John Creed was -appointed secretary.[101] Thomas Povey, the treasurer, got his accounts -into so great a muddle, that he thought it wise to surrender his office -to Pepys, on condition of receiving half the profits, which he did on -March 20, 1664–65. This treasurership and the contract for victualling -the garrison of Tangier were sources of considerable profit to our -Diarist. At one of the earliest meetings of the committee, the project -of forming a mole or breakwater was entertained. A contract for the -work to be done at 13_s._ the cubical yard was accepted, although, as -Pepys writes, none of the committee knew whether they gave too much -or too little (February 16, 1662–63); and he signed the contract with -very ill will on that score (March 30, 1663). When the accounts were -looked into on April 3, 1663, it was found that the charge for one -year’s work would be as much as _£_13,000. Two years after this, the -committee agreed to pay 4_s._ a yard more, and the whole amount spent -upon the mole was found to be _£_36,000 (March 30, 1665). The wind and -sea exerted a very destructive influence over this structure, although -it was very strongly built, and Colonel Norwood reported in 1668 that a -breach had been made in the mole which would cost a considerable sum to -repair. As Norwood was an enemy of a friend of his, Pepys at once jumps -to the conclusion that he must be a bad man (February 22, 1668–69). -The second Earl of Carnarvon said that wood was an excrescence of the -earth, provided by God for the payment of debts, and Sir W. Coventry, -in a conversation with Pepys, applied this saying to Tangier and its -governors. It is not always safe to take for granted all that our -Diarist says against the persons he writes about, but there must have -been some truth in the indictment he drew up against all those who -undertook the government of Tangier. When Lord Peterborough received -the place from the Portuguese, a book was given to him which contained -a secret account of all the conduit-heads and heads of watercourses -in and about the town. This book was always given from one governor -to another, but was not to be looked at by anyone else. When Lord -Peterborough left, he took the book away with him, and on being asked -for it always answered that he had mislaid it and could not recover it. -Colonel Kirke told Pepys in 1683 that the supply of water was greatly -reduced by the want of this information.[102] In 1666 Pepys had applied -the adjective “ignoble” to Lord Peterborough’s name, on account of his -lordship’s conduct in regard to money matters. On December 15, 1662, -Andrew Lord Rutherford and Earl of Teviot, Governor of Dunkirk until -its surrender to the French, was appointed Governor of Tangier in -succession to Lord Peterborough, who was recalled. He was a brave but -rash man, and made a practice of going out of the town into the country -without taking proper precautions. In May, 1664, he was surveying his -lines after an attack by the Moors, when he and nineteen officers were -killed by a party of the enemy in ambush. Pepys called him a cunning -man, and said that had he lived he would have undone the place; but in -1683, Dr. Lawrence told Pepys that his death was a great misfortune, -for he took every opportunity of making the place great, but without -neglecting himself.[103] John Lord Bellassis was the next governor, and -he was said to be corrupt in his command. - -The deputy-governors were no better than their superiors. Of Colonel -Fitzgerald, Pepys writes, on October 20th, 1664, he is “a man of no -honour nor presence, nor little honesty, and endeavours to raise the -Irish and suppress the English interest there, and offend every body.” -Certainly, when he sees him on August 7th, 1668, he is pleased with him -and his discourse. Pepys’s opinion of Colonel Norwood we have already -seen; but none of the governors rose to the height of villany exhibited -by Colonel Kirke, whose name is condemned to everlasting infamy in the -pages of Macaulay. - -The further history of Tangier, previous to its final destruction, can -be put into a few words. In January, 1668–69, Lord Sandwich proposed -that a paymaster should be appointed at Tangier, and suggested Sir -Charles Harbord for the post; but the Duke of York said that nothing -could be done without Pepys’s consent, in case the arrangement should -injure him in his office of treasurer. Our Diarist was much pleased at -this instance of the kindness of the Duke, and of the whole committee -towards him.[104] - -Henry Sheres, who accompanied Lord Sandwich to Spain, and afterwards -became a great friend of Pepys, was paid _£_100, on January 18th, -1668–69, for drawing a plate of the Tangier fortifications. In the -same year (1669), the great engraver, Hollar, was sent to Tangier by -the King to take views of the town and fortifications. Some of these -he afterwards engraved, and the original drawings are in the British -Museum. - -In 1673 a new commission was appointed, and Pepys and Povey were among -the commissioners.[105] Two years afterwards the vessel in which Henry -Teonge was chaplain anchored in Tangier Bay; and in the “Diary” which -he left behind him he gives a description of the town as it appeared to -him. The mole was not then finished, and he found the old high walls -much decayed in places. He mentions “a pitiful palizado, not so good as -an old park pale (for you may anywhere almost thrust it down with your -foot);” but in this palisade were twelve forts, well supplied with good -guns. - -In 1680, Tangier was besieged by the Emperor of Morocco, and Charles -II. applied to Parliament for money, so that the place might be -properly defended. The House of Commons expressed their dislike of -the management of the garrison, which they suspected to be a nursery -for a Popish army. Sir William Jones said: “Tangier may be of great -importance to trade, but I am afraid hath not been so managed as to be -any security to the Protestant religion;” and William Harbord, M.P. for -Thetford, added: “When we are assured we shall have a good Protestant -governor and garrison in Tangier, I shall heartily give my vote for -money for it.”[106] - -A most unworthy action was at this time perpetrated by the Government. -Not having the support of Parliament, they were unable to defend -the place with an adequate force; and they chose the one man in -England whose brilliant career rivals those of the grand worthies of -Elizabeth’s reign to fight a losing game. - -The Earl of Ossory, son of the Duke of Ormond, was appointed Governor -and General of the Forces; but, before he could embark, he fell ill -from brooding over the treatment he had received, and soon after died. -Lord Sunderland said in council that “Tangier must necessarily be lost; -but that it was fit Lord Ossory should be sent, that they might give -some account of it to the world.” - -The Earl left his wife at their daughter’s house, and came up to -London. Here he made a confidant of John Evelyn, who records in his -“Diary” his opinion of the transaction. It was not only “an hazardous -adventure, but, in most men’s opinion, an impossibility, seeing there -was not to be above 3 or 400 horse, and 4000 foot for the garrison -and all, both to defend the town, form a camp, repulse the enemy, and -fortify what ground they should get in. This touch’d my Lord deeply -that he should be so little consider’d as to put him on a business in -which he should probably not only lose his reputation, but be charged -with all the miscarriages and ill success.”[107] It was on this man -that Ormond pronounced the beautiful eulogy, “I would not exchange my -dead son for any living son in Christendom!” - -In August, 1683, Lord Dartmouth was constituted Captain-General of his -Majesty’s Forces in Africa, and Governor of Tangier, being sent with a -fleet of about twenty sail to demolish and blow up the works, destroy -the harbour, and bring home the garrison; but his instructions were -secret. Pepys received the King’s command to accompany Lord Dartmouth, -but without being informed of the object of the expedition. In a letter -to Evelyn, Pepys tells him, “What our work is I am not solicitous to -learn nor forward to make griefs at, it being handled by our masters -as a secret.” When they get to sea, Lord Dartmouth tells Pepys the -object of the voyage, which the latter says he never suspected, having -written the contrary to Mr. Houblon.[108] On September 17th they landed -at Tangier, having been about a month on their voyage. All the doings -on board ship, and the business transacted on shore, are related with -all Pepys’s vivid power of description in his “Tangier Journal.” The -writer, however, has become more sedate, and only once “the old man” -appears, when he remarks on the pleasure he had in “again seeing fine -Mrs. Kirke,”[109] the wife of the Governor. We are told that “the -tyranny and vice of Kirke is stupendous,”[110] and the “Journal” is -full of the various instances of his enormities. Macaulay, however, -with that power of characterization which he so eminently possessed, -has compressed them all into his picture of the leader of “Kirke’s -lambs.” - -Pepys was now for the first time in the town with the government of -which he had been so long connected, and he was astonished at its -uselessness. Day by day he finds out new disadvantages; and he says -that the King was kept in ignorance of them, in order that successive -governors might reap the benefits of their position. He complains that -even Mr. Sheres was silent for his own profit, as he might have made -known the evils of the place ten years before.[111] - -In a letter to Mr. Houblon, he gives his opinion that “at no time there -needed any more than the walking once round it by daylight to convince -any man (no better-sighted than I) of the impossibility of our ever -making it, under our circumstances of government, either tenable by, or -useful to, the crown of England.” He adds: “Therefore it seems to me a -matter much more unaccountable how the King was led to the reception, -and, afterwards, to so long and chargeable a maintaining, than, at this -day, to the deserting and extinguishing it.”[112] - -On the other side Mr. Charles Russell wrote to Pepys from Cadiz, -deprecating the destruction of Tangier, and pointing out the advantages -of possessing it.[113] Sheres also showed Pepys a paper containing -the ordinary objections made against the mole, “improved the most he -could, to justify the King’s destroying it,” and added that he could -answer them all.[114] - -When the work of destruction was begun, it was found that the masonry -had been so well constructed that it formed a protection as strong as -solid rock. The mining was undertaken piecemeal, and it took six months -to blow up the whole structure. The rubbish of the mole and the walls -was thrown into the harbour, so as to choke it up completely. Still the -ruined mole stands, and on one side the accumulated sand has formed a -dangerous reef. - -On the 5th of March, 1683–84, Lord Dartmouth and Pepys sailed out of -Tangier Bay, and abandoned the place to the Moors. Shortly afterwards -the Emperor of Morocco (Muly Ismael) wrote to Captain Cloudesley -Shovel: “God be praised! you have quitted Tangier, and left it to us -to whom it did belong. From henceforward we shall manure it, for it -is the best part of our dominions. As for the captives, you may do -with them as you please, heaving them into the sea, or destroying them -otherways.” To which Shovel replied: “If they are to be disowned -because they are poor, the Lord help them! Your Majesty tells us we may -throw them overboard if we please. All this we very well know; but we -are Christians, and they bear the form of men, which is reason enough -for us not to do it. As to Tangier, our master kept it twenty-one -years; and, in spite of all your force, he could, if he had pleased, -have continued it to the world’s end; for he levelled your walls, -filled up your harbour, and demolished your houses, in the face of your -Alcade and his army; and when he had done, he left your barren country -without the loss of a man, for your own people to starve in.”[115] - -According to Pepys’s account Tangier was a sink of corruption, and -England was well rid of the encumbrance. He describes the inhabitants -as given up to all kinds of vice, “swearing, cursing and drinking,” -the women being as bad as the men; and he says that a certain captain -belonging to the Ordnance told him that “he was quite ashamed of what -he had heard in their houses; worse a thousand times than in the worst -place in London he was ever in.” Dr. Balaam, a former Recorder, had so -poor an opinion of the people of the place, that he left his estate to -a servant, with the caution that if he married a woman of Tangier, or -one that ever had been there, he should lose it all.[116] - -Yet Tangier was positively outdone in iniquity by Bombay, which -Sir John Wyborne calls “a cursed place.”[117] These were the two -acquisitions so highly rated when Charles II. married the Infanta of -Portugal. - -In spite of all disadvantages, one of the greatest being that ships of -any size are forced to lie out far from shore, Tangier is still a place -of some importance as the port of North Morocco. The description of the -town given by Sir Joseph Hooker[118] answers in most particulars to -that written by Teonge two centuries before. It stands on the western -side of a shallow bay, on rocky ground that rises steeply from the -shore, and the cubical blocks of whitewashed masonry, with scarcely -an opening to represent a window, which rise one above the other on -the steep slope of a recess in the hills, give the place a singular -appearance from the sea. On the summit of the hill is a massive gaunt -castle of forbidding aspect, and the zigzag walls which encompass -the city on all sides are pierced by three gates which are closed at -nightfall. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[96] Lister’s “Life of Clarendon,” vol. iii. p. 113. - -[97] Clarendon’s Life, 1827, vol. i. p. 495. - -[98] _Ibid._ p. 491. - -[99] Clarendon’s Life, 1827, vol. i. p. 494. - -[100] Clarendon’s Life, 1827, vol. ii. p. 161. - -[101] “Diary,” Dec. 1, 1662. In Lord Braybrooke’s “Life of Pepys” it is -incorrectly stated that Pepys was secretary. - -[102] “Tangier Diary” (Smith, vol. i. p. 444). - -[103] “Tangier Diary” (Smith, vol. i. p. 444). - -[104] “Diary,” Jan. 4, 1668–69. - -[105] Sir Joseph Williamson’s “Letters” (Camden Soc.), vol. i. p. 149. - -[106] Smith, vol. i. p. 390 (note). - -[107] Evelyn’s “Diary,” July 26, 1680. - -[108] Smith, vol. i. p. 331. - -[109] P. 374. - -[110] P. 403. - -[111] Smith, vol. i. p. 403. - -[112] P. 419. - -[113] P. 385. - -[114] Smith, vol. i. p. 383. - -[115] Ockley’s “Account of South-West Barbary,” quoted in Smith’s -“Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. ii. p. 130 (note). - -[116] Smith, vol. i. p. 446. - -[117] Vol. ii. pp. 99–100. - -[118] “Journal of a Tour in Marocco,” by Sir Joseph D. Hooker and John -Ball. London, 1878, p. 5. - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -PEPYS’S BOOKS AND COLLECTIONS. - - “A snapper-up of unconsidered trifles.” - - _Winter’s Tale_, act iv. sc. iii. - - -Pepys desired that his name might go down to posterity, but he could -little have foreseen the fame that it has attained in the nineteenth -century. The mode he took to keep it alive was the bequeathment of his -library and collections to a time-honoured foundation; and there is -every reason to believe that he would have strongly objected to the -publication of his “Diary.” Now that that book has been published, we -all see the full-length figure of the man; but his character might also -have been read in the Pepysian library at Magdalene College, Cambridge; -and this latter exhibition of him has been much longer before the -public. Comparatively little interest was, however, taken in it until -after the appearance of the deciphered “Diary,” when his name at once -sprang into fame. - -The library was left, in the first instance, to the Diarist’s nephew, -John Jackson, but with a special proviso that it should on no account -be dispersed. Pepys refers in his memorandum to “the infinite pains and -time and cost employed in my collecting and reducing the same to the -state it now is” in. He is particularly solicitous “for its unalterable -preservation and perpetual security against the ordinary fate of such -collections, falling into the hands of an incompetent heir and thereby -being sold, dissipated or imbezzled.” Jackson was allowed a certain -latitude in the disposal of the collections after his death. They -were to be placed at one of the Universities, but Cambridge was to be -preferred to Oxford. A private college was to be chosen rather than the -Public Library, and of colleges Trinity or Magdalene were to be given -the preference over the others. Of these two colleges (on the boards -of each of which Pepys’s name had been entered), Magdalene, at which -he received his education, was to have the preference. The college -which did not receive the gift was appointed visitor, and if at the -annual inspection any breach of covenant occurred, the library became -forfeited to it. - -A fair room was to be provided for the library, and no other books were -to be added, save those which Jackson might add in distinct presses. -The whole was to be called “Bibliotheca Pepysiana,” and the sole power -and custody over it was to be vested in the master of the college for -the time being.[119] - -Magdalene College was founded by Lord Chancellor Audley, who vested for -ever the right of nominating to the mastership in the possessors of -Audley End. At the time that Pepys was a student the buildings were far -from extensive, and consisted of the first court alone. The foundation -of the second court was laid in 1677, and Pepys’s “Correspondence” -contains a letter from Dr. Hezekiah Burton, asking for the contribution -already promised towards the new buildings; and another from John -Maulyverer in 1679, thanking for money lent for the same purpose, and -referring to a bond. A fellow-collegian of Pepys was John Peachell, -afterwards Vicar of Stanwick, Prebendary of Carlisle, and Master of -the College in 1679. He does not appear to have been altogether an -estimable man, for in 1677 (May 3) Pepys felt half ashamed to be -seen in his company because of his red nose; and according to Lord -Dartmouth’s manuscript notes on Bishop Burnet’s “History of his own -Time,” there was cause for this rubicundity, as Archbishop Sancroft -rebuked him for setting an ill example in the University by drunkenness -and other loose behaviour. Dr. Peachell had his good points, however, -for in 1687 he was suspended from his mastership and deprived of his -vice-chancellorship for refusing to admit Alban Francis, a Benedictine -monk, to the degree of Master of Arts without taking the prescribed -oaths. It appears from a letter to Pepys that he greatly feared the -Earl of Suffolk, who was then owner of Audley End, would be content -to have him removed in order to obtain the privilege of nominating a -successor, but he was fortunate in being restored to his office in the -following year. - -Pepys never forgot a friend, and a month before this restoration he -induced Lord Dartmouth, on his appointment to the command of the fleet, -to ask Peachell to be his chaplain, with authority over all the other -chaplains. In 1690 the Master of Magdalene died of starvation brought -about by a four days’ fast which he prescribed himself as a penance -after the archbishop’s admonition; and when he afterwards tried to eat -he could not. - -The master at the period of Pepys’s death was Dr. Quadring, and in -the college chest are two letters written by Jackson to him to inform -him of the will of the deceased respecting the library. It was not, -however, until 1724, on the death of Jackson, that the three thousand -volumes of which the library consisted were, with the original -bookcases, removed to the college, and deposited in the new buildings -which Pepys had assisted to build. The old inscription, “Bibliotheca -Pepysiana,” which was set up at the time, is still to be seen on the -front in the second courtyard. - -The library is of the greatest interest, and a mere enumeration of some -of the treasures contained in it is enough to whet the appetite of -the least ardent among the lovers of old books. To mention first the -manuscripts:--there are the various papers collected by Pepys for his -proposed “Navalia;” a “vast treasure of papers” lent by Evelyn, but -never returned to their owner; seventeen letters from Henry VIII. to -Anne Boleyn, copied at Rome from the originals in the Vatican, 1682; a -collection of papers relating to Charles II.’s escape from Worcester; -a journal of the proceedings of the Duke of Monmouth in his invading -of England, with the progress and issue of the rebellion attending it, -kept by Mr. Edward Dummer, then serving the train of artillery employed -by his Majesty for the suppression of the same; and a Survey (made by -order of the Admiralty) of buildings and encroachments on the River of -Thames, from London Bridge to Cuckold’s Point, 1684–1687. The Maitland -MS., which contains an excellent collection of Scottish poetry, and -is named after Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, Lord Privy Seal -and Judge in the Court of Session (b. 1496, d. 1586), who formed it, -is also worthy of special mention. How the two volumes of which it -consists came into Pepys’s possession is not recorded. Selections from -them were printed by Pinkerton in 1786. - -Among the choice articles that should have some notice, however -inadequate, are the pocket-book constantly used by Sir Francis Drake, -and that of James II., described as follows by Pepys himself:--“My -Royal master K. James yᵉ 2ᵈ. Pocket Book of Rates and Memorandums -during yᵉ whole time of his serving at yᵉ Seas as Lord High Admiral of -England, vizᵗ., from May, 1663, to his laying down his commission, May, -1673.” Another great curiosity is the original “Libro de Cargos as to -Provisions and Munic̃ons of the Proveedor of the Spanish Armada, 1588,” -with a hole right through, for the purpose of hanging it up in the -ship. - -Besides all the papers on naval affairs in the Pepysian Library, there -is a series of fifty volumes of Pepys’s manuscripts in the Rawlinson -Collection in the Bodleian Library. How these papers came into the -possession of Rawlinson is not known. - -What gives a special interest to the Library is the fact that it still -remains in exactly the same condition as Pepys left it, the books being -in the original cases, arranged in the order which he had fixed. There -are several entries in the “Diary” relating to the arrangement and -cataloguing of the books; thus on December 17th, 1666, we read:--“Spent -the evening in fitting my books, to have the number set upon each, in -order to my having an alphabet of my whole, which will be of great -ease to me.” He employs his brother John to write out the catalogue -“perfectly alphabeticall,”[120] but he afterwards finishes it off with -his own hand.[121] He was very particular as to the books he admitted -into his catalogue, so when he bought in the Strand “an idle rogueish -French book, ‘L’escholle des filles,’” he resolved, as soon as he had -read it, to burn it, “that it might not stand in the list of books -nor among them, to disgrace them if it should be found.”[122] He had, -at a later time, a similar feeling with regard to Lord Rochester’s -poems, and in a letter dated Nov. 2, 1680, he directs Hewer to leave -the volume in a drawer, as it is written in a style which he thought -unfitted it for mixing with his other books. He adds that as the -author (who had just died) was past writing any more poems so bad in -one sense, he despaired of any man surviving “to write so good in -another.”[123] When I was looking over the Library I made a point of -seeing whether this book had found a place at last on the shelves, -and I discovered it there; but with sad hypocrisy it stood in false -colours, for the lettering on the back was “Rochester’s Life.” - -The books were numbered consecutively throughout the Library, and, -therefore, when re-arranged, they needed to be all renumbered. All -hands were pressed into this service; and we read that on the 15th of -February, 1667–68, Pepys himself, his wife, and Deb Willett, were busy -until near midnight “titleing” the books for the year, and setting them -in order. They all tired their backs, but the work was satisfactory, -though, on the whole, not quite so much so as the previous year’s job -had been. - -On account of this constant changing, each book contains several -numbers, sometimes as many as six; and the last, which is the one by -which the books are still found, is in red ink. - -The books are arranged in eleven curious old mahogany bookcases, -which are mentioned in the “Diary,” under date August 24th, 1666, and -which gave the Diarist so much pleasure, when they were sent home -quite new by Mr. Sympson, the joiner and cabinet-maker. The presses -are handsomely carved, and have handles fixed at each end; the doors -are formed of little panes of glass; and, in the lower divisions, the -glass windows are made to lift up. The books are all arranged in -double rows; but, by the ingenious plan of placing small books in front -of large ones, the letterings of all can be seen. Some have tickets on -the outside, and this practice is mentioned in the “Diary,” where we -read: “To my chamber, and there to ticket a good part of my books, in -order to the numbering of them for my easy finding them to read as I -have occasion.”[124] - -The word “arranged” has been several times used in this chapter; but it -must not be understood as implying any kind of classification, for the -books are merely placed in order of size. This arrangement, however, -has been very carefully attended to; and, in one instance, some short -volumes have been raised to the required height by the help of wooden -stilts, gilt in front. - -The classification was to be found in the catalogues; and, as Pepys -increased in substance, he employed experts to do this work for him. -One of these was Paul Lorrain, the author of several tracts and -sermons, who was employed in copying manuscripts, and making catalogues -of books and prints. A letter from this man, written on October 12th, -1700, to explain the nature of the work he then had in hand, is printed -in the correspondence of Pepys. - -There are numerous entries in the “Diary” relating to the binding of -certain books; and a single glance at the Library as it now exists -would show any one experienced in the matter that Pepys paid great -attention to this most important point in the proper preservation -of a library. As early as May 15th, 1660, he showed this taste by -buying three books solely on account of the binding; and on January -18th, 1664–65, he went to his bookseller to give directions for the -new binding of a great many of his old books, in order that his whole -studyful should be uniform. Nearly all the books are bound in calf, -although some are in morocco and some in vellum. - -Pepys came to the resolution in the year 1667 that he would not have -any more books than his cases would hold; so when, on the 2nd of -February, 1667–68, he found that the number of books had much increased -since the previous year, he was forced to weed out several inferior -ones to make room for better. He had previously written: “Whereas, -before, my delight was in multitude of books, and spending money in -that, and buying alway of other things, now that I am become a better -husband, and have left off buying, now my delight is in the neatness -of everything.”[125] This plan he continued to practise throughout his -life, generally to the improvement of the character of his library, but -not always so. - -When I was allowed the privilege of looking through the Library, I -came upon a list of books headed “Deleta, 1700.” The entries in this -list are most curious. To each title is added a note, such as these: -“Ejected as a duplicate,” “Removed to a juster place,” “To give way to -the same reprinted,” “To give way to a fairer edition.” - -As the “Diary” is full of notices of books purchased, I felt -interested to know which of them had been weeded out after they had -been bought, and which had been thought worthy to remain on to the end. - -The following is the result of these inquiries in a few instances, -chosen from the poets:--On the 8th of July, 1664, Pepys went to his -bookseller about some books; from his shop he went on to the binder, -to give directions as to the binding of his “Chaucer;” “and thence to -the clasp-makers, to have it clasped and bossed.” Reposing in a quiet -corner of the Pepysian Library is Speght’s edition of 1602, which is -the identical copy referred to, and here, therefore, we have an example -of the books that remained. It is in a plain calf cover, unlettered, -“full neat enough,” with brass clasp and bosses. - -This evident attempt to do honour to the memory of - - “That renownmed Poet - Dan Chaucer, well of English undefyled, - On Fame’s eternall beadroll worthie to be fyled,” - -is an incident of the more interest, in that Chaucer is almost the -only great poet that Pepys was able to appreciate. Sir John Minnes, -the wit, taught him to love England’s grand old singer. These two men -were constantly brought together in the fulfilment of business duties, -and Pepys writes “among other things Sir J. Minnes brought many fine -expressions of Chaucer, which he doats on mightily.” To this he adds as -his own opinion, “and without doubt he is a very fine poet.”[126] - -That this is not a mere passing remark is evident, for on August 10th, -1664, he actually quotes a line from “Troilus and Cressida,” a most -unusual practice with this “matter-of-fact” man. He goes to visit the -famous Cocker, and has an hour’s talk with him on various matters. -“He (Cocker) says that the best light for his life to do a very small -thing by (contrary to Chaucer’s words to the Sun, ‘that he should lend -his light to them that small seals grave’)[127] it should be by an -artificial light of a candle, set to advantage, as he could do it.” - -I very much fear that the quotation did not spring up into Pepys’s own -mind, but that it was suggested by Cocker, who was “a great admirer, -and well read in all our English poets.” More than thirty years after -this, Pepys still remained one of Chaucer’s warmest admirers, and we -have it on the best authority that we owe Dryden’s modernization of the -“Character of a Good Parson” to his recommendation.[128] - -To return, however, to the Pepysian Library. On the 7th of July, 1664 -(the day before he went to the binder about Chaucer), Pepys bought -“Shakespeare’s Plays.” This probably was the third edition, which had -just appeared; though it might have been either the first folio of -1623, or the second folio of 1632; but whichever of these three it -happened to be, it was replaced in after years by the fourth folio of -1685, which is now in the collection. Although “Paradise Lost” was -first published in 1667, we find no notice either of it or of its -author in the “Diary.” - -[Illustration: JOHN MILTON. - -Engraved by _H. Meyer_ from a Drawing by Mʳ. Cipriani, in the -Possession of the Rev: Dʳ. Disney. - -_Published April 16, 1810, by T. Cadell & W. Davies, Strand London._] - -The Library contains the collected edition, in three folio volumes, -of Milton’s Works, published at London by John Toland in 1698, but -stated in the title-page to be published at Amsterdam. Pepys probably -thought it wise to have nothing to do with any of the publications of -so dangerous a man as Milton before the period of the Revolution; and -a curious letter from Daniel Skinner to Pepys, dated from Rotterdam, -November 19th, 1676, shows that a man might be injured in his public -career by the rumour that he had the works of Milton in his possession. -Skinner agreed with Daniel Elzevir, the last of that learned race, to -print at Amsterdam certain of Milton’s writings which the poet had left -to him. In the meantime a surreptitious edition of some State Letters -appears, or as Skinner puts it, “creeps out into the world.” When Sir -Joseph Williamson, the Secretary of State, is informed of this, and is -asked to give a licence for the proposed authentic edition, he replies -that “he could countenance nothing of that man’s (Milton) writings.” -Upon this, Skinner gives up his scheme, and lends the papers to -Williamson, but he gets shabby treatment in return, for on his arrival -in Holland he finds that those likely to employ him have been warned -against him as a dangerous character.[129] - -The last instance of Pepys’s weeding-out process shall be “Hudibras,” -and it is the most curious of all. On the 26th of December, 1662, we -read in the “Diary:” “To the Wardrobe. Hither come Mr. Battersby; -and we falling into a discourse of a new book of drollery, in verse, -called ‘Hudebras,’ I would needs go find it out, and met with it at the -Temple: cost me 2_s._ 6_d._ But when I came to read it, it is so silly -an abuse of the Presbyter Knight going to the warrs, that I am ashamed -of it; and by and by meeting at Mr. Townsend’s at dinner, I sold it -to him for 18_d._” The book is dated 1663, and could only have been -published a few days when Pepys bought and sold it at a loss of one -shilling. - -Warned by his previous experience, he would not buy the second part -when it came out, but borrowed it “to read, to see if it be as good as -the first, which the world cry so mightily up, though it hath not a -good liking in me, though I had tried but twice or three times reading -to bring myself to think it witty.”[130] - -He still remained uneasy, and tried to appreciate the fashionable -poem, so that on December 10th, 1663, he thought it well to buy both -parts and place them in his library. Twenty years after this he was -still doing his best to find “where the wit lies,” for we find by the -“Tangier Diary” that he read the first two books on board ship during -the voyage out.[131] - -The edition of “Hudibras” in the Library is that of 1689, so that the -earlier editions must have been exchanged for it. - -It does not say much for the literary taste of the man who tried in -vain to appreciate “Hudibras,” that he found Cotton’s “Scarronides, or -Virgile Travestie,” “extraordinary good.”[132] - -The Library contains many very valuable volumes; as, for instance, -there are nine Caxtons, and several Wynkyn de Wordes and Pynsons, but -the chief interest centres in the various collections. - -First and foremost among these are the five folio volumes of old -English Ballads, which contain the largest series of broadside ballads -ever brought together; the next in size being the well-known Roxburghe -Collection, now in the British Museum. - -Pepys has written on the title-page of his volumes: “Begun by Mr. -Selden: Improved by yᵉ addition of many Pieces elder thereto in Time, -and the whole continued down to the year, 1700, When the Form till -then peculiar thereto, vizᵗ., of the Black Letter, with Picturs, seems -(for cheapness sake) wholly laid aside, for that of the White Letter, -without Pictures.” - -The Ballads are arranged under the following heads:--1. Devotion and -Morality. 2. History, true and fabulous. 3. Tragedy, viz. murders, -executions, judgements of God. 4. State and Times. 5. Love, pleasant. -6. Love, unfortunate. 7. Marriage, cuckoldry. 8. Sea: love, gallantry, -and actions. 9. Drinking and good fellowship. 10. Humorous frolics and -mirth. The total number of Ballads is 1800, of which 1376 are in black -letter. Besides these there are four little duodecimo volumes, lettered -as follows: Vol. 1. Penny Merriments. Vol. 2. Penny Witticisms. Vol. 3. -Penny Compliments; and Vol. 4. Penny Godlinesses. - -Other collections are lettered “Old Novels,” “Loose Plays,” and -“Vulgaria.” There are six folio volumes of tracts on the Popish Plot, -four quarto volumes of Sea Tracts, and a collection of News-Pamphlets -for six years, that is, from January 1st, 1659–60, to January 1st, -1665–66, the time of the commencement of the Gazettes. Pepys was the -first person to collect prints and drawings in illustration of London -topography. These he left to his nephew, who added to the collection, -and two thick folio volumes therefore came to the College with the -other treasures. - -Pepys’s collections have a special interest, because he collected his -books himself, knew all about them, and registered them with loving -care. His various catalogues and indexes are marvels of neatness, -and living as he did in a pre-bibliographical age, he deserves the -greatest credit for the judgment exercised in their production. In the -fifth volume of the little collection of books on Shorthand, there is -an index of authors, with dates of publication and references to the -volume in which each will be found; and the following, which is the -title of one of the appendixes to the catalogue, will show how much -labour was willingly expended in the production of these helps to -research: “A chronological Deductions of the Variations of Stile (to -be collected from yᵉ Alphabet of my books) in yᵉ language of England -between ann. 700 & yᵉ attempt last made towards its refinement by Sir -Philᵖ Sidney in his ‘Arcadia,’ between 1580 and 1590.” - -Neatness and the love of accuracy were ruling passions with Pepys, -and when a catalogue was filled up with additional entries he had it -re-arranged and copied out. On “A Catalogue and Alphabet to my books -of Geography and Hydrography, 1693–95,” is the following memorandum: -“Before this Index be transcribed far to collect and alphabet the -particulars contained in the List of additional Books inserted at -the end, and that being done To incorporate both them and the four -particular Indexes preceding into the Principal, and so as to unite the -whole.” - -This is an interesting list: “Bibliotheca Nautica, 1695. Catalogue of -Authors (the perfectest I can arrive at) upon the art and practice -of Navigation, with a Chronological Catalogue of the most eminent -Mathematicians of this Nation, Antient and Modern, to the year 1673.” -Some papers show how all this was arrived at, thus: “Memorandum, -to look over yᵉ Epistles and Prefaces to all the Bookes in this -Collection, of which I am not maister, and yᵉ other allsoe, and -apply what is usefull through yᵉ whole.” Mr. Mount, “son-in-law and -successor to the late Mr. Fisher, master of the ancient shopp and our -only magazine of English Books of Navigation at the Postern on Tower -Hill,” prepared a list, and tried to answer Pepys’s queries. The -Diarist was well known to all the booksellers, and he doubtless was a -good customer, although he must have troubled them sometimes with his -fastidiousness. A note intended for Mr. Mount may be looked upon as a -good sample of many more such memorandums, “To get me the ‘Invention of -yᵉ Art of Navigation,’ a fair one for yᵉ dirty one I bought of him.” - -Robert Scott, the famous bookseller of Little Britain, when sending -Pepys four scarce books, the total cost of which was only _£_1 14_s._, -writes, “But without flattery I love to find a rare book for you.” -Herringman, of the “Blue Anchor,” at the New Exchange in the Strand, -Joseph Kirton, of St. Paul’s Churchyard, who was ruined by the Fire of -London, and Bagford, the title-robber, were some among the booksellers -with whom Pepys had dealings. - -Pepys was not a producer of _marginalia_, but some of his books contain -an occasional note of interest; thus, in Cotton’s “Compleat Gamester” -(1674), “cocking” is described at page 206 as a “game of delight -and pleasure,” and Pepys added a manuscript note in the margin, “of -barbarity.” Not only does this give us Pepys’s opinion of the sport -very pithily, but it also illustrates a passage in the “Diary,” where -he describes his visit to the cock-fighting in Shoe Lane, and says he -soon had enough of it.[133] - -All the books in the Library have a bookplate in the inside cover. -These are of different design, two having Pepys’s portrait (one large -and the other small), and one having S. P. and two anchors interlaced. -Dr. Diamond writes in “Notes and Queries,” that he once met with -a large quantity of these bookplates in four varieties. Two were -beautifully engraved by Faithorne, as is supposed, and two were by -White. Some of them had a rough margin, and others were cut close up to -the mantle on the arms.[134] - -The motto which Pepys adopted, _Mens cujusque is est quisque_, was -criticized by some of the Admirals in 1690, and the Diarist desired -his friend Hewer to point out to them, through Mr. Southerne, that it -was a quotation from Cicero’s “Somnium Scipionis,” and that the thought -was derived from Plato and wrought upon by St. Paul. The whole passage -is, “Tu vero enitere, et sic habeto te non esse mortalem, sed Corpus -hoc. Nec enim is est quem forma ista declarat; sed _mens cujusque is -est quisque_, non ea figura quæ digito monstrari potest.” - -In concluding this notice of the Pepysian Library, it will be necessary -to say a few words about the Musical collections. Pepys was not a mere -amateur in music, but understood both theory and practice thoroughly, -and he found consolation from it when troubles came upon him.[135] On -November 2nd, 1661, he tried “to make a song in praise of a liberal -genius,” which he took his own to be, but the result did not prove to -his mind; and on March 20th, 1668, he endeavoured to invent “a better -theory of music than hath yet been abroad.” - -We have references in the “Diary” to four songs which he composed, and -a notice of one which he only attempted.[136] On January 30th, 1659–60, -he sang Montrose’s verses on the execution of Charles I. beginning,-- - - “Great, good, and just, could I but rate,” - -which he had set to music. He composed “Gaze not on Swans,” on the 11th -of February, 1661–62; but his grand achievement was the setting to -music of the song, - - “Beauty retire; thou doest my pitty move, - Believe my pitty, and then trust my love,” &c., - -from Davenant’s Second Part of “The Siege of Rhodes,” (act iv. sc. -2). Mrs. Knipp sang the song so well that the composer is forced to -exclaim, that it seems to be a very fine song, and Captain Downing, -“who loves and understands music,” “extols it above everything he had -ever heard.”[137] Further evidence of the pride of the composer is seen -in the fact that he had his portrait painted with the music of “Beauty -retire” in his hand. - -On April 6th, 1666, he began “putting notes” to Ben Jonson’s song, - - “It is decreed--nor shall thy fate, O Rome! - Resist my vow, though hills were set on hills,” - -but he did not finish it until November 11th, 1666. He thought himself -that it was even better than “Beauty retire,” but the opinion of others -is not given. - -In the Pepysian Library is a volume of music, entitled, “Songs and -other Compositions, Light, Grave and Sacred, for a single voice -adjusted to the particular compass of mine; with a thorough base on -yᵉ ghitare, by Cesare Morelli,” which contains, among others, “Beauty -retire,” “It is decreed,” and “To be or not to be.” We find in the -“Diary” that on November 13th, 1664, Pepys was learning to recite this -speech of Hamlet. - -In the present day, when few instruments besides the piano are heard -in private houses, it is somewhat surprising to find how many were -familiar to our ancestors in the seventeenth century, and a note of -some of these will perhaps be thought interesting. - -The lute was a favourite instrument when Pepys was young, and a -good lutenist was in high esteem among his fellows. Lady Wright’s -butler gave Pepys a lesson or two, and in the first two years of the -“Diary,” there are several references to the hours the Diarist spent -in practising; but for a time he was unable to play, as his lute was -in pawn. Various forms of the violin were much used by Pepys, who rose -by candlelight on the 3rd of December, 1660, and spent his morning in -fiddling, till it was time to go to the office. - -He and Mr. Hill were engaged for an hour or two in stringing a theorbo; -and, on another occasion, he had it mended at a cost of twenty-six -shillings. The flute and flageolet were always handy, as he could put -them in his pocket, and use them as occasion required, particularly if -he were in the neighbourhood of an echo. He mentions the guitar twice -in the “Diary,” but did not play on it, as he thought it a bauble. He -afterwards altered his opinion, for he expressly charges Morelli, the -arranger of his musical papers, to set a certain French song to the -guitar; and, as may be seen above, many others were treated in the same -way.[138] He is at one time angry with The. Turner because she will -not give him a lesson on the harpsichord; and afterwards he buys a -spinet.[139] - -I here end the portion of this book which deals with the life of Pepys -himself. - -The “Correspondence” discovers a more dignified character than the -“Diary,” but we cannot say for certain whether, if we had a diary of -the later years, we should not read such a confession as this on the -27th of January, 1666–67:--“Went down and sat in a low room (at Sir -Philip Warwick’s), reading ‘Erasmus de scribendis epistolis,’ a very -good book, especially one letter of advice to a courtier, most true and -good, which made me once resolve to tear out the two leaves that it was -writ in, but I forbore it.” - -FOOTNOTES: - -[119] Harl. MS. 7,031, pp. 208, 209. “Samuel Pepys, his disposition and -settlement of his Library.” - -[120] “Diary,” Jan. 8, 1666–67. - -[121] Feb. 4, 1666–67. - -[122] Feb. 8, 1667–68. - -[123] Smith’s “Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. i. p. 247. - -[124] “Diary,” Dec. 19, 1666. - -[125] “Diary,” Aug. 10, 1663. - -[126] “Diary,” June 14, 1663. - -[127] “Allas! what hath this lovers the agylte? - Dispitous Day, thyn be the pyne of Helle! - For many a lover hastow slayn, and wilt; - Thi pourynge in wol nowher lat hem dwelle: - What? profrestow thi light here for to selle? - _Go selle it hem that smale seles grave_, - We wol the nought, as nedeth no day have!” - - _Troylus and Cryseyde_, book iii. ll. 1408–14. - -[128] This is so interesting a fact that I think Dryden’s letter to -Pepys on the subject may well appear in full at this place:-- - - “July 14, 1699. - - “Padron Mio, - - “I remember last year when I had the honour of dining with you, you - were pleased to recommend to me the character of Chaucer’s “Good - Parson.” Any desire of yours is a command to me, and accordingly I - have put it into my English, with such additions and alterations as I - thought fit. - - “Having translated as many fables from Ovid, and as many novels from - Boccace, and tales from Chaucer, as will make an indifferent large - volume in folio, I intend them for the press in Michaelmas term next. - In the mean time my Parson desires the favour of being known to you, - and promises if you find any fault in his character, he will reform - it. Whenever you please, he shall wait on you, and for the safer - conveyance, I will carry him in my pocket, who am - - “My _Padron’s_ most obedient servant, - - “JOHN DRYDEN. - - “For Samuel Pepys, Esq., - - At his house in York Street, These.” - - -“For Samuel Pepys, Esq., - -At his house in York Street, These.” - -In Pepys’s answer, dated on the same day, he writes: - “You truly have obliged me, and, possibly, in saying so, I am more in - earnest than you can readily think, as verily hoping from this your - copy of one ‘Good Parson’ to fancy some amends made me for the hourly - offence I bear with from the sight of so many lewd originals.”--Smith’s - “Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. ii. pp. 254–55. - -[129] Smith’s “Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. i. pp. 169–81. - -[130] “Diary,” Nov. 28, 1663. - -[131] Smith’s “Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. i. p. 343. - -[132] “Diary,” March 2, 1663–64. - -[133] “Diary,” Dec. 21, 1663. - -[134] “Notes and Queries,” 1st S. vi. 534. - -[135] “The little knowledge in music which I have, never was of more -use to me than it is now, under the molestations of mind which I have -at this time more than ordinary to contend with.”--Smith’s “Life, &c., -of Pepys,” vol. i. p. 199. - -[136] “Diary,” Nov. 30, 1667. - -[137] “Diary,” Dec. 6, 1665; Feb. 23, 1665–66; Nov. 9, 1666. - -[138] Letter dated Sept. 25, 1679, in Smith’s “Life, &c., of Pepys,” -vol. i. p. 200. - -[139] References to the “Diary” where the several instruments are -mentioned:-- - -_Lute_, Jan. 25, 31, Feb. 4, March 18, 1659–60; Oct. 21, Nov. 9, 21, -1660; May 26, 1662. - -_Viol_, Jan. 4, March 4, 6, Feb. 17, 1662–63; Sept. 28, 1664. - -_Lyre viol_, Nov. 17, 1660; Oct. 16, Nov. 20, 1666. - -_Bass viol_, July 5, 1662; April 17, 1663. - -_Arched viol_, Oct. 5, 1664. - -_Treble_, April 23, 1660. - -_Violin_, March 6, 1659–60; April 6, 10, Nov. 21, 1660; April 23, June -6, 1661; June 15, 1663. - -_Theorbo_, March 5, 1569–60; Nov. 24, Dec. 30, 1660; Oct. 9, 28, Dec. -7, 1661; Aug. 21, 1663; July 30, 1666. - -_Guitar_, June 8, 1660; July 27, 1661. - -_Cittern_, June 5, 1660; Jan. 17, 1660–61. - -_Bandore_, Oct. 15, 1662. - -_Recorder_, April 8, 1668. - -_Flageolet_, Jan. 16, 30, Feb. 8, 9, 27, 1659–60; May 14, June 21, -1660; June 5, 1661; Jan. 20, 1667–68. - -_Triangle_, March 18, 1662–63; April 1, 15, June 21, 1663. - -_Triangle virginal_, June 14, 1661. - -_Virginals_, Dec. 8, 1660; Sept. 2, 1666. - -_Spinet_ (espinette), April 4, July 10, 13, 1668. - -_Harpsichord_, March 17, 1659–60; Feb. 26, 1660–61; April 31, June 18, -1661; Sept. 9, 1664; April 4, 1668. - -_Dulcimer_, June 23, 1662. - -_Trumpet marine_, Oct. 24, 1667. - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -LONDON. - - “I have vow’d to spend all my life in London. People do really live - no where else; they breathe and move and have a kind of insipid dull - being, but there is no life but in London. I had rather be Countess of - Puddle-dock than Queen of Sussex.”--T. SHADWELL’S _Epsom Wells_, 1676. - - -Having concluded that portion of our subject which relates more -particularly to the personal character of Pepys, we now pass on to the -general consideration of the component parts of the world he lived in. -As Pepys was a thorough Londoner, and as most of the circumstances -related in the “Diary” refer to London, I propose to commence with a -notice of some parts of the capital at the time of the Restoration. - -The almost constant use of the River as a highway is a marked feature -of the habits of the time, which is illustrated by the fact that Pepys -makes a point of mentioning that he went to a place “by land,” when -from some cause or other he did not take a boat; thus, on March 8th, -1659–60, we read, “Home about two o’clock, and took my wife _by land_ -to Paternoster Row, to buy some paragon for a petticoat, and so home -again.” When Pepys was appointed Clerk of the Acts, and he was settled -in his house in Seething Lane, he found that a constant communication -was necessary between the Navy Office in the City, and the Admiralty -at Whitehall. In his frequent journeys by boat from place to place, -he often stopped at Blackfriars, in order to visit Lord Sandwich at -the “Wardrobe,” where the royal clothes were kept. Sometimes, when -there were shows and pageants on the Thames, it was no easy matter to -get a boat, and on the occasion of the Queen’s coming to town from -Hampton Court, when her barge was attended by ten thousand barges -and boats, Pepys in vain tempted the watermen with a bribe of eight -shillings.[140] One of the chief dangers of boat traffic was found in -“shooting” London Bridge, and it was generally considered good policy -to get out of the boat and pass from side to side on foot instead -of going through the arches. One Sunday night,[141] however, our -Diarist passed through the “rapids,” and did not like the sensation he -experienced. “And so to Whitehall to Sir G. Carteret, and so to the -Chappell, where I challenged my pew as Clerke of the Privy Seale, and -had it, and then walked home with Mr. Blagrave, to his old house in the -Fishyard, and there he had a pretty kinswoman that sings, and we did -sing some holy things, and afterwards others came in, and so I left -them, and by water through the bridge (which did trouble me) home, and -so to bed.” It was not, however, much safer on the bridge than under -it, for on one occasion Pepys nearly broke his leg there. He had been -in Southwark, spending the evening at the well-known inn, the “Bear -at the bridge foot,” and when he wished to get home he could not find -his coach, so he was forced to go over the bridge through the darkness -and the dirt. His leg fell into a hole, although there was a constable -standing by to warn persons away from the dangerous spot. At first he -thought his leg was broken, but when he was pulled up he was found not -to be much hurt.[142] - -One of the advantages which our forefathers possessed over us, was -to be found in the nearness of the fields and country lanes to their -offices and shops. Pepys often indulged himself in a walk or a romp -over the grass, in places that are now covered with bricks. On July -29th, 1669, he writes: “I dined, and in the afternoon, with Dick -Vines and his brother Payton, we walked to Lisson-greene and Marybone -and back again.” On October 9th, 1660, he says, “I met with Sir W. -Pen again, and so with him to Redriffe by water, and from thence -walked over the fields to Deptford, the first pleasant walk I have -had a great while.” One Sunday he goes to Clerkenwell Church, and -walks home across the fields.[143] At another time he takes the air -in the fields beyond St. Pancras.[144] There is, however, another -side to this pleasing picture; for these places were not always safe, -and the pleasure-seekers were sometimes alarmed. One day Pepys and -a friend were walking from Chelsea into town, when they were joined -by a companion, and we read that, “coming among some trees near the -Neate houses he began to whistle, which did give us some suspicion, -but it proved that he that answered him was Mr. Marsh (the Lutenist) -and his wife, and so we all walked to Westminster together.”[145] In -the following year Pepys walked from Woolwich to Rotherhithe on a -fine moonshiny night, but he was accompanied by three or four armed -men.[146] It gave him much satisfaction to be thought of enough -importance to have such an escort provided for him unasked. - -So much for the country parts near the town, but the streets appear to -have been even less safe after dark. Those who wanted to find their -way had to carry links,[147] as those without them fared but badly. -The gates of the City were shut at night, but this had the effect of -shutting in some of the ill-disposed as well as in shutting out others. -Pepys and his party on coming home one night from the play found the -gates closed. He goes on to say in the “Diary,” “At Newgate we find -them in trouble, some thieves having this night broke open prison. So -we through and home; and our coachman was fain to drive hard from two -or three fellows which he said were rogues that he met at the end of -Blowbladder Street.”[148] - -A London mob has never been famed for politeness, and we do not gain -a very pleasing view of those in Pepys’s day from some of the entries -in the “Diary.” On the 27th of November, 1662, the Russian Ambassador -entered the city, and the trained bands, the King’s Life Guards, and -wealthy citizens clad in black velvet coats with gold chains were ready -to receive him. Pepys did not see the Ambassador in his coach, but he -was pleased with the “attendants in their habits and fur caps, very -handsome, comely men, and most of them with hawks upon their fists to -present to the King.” He adds, however, “But, Lord! to see the absurd -nature of Englishmen, that cannot forbear laughing and jeering at -everything that looks strange.” - -The high road of Newgate Street was formerly crowded in a most -inconvenient degree by the shambles of the butchers, and our Diarist -once got into trouble while driving past them. The account of this -adventure is amusing, from the ease with which he got out of his -difficulty. “My coach plucked down two pieces of beef into the dirt, -upon which the butchers stopped the horses, and a great rout of people -in the street, crying that he had done him 40_s._ and _£_5 worth of -hurt; but going down I saw that he had little or none; and so I give -them a shilling for it, and they were well contented.”[149] - -The following is a good sample of the quarrels that were constantly -occurring; there being no authority to put a stop to such exhibitions. -“Great discourse of the fray yesterday in Moorfields; how the butchers -at first did beat the weavers (between whom there hath been ever an -old competition for mastery), but at last the weavers rallied and beat -them. At first the butchers knocked down all for weavers that had -green or blue aprons, till they were fain to pull them off and put -them in their breeches. At last the butchers were fain to pull off -their sleeves, that they might not be known, and were soundly beaten -out of the field, and some deeply wounded and bruised; till at last -the weavers went out triumphing, calling _£_100 for a butcher.”[150] -Moorfields, now occupied by Finsbury Square and Circus and the -surrounding streets, was at this time one of the chief recreation -grounds outside the City walls. It was partly given up to the -laundresses and bleachers; and boxers and cudgel-players found in it a -congenial sphere for their amusements. On an emergency, the troops were -mustered on the fenny ground. - -None of Pepys’s days passed without a visit to some tavern, for a -morning draught, or a pint of wine after dinner. The notice of these -little jovialities has preserved to us the names of several old inns, -such as the Star, Half Moon, Harp and Ball, Swan, Bull Head, Plough, -Lion, Cock, Greyhound, Globe, Mitre, Cardinal’s Cap, King’s Head, -Hercules Pillars, Trumpet, &c. We read in the “Diary,” that on March -6th, 1659–60, there was a friendly meeting at one of these places: -“While we were drinking, in comes Mr. Day, a carpenter in Westminster, -to tell me that it was Shrove tuesday, and that I must go with him to -their yearly club upon this day, which, I confess, I had quite forgot. -So I went to the Bell, where were Mr. Eglin, Veezy, Vincent, a butcher, -one more, and Mr. Tanner, with whom I played upon a viall and viallin, -after dinner, and were very merry, with a special good dinner, a leg -of veal and bacon, two capons and fritters, with abundance of wine.” -On January 10th, 1659–60, Pepys “drank a pint of wine at the Star, in -Cheapside,” and on May 24th, 1662, he took his “morning draft” at the -same house. These entries show how rapidly our forefathers went from -place to place, and how little they thought of the distance between -the City and Westminster; this facility being evidently caused by the -water carriage. On a certain day Pepys starts from Axe Yard, drinks his -morning draught with a friend, at the Sun, in Chancery Lane, and then -goes to Westminster Hall. At noon he visits the Swan, in Fish Street; -then goes back to Westminster, looking in at the Coffee Club and the -Hall before going home.[151] The Swan, in Old Fish Street, is mentioned -in an inquisition held before the mayor and aldermen in 1413, as “The -Swan on the Hoop.” The house was destroyed in the Great Fire, but was -rebuilt and advertised to be let in the “Spectator” of April 25th, 1712. - -King Street, Westminster, was full of inns. Pepys’s favourite haunt was -the Leg, where an ordinary was held. On December 6th, 1660, he and Mr. -Moore went there, and “dined together on a neat’s tongue and udder.” -Again, on April 6th, 1661, “with Mr. Creed and More to the Leg, in -the Palace, to dinner, which I gave them, and after dinner I saw the -girl of the house, being very pretty, go into a chamber, and I went in -after her and kissed her.” Two other King Street taverns were visited -by Pepys, in July and August, 1660--viz., the Sun and the Dog. These -houses of entertainment are both noted as haunts of Ben Jonson, in -Herrick’s Address to the Shade of “Glorious Ben.” - - “Ah, Ben! - Say how or when - Shall we, thy guests, - Meet at these lyric feasts - Made at the Sun, - The Dog, the Triple Tun? - Where we such clusters had - As made us nobly wild, not mad! - And yet such verse of thine - Outdid the meat, outdid the frolic wine.” - -Another Sun, that behind the Exchange, was a famous house frequented -by Pepys; it was rebuilt after the Fire by John Wadlow, the host of -the Devil Tavern, and son of the more famous Simon Wadlow whom Ben -Jonson dubbed “Old Sym, the King of Skinkers.” Pepys often went with -his colleagues to the Dolphin, and drank “a great quantity of sack” -there. On April 25th, 1661, he “went to an ordinary at the King’s -Head, in Tower Street, and there had a dirty dinner.” On June 21st, -of the same year, we read, “This morning, going to my father’s, I met -him, and so he and I went and drank our morning draft at the Samson, -in Paul’s Churchyard.” On October 9th, he went after the theatre “to -the Fleece tavern, in Covent Garden, where Luellin, and Blurton, and -my old friend, Frank Bagge, was to meet me, and there staid till late, -very merry.” This was the chief tavern in Covent Garden, but being the -resort of bullies, it obtained a very unenviable notoriety. The Green -Dragon, on Lambeth Hill, the Golden Lion, near Charing Cross, the Old -Three Tuns at the same place, and the Pope’s Head, in Chancery Lane, -are among the other taverns mentioned by Pepys. The Rhenish Wine-house, -in the Steelyard, Upper Thames Street, was a favourite resort, and is -frequently mentioned by the old dramatists. Pepys went there sometimes, -but he more often visited another house so called in Cannon Row. All -kinds of drinks were alike agreeable to our Diarist, and he did not -even disdain “mum,” a strong beer brewed from wheat, which was once -popular and sold at special mum-houses. - -These constant visits to taverns were not very conducive to temperate -habits of life, and we therefore read much of the midday revellings of -the business men. One day, Pepys being a little more sober than Sir W. -Penn, has to lead that worthy knight home through the streets, and on -another occasion he resolves not to drink any more wine,--a rash vow -which he forthwith breaks. Sometimes with amusing casuistry he tries -to keep his vow to the letter while he breaks it in the spirit; thus, -to allude again to the characteristic entry, on October 29th, 1663, we -read, “Went into the Buttery, and there stayed and talked, and then -into the Hall again; and there wine was offered, and they drunk, I only -drinking some hypocras,[152] which do not break my vow, it being, to -the best of my present judgement, only a mixed compound drink, and not -any wine. If I am mistaken, God forgive me! but I hope and do think I -am not.” - -We have seen Pepys dividing his time pretty equally between the City -and Westminster, and doing official work in both places. In Westminster -Hall he was on friendly terms with all the shopkeepers who formerly -kept their little stalls in that place, and most of the watermen at -the different stairs, who recognized his genial face, were emulous of -the honour of carrying him as a fare. There is an entry in the “Diary” -which records a curious custom amongst the stationers of the Hall. -Pepys went on January 30th, 1659–60, to “Westminster Hall, where Mrs. -Lane and the rest of the maids had their white scarfs, all having been -at the burial of a young bookseller.” - -Two of the most important events in the history of Old London,--viz., -the Plague and the Fire,--are very fully described in the “Diary.” - -On the 7th of June, 1665, Pepys for the first time saw two or three -houses marked with the red cross, and the words “Lord have mercy upon -us” on the doors; and the sight made him feel so ill at ease that he -was forced to buy some roll tobacco to smell and chew. Then we read -of the rapid increase in the numbers of those struck down; of those -buried in the open Tuttle-fields at Westminster; and of the unfriendly -feelings that were engendered by fear. - -Pepys remained either in town or in its neighbourhood during the whole -time of the raging of the pestilence; and on the 4th of September, -1665, he wrote an interesting letter to Lady Carteret, from Woolwich, -in which he said: “The absence of the court and emptiness of the city -takes away all occasion of news, save only such melancholy stories -as would rather sadden than find your ladyship any divertissement in -the hearing. I have stayed in the city till above 7,400 died in one -week, and of them above 6,000 of the plague, and little noise heard -day or night but tolling of bells; till I could walk Lumber Street and -not meet twenty persons from one end to the other, and not fifty upon -the Exchange; till whole families, ten and twelve together, have been -swept away; till my very physician, Dr. Burnet, who undertook to secure -me against any infection, having survived the month of his own house -being shut up, died himself of the plague; till the nights, though -much lengthened, are grown too short to conceal the burials of those -that died the day before, people being thereby constrained to borrow -daylight for that service; lastly, till I could find neither meat nor -drink safe, the butcheries being everywhere visited, my brewer’s house -shut up, and my baker, with his whole family, dead of the plague.” - -He then relates a romantic incident which had just occurred, and a note -of which he also inserted in his “Diary:” “Greenwich begins apace to -be sickly; but we are, by the command of the king, taking all the care -we can to prevent its growth; and meeting to that purpose yesterday, -after sermon with the town officers, many doleful informations were -brought us, and, among others, this, which I shall trouble your -ladyship with the telling. Complaint was brought us against one in the -town for receiving into his house a child brought from an infected -house in London. Upon inquiry, we found that it was the child of a very -able citizen in Gracious Street, who, having lost already all the rest -of his children, and himself and wife being shut up, and in despair -of escaping, implored only the liberty of using the means for the -saving of this only babe, which, with difficulty, was allowed, and they -suffered to deliver it, stripped naked, out at a window, into the arms -of a friend, who, shifting into fresh cloathes, conveyed it thus to -Greenwich, where, upon this information from Alderman Hooker, we suffer -it to remain.” - -On the 20th of this same month of September we read in the “Diary:” -“But, Lord! what a sad time it is to see no boats upon the River, and -grass grows all up and down White Hall court, and nobody but poor -wretches in the streets.” And on October 16th, Pepys is told that, -in Westminster, “there is never a physician, and but one apothecary -left,--all being dead.” - -In the following January, the question of attending to the overcrowded -churchyards had begun to agitate the public mind; and those who lived -in their immediate neighbourhood were anxious that they should be -covered with lime.[153] Not many months after this the greater portion -of the city had become a void. - -On the 2nd of September, 1666, Pepys was called up at three o’clock to -see a fire; but not thinking much of it, he went to bed again. When, -however, he got up, he found that about 300 houses had been burnt -in the night. All were now busy in moving their property from place -to place; and the women worked as hard as the men in doing what was -needed. Some almost incredible instances of meanness are recorded in -the “Diary,” respecting those rich men who gave shillings grudgingly to -those who saved their all. Alderman Starling, whose house was saved by -the Navy Office men, while the next house was burning, gave 2_s._ 6_d._ -to be divided among thirty of them, and then quarrelled with some that -would remove the rubbish out of the way of the fire, on the score that -they came to steal. Sir William Coventry told Pepys of another case -which occurred in Holborn. An offer was made to one whose house was in -great danger, to stop the fire for a sum that came to about 2_s._ 6_d._ -a man, but he would only give 1_s._ 6_d._[154] - -Clothworkers’ Hall burnt for three days and nights, on account of the -oil in the cellars; and so intense was the heat caused by extension of -the fire over a large space, that the ground of the City continued to -smoke even in December.[155] - -Moorfields was the chief resort of the houseless Londoners, and soon -paved streets and two-storey houses were seen in that swampy place, the -City having let the land on leases of seven years. - -It was said that this national disaster had been foretold, and the -prophecies of Nostrodamus and Mother Shipton were referred to. - -Sir Roger L’Estrange, the Licenser of Almanacs, told Sir Edward Walker -that most of those that came under his notice foretold the fire, but -that he had struck the prophecy out.[156] Lady Carteret told Pepys -a curious little fact, which was, that abundance of pieces of burnt -papers were driven by the wind as far as Cranborne, in Windsor Forest; -“and, among others, she took up one, or had one brought her to see, -which was a little bit of paper that had been printed, whereon there -remained no more nor less than these words: ‘Time is, it is done.’”[157] - -It is well known that the unfortunate Roman Catholics were charged with -the crime of having set London on fire, and there appears to have been -a very sufficient reason why the people should persist in affirming -this fable. The judges determined, in the case of disputed liability -between landlord and tenant, that the tenants should bear the loss -in all casualties of fire arising in their own houses or in those of -their neighbours; but if the fire was caused by an enemy they were not -liable. As one poor man was convicted and hanged for the crime, it was -held that the landlords must be mulcted.[158] Public opinion shifted -about in this matter, for we read that on September 16th, 1667, Pepys -saw “a printed account of the examinations taken, touching the burning -... showing the plot of the Papists therein, which it seems hath -been ordered to be burnt by the hands of the hangman, in Westminster -Palace.”[159] - -London remained in ruins for many months, and as late as April 23rd, -1668, Pepys describes himself as wearily walking round the walls in -order to escape the dangers within. At last new streets of houses arose -from the ruins, but, unfortunately, in spite of the proposals of Wren, -Hooke, and Evelyn for erecting a handsome and well-arranged city, the -old lines were in almost every case retained. - -A passage in the “Diary” in which Pepys remarks on the great streets -“marked out with piles drove in the ground,” and expresses the opinion -that, if ever so built, they will form “a noble sight,” would seem to -show that at one time a better plan of building was contemplated.[160] - -Had the plan suggested in Parliament by Colonel Birch been carried out, -great difficulties would have been avoided. His proposal was, that the -whole ground should be sold and placed in trust. Then the trustees were -to sell again, with preference to the former owners, by which means -a general plan of building might have been adopted; but an unequalled -opportunity of making London into a fine city was let slip.[161] - -At one time it was supposed that the Fire would cause a westward march -of trade, but the City asserted the old supremacy when it was rebuilt. - -Soon after the conclusion of the “Diary,” Pepys left the Navy Office, -and the latter years of his life were spent partly in York Buildings -and partly at Clapham. It was after the Restoration that the West End -grew into importance, and the house at the foot of Buckingham Street, -from the windows of which Pepys could look out upon the river, was not -built when the Diarist was settled in Crutched Friars. It was erected -upon part of the site of York House, whose last resident was the -worthless Buckingham:-- - - “Beggar’d by fools, whom still he found too late, - He had his jest, and they had his estate.” - -This house, in which Pepys was pleased to find “the remains of the -noble soul of the late Duke of Buckingham appearing, in the door-cases -and the windows,”[162] was sold by his son and demolished in 1672. - -As Pepys left London so it remained in its chief features for more than -one hundred years, and it was not until the beginning of the present -century that the vast extension of the town to the north and south -began to make itself felt. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[140] “Diary,” Aug. 23, 1662. - -[141] April 20, 1662. - -[142] “Diary,” Oct. 26, 1664. - -[143] Oct. 2, 1664. - -[144] April 23, 1665. - -[145] “Diary,” Aug. 19, 1661. - -[146] Sept. 19, 1662. - -[147] Sept. 10, Nov. 15, 1661. - -[148] “Diary,” Aug. 1, 1667. - -[149] Dec. 15, 1662. - -[150] “Diary,” July 26, 1664. - -[151] “Diary,” Jan. 20, 1659–60. - -[152] Hippocras, a drink composed of red or white wine, with the -addition of sugar and spices. - -[153] “Diary,” Jan. 31, 1665–66. - -[154] Sept. 8, 1666. - -[155] Dec. 14, 1666. - -[156] Ward’s “Diary,” p. 94. - -[157] “Diary,” Feb. 3, 1666–67. - -[158] Nov. 5, 1666. - -[159] The title of this very rare pamphlet is--“A true and faithful -account of the several Informations exhibited to the Honourable -Committee appointed by the Parliament to inquire into the late dreadful -burning of the City of London. Printed in the year 1667.” 4to. pp. 35. - -[160] “Diary,” March 29, 1667. - -[161] “Diary,” Feb. 24, 1666–67. - -[162] June 6, 1663. - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -PEPYS’S RELATIONS, FRIENDS, AND ACQUAINTANCES. - - “If a man does not make new acquaintances as he advances through life - he will soon find himself left alone; a man should keep his friendship - in constant repair.”--DR. JOHNSON. - - -Family feeling was strong in Pepys, and we therefore find him in -constant communication with persons in all degrees of relationship. -These relations varied greatly in social position, from the peer to -the little shopkeeper. Thus we find that one Pepys was a Lord Chief -Justice of Ireland; another a Member of Parliament; another a Doctor of -Divinity; another a goldsmith, and another a turner. - -In later life, when Pepys had risen greatly in social importance, the -relations were not so much associated with, and a more distinguished -circle of friends make their appearance. This gradual dropping away -of the relations may have been caused by decrease of the family, for -the Diarist on one occasion writes: “It is a sad consideration how -the Pepys’s decay, and nobody almost that I know in a present way of -increasing them.”[163] - -The members of Pepys’s immediate family have already been alluded to, -and we have seen how his father, John Pepys, the tailor, retired to -Brampton in 1661. The old man died in 1680, and desired by his will -that all the lands and goods left him by his brother Robert should -be delivered up to his eldest son. He also left _£_5 to the poor of -Brampton, and 40_s._ to the poor of Ellington, and the remainder of his -property to be divided amongst his three children--Samuel and John and -Paulina Jackson. John, however, died before him. - -Of the numerous cousins who figure in the “Diary,” the Turners and -the Joyces are the most frequently referred to. Serjeant John Turner -and his wife Jane, who lived in Salisbury Court, were not very highly -esteemed by Sir William Baker, who called the one a false fellow and -the other a false woman, and Pepys does not appear altogether to have -disliked hearing him say so.[164] - -Their daughter Theophila was, however, a favourite with Pepys, and -on March 3, 1662–63, she showed him his name on her breast as her -valentine, “which,” he observes, “will cost me 20_s._” Four days -afterwards he bought her a dozen pairs of white gloves. - -The Joyces were never much liked by Pepys, but at one time he thought -it well to be friends with them, as he writes on the 6th of August, -1663,--“I think it convenient to keep in with the Joyces against a bad -day, if I should have occasion to make use of them.” William Joyce -was good-natured, but Pepys wearied of his company because he was “an -impertinent coxcomb” and too great a talker. As is often the case with -our Diarist, he gives a different character of the man on another -occasion. He writes, “A cunning, crafty fellow he is, and dangerous to -displease, for his tongue spares nobody.”[165] - -Anthony Joyce was in business, and on one occasion he supplied Pepys -with some tallow, payment for which he was unduly anxious about, so -that the purchaser was vexed.[166] Anthony gave over trade in 1664, -but was ruined by the Fire; and afterwards kept the “Three Stags” at -Holborn Conduit. William was greatly disgusted when his brother became -a publican. Pepys says he ranted about it “like a prince, calling him -hosteller and his sister hostess.”[167] - -In January, 1667–68, Anthony threw himself into a pond at Islington, -but being seen by a poor woman, he was got out before life was extinct. -“He confessed his doing the thing, being led by the devil; and do -declare his reason to be, his trouble in having forgot to serve God -as he ought since he came to this new employment.”[168] He died soon -after this, and his friends were in great fear that his goods would be -seized upon on the ground that he was a suicide. Pepys used all his -influence to save the estate, and obtained the King’s promise that it -should not be taken from the widow and children. Those who were likely -to benefit by the confiscation gave much trouble, and managed to stop -the coroner’s verdict for a time. At last, however, the widow’s friends -on the jury saved her from further anxiety by giving a verdict that -her husband died of a fever. “Some opposition there was, the foreman -pressing them to declare the cause of the fever, thinking thereby to -obstruct it; but they did adhere to their verdict, and would give no -reason.”[169] - -Kate Joyce (Anthony’s widow) was a pretty woman, and caused Pepys some -trouble. She had many offers of marriage, and after a short period of -widowhood she married one Hollingshed, a tobacconist.[170] Pepys was -disgusted, and left her to her own devices with the expression, “As she -brews let her bake.” - -Mrs. Kite, the butcher, was another of Pepys’s aunts whose company he -did not greatly appreciate. He was, however, her executor, and at her -death he calls her daughter ugly names, thus: “Back again with Peg -Kite, who will be I doubt a troublesome carrion to us executors.”[171] -A few days after she is called “a slut,”[172] and when she declares her -firm intention to marry “the beggarly rogue the weaver,” the executors -are “resolved neither to meddle nor make with her.”[173] - -Few of these family connections were left when Pepys himself died, for -in the long list of persons to whom rings and mourning were given the -following relations only are noticed:--Samuel and John Jackson, sons -of Pall Jackson (born Pepys), the two nephews; Balthazar St. Michel, -brother-in-law, and his daughter Mary; Roger Pepys, of Impington, -Edward Pickering, Tim Turner, the minister of Tooting; Mr. Bellamy, Mr. -and Mrs. Mathews, Dr. Montagu, Dean of Durham; and the Earl of Sandwich. - -Dr. Daniel Milles, the minister of St. Olave’s, Hart Street, was one of -Pepys’s life-long acquaintances--we can hardly call him friend, for the -Diarist never seems to have cared much for him. We read how he “nibbled -at the Common Prayer,” then how he took to the surplice, and gradually -changed from the minister under the Commonwealth to the Church of -England rector under Charles. A year or two after he ought to have been -accustomed to the Prayer-Book, he made an extraordinary blunder in -reading the service. Instead of saying, “We beseech Thee to preserve -to our use the kindly fruits of the earth,” he said: “Preserve to our -use our gracious Queen Katherine.”[174] In 1667 he was presented to the -rectory of Wanstead, in Essex, and in order to qualify him for holding -two livings at the same time, he was made one of the Duke of York’s -chaplains.[175] - -It is often amusing to notice how frequently Pepys changed his opinion -of certain persons: for instance, in 1660, he calls Mr. Milles “a -very good minister,”[176] while in 1667 he styles him “a lazy fat -priest.”[177] - -Two men who occupy a considerable space in the “Diary” are the two -clerks, Thomas Hayter and William Hewer. Most of those who were in -anyway connected with Pepys were helped on by him in the struggle -of life, and his clerks were no exception to this rule. Hayter was -appointed Clerk of the Acts in 1674, and Secretary of the Admiralty -in 1679; and subsequently Hewer was a Commissioner of the Navy and -Treasurer for Tangier. Some of those whose fortunes had been made by -Pepys turned out ungrateful when their patron was out of power; but -Hewer continued to be a comfort to the old man to the last. - -Allusion has already been made to Pepys’s helpers in the arrangement of -his books and papers, and therefore much need not be said about them -here. While the “Diary” was being written, Pepys obtained help from his -wife and brother-in-law and servants; but when he became more opulent -he employed educated men to write for him. One of these was Cesare -Morelli, an Italian, recommended by Thomas Hill. He arranged Pepys’s -musical papers, and in 1681 he acknowledged the receipt of _£_7, which -made a total of _£_85 17_s._ 6_d._ received from Pepys during a period -extending from November 4th, 1678, to August 13th, 1681.[178] This -friendship, which does Pepys much credit, caused him some trouble, as -Morelli was a Roman Catholic, and the zealots falsely affirmed that he -was also a priest. - -Pepys early made the acquaintance of Dr. Petty, who was a member of -the Rota Club; and he frequently mentions him and his double-bottomed -boat (named “The Experiment”) in the “Diary.” Many anecdotes are told -of Petty by Aubrey--how he was poor at Paris, and lived for a week on -three pennyworth of walnuts; how, while teaching anatomy at Oxford, -he revived Nan Green after her execution, and how he obtained the -Professorship of Music at Gresham College by the interest of Captain -John Graunt, author of “Observations on the Bills of Mortality.” At -the Restoration Petty was knighted, and made Surveyor-General of -Ireland, where he gathered a large fortune. Pepys considered Sir -William Petty to be one of the most rational men that he ever heard -speak with tongue;[179] and he was also an excellent droll. The latter -character was proved when a soldier knight challenged him to fight. He -was very short-sighted; and, having the privilege of nominating place -and weapon for the duel, he chose a dark cellar for the place, and a -great carpenter’s axe for the weapon. This turned the challenge into -ridicule, and the duel never came off. - -Petty was a prominent Fellow of the Royal Society, and about 1665 he -presented a paper on “The Building of Ships,” which the President (Lord -Brouncker) took away and kept to himself, according to Aubrey, with -the remark, that “’twas too great an arcanum of State to be commonly -perused.” Aubrey also relates an excellent story _apropos_ of the -Royal Society’s anniversary meeting on St. Andrew’s Day. The relater -had remarked that he thought it was not well the Society should have -pitched upon the patron of Scotland’s day, as they should have taken -St. George or St. Isidore (a philosopher canonized). “No,” said Petty, -“I would rather have had it on St. Thomas’s Day, for he would not -believe till he had seen and put his fingers into the holes, according -to the motto, _Nullius in verba_.” - -Among the City friends of Pepys, the Houblons stand forward very -prominently. James Houblon, the father, died in 1682, in his ninetieth -year, and was buried in the church of St. Mary Woolnoth, his epitaph -being written in Latin by Pepys. His five sons are frequently mentioned -in the “Diary,” but James and Wynne were more particularly his friends, -and were among those who received mourning rings after his death. In -1690, when Pepys was committed to the Gate-house, and four gentlemen -came forward to bail him, James Houblon was one of these four.[180] - -Alderman Backwell, the chief goldsmith of his time, had many dealings -with Pepys, who went to him at one time to change some Dutch money, -and at another to weigh Lord Sandwich’s crusados.[181] Probably our -Diarist was rather troublesome at times, for once he bought a pair of -candlesticks, which soon afterwards he changed for a cup, and at last -he obtained a tankard in place of the cup. In 1665 there was a false -report that Backwell was likely to become a bankrupt; but in 1672, -on the closing of the Exchequer, the King owed him _£_293,994 16_s._ -6_d._, and he was in consequence ruined by Charles’s dishonest action. -On his failure many of his customers’ accounts were taken over by the -predecessors of the present firm of Child and Co., the bankers. - -We shall have occasion to allude in the next chapter to some of those -who were brought in contact with Pepys in the way of business; but -it is necessary to say a few words here about two men who were both -official acquaintances and personal friends. Sir Anthony Deane was -one of the most accomplished shipbuilders of his time, and a valuable -public servant, but he did not escape persecution. A joint charge -of betraying the secrets of the British navy was made against Pepys -and Deane in 1675. In 1668 Deane had held the office of shipwright -at Portsmouth, and afterwards he was appointed a Commissioner of the -Navy. In 1680 he resigned his post, but in 1681 he again formed one of -the new Board appointed by James II., and hoped to help in improving -the condition of the navy, which was then in a very reduced state. -After the Revolution he sought retirement in Worcestershire, and the -two old men corresponded and compared notes on their states of mind. -Deane wrote to Pepys: “These are only to let you know I am alive. -I have nothing to do but read, walk and prepare for all chances, -attending this obliging world. I have the old soldier’s request, a -little space between business and the grave, which is very pleasant -on many considerations. As most men towards their latter end grow -serious, so do I in assuring you that I am,” &c.[182] Pepys replied: -“I am alive too, I thank God! and as serious, I fancy, as you can be, -and not less alone. Yet I thank God too! I have not within me one of -those melancholy misgivings that you seem haunted with. The worse the -world uses me, the better I think I am bound to use myself. Nor shall -any solicitousness after the felicities of the next world (which yet -I bless God! I am not without care for) ever stifle the satisfactions -arising from a just confidence of receiving some time or other, -even here, the reparation due to such unaccountable usage as I have -sustained in this.”[183] - -Mr. (afterwards Sir Henry) Sheres is frequently referred to in the -latter pages of the “Diary,” but the friendship which sprang up between -him and Pepys dates from a period subsequent to the completion of -that work. Sheres accompanied the Earl of Sandwich into Spain, where -he acquired that Spanish character which clung to him through life. -He returned to England in September, 1667, carrying letters from Lord -Sandwich. Pepys found him “a good ingenious man,” and was pleased with -his discourse. - -In the following month Sheres returned to Spain, being the bearer of a -letter from Pepys to Lord Sandwich.[184] Subsequently he was engaged at -Tangier, and received _£_100 for drawing a plate of the fortification, -as already related.[185] He was grateful to Pepys for getting him -the money, and had a silver candlestick made after a pattern he had -seen in Spain, for keeping the light from the eyes, and gave it to -the Diarist.[186] On the 5th of April, 1669, he treated the Pepys -household, at the Mulberry Garden, to a Spanish _olio_, a dish of meat -and savoury herbs, which they greatly appreciated. - -On the death of Sir Jonas Moore, Pepys wrote to Colonel Legge -(afterward Lord Dartmouth) a strong letter of recommendation in favour -of Sheres, whom he describes “as one of whose loyalty and duty to the -King and his Royal Highness and acceptance with them I assure myself; -of whose personal esteem and devotion towards you (Col. Legge), of -whose uprightness of mind, universality of knowledge in all useful -learning particularly mathematics, and of them those parts especially -which relate to gunnery and fortification; and lastly, of whose -vigorous assiduity and sobriety I dare bind myself in asserting much -farther than, on the like occasion, I durst pretend to of any other’s -undertaking, or behalf of mine.”[187] Sheres obtained the appointment, -and served under Lord Dartmouth at the demolition of Tangier in 1683. -He appears to have been knighted in the following year, and -to have devoted himself to literature in later life. He translated -“Polybius,” and some “Dialogues” of Lucian, and was the author of a -pretty song. His name occurs among those who received mourning rings on -the occasion of Pepys’s death. - -Raleigh said, “There is nothing more becoming any wise man than to make -choice of friends, for by them thou shalt be judged what thou art.” If -so, it speaks well for Pepys that the names of most of the worthies -of his time are to be found amongst his correspondents. Newton and -Wallis stand out among the philosophers; the two Gales (Thomas and -Roger), Evelyn, and Bishop Gibson among antiquaries and historians; -Kneller among artists; and Bishop Compton and Nelson, the author of the -“Festivals and Fasts,” among theologians. - -The letters of some of these men have been printed in the -“Correspondence” appended to the “Diary,” and in Smith’s “Life, -Journals, and Correspondence of Samuel Pepys;” but many more still -remain in manuscript in various collections. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[163] “Diary,” April 26, 1664. - -[164] Oct. 10, 1664. - -[165] “Diary,” Aug. 14, 1664. - -[166] May 31, 1662. - -[167] Dec. 6, 1666. - -[168] Jan. 21, 1667–68. - -[169] “Diary,” Feb. 18, 1667–68. - -[170] May 11, 1668. - -[171] Sept. 15, 1661. - -[172] Oct. 2, 1661. - -[173] Nov. 7, 1661. - -[174] “Diary,” April 17, 1664. - -[175] May 29, 1667. - -[176] “Diary,” Aug. 19, 1660. - -[177] June 3, 1667. - -[178] Smith’s “Life, Journals, &c., of Samuel Pepys,” vol. i. p. 270. - -[179] “Diary,” Jan. 27, 1663–64. - -[180] Smith’s “Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. ii. p. 352. - -[181] A Portuguese coin worth from _2s. 3d._ to _4s._:-- - -“Believe me, I had rather lost my purse Full of cruzados.”--_Othello_, -iii. 4. - -[182] Smith’s “Life, &c. of Pepys,” vol. ii. p. 291. - -[183] Ibid., vol. ii. p. 238. - -[184] Smith’s “Life, &c. of Pepys,” vol. i. p. 117. - -[185] “Diary,” Jan. 18, 1668–69. - -[186] Jan. 28, 1668–69. - -[187] Smith’s “Life, &c. of Pepys,” vol. i. p. 303. - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE NAVY. - - “Our seamen, whom no danger’s shape could fright, - Unpaid, refuse to mount their ships for spite, - Or to their fellows swim on board the Dutch, - Who show the tempting metal in their clutch.” - - MARVELL’S _Instructions to a Painter_. - - -Our literature is singularly deficient in accounts of the official -history of the navy. There are numerous books containing lives of -seamen and the history of naval actions, but little has been written -on the management at home. The best account of naval affairs is to be -found in the valuable “Tracts” of the stout old sailor Sir William -Monson, which are printed in “Churchill’s Voyages.”[188] - -Sir William was sent to the Tower in 1616, and his zeal in promoting an -inquiry into the state of the navy, contrary to the wishes of the Earl -of Nottingham, then Lord High Admiral, is supposed to have been the -cause of his trouble. - -The establishment of the navy, during a long period of English history, -was of a very simple nature. The first admiral by name in England was -W. de Leybourne, who was appointed to that office by Edward I., in the -year 1286, under the title of “Admiral de la Mer du Roy d’Angleterre,” -and the first Lord High Admiral was created by Richard II. about a -century afterwards. This word “admiral” was introduced into Europe -from the East, and is nothing more than the Arabic _amir-al_[189] (in -which form the article is incorporated with the noun). The intrusive -_d_, however, made its appearance at a very early period. The office of -“Clerk of the King’s Ships,” or “of the Navy,” afterwards “Clerk of the -Acts of the Navy,” is in all probability a very ancient one, but the -first holder of the office whose name Colonel Pasley, R.E.,[190] has -met with, is Thomas Roger or Rogiers, who lived in the reigns of Edward -IV., Edward V., and Richard III. In the third volume of Pepys’s MS. -“Miscellanies” (page 87) is an entry of an order, dated 18th May, 22 -Edw. IV. (1482), to the Treasurer and Chamberlain of the Exchequer, to -examine and clear the account of “our well beloved Thomas Roger, Esq., -Clerk of our Ships.” In Harleian manuscript 433, which is believed to -have belonged to Lord Burghley, there is a register of grants passing -the Great Seal during the reigns of Edward V. and Richard III., and -No. 1690 contains the appointment of “Thomas Rogiers to be clerc of -all maner shippes to the King belonging.” It has no date, but is very -probably a reappointment by Richard III. on his assumption of the crown. - -The navy owes much to Henry VIII., who reconstituted the Admiralty, -founded the Trinity House, and established the dockyards at Deptford, -Woolwich, and Portsmouth. The origin of the board of “Principal -Officers and Commissioners of the Navy,” commonly called in later times -“the Navy Board,” dates from his reign. His predecessors had usually -themselves managed whatever naval force they possessed, assisted by -their Privy Council, and by the officer already alluded to, who was -styled “Clerk” or “Keeper” of the King’s ships, but in Henry’s time -the rapidly increasing magnitude and importance of the navy rendered a -more complete and better organized system of management necessary. To -supply this want several new offices were created, and before Henry’s -death we find, in addition to the Lord High Admiral and the Clerk of -the Ships, a Lieutenant (or Vice-Admiral), a Treasurer, a Comptroller, -and a Surveyor of the Navy,[191] as well as a Keeper of the Naval -Storehouses at Erith and Deptford.[192] A few years later we meet with -a “Master of the Ordnance of the Ships.” This last office, which had -been held by Sir William Woodhouse, was granted by Philip and Mary in -1557 to William (afterwards Sir William) Winter in addition to that of -Surveyor, to which he had been appointed by Edward VI.[193] - -Each of these officers must have received some sort of instructions for -his guidance, but no general code of rules for the administration of -the navy was framed until after the accession of Elizabeth, who issued, -about 1560, a set of regulations for “the Office of the Admiralty and -Marine Causes,” with the following preamble:[194]--“Forasmuch as since -the erection of the said office by our late dear father Henry VIII., -there hath been no certain ordinance established so as every officer in -his degree is appointed to his charge: and considering that in these -our days our navy is one of the chiefest defences of us and our realm -against the malice of any foreign potentate: we have therefore thought -good by great advice and deliberation to make certain ordinances and -decrees, which our pleasure and express commandment is that all our -officers shall on their parts execute and follow as they tender our -pleasure, and will answer to the contrary.” - -Then follows a list of the several officers at that time forming the -Board, viz.:-- - -1. The Vice-Admiral. - -2. The Master of the Ordnance and Surveyor of the Navy: one officer. - -3. The Treasurer. - -4. The Comptroller. - -5. The General Surveyor of the Victuals. - -6. The Clerk of the Ships. - -7. The Clerk of the Stores.[195] - -The officers were to meet at least once a week at the office on Tower -Hill, to consult, and take measures for the benefit of the navy, and -were further directed to make a monthly report of their proceedings to -the Lord Admiral. - -The particular instructions which follow are brief, and by no means -explicit:-- - -1. The Master of the Ordnance is to take care to make the wants of his -department known to the Lord Admiral in good time, and he is to obtain -the signatures of three of his colleagues every quarter to his books -and accounts, which are then to be submitted to the Court of Exchequer. - -2. The Treasurer is to make no payments except on the warrant of at -least two of his colleagues, and his books are to be made up and -certified by a similar number of the officers every quarter. - -3. The Surveyor-General of the Victuals is to have his issues -warranted, and his accounts certified in the same manner. He is to take -care always to have in store a sufficient stock of victuals to supply a -thousand men at sea for one month at a fortnight’s notice. - -4. The Surveyor, Comptroller, Clerk of the Ships, and Clerk of the -Stores are to see the Queen’s ships grounded and trimmed from time to -time, and to keep them in such order that upon fourteen days’ warning -twelve or sixteen sail may be ready for sea, and the rest soon after. -They are to make a monthly report of the state of the ships to the -Vice-Admiral and the other officers. - -5. The Clerk of the Ships is to provide timber and other materials for -building and repairing ships. - -6. The Clerk of the Stores is to keep a perfect record of receipts and -issues: the latter to be made on the warrant of at least two of the -officers. - -This most interesting and important document is concluded in the -following words:-- - -“Item, our pleasure and commandment is that all our said officers do -agree in one consultation, and all such necessary orders as shall be -taken amongst them from time to time to be entered in a ledger book for -the whole year, to remain on record. - -“The assistants not to be accounted any of our head officers, but yet -to travel in our courses when they shall be thereunto commanded or -appointed by our Lord Admiral or Vice Admiral, or other our officers. - -“Item, our mind and pleasure is that every of our said officers shall -see into their fellows’ offices, to the intent that when God shall -dispose His will upon any of them they living may be able, if we prefer -any of them, to receive the same. - -“These our ordinances to be read once a quarter amongst our officers, -so as thereby every of them may the better understand his duty, and to -be safely kept in our Consultation house at Tower Hill.” - -We will now return to Sir William Monson, who, in his “Naval Tracts,” -answers the question what kind of men are to be chosen for the various -offices. He suggests that “the Comptroller’s and Clerk’s places be -reduced into one, who should be an experienced clerk, _long bred in -the office_.... Provided always, that besides their experience and -abilities to perform the active part of His Majesty’s service, these -men be of good substance and esteem in their estates.” - -Such a rule as this would have excluded Pepys from the service, as he -knew nothing of the navy when he was made Clerk of the Acts. He soon, -however, made himself master of his business, and at the time of his -death he was esteemed the greatest authority on naval affairs. In -illustration of Monson’s recommendation, it may be remarked that in -1585 the two offices of Clerk and Comptroller were held by the same -man, William Borough. - -The salaries received by the various officers are set down by Monson as -follows:-- - - _£ s. d._ - Treasurer 220 13 4 - Comptroller 155 6 8 - Surveyor 146 6 8 - Clerk 102 3 4[196] - -Although the salary of the Clerk of the Acts is here put at over one -hundred pounds, yet the ancient “fee out of the Exchequer,” which was -attached to the office, did not amount to more than _£_33 6_s._ 8_d._ -per annum, and this sum is specially set forth in Pepys’s patent. - -In July, 1660, the salaries of the officers of the navy (with the -exception of that of the Treasurer) were advanced, Pepys’s being raised -to _£_350.[197] The salary of the Treasurer remained the same, but -this was but a small part of his emoluments, which amounted in all to -several thousand pounds a year.[198] - -In the Pepysian Library there is preserved the pocket-book of James -II., from which I have been allowed to extract the following memorandum -of salaries:-- - - _£ s. d._ - Treasurer of the Navy 220 13 4 - Comptroller 500 0 0 - Surveyor 490 0 0 - Clerk of the Acts 350 0 0 - Three Commissioners - at _£_500 and one at 350 0 0 - Messenger to the Admiralty 20 0 0 - -When the Duke of Buckingham was assassinated, in 1628, the office of -Lord High Admiral was for the first time put into commission. All the -great officers of State were Commissioners, and Edward Nicholas, who -had been secretary to Lord Zouch and to the Duke of Buckingham, was -appointed Secretary of the Admiralty. - -During the Commonwealth both the Admiralty and the Navy Office were -administered by bodies of Commissioners. The offices of Comptroller, -Surveyor, and Clerk of the Acts were abolished, and although the -Treasurer remained, he was not a member of the Navy Board. Robert -Blackburne, who was Secretary to most of the Commissions of the -Admiralty, entertained Pepys after the Restoration with an account -of the doings of the members. He told him that Sir William Penn got -promotion by making a pretence of sanctity; and he then mimicked the -actions of the Commissioners, who, he affirmed, would ask the admirals -and captains respecting certain men, and say with a sigh and a casting -up of the eyes, “Such a man fears the Lord;” or, “I hope such a man -hath the Spirit of God.”[199] - -At the Restoration the Duke of York was appointed Lord High Admiral, -and all powers formerly granted to the Admiralty and Navy Board -were recalled.[200] By the Duke’s advice a committee was named to -consider a plan proposed by himself for the future regulation of the -affairs of the navy; and at a court held on July 4th, 1660, three new -commissioners (John Lord Berkeley, Sir William Penn, and Peter Pett) -were appointed to assist the four principal officers. Pett was to be -employed at Chatham dockyard, but the other two had no special duties -assigned to them, although their appointment gave them equal power -with the original members when they attended at the Board. As there -was at this time no half-pay, these appointments were considered as -affording a convenient means of granting a comfortable subsistence to -an admiral when not at sea. Lord Clarendon strongly disapproved of -this innovation, and attributed the idea to Sir William Coventry, who -wished to reduce the power and emoluments of the Treasurer.[201] - -In January, 1661–62, James Duke of York issued Instructions which -were founded on those drawn up by the Earl of Northumberland, Lord -High Admiral from 1638 to 1644, and remained in force until the -reorganization of the Admiralty at the beginning of the present century. - -It is here necessary to stop a moment for the purpose of noticing -Pepys’s relation to these Instructions. Before the publication of the -“Diary” it was supposed that he was the chief author of the Rules. In -the first Report of the Commissioners of Naval Revision (13th June, -1805) it is distinctly stated that he drew them up under the direction -of the Duke, and even Lord Braybrooke makes the claim in regard to -Pepys’s authorship. This is an error, and Colonel Pasley points out -that at the date of the issue of the Regulations Pepys was by no means -on intimate terms with James. Even two years later (4th March, 1633–34) -he writes, “I never had so much discourse with the Duke before, and -till now did ever fear to meet him;” but what really settles the -matter is, that under date February 5th, 1661–62, Pepys writes: “Sir -G. Carteret, the two Sir Williams, and myself all alone reading of -the Duke’s institutions for the settlement of our office, whereof we -read as much as concerns our own duties, and left the other officers -for another time.” The latter of these important passages was not -printed by Lord Braybrooke, and is only to be found in the Rev. Mynors -Bright’s transcript.[202] - -The Navy Office, as we see from the “Diary,” was by no means a happy -family. Each officer was jealous of his fellow, and this jealousy was -somewhat fostered by the duties enjoined. Pepys constantly complains -of the neglect by his colleagues of their several duties, and when -the Duke of York returned from his command at the end of the first -great Dutch war, he found the office in the greatest disorder. This -caused the preparation of the Diarist’s “great letter” to the Duke, -which is referred to in the “Diary,” on November 17th, 1666. A still -more important letter, on the same subject, written by Pepys, but -purporting to come from the pen of the Duke of York, was not prepared -until nearly two years after this.[203] We learn from the “Diary” all -the stages of progress of this letter, the effect it produced when read -out at the office,[204] and the way in which the officers prepared -their answers.[205] In his allusion to this letter, Lord Braybrooke -again does some injustice to James, for he writes: “We even find in the -‘Diary,’ as early as 1668, that a long letter of regulation, produced -before the Commissioners of the Navy by the Duke of York _as his own -composition_, was entirely written by the Clerk of the Acts.” - -Colonel Pasley very justly observes, in commenting on this view of the -Lord High Admiral’s position:--“There is nothing unusual or improper -in a minister, or head of a department, employing his subordinates to -prepare documents for his signature, and in this particular instance -it was evidently of importance that the actual author should remain -unknown. Not only was Pepys himself most anxious to avoid being -known in the matter, but it is obvious that the authority and effect -of the reprimand and warning would have been much lessened, if the -other members of the Board had been aware that the Duke had no other -knowledge of the abuses of the office than what Pepys told him. It -seems from the ‘Diary,’ that about 1668 Pepys first obtained the -complete confidence of the Duke--a confidence which he always after -retained and never abused. It is evident from numerous remarks in his -manuscripts that Pepys had the highest respect for James’s opinion in -naval matters. In fact, the mutual respect and friendship of these two -men was equally honourable to both, and it is a mistake to endeavour to -magnify one at the expense of the other.” - -The letter referred to is in the British Museum,[206] and as it is of -considerable interest in the life of Pepys, it will be worth while to -devote a small space to a few notes on its contents. - -James refers to his former letter of January 2nd, 1661, sent with -the “Instructions,” as well as to that of March 22nd, 1664, and, -after some general remarks, he points out the particular duty of each -officer, finishing with remarks on their joint duties as a Board. The -letter is drawn up in so orderly a manner, and discovers so thorough a -knowledge of the details of the office, that there is little cause for -surprise that the officers suspected Pepys to be the author. Article -by article of the “Instructions” are set down, and following each of -them are remarks on the manner in which it had been carried out. It -is very amusing to notice the tact with which our Diarist gets over -the difficulty of criticizing his own deeds. The Duke is made to say -that although he has inquired as to the execution of the office of -Clerk of the Acts, he cannot hear of any particular to charge him -with failure in his duty, and as he finds that the Clerk had given -diligent attendance, he thinks that the duty must have been done well, -particularly during the time of the war, when, in spite of the work -being greater, the despatch was praiseworthy. Yet he would not express -further satisfaction, but would be willing to receive any information -of the Clerk’s failures which otherwise might have escaped his -knowledge. The officers were informed that an answer was required from -each of them within fourteen days. When these answers were received, -Pepys set to work to write a reply for the Duke to acknowledge. -Matthew Wren, the Duke’s secretary, smoothed down the language of this -letter[207] a little, but it still remained a very stinging reprimand. -These two letters form, probably, the most complete instance of a -severe “wigging” given by the head of an office to his staff. - -We will now return to the consideration of the business management of -the navy, and it is necessary for us to bear in mind that the offices -of the Admiralty and of the Navy Board were quite distinct in their -arrangements. The Navy Board formed the Council of the Lord High -Admiral, and the Admiralty was, originally, merely his personal office, -the locality of which changed with his own change of residence, or that -of his secretary. It was at one time in Whitehall, at another in Cannon -Row, Westminster; and when Pepys was secretary, it was attached to his -house in York Buildings. - -When, however, there was a Board of Admiralty in place of a Lord High -Admiral, the Admiralty Office became of more importance, and the Navy -Office relatively of less. - -According to Pepys, there was some talk of putting the office of -Lord High Admiral into commission in the year 1668,[208] but it was -not so treated until June, 1673, when the Duke of York laid down all -his offices. The Commissioners on this occasion were Prince Rupert, -the three great officers of State, three dukes, two secretaries, Sir -G. Carteret, and Edward Seymour (afterwards Speaker of the House of -Commons); and Pepys was the secretary. Before the commission passed the -Great Seal, the King did the business through the medium of Pepys.[209] - -Lords of the Admiralty were occasionally appointed to assist the Lord -High Admiral, or to fill his place while he was abroad. Pepys refers to -such Lords on November 14th, 1664, and in March of the following year -he remarks: “The best piece of news is, that instead of a great many -troublesome Lords, the whole business is to be left with the Duke of -Albemarle to act as Admiral.”[210] - -These lords were not properly commissioners, as a commission was only -appointed by the King when the office of Lord High Admiral was vacant, -but they formed a deputation or committee appointed by the Admiral to -act as his deputies. - -Pepys was with the Duke of York previous to the reinstatement of the -latter as Lord High Admiral, he returned to the office with his patron, -and he continued secretary until the Revolution, when he retired into -private life. On the Duke’s accession to the throne a new board was -formed and the navy was again raised to a state of efficiency. - -Pepys was Clerk of the Acts from 1660 to 1672, that is, during the -whole period of the “Diary,” and three years afterwards. He was -succeeded by his clerk, Thomas Hayter, and his brother John Pepys, who -held the office jointly. As already stated, Pepys was promoted to be -Secretary of the Admiralty in 1672, and continued in office until 1679, -when he was again succeeded for a time by Hayter. We know comparatively -little of him in the higher office, and it is as Clerk of the Acts that -he is familiar to us. With regard to this position it is necessary to -bear in mind that the “so-called” clerk, as well as being secretary, -was also a member of the Board, and one of the “principal officers.” -On one occasion Pepys met Sir G. Carteret, Sir J. Minnes, and Sir W. -Batten at Whitehall, and when the King spied them out, he cried, “Here -is the Navy Office!”[211] - -I have already mentioned that the principal officers were superseded -during the Commonwealth. Again, in 1686, they were suspended, and the -offices were temporarily placed under a body of equal commissioners. - -The Navy Office, where Pepys lived during the whole period over -which the “Diary” extends, was situated between Crutched Friars and -Seething Lane, with an entrance in each of these places. The ground was -originally occupied by a chapel and college attached to the church of -Allhallows, Barking, but these buildings were pulled down in the year -1548, and the land was used for some years as a garden plot. - -In Elizabeth’s reign, when the celebrated Sir William Wynter, Surveyor -of Her Majesty’s Ships, brought home from sea much plunder of -merchants’ goods, a storehouse of timber and brick was raised on this -site for their reception. In course of time the storehouse made way -for the Navy Office, a rather extensive building, in which the civil -business of the navy was transacted until the last quarter of the -eighteenth century. On July 4th, 1660, Pepys went with Commissioner -Pett to view the houses, and was very pleased with them, but he feared -that the more influential officers would shuffle him out of his rights. -Two days afterwards, however, he went with Mr. Coventry and Sir G. -Carteret to take possession of the place; still, although his mind was -a little cheered, his hopes were not great. On July 9th, he began to -sign bills in his office, and on the 18th he records the fact that he -dined in his own apartments. - -Pepys’s house was a part of the Seething Lane front, and that occupied -by Sir William Penn was on the north side of the garden, a house which -was afterwards occupied by Lord Brouncker.[212] When the new Somerset -House was finished, the Navy Office was removed there, and the old -buildings in the city were sold and destroyed. - -In course of time the work of the navy could not be properly carried -out with the old machinery, and, at last, the Admiralty Office, -which had largely grown in importance, swallowed up the Navy Office. -By an Act of Parliament, 2 William IV., the principal officers -and commissioners of the navy were abolished, as were also the -commissioners for victualling the navy; and all power and authority was -vested in the Admiralty. - -I have attempted to give in a few pages as clear an account as possible -of the kind of machinery by which the navy was governed, and I now -propose to pass rapidly in review a few of the points raised by Pepys. -To do more than glance at some of these would require a volume. The -“Diary” is filled with information respecting the office and the petty -squabbles of the officers, and we obtain from it a gloomy notion of the -condition of the navy. In fact, it would be hardly possible to believe -the wretched details if we had them from a less trustworthy authority. -The whole system of money-getting was unsatisfactory in the extreme, -and the officers of the navy were often expected to perform the task -of making bricks without straw. The Treasurer, not being able to get -money from the Treasury, floated bills, and these were often in very -bad repute. We read in the “Diary,” that on August 31st, 1661, the -bills were offered to be sold on the Exchange at 10 per cent. loss; -and on April 14th, 1663, things were even worse, for it was reported -that they were sold at a reduction of 15 per cent. In December of the -latter year Pepys could hardly believe the evidence of his ears when he -learned the “extraordinary good news,” that the credit of the office -was “as good as any merchant’s upon Change;” but these bright days -did not last long. Parliament being very dissatisfied with the way in -which the money was spent by the officers of the navy, appointed, a few -years afterwards, a commission to look into the accounts. This gave -Pepys much trouble, which he did not relish, and we find him busy in -making things as pleasant as possible during the latter part of 1666. -He was in “mighty fear and trouble” when called before the committee, -the members of which appeared to be “in a very ill humour.” Three years -after this he drew up a letter to the Commissioners of Accounts on -the state of the office, a transcript of which, addressed to “H. R. H. -the Lord High Admiral,” and dated January 8th, 1669–70, is now in the -library of the British Museum.[213] - -One of the most unsatisfactory divisions of the naval accounts -related to the pursers. Pepys was early interested in the Victualling -Department, out of which he afterwards made much money; and on -September 12th, 1662, we find him trying “to understand the method -of making up Purser’s Accounts, which is very needful for me and -very hard.” On November 22nd, 1665, he remarks that he was pleased -to have it demonstrated “that a Purser without professed cheating -is a professed loser twice as much as he gets.” Pepys received his -appointment of Surveyor-General of the Victualling Office chiefly -through the influence of Sir William Coventry, and on January 1st, -1665–6, he addressed a letter and “New Yeares Guift” on the subject of -pursers to his distinguished friend. He relates in the “Diary” how he -wrote the letter, and how Sir William praised his work to the Duke.[214] - -The want of money led to other evils that brought the greatest -discredit upon the Navy Office. The tickets that were given to the -men in place of money, were received with the greatest disgust, and -during the time of the Dutch war the scarcity of sailors was so great -that a wholesale system of pressing was resorted to. We learn that on -June 30th, 1666, Sir Thomas Bludworth, the Lord Mayor, impressed a -large number of persons wholly unfit for sea, and when we are further -told that some of them were “people of very good fashion,” it is not -surprising that Pepys should call the Mayor “a silly man.” - -So great was the disgust of the unpaid men, that during the war with -Holland English sailors positively preferred to serve in the ships of -the enemies of England rather than fight for their own country, and -when the Dutch were in the Medway English voices were heard from Dutch -ships.[215] - -The seamen were not likely to learn much good from their superiors, -for throughout the whole fleet swearing, drinking, and debauchery were -rampant.[216] - -A great part of the evils arose from the appointment of so-called -“gentlemen captains,” men who were unacquainted with maritime affairs, -and treated the sailor captains with contempt, calling them tarpaulins, -a name which now only remains to us in the reduced form of tar. This -evil was well known in the reign of Elizabeth, and was pointed out by -Gibson, who wrote memoirs of the expeditions of the navy from 1585 to -1603,[217] and all readers are familiar with Macaulay’s remarks on -the same subject. Captain Digby, a son of the Earl of Bristol, and one -of these “ornamental officers,” after he had been in the fleet about a -year expressed the wish that he might not again see a tarpaulin have -the command of a ship.[218] These useless captains, who could make -bows, but could not navigate a ship, raised the ire of old Nan Clarges, -otherwise Duchess of Albemarle, who “cried out mightily against the -having of gentlemen captains with feathers and ribbands, and wished the -king would send her husband to sea with the old plain sea captains that -he served with formerly, that would make their ships swim with blood, -though they could not make legs as captains now-a-days can.”[219] - -The common custom of employing indiscriminately land officers as -admirals, and naval officers as generals, often led to disasters. -There can be no doubt of the bravery of Monk and Rupert, but when on -shipboard they made many blunders and endangered the safety of the -fleet. - -All this confusion caused dire disasters, which culminated in the -presence of the hostile Dutch fleet in our rivers; a national disgrace -which no Englishman can think of even now without a feeling of shame. -While reading the “Diary,” we are overwhelmed with the instances -of gross mismanagement in naval affairs. Many of the men whose -carelessness helped to increase the amount of rampant blundering -were, however, capable of deeds of pluck and bravery. In one of the -engagements with the Dutch, Prince Rupert sent his pleasure-boat, the -“Fanfan,” with two small guns on board, against the Dutch admiral, De -Ruyter. With great daring, the sailors brought their little boat near, -and fired at De Ruyter’s vessel for two hours, but at last a ball did -them so much damage that the crew were forced to row briskly to save -their lives.[220] - -Another instance of bravery more deserving of honour is that recorded -of Captain Douglas, of the “Royal Oak,” who had received orders to -defend his ship at Chatham. This he did with the utmost resolution, -but, having had no order to retire, he chose rather to be burnt in his -ship than live to be reproached with having deserted his command. It -is reported that Sir William Temple expressed the wish that Cowley had -celebrated this noble deed before he died.[221] - -Pepys tells us that on July 21st, 1668, he went to his “plate-makers,” -and spent an hour in contriving some plates for his books of the King’s -four yards, and that on the 27th of the same month the four plates -came home. They cost him five pounds, and he was in consequence both -troubled and pleased. - -No account of the state of the navy in Charles II.’s time, however -short, would be complete without some notice of the four dockyards -(Chatham, Deptford, Portsmouth, and Woolwich), which necessarily -occupy a very prominent place in the “Diary.” Chatham yard was founded -by Queen Elizabeth, and it remained under the special charge of the -Surveyor of the Navy until a Special Commissioner was appointed in -1630. This explains a passage in the “Diary” which has not hitherto -been illustrated. When, in April, 1661, Sir William Batten, the -Surveyor of the Navy, and Pepys were on a visit to Chatham, they went -“to see Commissioner Pett’s house, he and his family being absent, and -here I wondered how my Lady Batten walked up and down, with envious -looks, to see how neat and rich everything is, saying that she would -get it, for it belonged formerly to the Surveyor of the Navy.”[222] -The first Commissioner was Phineas Pett, who died in 1647, and was -succeeded by his son, Peter Pett, who figures so frequently in the -“Diary.” Peter was continued in office at the Restoration, but he was -suspended in 1667 in consequence of the success of the Dutch attack -upon Chatham. He was sent to the Tower and threatened with impeachment, -but, although the threat was not carried out, he was never restored to -office. The appointment remained in abeyance for two years after, when, -in March, 1669, Captain John Cox, the master attendant at Deptford, -was made resident Commissioner at Chatham. In January, 1672, he was -appointed flag captain to the Duke of York, in the “Prince,” without -vacating his office at Chatham, was knighted in April, and killed at -the battle of Solebay in May, all in the same year. - -The Hill-house that Pepys visited for the first time on the 8th of -April, 1661, is frequently mentioned on subsequent pages of the -“Diary.”[223] The “old Edgeborrow,” whose ghost was reported to haunt -the place, was Kenrick Edisbury, Surveyor of the Navy from 1632 to -1638. Pepys does not seem quite to have appreciated the story of the -ghost which was told him as he went to bed after a merry supper, -although he affirms that he was not so much afraid as for mirth’s sake -he seemed.[224] In the “Memoirs of English Affairs, chiefly Naval, -from the year 1660 to 1673, written by James, Duke of York,” there is -a letter from James to the principal officers of the navy (dated May -10th, 1661), in which he recommends that the lease of the Hill-house -should be bought by them, if it can be obtained at a reasonable rate, -as the said house “is very convenient for the service of his Majesty’s -Navy.”[225] - -After the defeat of the Spanish Armada, Sir Francis Drake and Sir -John Hawkins advised the establishment of a chest at Chatham for the -relief of seamen wounded in their country’s service, and the sailors -voluntarily agreed to have certain sums “defalked” out of their wages -in order to form this fund. In July, 1662, Pepys was told of the abuse -of the funds, and advised to look into the business.[226] At the end -of the same year a commission was appointed to inspect the chest,[227] -but the commissioners do not seem to have done much good, for in 1667 -there was positively no money left to pay the poor sailors what was -owed to them.[228] After a time the property became considerable, but -unfortunately the abuses grew as well. In 1802 the chest was removed to -Greenwich, and in 1817 the stock is said to have amounted to _£_300,000 -consols. - -Deptford dockyard was founded about the year 1513. Pepys made -occasional visits to it, and on one occasion he and Coventry took the -officers (of whose honesty he had not a very high opinion) by surprise. -On June 16th, 1662, he mentions going to see “in what forwardness the -work is for Sir W. Batten’s house and mine.” He found the house almost -ready, but we hear no more of it in the subsequent pages of the “Diary.” - -Portsmouth dockyard was established by Henry VIII., but it did not -hold a foremost position until, in the reign of William III., Edmund -Dummer contrived a simple and ingenious method of pumping water from -dry docks below the level of low tide, which enabled Portsmouth for -the first time to possess a dry dock capable of taking in a first-rate -man-of-war. It was Dummer who also designed and constructed the first -docks at Plymouth.[229] - -Sir Edward Montague first chose Portsmouth as the place from which to -draw his title, but he afterwards gave the preference to Sandwich. - -When Pepys visited Portsmouth in May, 1661, he was very pleased with -his reception by the officers of the dockyard, who treated him with -much respect. - -Although the date of the foundation of Woolwich dockyard is not -recorded, it is known to have been of considerable importance in Henry -VIII.’s reign. It figures very frequently in the “Diary.”[230] - -Very soon after Pepys was settled in his office, he thought it -advisable to give his attention to the question of the British dominion -of the seas, and he made a special study of Selden’s “Mare Clausum.” -He intended to write a treatise on the rights of the English flag, -and present it to the Duke of York. His reason for doing this was -that it promised to be a good way to make himself known.[231] The -right of making foreign vessels strike their sails to the English flag -had been insisted upon from early times. Selden’s work, in which the -case was strongly urged, met therefore with great favour. Charles I. -made an order in council that a copy should be kept in the council -chest, another in the Court of Exchequer, and a third in the Court of -Admiralty. The upholders of this right triumphed when, in the treaty of -peace with the Dutch (February 9th, 1674), the States-General confessed -that to be a right which before had been styled courtesy, and they -agreed that not only separate ships, but whole fleets should strike -sails to any fleet or ship carrying the king’s flag.[232] John Evelyn -argued strongly in favour of England’s right to the dominion of the sea -in his “Navigation and Commerce” (1674), but he privately confessed to -Pepys that he did not consider there was any sufficient evidence of the -right.[233] - -We must now turn our attention to the Diarist’s colleagues at the Navy -Office, and it is here very needful to caution the reader against -putting implicit faith in all the adverse remarks that fill the -“Diary.” It is a curious fact that, with the exception of Sir William -Coventry, scarcely any of the officers come off with a good character. -Pepys held Coventry in profound respect, and was never prouder than -when he received a word of praise from him, and yet we do not obtain a -very favourable idea of the secretary to the Duke of York from other -writers, and in the pages of Clarendon we are presented with a very -adverse character of him. - -Those officers with whom Pepys came most in contact were Sir George -Carteret, the Treasurer; Sir Robert Slingsby and Sir John Minnes, -successive Comptrollers; Sir William Batten and Colonel Thomas -Middleton, successive Surveyors; and Sir William Penn and Lord Viscount -Brouncker, additional Commissioners. - -Pepys did not hold Carteret in much esteem, and we read constant -disparaging remarks respecting him, such as that on one occasion -he wanted to know what the four letters S. P. Q. R. meant, “which -ignorance is not to be borne in a Privy Counsellor,”[234] but after Sir -George’s son had married a daughter of Lord Sandwich, and he had thus -become a near connection of Pepys’s family, we read of “his pleasant -humour,” and are told that he is “a most honest man.” Sir Robert -Slingsby died in 1661, and therefore does not occupy a very prominent -position in the “Diary,” but Pepys grieved for his loss. - -Sir John Minnes was better known as a wit than as a sailor, and it -was he who taught Pepys to appreciate Chaucer. He does not, however, -come off very handsomely in the “Diary.” Captain Holmes called him -“the veriest knave and rogue and coward in the world,”[235] and Sir -William Coventry likened him to a lapwing, who was always in a flutter -to keep others from the nest.[236] Pepys himself, after a few quarrels, -hints pretty plainly that he was an old coxcomb, a mere jester or -ballad-monger, and quite unfit for business. - -We are told of Sir William Batten’s corruption and underhand -dealing,[237] of his knavery,[238] and of his inconsequent action -in objecting to lighthouses generally, and then proposing one for -Harwich;[239] but Pepys’s two chief enemies were Sir William Penn and -Lord Brouncker. - -Sir William Penn and Pepys were much thrown together, and were -alternately very friendly and very jealous of each other. When Pepys -first associated with Penn, he found him sociable but cunning, and ever -after the pages of the “Diary” are filled with vituperation respecting -this successful admiral. Considering the eminent position of William -Penn the son, as a leader among the Quakers, it is curious to note that -before the Restoration, and when Monk was coming from the North, it was -reported that Penn, the father, had turned Quaker.[240] In May, 1660, -Charles II. wrote to Monk: “I have so good an opinion of General Penn, -that if you had not recommended him to me I would have taken care of -all his interests;”[241] and we cannot doubt that he possessed some -eminent qualities of which we learn nothing in the “Diary.” - -Lord Brouncker was a good mathematician in his own day, and his name -has come down with credit to ours as the first President of the Royal -Society, but his portrait as painted by Pepys is far from a pleasing -one--let us hope that it was not a true likeness. He was not a rich -man, for his mother was a gamester, and his father a land-lacking peer, -and he was probably not over particular as to the means he took to -obtain money. We may believe this, however, without agreeing with Pepys -that he was “a rotten-hearted, false man.”[242] Aubrey says that the -following lines were written on his parents:-- - - “Here’s a health to my Lady Brouncker, and the best card in her hand; - And a health to my Lord her husband, with ne’er a foot of land.”[243] - -These were some of the men who helped to carry on the work of the -English navy. It would have been well for the fame of most of them if -Pepys had never put pen to paper. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[188] Vol. iii. There is a MS. copy of these “Tracts” in the Pepysian -Library. - -[189] Thus _Amir-al-moumenim_ is the Arabic for Commander of the -Faithful. - -[190] It is to Colonel Pasley’s kindness that I owe the greater -portion of the information contained in this chapter. That officer, -who is Director of Works at the Admiralty, has made large collections -relating to the early history of the administration of the navy, and to -him I am also indebted for the valuable lists in the Appendix, which -he has compiled for me with great labour from original sources. No -such lists were previously in existence. Colonel Pasley has further -kindly supplied me with the notes that follow which are signed in each -instance “C. P.” - -[191] Harl. MS. 249. - -[192] Letters and Papers, Henry VIII. vol. iv. pt. 1, p. 309. - -[193] Add. MS. 5752, fol. 6ᵇ (Brit. Mus.). - -[194] State Papers, Dom. Eliz. vol. xv. No. 4. There is a copy of these -regulations in the British Museum, Add. MS. 9295, fol. 17. - -[195] The number of principal officers was afterwards fixed at four, -viz.:--1. Treasurer; 2. Comptroller; 3. Surveyor; 4. Clerk of the Acts. - -[196] These amounts were made up of the “Fee out of the Exchequer” (or -salary proper); the Allowance for one or more Clerks; “Boat-hire,” and -“Riding Costs” (or travelling expenses).--C. P. - -[197] “Diary,” July 7, 1660. - -[198] The emoluments of the Treasurer arose chiefly from “poundage” on -all sums passing through his hands. In time of war his profits were -often very large.--C. P. - -[199] “Diary,” Nov. 9, 1663. - -[200] In the “Succession of the Lords High Admiral,” &c., in Pepys’s -“Naval Collections,” it is stated that on the Restoration the -existing Commissioners of the Admiralty and of the Navy respectively -were temporarily continued in office by order in council of the -31st May, 1660. By a subsequent order (7th July following) a Board -of Principal Officers and Commissioners of the Navy on the ancient -model was appointed, and the Duke of York was directed to revoke the -authority _he_ had granted “unto the former Treasurer, Officers, and -Commissioners of the Navy.” It would appear, therefore, that the -Admiralty Commissioners had been suppressed, and the Duke appointed -Admiral at some intermediate date between the 31st May and the 7th -July, 1660; although, according to Pepys’s list, quoted above, his -patent under the Great Seal bore date the 29th January, 1660–61.--C. P. - -[201] Life of Clarendon, 1827, vol. ii. p. 331. - -[202] The Regulations were printed in 1717, under the title of “The -Œconomy of His Majesty’s Navy Office.... By an Officer of the Navy.” - -[203] _See_ “Diary,” Aug. 16, 21, 23, 25, 30, 1668. - -[204] Aug. 29, Sept. 8th, 1668. - -[205] Sept. 12, 18, 1668. - -[206] “The Duke’s Reflections on the severall Members of the Navy -Boards Duty,” dated “St. James, 28 Aug., 1668.” “The Duke’s Answer to -their severall Excuses,” dated “Whitehall, 25 Nov., 1668” (both in -Harleian MS. 6003). - -[207] _See_ “Diary,” Nov. 25, 1668. - -[208] “Diary,” Nov. 5, 1668. - -[209] Williamson Letters (Camden Society), vol. i. pp. 47, 51, 56. - -[210] “Diary,” March 17, 1664–65. - -[211] “Diary,” Nov. 2, 1663. - -[212] P. Gibson in “Life of Penn,” ii. 616. - -[213] Sloane MS. 2751. - -[214] The letter, signed “S. Pepyes,” and dated “Greenwich, 1st -January, 1665,” is in the British Museum (Add. MS. 6287). There is also -a copy in Harl. MS. 6003. - -[215] The “Englishmen on board the Dutch ships” were heard to say, “We -did heretofore fight for tickets; now we fight for dollars!”--“Diary,” -June 14, 1667. - -[216] “Diary,” Oct. 20, 1666. - -[217] Gibson was a contemporary of Pepys, and a clerk in the Navy -Office. He was somewhat of a _laudator temporis acti_, and fonder of -drawing his illustrations from events of Queen Elizabeth’s time than -from those of more recent days. See his paper in praise of “Seamen -Captains,” printed in the preface to Charnock’s “History of Marine -Architecture,” pp. lxxiv.-xcv.--C. P. - -[218] “Diary,” Oct. 20, 1666. - -[219] Jan. 10, 1665–66. - -[220] Campbell’s “Naval History,” 1818, vol. ii. p. 165. - -[221] Ibid. p. 177. - -[222] “Diary,” April 10, 1661. This house (of which there is a plan -in King’s MS. 43) was pulled down in 1703, and the house now occupied -by the Admiral Superintendent of Chatham Dockyard was built in its -place.--C. P. - -[223] A plan, with front and side elevations of the Hill-house as it -was in 1698, is in King’s MS. 43. The ground on which it stood is now -included in the Marine Barracks.--C. P. - -[224] “Diary,” April 8, 1661. - -[225] 1729, p. 23. - -[226] “Diary,” July 3, 1662. - -[227] Nov. 13, 1662. - -[228] June 18, 1667. - -[229] Dummer was Assistant to the Surveyor of the Navy when he designed -these works. The improvement of Portsmouth and the foundation of a -dockyard at Plymouth were called for by the political changes arising -out of the Revolution. Previously our great naval wars had been waged -against the Dutch, and the Thames and Medway were then the most -convenient localities for fitting and repairing ships of war. After -the Revolution, the Dutch became our allies, and the French our most -formidable enemies. The naval ports on the Channel then became more -important than those on the east coast.--C. P. - -[230] King’s MS. 43 (Brit. Mus.) contains plans of all the dockyards -in 1688 and 1698, and detailed drawings of the principal buildings as -they were in the latter year, as well as of the Navy Office in Seething -Lane, and the Hill-house at Chatham.--C. P. - -[231] “Diary,” Nov. 29, 1661. - -[232] Campbell’s “Naval History,” 1818, vol. ii. p. 217. - -[233] “Evelyn’s Diary,” ed. 1879, vol. iii. p. 414. (Letter dated Sept. -19, 1682.) - -[234] “Diary,” July 4, 1663. - -[235] “Diary,” Dec. 7, 1661. - -[236] Nov. 4, 1664. - -[237] June 13, 1663. - -[238] May 5, 1664. - -[239] Nov. 4, 1664. - -[240] Nov. 9, 1663. - -[241] Lister’s “Life of Clarendon,” vol. iii. p. 107. - -[242] “Diary,” Jan. 29, 1666–67. - -[243] Aubrey’s “Lives,” 1813, vol. ii. p. 260. - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -THE COURT. - - “And when he was beat, - He still made his retreat - To his Clevelands, his Nells, and his Carwells.” - - MARVELL’S _Ballad on the Lord Mayor and Aldermen_. - - -The Court of Charles II. was not unlike that of Comus, for drunkenness -and vice reigned supreme in both. Pepys’s “Diary” forms a valuable -antidote to the Grammont “Memoirs,” because in the latter work the -pictures are drawn in rose colour, while in the former we see the -squalid poverty that accompanied the wasteful extravagance. In the -courts of most of our sovereigns statesmen have borne an important -part, but at the Restoration the court was formed of wits and beautiful -women only. Then statesmen moved in the outer circles, and were laughed -at by those who dwelt in the inner ones. Grammont relates that the -Earl of Arlington was one day offering his humble services and best -advice to Miss Stewart, to assist her in conducting herself as King’s -mistress, a situation “to which it had pleased God and her virtue to -raise her!” He had only just begun his speech, “when she recollected -that he was at the head of those whom the Duke of Buckingham used -to mimic; and as his presence and his language exactly revived the -ridiculous ideas that had been given her of him, she could not forbear -bursting out into a fit of laughter in his face, so much the more -violent as she had for a long time struggled to suppress it.” It is not -to be supposed that Pepys could know much of the inner circle of the -court, but still there was much gossip about those who composed it, and -he sets down many tales in his “Diary” respecting the doings of the too -celebrated ladies. Several of the stories which were supposed to have -owed much to the lively imaginations of Counts Hamilton and Grammont, -are corroborated by Pepys.[244] The wild frolic of Miss Jennings and -Miss Price, to which allusion will be made later on in this chapter, -is not overlooked by Pepys.[245] Miss Jennings was not singular in her -freak, and Bishop Burnet relates that about the year 1668, the King -and Queen and all the court went about disguised in sedan chairs to -houses where they were not known. On one occasion the Queen’s chairmen, -not knowing who she was, left her alone, and she had to get back to -Whitehall as best she could in a hackney coach or in a cart. The -same masqueradings went on in the country as in town; and in 1670 the -Queen, the Duchess of Richmond, the Duchess of Buckingham, and some -others, disguised themselves as country lasses, in red petticoats, -waistcoats, &c., in order to visit the fair at Audley End. The grand -ladies and their companions overacted their parts, and were soon -discovered, so that they were glad to escape as best they could from -the crowd that gathered round them. - -[Illustration: Frances Jennings, Duchess of Tyrconnel] - -Pepys seems to have held the vulgar opinion that the great people -ought to converse in a more distinguished tone than ordinary mortals, -and he constantly remarks on the commonplace character of the King’s -talk. On October 26th, 1664, there was a launch at Woolwich, attended -by the King and his Court, which is fully described by our Diarist, -who remarks: “But Lord! the sorry talke and discourse among the great -courtiers round about him, without any reverence in the world, but so -much disorder. By and by the Queene comes and her Mayds of Honour; one -whereof Mʳˢ. Boynton, and the Duchesse of Buckingham had been very -sicke coming by water in the barge (the water being very rough); but -what silly sport they made with them in very common terms, _methought -was very poor and below what people think these great people say and -do_.” - -On the 15th of November, 1666, there was a grand ball at court, that -day being the Queen’s birthday; and Pepys and his wife went to see the -dancing, which they found very tiresome. The ladies, however, were -pleasant to look upon, and their dresses very rich; so we read in the -“Diary:” “Away home with my wife, between displeased with the dull -dancing and satisfied with the clothes and persons.” - -These ladies owe much of their fame to the series of portraits which -still exists to show a later age the outward forms that charmed the -men of two centuries ago. We are told in the Grammont “Memoirs” that, -“the Duchess of York being desirous of having the portraits of the -handsomest persons at court, Lely painted them, and employed all -his skill in the performance; nor could he ever exert himself upon -more beautiful subjects. Every picture appeared a masterpiece; and -that of Miss Hamilton appeared the highest finished: Lely himself -acknowledged that he had drawn it with a particular pleasure.” Next -to the deshabille, in which most of these ladies are arranged, the -most noticeable feature in these portraits is the soft, sleepy eye--a -supposed beauty that was attained to after a considerable amount of -practice:-- - - “---- on the animated canvas stole - The sleepy eye, that spoke the melting soul.” - -Mrs. Hyde, the first wife of Henry Hyde, afterwards second Earl of -Clarendon, had by long practice given such a languishing tenderness to -her looks, that we are told by Hamilton, “she never opened her eyes but -like a Chinese.” In spite of all this softness, many of these women -were in the habit of swearing “good mouth-filling oaths”--a practice -thoroughly in character with the general grossness of manners and -language at Charles’s court. When looking at these portraits of the -beauties, we must not think of them all as the mistresses of the King -and Duke of York, for some remained pure in this corrupt atmosphere. -“La belle Hamilton” was one of these, and the description both of her -mind and person by her husband, the Count de Grammont, forms such an -exquisite portrait in words that, although well known, I venture to -transfer it to my pages:--“Miss Hamilton was at the happy age when -the charms of the fair sex begin to bloom; she had the finest shape, -the loveliest neck, and most beautiful arms in the world; she was -majestic and graceful in all her movements; and she was the original -after which all the ladies copied in their taste and air of dress. -Her forehead was open, white, and smooth; her hair was well set, and -fell with ease into that natural order which it is so difficult to -imitate. Her complexion was possessed of a certain freshness, not to -be equalled by borrowed colours: her eyes were not large, but they -were lively, and capable of expressing whatever she pleased: her mouth -was full of graces, and her contour uncommonly perfect: nor was her -nose, which was small, delicate, and turned up, the least ornament of -so lovely a face. In fine, her air, her carriage, and the numberless -graces dispersed over her whole person, made the Chevalier de Grammont -not doubt but that she was possessed of every other qualification. Her -mind was a proper companion for such a form: she did not endeavour to -shine in conversation by those sprightly sallies which only puzzle; -and with still greater care she avoided that affected solemnity in -her discourse, which produces stupidity; but without any eagerness -to talk, she just said what she ought, and no more. She had an -admirable discernment in distinguishing between solid and false wit; -and far from making an ostentatious display of her abilities, she -was reserved, though very just in her decisions: her sentiments were -always noble, and even lofty to the highest extent, when there was -occasion; nevertheless, she was less prepossessed with her own merit -than is usually the case with those who have so much. Formed as we have -described, she could not fail of commanding love; but so far was she -from courting it, that she was scrupulously nice with respect to those -whose merit might entitle them to form any pretensions to her.” - -On the 25th of July, 1666, Pepys went to Whitehall to see the King at -dinner, and thought how little he should care to have people crowding -about him as they were round his Majesty. He adds, “Among other things -it astonished me to see my Lord Barkeshire waiting at table, and -serving the King drink, in that dirty pickle as I never saw man in my -life.” - -There is a good story told of Grammont which is _apropos_ of the above. -One day, when the King dined in state, he made the Count remark that he -was served upon the knee, a mark of respect not common at other courts. -“I thank your Majesty for the explanation,” answered Grammont; “I -thought they were begging pardon for giving you so bad a dinner.” - -I have already remarked on the poverty that went hand-in-hand with -extravagance, and this is well illustrated by one or two entries in -the “Diary.” In April, 1667,[246] the King was vexed to find no paper -laid for him at the Council table. Sir Richard Browne called Wooly, the -person who provided the paper, to explain the reason of the neglect. -He told his Majesty that he was but a poor man, and was already out of -pocket _£_400 or _£_500, which was as much as he was worth; and that -he could not provide it any longer without money, not having received -a penny since the King’s coming in. Evelyn corroborated this, and told -Pepys that several of the menial servants of the court lacked bread, -and had not received a farthing of wages since the Restoration.[247] - -Shortly afterwards the King was found to want personal linen, and Mr. -Ashburnham, one of the Grooms of the Bedchamber, rated the wardrobe-man -very severely for this neglect. Mr. Townsend pleaded that he wanted -money, and owed the linendraper _£_5,000. He further told Pepys that -the grooms took away the King’s linen at the end of the quarter as -their fee, whether he could get more or not.[248] Hence the great want. - -Charles II. was one of the most worthless of our monarchs, and the most -beloved. The responsibility of all evils, troubles, or crimes, was laid -upon his advisers, his mistresses, and anyone but upon himself, by his -loving subjects. His readiness of access, and good-humoured freedom of -manner charmed all who came in contact with him. “Unthinkingness” was -said by Halifax to be one of his characteristics, and Rochester uses -the expression, “Unthinking Charles;” yet this was more an apparent -than a real characteristic. Like most indolent men, he tried to get his -own way, and he was one of the earliest to find out that if the people -are allowed their way when they are in earnest, they will let their -governors do as they wish at other times. It has been said that the -strongest resolve he ever formed was a determination not to go on his -travels again; therefore he never opposed a strong popular movement. He -sought, however, every opportunity of turning the movement to his own -advantage, if there were any possibility of doing so. - -Charles was fit to be the head of his court, for he was among the -wittiest there. He was a good teller of a story, and fond of exhibiting -his talent. Walpole proposed to make a collection of his witty sayings, -and Peter Cunningham carried out this idea in “The Story of Nell Gwyn.” - -Curiously enough, Pepys held a very poor opinion of the King’s power -in this respect. On one occasion he says Charles’s stories were good, -although “he tells them but meanly.”[249] At another time he alludes to -“the silly discourse of the King.”[250] - -The Diarist must surely have been prejudiced, for the general opinion -on this point, and the stories that have come down to us, are against -him. That was a happy distinction made by Charles when he said of -Godolphin, then a page at court, that he was never _in_ the way, and -never _out_ of the way. Of the King’s natural abilities there can be no -doubt. He took an intelligent interest in the formation of the Royal -Society, and passed many hours in his own laboratory. Pepys visited -this place on January 15th, 1668–69, and was much pleased with it. He -saw there “a great many chymical glasses and things, but understood -none of them.” - -The King was fond of seeing and making dissections,[251] and the very -month he died he was engaged in some experiments on the production of -mercury. - -His greatest fault was want of faith, for he believed neither in the -honour of man nor the virtue of woman; and, as a consequence, he -lived down to his debased views. His religion always sat lightly upon -him, but such as it was it was not that of a Protestant. James II. -told Pepys, in a private conversation, that Charles had been a Roman -Catholic some long time before his death.[252] - -Charles’s relations with women were singularly heartless. His conduct -towards his wife was abominable, although when in her company he was -usually polite. On the occasion of her serious illness, when she was -like to die, he conjured her to live for his sake, and Grammont hints -that he was disappointed when she took him at his word. - -The Queen, although not beautiful, was pleasing in appearance, and -the King appears to have been satisfied with her when she arrived in -England, for he wrote to Clarendon, that her eyes were excellent and -her voice agreeable, adding, “If I have any skill in physiognomy, -which I think I have, she must be as good a woman as ever was born.” A -few days after he wrote to the Chancellor in these words, “My brother -will tell you of all that passes here, which I hope will be to your -satisfaction. I am sure ’tis so much to mine that I cannot easily tell -you how happy I think myself, and I must be the worst man living (which -I hope I am not) if I be not a good husband. I am confident never two -humors were better fitted together than ours are.”[253] Yet shortly -after writing thus, he thrust his abandoned mistress, Lady Castlemaine, -upon this virtuous wife; so that from his own mouth we can condemn -him. Pepys reports a sharp answer (“a wipe,” he calls it) which the -Queen made to the favourite. Lady Castlemaine came in and found the -Queen under the dresser’s hand, which she had been for a long time. “I -wonder your Majesty,” says she, “can have the patience to sit so long -adressing?”--“I have so much reason to use patience,” says the Queen, -“that I can very well bear with it.”[254] - -Clarendon was charged with choosing Katherine because he knew that she -could not bear children to the King, but this was a most foul calumny. -She was naturally most anxious to be a mother, and in her delirium she -fancied that she had given birth to a boy, but was troubled because -he was ugly. The King, being by, said, “No, it is a very pretty boy.” -“Nay,” says she, “if it be like you it is a fine boy indeed, and I -would be very well pleased with it.”[255] - -The Duke of York was pre-eminently a man of business, and there remains -little to be added here to what has been already said in the chapter on -the Navy. He did not shine at Court, and his conduct there is amusingly -described in the Grammont “Memoirs,” _apropos_ of his fancy for “la -belle Hamilton:”--“As hunting was his favourite diversion, that sport -employed him one part of the day, and he came home generally much -fatigued; but Miss Hamilton’s presence revived him, when he found her -either with the Queen or the Duchess. There it was that, not daring -to tell her what lay heavy on his heart, he entertained her with what -he had in his head: telling her miracles of the cunning of foxes and -the mettle of horses; giving her accounts of broken legs and arms, -dislocated shoulders and other curious and entertaining adventures; -after which, his eyes told her the rest, till such time as sleep -interrupted their conversation; for these tender interpreters could not -help sometimes composing themselves in the midst of their ogling.” - -It is not necessary to enter fully into the history of the Duke’s -amours, but one curious incident in his life may be noticed here. -In the year 1673 he had a passion for Susan, Lady Bellasys, widow -of Sir Henry Bellasys, K.B. (who fell in a foolish duel with Tom -Porter,[256]), and, although she was a Protestant, he gave her a -promise of marriage, after having tried in vain to convert her to the -Roman Catholic faith. When her father-in-law, John, Lord Bellasys, who -was a Roman Catholic, heard of this, he, fearing that she would convert -the Duke, and thus spoil all hope of introducing the Roman Catholic -religion into England, went to the King and told him of his brother’s -matrimonial intentions. Charles thereupon prohibited the marriage.[257] - -After James came to the throne, his daughter Mary, Princess of Orange, -expressed a desire through Monsieur d’Alberville to know the chief -motives of his conversion; and in reply he wrote her a full account -of the circumstances that led to it. He tells her that he was bred a -strict Church of England man, “And I was so zealous that way, that -when the Queen my mother designed to bring up my brother, the Duke -of Gloucester, a Catholic, I, preserving still the respect due to -her, did my part to keep him steady to his first principles; and, as -young people often do, I made it a point of honour to stick to what -we had been educated in, without examining whether we were right or -wrong.”[258] - -Anne Hyde, then in the household of the Princess of Orange, was -contracted to the Duke of York on November 24th, 1659, and was -secretly married to him at Worcester House, on September 3rd, -1660. There is a good story told by Locke, in his “Memoirs of Lord -Shaftesbury,” which shows how shrewd that nobleman was: “Soon after -the Restoration the Earl of Southampton and Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, -having dined together at the Chancellor’s, as they were returning home -Sir Anthony said to my Lord Southampton, ‘Yonder Mrs. Anne Hyde is -certainly married to one of the Brothers.’ The Earl, who was a friend -to the Chancellor, treated this as a chimæra, and asked him how so wild -a fancy could get into his head. ‘Assure yourself’ (replied he) ‘it is -so. A concealed respect (however suppressed) showed itself so plainly -in the looks, voice, and manner wherewith her mother carved to her, or -offered her of every dish, that it is impossible but it must be so.’ -My Lord Southampton, who thought it a groundless conceit then, was -not long after convinced, by the Duke of York’s owning her, that Lord -Ashley was no bad guesser.”[259] - -An infamous conspiracy was formed by Sir Charles Berkeley and others to -induce the Duke to deny his marriage by accusing his wife of immoral -conduct. Although the Duke in the end acted honourably by her, he -did not dismiss the miscreants who lied in the basest manner. There -seems reason to believe that a few years afterwards she did carry on -an intrigue with Henry Sidney, afterwards Earl of Romney, and Pepys -alludes to the rumours respecting this on November 17th, 1665, January -9th, 1665–6, and October 15th, 1666. Peter Cunningham sums up the -evidence on the point as follows:--“There cannot, I think, be any doubt -of the intrigue of the Duchess of York (Anne Hyde) with Harry Sidney, -afterwards Earl of Romney, brother of Algernon Sidney and of Waller’s -Sacharissa. See on what testimony it rests. Hamilton more than hints -at it; Burnet is very pointed about it in his History; Reresby just -mentions and Pepys refers to it in three distinct entries and on three -different authorities.”[260] - -Pepys tells us that the Duchess sat at her husband’s council, and -interfered with business,[261] and the fact that she was the master -was generally acknowledged. On one occasion the King called his -brother “Tom Otter,” alluding to the henpecked husband in Ben Jonson’s -“Epicene, or the Silent Woman.” Tom Killegrew threw the sarcasm back -upon the King with telling effect, by saying, “Sir, pray which is the -best for a man to be, a Tom Otter to his wife or to his mistress?”[262] -it being well known that Charles was the slave of Lady Castlemaine. - -[Illustration: Barbara Villiers, Duchess of Cleveland] - -The Duchess possessed great abilities, and readily adapted herself -to her exalted position. Burnet says of her that she “was a very -extraordinary woman. She had great knowledge, and a lively sense of -things. She understood what belonged to a princess, and took state upon -her rather too much.” - -The next personage of importance at court was Mrs. Palmer, afterwards -Countess of Castlemaine and Duchess of Cleveland, who figures so -largely in the “Diary.” It is greatly to the credit of Lords Clarendon -and Southampton that they would have nothing to do with the King’s -favourite. Burnet tells us that the former would let nothing pass the -Great Seal in which she was named, and the latter would never suffer -her name to appear in the Treasury books. The King usually held a court -at his mistress’s lodgings before going to church, and his ministers -made their applications there, but Clarendon and Southampton were never -to be seen in her rooms. - -Clarendon opposed her admission to the post of Lady of the Bedchamber -to the Queen, and would not allow his wife to visit her; in consequence -he made an implacable enemy who did not rest until she had compassed -his disgrace. - -On July 26th, 1662, Pepys heard that when the mistress’s name was -presented by the King to his wife, the Queen pricked it out of the -list. On February 23rd, 1662–63, he heard that the King had given to -Lady Castlemaine all the Christmas presents made him by the peers; and -that at a court ball she was much richer in jewels than the Queen and -Duchess both together. Although our Diarist was a devoted admirer of -the lady, he is forced to call this “a most abominable thing.” - -Lady Castlemaine was a woman of the most abandoned profligacy, and, -moreover, of bad manners as well as bad morals. In the Grammont -“Memoirs” she is described as “disagreeable from the unpolished state -of her manners, her ill-timed pride, her uneven temper and extravagant -humours.” Pepys knew her only in the distance, and was infatuated with -her beauty; at one time he fills his eyes with her, which much pleases -him,[263] and at another he “gluts himself with looking at her.”[264] -The sight of her at any public place was quite sufficient to give him -pleasure, whatever the entertainment might be, and his admiration was -extended to everything which was in any way connected with the King’s -mistress. - -The greatest beauty at the court of Charles II. was Frances Stuart, -who was most assiduously followed by the King. She was the exact -opposite of Lady Castlemaine, being as much a lady as her rival was -ill-mannered, and as foolish as the other was clever. Her portrait -is admirably painted in the Grammont “Memoirs,” thus:--“She was -childish in her behaviour and laughed at everything, and her taste -for frivolous amusements, though unaffected, was only allowable in -a girl about twelve or thirteen years old. A child however she was -in every other respect, except playing with a doll: blind man’s buff -was her most favourite amusement: she was building castles of cards, -while the deepest play was going on in her apartments, where you saw -her surrounded by eager courtiers, who handed her the cards, or young -architects, who endeavoured to imitate her.” - -[Illustration: Frances Stuart, Duchess of Richmond] - -Her relations with the King were of a very risky character, and scandal -made very free with her good fame. Pepys took it for granted after -hearing the common report that she was the King’s mistress;[265] yet -Evelyn told him on April 26th, 1667, that up to the time of her leaving -the court to be married there was not a more virtuous woman in the -world. A passage in the “Diary” (Nov. 6th, 1663) exhibits very strongly -the low state of morality at court. Lord Sandwich told Pepys “how he -and Sir H. Bennet, the Duke of Buckingham and his Duchess, was of a -committee with somebody else for the getting of Mrs. Stewart for the -King, but that she proves a cunning slut, and is advised at Somerset -House by the Queen mother, and by her mother, and so all the plot is -spoiled and the whole committee broke.” By the early part of the year -1667 Mrs. Stewart’s position had become quite untenable, and to escape -from the King’s importunities she accepted the proposal of marriage -made to her by the Duke of Richmond. The King threw all the obstacles -he could in the way of the marriage, and when the lovers escaped -and were united he exhibited the greatest chagrin. Pepys relates a -story[266] that Charles one Sunday night took a pair of oars and rowed -secretly to Somerset House in order to get sight of the Duchess, who -was then living there. The garden door not being open, he is said to -have clambered over the wall, “which is a horrid shame!” - -The Duke was afterwards appointed ambassador to Denmark, and died at -Elsinore, December 21st, 1672. After the death of her husband the -Duchess lived at court and attached herself to the person of the Queen. -In the latter years of her life she remained in seclusion dividing her -time between cards and cats. She died in 1702, and by her last will -left several favourite cats to different female friends with legacies -for their support. - - “But thousands died without or this or that, - Die and endow a college or a cat.”[267] - -Among the lesser lights of the court was Elizabeth, Countess of -Chesterfield, who figures so prominently in the Grammont “Memoirs.” The -scandal there related did not escape the open ears of Pepys, who on the -3rd of November, 1662, first hears that the Duke of York is smitten -with the lady; that the Duchess has complained to the King, and that -the Countess has gone into the country. The Earl is not mentioned here, -but on January 19th, 1662–3, the Diarist obtained fuller particulars, -and learnt that Lord Chesterfield had long been jealous of the Duke. -Pepys calls the Countess “a most good virtuous woman,” and evidently -considers the husband’s conduct in carrying off his wife to his seat -in Derbyshire as caused by a fit of ungrounded jealousy. The day after -Lord Chesterfield had seen his wife talking with the Duke of York, he -went to tell the latter how much he felt wronged, but the Duke answered -with calmness, and pretended not to understand the reason of complaint. -The story of the _bas verds_ that forms so prominent a feature in the -Grammont account is not alluded to by the Diarist, but these brilliant -coloured stockings introduced by the Countess, seem to have become -fashionable subsequently, for on the 15th of February, 1668–9, Pepys -bought a pair of green silk stockings, garters, and shoe-strings, and -two pairs of jessimy gloves to present to his valentine. - -The career of pretty Margaret Brook, who married Sir John Denham on the -25th of May, 1665, was a short one. On the 10th of June, 1666, Pepys -hears that she has become the Duke of York’s new mistress, and that she -declares she will be owned publicly. On November 12th of the same year -he hears of her serious illness, an illness that terminated in death. - -At this time rumours of poisoning were easily put into circulation, -and some supposed that Lady Denham was murdered by her husband. Others -whispered that the Duchess of York had poisoned her with powder of -diamonds, but when her body was opened after death, as she had desired -it should be, no sign of poison was found.[268] - -One of the most brilliant of the maids of honour, and, to her -credit be it said, one of the few virtuous ladies at court, was -Frances Jennings, the eldest sister of Sarah, afterwards Duchess of -Marlborough. The Duke made advances to her, which she repulsed coolly. -He could not believe in his defeat, and plied her with love-letters. -It was not etiquette for her to return them to him, so she affected -unconsciousness, and carelessly drawing out her handkerchief allowed -these royal effusions to fall upon the floor for anyone who chose -to pick up. The King now laid siege to the beauty, but was equally -unsuccessful as his brother had been. In the Grammont “Memoirs” there -is a full account of the lady’s freaks, and Pepys managed to hear of -one of them:--“Mrs. Jennings, one of the Duchess’s maids, the other day -dressed herself like an orange wench, and went up and down, and cried -oranges; till falling down, or by some accident, her fine shoes were -discerned, and she put to a great deal of shame.”[269] This is but a -bald account of the adventure so graphically described by Hamilton, -who makes the object of Miss Jennings’s disguise to be a visit to the -famous German doctor and astrologer in Tower Street. Rochester assumed -this character and the name of Alexander Bendo at the same time, -issuing a bill in which he detailed his cures, and announced his powers -of prophecy. This was on the occasion of one of the wild young Lord’s -escapes from court, but we are not told its date. Hamilton is silent -on this point, but Pepys’s corroboration of one part of the adventure -helps to date the other. - -Frances Jennings was loved by the dashing Dick Talbot, who was -accounted the finest figure and the tallest man in the kingdom, but -she offended him by her partiality for the lady-killer Jermyn. She was -soon disgusted by this empty coxcomb, and in 1665 was married to George -Hamilton, brother of the author of the Grammont “Memoirs.” After the -death of Hamilton, the widow married her first lover Talbot, afterwards -created Duke of Tyrconnel. Subsequent to the death of her second -husband, she visited London, and hired a stall at the New Exchange in -the Strand, where, dressed in a white robe and masked with a white -domino, she maintained herself for a time by the sale of small articles -of haberdashery. Thus her second and more notorious adventure caused -her to be known as the “White Milliner.” - -This notice of the ladies of the Court of Charles II. may be concluded -with a brief mention of the two actresses,--Nell Gwyn and Moll Davis. - -Pepys’s first mention of the former is under date April 3rd, 1665, -where he calls her “pretty witty Nell.” He was always delighted to see -her, and constantly praises her excellent acting, yet sometimes he -finds fault, for instance--“Nell’s ill-speaking of a great part made -me mad.”[270] She disliked acting serious parts, and with reason, for -she spoilt them.[271] Pepys mentions on January 11th, 1667–68, that -the King had sent several times for Nell, but it was not until some -time after that she left the stage finally, and became a recognized -mistress of the King. Peter Cunningham tells us, in his “Story of Nell -Gwyn,” that had the King lived she would have been created Countess -of Greenwich. James II. attended to his brother’s dying wish: “Do not -let poor Nelly starve,” and when she was outlawed for debt he paid -her debts. Her life was not a long one, and she died of apoplexy in -November, 1687, in the thirty-eighth year of her age. - -Moll Davis it is well known charmed the King by her singing of the -song, “My lodging is on the cold ground,” in the character of the -shepherdess Celania in Davenant’s “Rivals,” a play altered from -“The Two Noble Kinsmen,” and the Duke of Buckingham is said to have -encouraged the King’s passion for her in order to spite the Countess of -Castlemaine. She was also a fine dancer, and greatly pleased Pepys on -more than one occasion. On March 7th, 1666–67, he expresses the opinion -that her dancing of a jig in boy’s clothes was infinitely better than -that of Nell Gwyn. About a year after this, when Moll Davis had been -“raised” to the position of King’s mistress, she danced a jig at court; -and the Queen being at this public exhibition of one of her rivals in -her own palace, got up and left the theatre.[272] - -After the ladies come the male courtiers, but these butterflies of -the court do not figure very prominently in the “Diary.” Rochester is -occasionally mentioned, as is Henry Jermyn rather oftener. Buckingham -appears more frequently, but then he set up for a statesman. He was one -of the most hateful characters in history, and as one reads in the -“Diary” the record of his various actions, the feelings of disgust and -loathing that they inspire are near akin to hatred. He gave counsel to -the King at which Charles recoiled; he showed himself a coward in his -relations with Lord Ossory, and his conduct towards his wife proves -that he was not even a gentleman. Grammont calls Buckingham a fool, but -he was more of a knave than a fool, for he was too clever for us to be -able to despise him. He seems to have exerted the fascination of the -serpent over those around him, and the four masterly hands that have -drawn his portrait evidently thought it worthy the devotion of their -greatest care. Walpole says of these four famous portraits: “Burnet -has hewn it out with his rough chisel; Count Hamilton touched it with -that slight delicacy that finishes while it seems but to sketch; -Dryden caught the living likeness; Pope completed the historical -resemblance.”[273] - -In conclusion, some mention must be made of those who did not take a -prominent position at court, but who nevertheless exerted considerable -influence in that corrupted circle, such as the Chiffinches, Bab May, -and Edward Progers, with all of whom Pepys had constant communication. -Thomas Chiffinch was one of the pages of the King’s bedchamber, and -keeper of his private closet. He died in 1666, and was succeeded in -his employments by his brother William, who became a still greater -favourite of the King than Thomas, and was the receiver of the secret -pensions paid by the court of France to the King of England. Progers -had been banished from Charles’s presence in 1650, by an Act of the -Estates of Scotland, “as an evil instrument and bad counseller of the -King.” Baptist May, Keeper of the Privy Purse, had a still worse rebuff -than this, for when he went down in state as the court candidate for -Winchelsea, he was rejected by the people, who cried out that they -would have “No court pimp to be their burgess.”[274] It would not be -fair, however, to throw all the obloquy upon these understrappers, for -we have already seen that the bearers of historical names could lend -themselves to perform the same duties. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[244] Peter Cunningham has a note in his “Story of Nell Gwyn,” “on the -Chronology of the English portion of De Grammont’s Memoirs.” - -[245] “Diary,” Feb. 21, 1664–65. - -[246] “Diary,” April 22, 1667. - -[247] April 26, 1667. - -[248] Sept. 2, 1667. - -[249] “Diary,” Jan. 2, 1667–68. - -[250] Dec. 2, 1668. - -[251] “Diary,” May 11, 1663. - -[252] Smith, vol. ii. p. 264. - -[253] Lister’s “Life of Clarendon,” vol. iii. p. 197. - -[254] “Diary,” July 3, 1663. - -[255] “Diary,” Oct. 26. - -[256] Mentioned by Pepys, July 29, Aug. 8, 12, 1667. - -[257] “Burnet’s Own Time,” i. 353. The lady afterwards married a -gentleman of fortune named Fortrey, and died in 1713. - -[258] James’s letter is printed in “Smith’s Life, &c., of Pepys,” vol. -ii. p. 322. - -[259] _Quoted_, Lister’s “Life of Clarendon,” ii. 72 (note). - -[260] “The Story of Nell Gwyn,” p. 197 (note). - -[261] “Diary,” Jan. 27, 1667–68. - -[262] July 30, 1667. Mrs. Otter thus addresses her husband in Act iii. -Sc. 1: “Is this according to the instrument when I married you, that -I would be princess and reign in my own house, and you would be my -subject and obey me?” - -[263] “Diary,” July 23, 1661. - -[264] Aug. 23, 1662. - -[265] “Diary,” Feb. 8, 1662–63; May 18, 1663; April 15, 1666. - -[266] May 18, 1668. - -[267] Pope’s “Moral Essays,” Epistle iii. - -[268] Lord Orrery to the Duke of Ormond, Jan. 25, 1666–67. (Orrery, -“State Papers,” fol. 1742, p. 219.) - -[269] “Diary,” Feb. 21, 1664–65. - -[270] “Diary,” Nov. 11, 1667. - -[271] Dec. 26, 1667. - -[272] “Diary,” May 31, 1668. - -[273] “Royal and Noble Authors.” - -[274] “Diary,” Oct. 21, 1666. - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -PUBLIC CHARACTERS. - - “So violent did I find parties in London, that I was assured by - several that the Duke of Marlborough was a coward, and Mr. Pope a - fool.”--VOLTAIRE. - - -In dealing with the public characters at the time of the Restoration, -the two men who were mainly instrumental in bringing that event -about--Monk and Montagu--must needs be given a prominent place. - -George Monk, Duke of Albemarle, was a singularly unheroic character. -He was slow and heavy, but had a sufficient supply of good sense, and, -in spite of many faults, he had the rare good fortune to be generally -loved.[275] He was so popular that ballads were continually being made -in his praise. Pepys said there were so many of them that in after -times his fame would sound like that of Guy of Warwick.[276] - -Aubrey tells us that Monk learned his trade of soldiering in the -Low Countries, whence he fled after having slain a man. Although he -frequently went to sea in command of the fleet, he always remained a -soldier, and the seamen laughed behind his back when instead of crying -“Tack about,” he would say “Wheel to the right or left.” Pepys tells -a story of him to the same effect: “It was pretty to hear the Duke of -Albemarle himself to wish that they would come on our ground, meaning -the French, for that he would pay them, so as to make them glad to -go back to France again; _which was like a general, but not like an -admiral_.”[277] - -Monk was fond of low company; both he and his vulgar wife were quite -unfit for high--I cannot say refined--society, for there was but -little refinement at court. Ann Clarges had been kind to Monk when -he was a prisoner in the Tower, and he married her out of gratitude. -She had been previously married to Thomas Ratford, of whose death no -notice was given at the time of the marriage, so that the legitimacy -of Christopher, afterwards second Duke of Albemarle, was seriously -questioned. Aubrey relates a story which cannot well be true, but which -proves the general feeling of doubt respecting the point. He says that -Thomas Clarges came on shipboard to tell Monk that his sister had had -a child. Monk cried out, “What is it?” and on hearing the answer, “A -boy,” he said, “Why, then, she is my wife.” Pepys was told a tale by -Mr. Cooling which corroborates the opinion expressed on the company -kept by the Duke. “Once the Duke of Albemarle, in his drink, taking -notice as of a wonder that Nan Hide should ever come to be Duchess of -York. ‘Nay,’ says Troutbeck, ‘ne’er wonder at that; for if you will -give me another bottle of wine, I will tell you as great, if not a -greater miracle.’ And what was that, but that our dirty Bess (meaning -his Duchess) should come to be Duchess of Albemarle?”[278] - -Sir Edward Montagu, Earl of Sandwich, was in every respect the opposite -of Monk. He was a courtier and a gentleman, but he did not manage to -gain the popularity of his great contemporary, nor to retain such as -he did at one time possess. As Pepys’s great patron his name naturally -occupies a very prominent position in the “Diary,” and as such he has -already been frequently alluded to in these pages. He appears to have -been a very agreeable man, but so easy and careless in business matters -that he was continually in want of money. In 1662 Pepys found that he -was above _£_7,000 in debt, and his enemies soon after gave out that -his debts amounted to _£_100,000. At any rate, his finances were so -often in an unsatisfactory state that Pepys had a special dislike to -lending his money in that quarter. Three years afterwards he had grown -very unpopular, and “it was purposed by some hot-heads in the House -of Commons, at the same time when they voted a present to the Duke of -York, to have voted _£_10,000 to the Prince, and _half-a-crown_ to my -Lord of Sandwich; but nothing came of it.”[279] It was, therefore, -well for him when he obtained an honourable exile by being appointed -ambassador to the court of Spain, as there he was held in high esteem. -His enemies, however, were not satisfied, and they continued to attack -him during his absence. Whatever his faults, and they were probably -many, Lord Sandwich was by far the most able naval commander of his -time, so that the nation had a heavy loss when he was killed in the -naval action against the Dutch at Solebay, in May, 1672. - -Prince Rupert, as the cousin of the King, naturally held a prominent -position in the State, but he did not gain much credit from the -undertakings he was thrust into. His fame as a brilliant, though rash, -soldier, was gained during the troubles of his uncle’s reign, and not -from anything he did after the Restoration. He was out of place on -board ship, although he is said to have displayed immense bravery and -much skill in the sea-fight against the Dutch, from August 11th to -13th, 1673. His interest in science and mechanical art appears to have -been real, and to him we owe the invention or introduction into England -of mezzotinto engraving, and the introduction of - - ... “that glassy bubble - That finds philosophers such trouble, - Whose least part cracked, the whole does fly, - And wits are cracked to find out why.” - -The Prince’s courage was so patent to all that his friends were rather -surprised to find that when he was very ill and like to die, “he had -no more mind to it than another man;” so they came to the rather lame -conclusion that “courage is not what men take it to be--a contempt of -death.”[280] - -[Illustration: EDWARD HYDE, EARL OF CLARENDON.] - -The next great public character was Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, who -for the few years before his fall was the greatest man in the kingdom. -Public opinion has been much divided as to his merits. In spite of -many very evident faults, he certainly exhibited on several occasions -a high-minded spirit. He would not consent to do any business with -the King’s mistresses, and Burnet says that he “kept a register of -all the King’s promises, and of his own, and did all that lay in his -power afterwards to get them performed.” His disposition was rather -ungracious, and he made many enemies, who attacked him with success -when the King was tired of him. Clarendon was very dictatorial with -Charles, and sent him such missives as this, “I pray be at Worcester -House on Sunday as soon as may be.” On one occasion he fixed eight -o’clock in the morning, for Lord Broghill to have an audience with -the King, who did not think the arrangement quite fair, and wrote, -“You give appointments in a morning to others sooner than you take -them yourself, but if my Lord Broghill will come at nine, he shall be -welcome.” - -On the institution of the Royal Society, Lord Clarendon was appointed -visitor for life, but after his death the position was to be held -by several high officers, by reason of their offices. Sprat, in his -“History of the Royal Society,” specially thanks the Lord Chancellor, -Attorney-General, and Solicitor-General, for their assistance in the -preparation of the charter; a proof, says Sprat, of the falsehood of -the reproach that law is an enemy to learning and civil arts. - -One day in July, 1664, Lord Sandwich told Pepys that Lord Clarendon -was very displeased with him for being forward in the cutting down of -trees in Clarendon Park; so the Diarist sought an interview with the -Lord Chancellor in order that he might soothe the great man, and he was -successful in his endeavour.[281] - -Clarendon Park, near Salisbury, was crown-land mortgaged by Charles -I. for _£_20,000, and granted by Charles II. to the Duke of Albemarle -subject to this mortgage, and with the right to the timber reserved -to the Crown. Lord Clarendon bought the place of Albemarle, and his -complaint against the Commissioners of the Navy was, that while they -had all the royal forests at command, they chose to spoil the beauty -of his property. He further affirmed that he had no intention to -contest the King’s right, nor to defraud the Crown of timber; but -complained that at the very time the Commissioners sent down a person -to mark standing timber for felling, there was a large quantity of wood -belonging to the Crown lying on the estate unappropriated, which had -been “felled divers years” before.[282] - -Two of Pepys’s patrons--Sir George Downing and Sir William -Coventry--are frequently mentioned in the “Diary;” the first almost -always with some expression of dislike, and the other invariably in -terms of respect. He sometimes describes his whilom master as “a -stingy fellow,”[283] and laughs at his ridiculous pieces of thrift, -“and niggardly manner of entertaining his poor neighbours.”[284] -At another time he calls him “a perfidious rogue” for betraying -former friends;[285] still, he could appreciate Downing’s business -capabilities, and when setting down the fact that the Commissioners of -the Treasury had chosen Sir G. Downing for their secretary, he added, -“I think, in my conscience, they have done a great thing in it, for -he is active and a man of business, and values himself upon having of -things do well under his hand; so that I am mightily pleased in their -choice.”[286] At this time Pepys had forgotten the constant causes -of annoyance which Downing had given him, and he could afford to be -magnanimous in acknowledging his enemy’s good qualities. I have already -remarked that Sir William Coventry stands out prominently as the only -person who is noticed in the “Diary” in terms of unqualified praise. -Other men of the time did not equally admire him, so that it is not -easy to come to a just estimation of his character. - -Poor Pepys was placed in an awkward predicament on one occasion when he -was on a visit to Hampton Court, owing to the enmity between Coventry -and Lord Sandwich. He was pleased when the latter asked him to come -privately to his lodgings, but adds, “Lord! to see in what difficulty -I stand, that I dare not walk with Sir W. Coventry for fear my Lord or -Sir G. Carteret should see me; nor with either of them, for fear Sir W. -Coventry should.”[287] - -When Clarendon fell, in 1667, it was thought likely that Coventry would -succeed him as virtual prime minister. His quarrel, however, with the -Duke of Buckingham put him out of favour with the King and out of -office; so that, although he survived until 1686, he never again took a -prominent part in political affairs. - -Arthur Annesley, afterwards Earl of Anglesey, is called by Pepys “a -grave, serious man,”[288] and “a very notable man,”[289] but he does -not appear to have been a very friendly one. Although he was under -obligations to Sir Edward Montagu’s family, he took the opportunity, -when the thanks of Parliament were voted to Montagu, to quash the -motion which was made to give him a reward.[290] He was made Treasurer -of the Navy in 1667, in succession to Sir George Carteret, and in the -following year when he answered the Duke of York’s letter, he bid the -Duke call for Pepys’s books,[291] in hopes that the Clerk of the Acts -might get a reprimand. A peace seems afterwards to have subsisted -between the two, for in 1672 Lord Anglesey signed himself in a letter -to Pepys, “Your affectionate friend and servant.” - -Sir Thomas Osborne, subsequently Viscount Dunblane, Earl of Danby, -Marquis of Carmarthen, and Duke of Leeds, was appointed joint Treasurer -of the Navy, with Sir Thomas Littleton, to succeed Lord Anglesey. This -appointment was greatly disliked by the Duke of York and the officers -of the navy, who looked upon the two men as spies set to watch them. -Pepys calls Osborne a creature of the Duke of Buckingham’s,[292] and -at another time says he is a beggar “having _£_11 or,_£_12,00 a year, -but owes about _£_10,000.”[293] It is clear that the Diarist did not -foresee the great figure Osborne was about to make in the world; a rise -somewhat due to his own parts, and much to the favour of the King. When -Charles made him Lord High Treasurer, he told him that he ought to take -care of himself, for he had but two friends in England. This startled -Osborne, until his majesty explained himself by saying that he (the -King) was one, and the other was the Treasurer’s merits.[294] - -Joseph Williamson, who rose from a college tutorship to the office -of Secretary of State, has a few words of praise given to him in the -“Diary.” He was the son of a clergyman, and in early life is said to -have acted as secretary to a member of parliament. He graduated at -Oxford as a member of Queen’s College, and in December, 1661, was -appointed Keeper of the State Paper Office. About the same time he -was Latin Secretary to the King, an office the reversion of which -had been promised to John Evelyn. In 1666 Williamson undertook the -superintendence of the “London Gazette,” and in 1672 obtained the -post of Clerk to the Privy Council, on the resignation of Sir Richard -Browne, when he was knighted. The King had many years before promised -to give the place to Evelyn, but in consideration of the renewal of the -lease of Sayes Court, the latter parted with it to Williamson. Honours -now came thick upon the new-made knight. He was Plenipotentiary at the -Congress of Cologne in 1673 and 1674, and on his return to England -was made Principal Secretary of State, a position which he held for -four years. He was President of the Royal Society in 1678, and married -Catherine Stuart, daughter of George, Lord Aubigny, and widow of Henry -O’Brien, Lord Ibracken, eldest son of the Earl of Thomond, in 1682. He -died in 1701, and was buried in the Duke of Richmond and Lennox’s vault -in Henry VII.’s Chapel, by right of his wife’s connection with the Duke -of Lennox. - -The widow’s eldest son by her first husband, Donald O’Brien, was lost -in the wreck of the “Gloucester” in 1682, and he is mentioned in a -letter of Pepys to Hewer, written from Edinburgh on May 8th of that -year. The will of the father contains the following very remarkable -paragraph:--“I conjure my son Donatus O’Brien, to honour and obey his -King in whatever he commands that is not contradictory to the Holy -Scripture and Protestant religion, in which I conjure him (upon pain of -my curse) not only to continue himself, but to advise his brothers and -sisters to do the same; and that he never marry a Papist; and that he -take great care if ever God bless him with children (which I trust he -will many) to breed them strictly in the Protestant religion. I advise -him to cherish the English on his estate, and drive out the Irish, and -especially those of them who go under the name of gentlemen.”[295] - -Before passing on to make a final note on some of the celebrated -sailors alluded to in the “Diary,” a place must be found for one -of the most eccentric women that ever lived--Margaret, Duchess of -Newcastle. Pepys writes, “the whole story of this lady is romance, and -all she does is romantic.”[296] Every one who came in contact with her -fooled her to the top of her bent. Evelyn likened her to Zenobia, the -mother of the Gracchi, Vittoria Colonna, besides a long line of other -celebrities, and when she “took the dust” in the park she was followed -and crowded upon by coaches all the way she went, so that nobody could -come near her.[297] - -Her husband’s play, “The Humourous Lovers,” was, Pepys says, “the most -silly thing that ever came upon a stage,”[298] and also “the most -ridiculous thing that ever was wrote,”[299] yet she and the Duke were -“mightily pleased with it, and she at the end made her respects to the -players from her box, and did give them thanks.” - -On the 30th of May, 1667, the Duchess made a visit to one of the -meetings of the Royal Society, when various fine experiments were shown -for her entertainment. She was loud in her expressions of admiration -as she was led out of the room by several noblemen who were among the -company present. There had been great debate among the philosophers as -to the advisability of inviting the lady, for many believed that the -town would be full of ballads on the event. Her footmen were habited -in velvet coats, and she herself appeared in antique dress, so that -there is no cause for wonder that people came to see her as if she -were the Queen of Sheba. Mrs. Evelyn drew a very lively picture of the -Duchess in a letter to Dr. Bohun: “I acknowledge, though I remember -her some years since, and have not been a stranger to her fame, I was -surprised to find so much extravagancy and vanity in any person not -confined within four walls.... Her mien surpasses the imagination of -poets or the descriptions of romance heroine’s greatness; her gracious -bows, seasonable nods, courteous stretching out of her hands, twinkling -of her eyes, and various gestures of approbation, show what may be -expected from her discourse, which is airy, empty, whimsical, and -rambling as her books, aiming at science difficulties, high notions, -terminating commonly in nonsense, oaths, and obscenity.” Pepys’s -summing up of the Duchess’s character is shorter, but accords well with -Mrs. Evelyn’s opinion--he says she was “a mad, conceited, ridiculous -woman.”[300] - -In a book written by a man so intimately connected with the navy as -Pepys was, it is not surprising that mention should occur pretty -frequently of sailors and soldiers who commanded at sea. - -In the great victory over the Dutch in 1665, the Earl of Falmouth, Lord -Muskerry, and Richard Boyle, second son of the Earl of Burlington, -were all killed by one shot, as they were standing on board the “Royal -Charles,” close by the Duke of York, into whose face their blood -spurted. The Earl appears very frequently in the “Diary” as Sir Charles -Berkeley, Lord Berkeley, Lord Fitzharding, and Earl of Falmouth, and -he was to have been created a Marquis had he lived. Charles II. shed a -flood of tears when he heard of his friend’s death, but Pepys tells us -that none but the King wished him alive again.[301] - -Lord Clarendon put in a few bitter words the most thorough condemnation -of the man. He said, “few had observed in him any virtue or quality -which they did not wish their best friends without.” The various -allusions to Lord Falmouth in the “Diary” quite bear out this -character, and yet because he was Sir William Coventry’s friend we are -told of “his generosity, good nature, desire of public good, and low -thoughts of his own wisdom; his employing his interest in the king to -do good offices to all people, without any other fault than the freedom -he do learn in France of thinking himself obliged to serve his king in -his pleasures.”[302] - -A much greater national loss which took place in this engagement was -the death of the famous admiral Sir John Lawson. This chief among the -“tarpaulins” was well known to Pepys, as he was the vice-admiral under -Sir Edward Montagu at the time when Charles II. was brought over by -the fleet. He is described as the same plain man as ever after all his -successes,[303] yet an enemy called him a false man, and the greatest -hypocrite in the world.[304] When Lawson died, Pepys could not but -acknowledge that the nation had a loss, although he was not sorry, -because the late admiral had never been a friend to him.[305] In the -great engagement against the Dutch of the 3rd of June, 1665, Opdam’s -ship blew up, and a shot from it, or rather a piece of iron, wounded -Lawson on the knee, from which he never recovered. The national loss is -expressed in one of the “Poems on State Affairs.”[306] - - “Destiny allowed - Him his revenge, to make his death more proud. - A fatal bullet from his side did range, - And battered Lawson; oh, too dear exchange! - He led our fleet that day too short a space, - But lost his knee: since died, in glorious race: - Lawson, whose valour beyond Fate did go, - And still fights Opdam in the lake below.” - -In October, 1666, there was a rumour that Sir Jeremy Smith had killed -Sir Robert Holmes in a duel, and Pepys was not sorry to hear it, -although he soon found that report did not tell true.[307] Holmes was -very unpopular, and Andrew Marvell called him the “cursed beginner of -the two Dutch wars;” describing him as “first an Irish livery boy, then -a highwayman, now Bashaw of the Isle of Wight,” who had “got in bonds -and by rapine _£_100,000.”[308] - -Sir Jeremy Smith was befriended by the Duke of Albemarle, when Holmes -delivered articles of accusation against him to the King and Cabinet, -and he suffered no ill from the vengeance of his enemy, for in 1669 he -was appointed a Commissioner of the Navy in place of Sir William Penn. -Pepys was able to find an epithet for him, and although he liked him -fairly well, he called him “an impertinent fellow.”[309] - -This slight notice of some of the sailors of the Restoration period -may well be closed by a relation of the remarkable action of certain -seamen at the funeral of Sir Christopher Mings. Mings, like Lawson, -was of poor extraction, and, like him, grew up a worthy captain. He -was wounded in the face and leg in an engagement with the Dutch, and -shortly afterwards died of his wounds. Pepys and Sir William Coventry -attended the funeral, and on their going away, “about a dozen able, -lusty, proper men came to the coach side with tears in their eyes, and -one of them that spoke for the rest begun and said to Sir W. Coventry, -‘We are here a dozen of us that have long known and loved and served -our dead commander, Sir Christopher Mings, and have now done the last -office of laying him in the ground. We would be glad we had any other -to offer after him, and revenge of him. All we have is our lives; if -you will please to get His Royal Highness to give us a fireship among -us all, here is a dozen of us, out of all which choose you one to be -commander, and the rest of us, whoever he is, will serve him; and if -possible do that that shall show our memory of our dead commander and -our revenge.’” When this speech was finished Coventry was much moved, -and Pepys could scarcely refrain from tears.[310] What became of these -worthy men we are not told. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[275] “The blockhead Albemarle hath strange luck to be loved, though -he be, and every man must know it, the heaviest man in the world, but -stout and honest to his country.”--“Diary,” Oct. 23, 1667. - -[276] “Diary,” March 6, 1667. - -[277] April 4, 1667. - -[278] “Diary,” Nov. 4, 1666. - -[279] “Diary,” Nov. 6, 1665. - -[280] “Diary,” Jan. 15, 1664–65. - -[281] “Diary,” July 14, 1664. - -[282] Lister’s “Life of Clarendon,” vol. iii. p. 340. - -[283] “Diary,” June 28, 1660. - -[284] Feb. 27, 1666–67. - -[285] March 12, 1661–62. - -[286] May 27, 1667. - -[287] “Diary,” Jan. 28, 1665–66. - -[288] Dec. 3, 1664. - -[289] July 9, 1667. - -[290] June 19, 1660. - -[291] Sept. 16, 1668. - -[292] “Diary,” Oct. 29, 1668. - -[293] Feb. 14, 1668–69. - -[294] Sir John Williamson’s “Letters” (Camden Society), vol. i. p. 64. - -[295] See that monument of learning and research, Chester’s -“Westminster Abbey Registers,” 1875, p. 194 (note). - -[296] “Diary,” April 11, 1667. - -[297] May 1, 1667. - -[298] March 30. - -[299] April 11, 1667. - -[300] “Diary,” March 18, 1668. - -[301] “Diary,” June 9, 1665. - -[302] August 30, 1668. - -[303] “Diary,” Jan. 12, 1662–63. - -[304] Nov. 9, 1663. - -[305] June 25, 1665. - -[306] Vol. i. p. 24. - -[307] “Diary,” Oct. 31, 1666. - -[308] “Seasonable Argument,” 1677. - -[309] “Diary,” May 10, 1669. - -[310] “Diary,” June 13, 1666. - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -MANNERS. - - “The king’s most faithful subjects we, - In’s service are not dull, - We drink to show our loyalty, - And make his coffers full. - Would all his subjects drink like us, - We’d make him richer far, - More powerful and more prosperous - Than all the Eastern monarchs are.” - - SHADWELL’S _The Woman Captain_. - - -No passages in the “Diary” are more valuable than those from which -we can gather some idea of the manners of the time in which Pepys -lived. It is chiefly, in fact, on account of the pictures of the mode -of life among the men and women of the middle classes portrayed in -those passages that the book has attained its immense popularity. -History instructs, while gossip charms, so that for hundreds who desire -to learn the chronicle of events, thousands long to hear how their -ordinary fellow creatures lived, what they ate, what they wore, and -what they did. - -Pepys liked good living, and he was careful to set down what he ate, -so that we are able to judge of his taste. This is what he calls a -“pretty dinner”--“a brace of stewed carps, six roasted chickens and -a jowl of salmon hot, for the first course; a tanzy and two neats’ -tongues, and cheese the second.”[311] A good calf’s head boiled with -dumplings he thought an excellent dinner,[312] and he was very proud -of a dinner he gave to some friends, which consisted of “fricasee of -rabbits and chickens, a leg of mutton boiled, three carps in a dish, a -great dish of a side of a lamb, a dish of roasted pigeons, a dish of -four lobsters, three tarts, a lamprey pie (a most rare pie), a dish of -anchovies, good wine of several sorts and all things mighty noble and -to my great content.”[313] He was very indignant when Sir W. Hickes -gave him and his fellows “the meanest dinner (of beef, shoulder and -umbles of venison, which he takes away from the keeper of the forest, -and a few pigeons, and all in the meanest manner) that ever I did see, -to the basest degree.”[314] Pepys liked all kinds of pies, whether they -contained fish or swan, but there was one pie in particular that was -filled with such a pleasant variety of good things that he never tasted -the like in all his life.[315] On two several occasions he records his -appreciation of a joint which sounds strange to modern ears--viz., -boiled haunch of venison.[316] At special seasons he was in the habit -of partaking of the diet appropriate to the festival: thus on Shrove -Tuesday he ate fritters,[317] and at Christmas mince pies[318] or plum -porridge,[319] plum pudding not having been at that time invented. -The meat taken with these sweets was sometimes the orthodox beef, but -it was more often something else, as on Christmas day, 1660, when it -consisted of shoulder of mutton and chicken. - -Breakfast was not formerly made an ordinary meal, but radishes were -frequently taken with the morning draught. On May 2nd, 1660, Pepys -had his breakfast of radishes in the Purser’s cabin of the “Naseby,” -in accordance with the rule laid down by Muffet in his “Health’s -Improvement” (1655), that they “procure appetite and help digestion;” -which is still acted upon in Italy. - -Ale-houses, mum-houses, and wine-houses abounded in all parts of -London, and much money must have been spent in them. The charges seem -to have been high, for Pepys relates how on one occasion the officers -of the navy met the Commissioners of the Ordnance at the Dolphin -Tavern, when the cost of their dinner was 34_s._ a man.[320] We are not -told how much Sir W. Batten, Sir W. Penn, and Pepys had to pay when -they ordered their dinner at the Queen’s Head at Bow, and took their -own meat with them from London.[321] - -There is abundant evidence in the “Diary” of the prevalent habits of -deep drinking, and Pepys himself evidently often took more than was -good for him. Men were very generally unfit for much business after -their early dinners; thus Pepys tells of his great speech at the bar of -the House of Commons that it lasted so long that many of the members -went out to dinner, and when they came back they were half drunk.[322] -Sir William Penn told an excellent story which exhibits well the habits -of the time. Some gentlemen (?) drinking at a tavern blindfolded the -drawer, and told him that the one he caught would pay the reckoning. -All, however, managed to escape, and when the master of the house came -up to see what was the matter, his man caught hold of him, thinking -he was one of the gentlemen, and cried out that he must pay the -reckoning.[323] Various drinks are mentioned in the “Diary,” such as -mum (an ale brewed with wheat), buttered ale (a mixture of beer, sugar, -cinnamon, and butter), and lamb’s wool (a mixture of ale with sugar, -nutmeg, and the pulp of roasted apples), among other doctored liquors. -Such stuff as this does not indicate a refined taste, and the same may -be said when we find that wine was also made up for vitiated palates. -On June 10th, 1663, Pepys goes with three friends to the Half Moon -Tavern, and buys some sugar on the way to mix with the wine. We read of -Muscadel, and various kinds of sack, as Malago sack, raspberry sack, -and sack posset, of Florence wine, and of Navarre wine. Rhine wines -must have been popular at this time, if we may judge from the numerous -Rhenish wine-houses spread about the town. Amongst Pepys’s papers was -found a memorandum on the dangers England might experience in the event -of a war with France. Lord Dartmouth proposed that we might ruin the -French by forbidding their wines, “but that he considers, will never -be observed with all our heat against France. We see that, rather than -not drink their wine, we forget our interest against it, and play -all the villanies and perjuries in the world to bring it in, because -people will drink it, if it be to be had, at any rate.”[324] What Lord -Dartmouth thought to be impossible was practically effected by the -Methuen treaty in 1703, after the signing of which French wines were -driven out of the English market for many years by Spanish wines, and -it was long thought patriotic to drink port. - -Pepys liked to be in the fashion, and to wear a newly-introduced -costume, although he was displeased when Lady Wright talked about the -great happiness of “being in the fashion, and in variety of fashions -in scorn of others that are not so, as citizens’ wives and country -gentlewomen.”[325] The Diary is full of references to new clothes, and -Pepys never seems so happy as when priding himself upon his appearance -and describing the beauties of velvet cloaks, silk coats, and gold -buttons. In 1663, he found that his expenses had been somewhat too -large, and that the increase had chiefly arisen from expenditure -on clothes for himself and wife, although, as already remarked, it -appears that Mrs. Pepys’s share was only _£_12, against her husband’s -_£_55.[326] In fact, our Diarist was at one time rather mean in -regard to the money he allowed his wife, although afterwards he was -more generous, and even gave _£_80 for a necklace of pearls which he -presented to her. - -One of the strangest attempts to fix a fashion was made by Charles -the Second, who soon, however, tired of his own scheme. In 1661, John -Evelyn advocated a particular kind of costume in a little book entitled -“Tyrannus, or the Mode.” Whether the King took his idea from this book, -or whether it originated in his own mind we cannot tell, but at all -events, on the 17th of October, 1666, he declared to the Privy Council -his “resolution of setting a fashion for clothes which he will never -alter.” Pepys describes the costume in which Charles appeared on the -15th of October in the following words:--“A long cassock close to -the body, of black cloth and pinked with white silk under it, and a -coat over it, and the legs ruffled with black rib and like a pigeon’s -leg, ... a very fine and handsome garment.” Several of the courtiers -offered heavy bets that Charles would not persist in his resolution -of never altering this costume, and they were right, for very shortly -afterwards it was abandoned. The object aimed at was to abolish the -French fashion, which had caused great expense, but in order to -thwart his brother of England’s purpose, the King of France ordered -all his footmen to put on the English vests.[327] This impertinence -on the part of Louis XIV., which appears to have given Steele a hint -for his story of Brunetta and Phillis in the “Spectator,” caused the -discontinuance of the so-called Persian habit at the English Court. - -There are occasional allusions in the “Diary” to female dress. Thus, on -October 15th, 1666, Lady Carteret tells Pepys that the ladies are about -to adopt a new fashion, and “wear short coats above their ancles,” -in place of the long trains, which both the gossips thought “mighty -graceful.” At another time Pepys was pleased to see “the young, pretty -ladies dressed like men, in velvet coats, caps with ribands, and with -laced bands, just like men.”[328] Vizards or black masks appear to -have come into general use, or rather were revived by the ladies about -1663. By wearing them women were able to sit out the most licentious -play with unblushing face. We read that Pepys and his wife went to -the Theatre Royal on June 12th of that year:--“Here I saw my Lord -Falconbridge and his Lady, my Lady Mary Cromwell, who looks as well as -I have known her, and well clad; but when the House began to fill she -put on her vizard, and so kept it on all the play; which of late is -become a great fashion among the ladies, which hides their whole face.” -After the play Pepys and Mrs. Pepys went off to the Exchange to buy a -vizard, so that the latter might appear in the fashion. - -The custom of wearing the hat indoors is more than once alluded to in -the “Diary,”[329] and on one occasion Pepys was evidently much elated -by the circumstance that he was in a position to wear his hat--“Here -it was mighty strange to find myself sit here in Committee with my hat -on, while Mr. Sherwin stood bare as a clerk, with his hat off to his -Lord Ashly and the rest, but I thank God I think myself never a whit -the better man for all that.”[330] This practice, which still exists -in the House of Commons, was once universal, and in the statutes of -the Royal Society the right of addressing the meeting with his hat -on was reserved to the president, the other members being expected -to uncover on rising to speak. A few years after the above committee -meeting, it became the fashion of the young “blades” to wear their hats -cocked at the back of their heads.[331] This obtained the name of the -“Monmouth cock,” after the popular Duke of Monmouth, and according to -the “Spectator,” it still lingered in the west of England among the -country squires as late as 1711. “During our progress through the most -western parts of the kingdom, we fancied ourselves in King Charles the -Second’s reign, the people having made little variations in their dress -since that time. The smartest of the country squires appear still in -the Monmouth cock.”[332] - -Gloves were then, as now, looked upon as an appropriate present to a -lady, and Pepys often bought them for this purpose. On October 27th, -1666, he gave away several pairs of _jessimy_ or jessemin gloves, as -Autolycus says, “gloves as sweet as damask roses;” and on January 25th, -1668–69, he was vexed when his wife wanted him to buy two or three -dozen perfumed gloves for her. Those who did not wear these useful -coverings laid themselves open to remark, as we read of Wallington, a -little fellow who sang an excellent bass, that he was “a poor fellow, a -working goldsmith, that goes without gloves to his hands.”[333] The use -of muffs by men became common after the Restoration, and continued till -Horace Walpole’s day, and even later. November, 1662, was a very cold -month, and Pepys was glad to wear his wife’s last year’s muff, and to -buy her a new one. The long hair worn by the cavaliers was superseded -soon after the Restoration by the use of wigs. Pepys went on the 29th -of August, 1663, to his barber’s to be trimmed, when he returned a -periwig which had been sent for his approval, as he had not quite -made up his mind to wear one, and “put it off for a while.” Very soon -afterwards, however, he ordered one to be made for him;[334] and then -he had his hair cut off, which went against his inclination. The new -wig cost three pounds, and the old hair was used to make another.[335] -This last only cost twenty-one shillings and sixpence to make up, and -the peruque-maker promised that the two would last for two years.[336] -The Duke of York very soon followed the fashion set by his subordinate, -and put on a wig for the first time on February 15th, 1663–4. These -magnificent ornaments, which look so grand in the portraits, were very -apt to get out of order, and on one occasion Pepys had to send his -wig back to the barber’s to be cleansed of its nits. No wonder he was -vexed at having had it sent to him in such a state.[337] On May 30th, -1668, he came to an agreement with his barber to keep his wigs in good -order for twenty shillings a year. It is remarkable that people did -not return to the sensible fashion of wearing their own hair after the -plague, when there must have been great dread of infection from this -source. Pepys bought a wig at Westminster during the sickness, and -was long afraid to wear it. He adds, “it is a wonder what will be the -fashion after the plague is done, as to periwigs, for nobody will dare -to buy any hair, for fear of the infection, that it had been cut off -the heads of people dead of the plague.”[338] - -Before passing on to consider some other customs, a word should be -said on the practice of wearing mourning. When the Duke of Gloucester -died, it is related that the King wore purple, which was used as royal -mourning. At the same time Mrs. Pepys spent _£_15 on mourning clothes -for herself and husband.[339] We are told how the whole family went -into black on the death of the elder Mrs. Pepys,[340] and we have very -full and curious particulars of the funeral of Thomas Pepys. For this -occasion Samuel had the soles of his shoes blacked, which seems a -rather odd kind of mourning![341] - -The engagement between Philip Carteret and Lady Jemimah Montagu gave -the Diarist considerable employment, and from the long account he has -written on it we gather that he was very proud of such assistance as -he was able to give. Carteret was a shy young man, and needed much -instruction, as to how he should take the lady’s hand, and what he -should do. The whole description is very droll, but too long to quote -here. Pepys made the best of the affair, but he evidently thought his -_protégé_ a very insipid lover. The wedding took place on July 31st, -1665, the bride and bridegroom being in their old clothes, but Pepys -was resplendent in a “new coloured suit and coat trimmed with gold -buttons, and gold broad lace round his hands, very rich and fine.” This -is the account of what occurred after supper:--“All of us to prayers -as usual, and the young bride and bridegroom too; and so after prayers -soberly to bed; only I got into the bridegroom’s chamber while he -undressed himself, and there was very merry till he was called to the -bride’s chamber, and into bed they went. I kissed the bride in bed, and -so the curtains drawn with the greatest gravity that could be, and so -good night. But the modesty and gravity of this business was so decent -that it was to me, indeed, ten times more delightful than if it had -been twenty times more merry and jovial.” - -There are several allusions in the “Diary” to the custom of scrambling -for ribbons and garters at weddings, and Pepys expresses himself as not -pleased when favours were sent to others after Lord Hinchingbroke’s -wedding, and he was overlooked.[342] At this time wedding rings were -not the plain and inelegant things they are now, but were frequently -ornamented with precious stones, and almost invariably had a motto -engraved upon them. Pepys’s aunt Wight was “mighty proud” of her -wedding ring, which cost her twelve pounds, and had been lately set -with diamonds.[343] - -It is not necessary to remark that there was a considerable laxity -of manners during the period with which we are now dealing, as this -is pretty well known, but one or two passages in the “Diary” may, -perhaps, be alluded to here. On one occasion Mrs. Turner, the wife of a -serjeant-at-law, while dressing herself in her room by the fire, took -occasion to show Pepys her leg, which she was very proud of, and which -he affirms was the finest he had ever seen.[344] At another time, Pepys -went to Lady Batten’s, when he found her and several friends very merry -in her chamber; Lady Penn flung him down upon the bed, and then herself -and the others came down one after another upon him. He might well add, -“and very merry we were.”[345] - -This laxity of manners is invariably laid to the demoralizing effect of -the Restoration, but it is evident from this portion of the “Diary,” -which was written before that event, that it was as usual for men to -visit ladies in their bedrooms before Charles II. “returned to take -possession of his birthright,” as it was afterwards. Thus we read that -on February 24th, 1659–60, Pepys took horse at Scotland Yard, and rode -to Mr. Pierce, “who rose, and in a quarter of an hour, leaving his wife -in bed (with whom Mr. Lucy, methought, was very free as she lay in -bed); we both mounted and so set forth about seven of the clock.” This -remark probably offended Lord Braybrooke’s modesty, for it appears for -the first time in Mr. Mynors Bright’s edition. - -There are several passages in the “Diary” which are of interest, as -showing how our ancestors travelled. Although travelling by coach was a -very slow operation, much ground could be got over in a short space of -time on horseback. On the 6th of July, 1661, Pepys set out for Brampton -about noon, and arrived there at nine o’clock at night; having ridden -at the rate of about nine miles an hour, with allowance for stoppages -for refreshment. - -The first great improvement in coach-building was made soon after the -Restoration, when glass-coaches were introduced. The Comte de Grammont -did not approve of the coach made for the King, and therefore ordered -from Paris an elegant and magnificent calash, which was greatly -admired, and cost him two thousand louis. - -There were some who did not appreciate the improved carriages, and -were alive to the evils that were caused by the change. “Another -pretty thing was my Lady Ashly’s speaking of the bad qualities of -glass-coaches, among others the flying open of the doors upon any -great shake; but another was that my Lady Peterborough being in her -glass-coach with the glass up, and seeing a lady pass by in a coach -whom she would salute, the glass was so clear that she thought it had -been open, and so ran her head through the glass!”[346] - -It is a curious instance of the survival of terms in popular language -that certain carriages were styled glass-coaches even within living -memory. - -Although the hours kept by “society” in Charles II.’s reign were -considerably earlier than those now adopted, and Pepys often went to -bed by daylight,[347] yet people did sit up very late sometimes. On -the 9th of May, 1668, the House of Commons sat till five o’clock in -the morning to discuss a difference that had arisen between them and -the House of Lords. One night Pepys stayed at the office so late that -it was nearly two o’clock before he got to bed,[348] and at another -time the servant got up at the same hour to do the week’s washing.[349] -The watchman perambulated the streets with his bell and called out the -hours, so that when Pepys was sitting up to fill up the entries in the -“Diary,” he often heard the cry “Past one of the clock, and a cold, -frosty, windy morning,”[350] or some similar information. - -It is not easy to settle with any great accuracy the respective values -of money at that time and at present, as many things were considerably -cheaper, but others were dearer. Bab May said that _£_300 per annum was -an ample income for a country gentlemen; a remark that was repeated -by Marvell, and increased by him to _£_500. The gentry did not like -this criticism, but it shows at least that money had a much greater -purchasing power then than now. In the winter of 1666–67 the farmers -were very unfortunate, and many were forced to become bankrupts, so -that property previously bringing in _£_1,000[351] suddenly became -worth only _£_500. The wages of a cookmaid were _£_4 a year, which -Pepys thought high,[352] and a coach cost _£_53,[353] but a beaver hat -was charged as high as _£_4 5_s._[354] Twenty-five pounds was paid for -a painted portrait, and _£_30 for a miniature, and _£_80 for a necklace -of pearls. Cherries were sold at two shillings a pound,[355] oranges -at six shillings a dozen, and dinners at an ordinary varied from seven -shillings to a guinea. - -There are so many little items in the “Diary” which are of interest as -illustrating old customs, some of which still exist, and others which -have died out, that it would be quite impossible to allude here even -to a fraction of them. One or two instances, therefore, gathered at -random, must be sufficient. Pepys on several occasions mentions the -custom of “beating the bounds” in the various parishes on Ascension -Day or Holy Thursday, when a boy was in some cases beaten, or, as in -Dorsetshire, tossed into a stream, in order to impress very forcibly -upon his memory the locality of the parish boundaries. At one time -he writes, “This day was kept a holy-day through the town; and it -pleased me to see the little boys walk up and down in procession with -their broomstaffs in their hands, as I had myself long ago gone,”[356] -and at another, “They talked with Mr. Mills about the meaning of -this day, and the good uses of it; and how heretofore, and yet in -several places, they do whip a boy at each place they stop at in their -procession.”[357] Allusion has already been made to the mixed motives -that drew Pepys to church, and how he often attended more to the pretty -faces in the congregation than to the words of the preacher. He had -high authority for his conduct in the demeanour of the court, and he -himself tells us how, while Bishop Morley (of Winchester) was preaching -on the song of the angels, and reprehending the mistaken jollity of -the court, the courtiers “all laugh in the chapel when he reflected on -their ill actions and courses.”[358] - -There is comparatively little in the “Diary” about the Nonconformists, -although in the early part of his career Pepys was more favourable -to their claims than to those of the conforming clergy. He was once -induced to give five shillings to a parson among the fanatics, who said -a long grace like a prayer, and was in great want, although he would -willingly have done otherwise. His aunt James, “a poor, religious, -well-meaning, good soul,” told him that the minister’s prayers had -helped to cure him when he was cut for the stone.[359] - -We have a curious peep into a rustic church which Pepys and his cousin -Roger attended on the 4th of August, 1662: “At our coming in, the -country people all rose with so much reverence; and when the parson -begins, he begins ‘Right worshipful and dearly beloved,’ to us.” - -There are several allusions in the “Diary” to various punishments in -vogue at the time. In 1663, the parish of St. Olave’s was supplied -with a new pair of stocks “very handsome,” and one Sunday, a poor boy -who had been found in a drunken state by the constable, was led off -“to handsel them.”[360] It was formerly the custom to punish offenders -on the spot where their crimes had been committed; thus, on February -18th, 1659–60, two soldiers were hanged in the Strand for their mutiny -at Somerset House. The bodies of the criminals were frequently allowed -to hang in some conspicuous spot until they rotted away; and on April -11th, 1661, Pepys and “Mrs. Anne” “rode under the man that hangs upon -Shooter’s Hill, and a filthy sight it is to see how his flesh is shrunk -to his bones.” London must have exhibited a ghastly appearance when -the heads of traitors were stuck up on the city gates, on Temple Bar, -Westminster Hall, and other public places. The heads and the limbs were -covered with pitch, and remained in their elevated position for years, -until in many cases they were blown down by the wind. Pepys once found -the head of a traitor at the top of one of the turrets of Westminster -Abbey.[361] Some of Charles I.’s judges received an easier punishment. -William Monson, the “degraded” Earl of Castlemaine, Sir Henry Mildmay, -and Robert Wallop were sentenced to imprisonment for life, and to be -drawn on sledges with ropes round their necks from the Tower to Tyburn -and back, on the anniversary of the late King’s execution. Pepys met -the three sledges on Tower Hill on the 27th of January, 1661–62. - -If called upon in the character of a judge to sum up the case -against the people of England in respect to their manners after the -Restoration, I think it would be but fair to say that these were better -than those of their rulers. It was not until after the Revolution, when -the vices of Charles’s court had had time to pollute the children of -the men who brought him back, that the lowest depths of immorality were -reached. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[311] “Diary,” March 26, 1662. - -[312] Nov. 1, 1663. - -[313] April 4, 1665. - -[314] Sept. 13, 1665. - -[315] Nov. 14, 1661. - -[316] Sept. 9, 1662; Dec. 28, 1667. - -[317] “Diary,” Feb. 26, 1660–61. - -[318] Dec. 25, 1666. - -[319] Dec. 25, 1662. - -[320] June 20, 1665. - -[321] March 14, 1667. - -[322] “Diary,” March 5, 1667–68. - -[323] Oct. 9, 1660. This is one of the additions in Mr. Mynors Bright’s -edition. - -[324] Smith’s “Life, Journals, &c., of Pepys,” vol. ii. p. 202. - -[325] “Diary,” Dec. 3, 1661. - -[326] “Diary,” Oct 31, 1663. - -[327] “Diary,” Nov. 22, 1666. - -[328] July 27, 1665. - -[329] Jan. 21, 1660–61. - -[330] “Diary,” Jan. 17, 1664–65. - -[331] June 3, 1667. - -[332] “Spectator,” No. 129. - -[333] “Diary,” Sept. 15, 1667. - -[334] Oct. 30, 1663. - -[335] Nov. 3, 1663. - -[336] Nov. 13, 1663. - -[337] “Diary,” July 18, 1664. - -[338] Sept. 3, 1665. - -[339] Sept. 17, 1660. - -[340] March 27, 1667. - -[341] March 18, 1663–64. - -[342] “Diary,” Jan. 17, 1667–68. - -[343] Dec. 4, 1668. - -[344] Jan. 3, 1664–65. - -[345] April 12, 1665. - -[346] “Diary,” Sept. 23, 1667. - -[347] June 12, 1662; July 1, 1662. - -[348] Jan. 30, 1664–65. - -[349] March 12, 1659–60. - -[350] Jan. 16, 1659–60. - -[351] “Diary,” Feb. 27, 1666–67. - -[352] March 26, 1663. - -[353] Oct. 24, 1668. - -[354] June 27, 1661. - -[355] “When cherries were first introduced into England they cost as -much as 20_s._ a pound.”--Buckle’s “Common-place Book,” vol. ii. p. 395. - -[356] “Diary,” May 23, 1661. - -[357] April 30, 1668. - -[358] Dec. 25, 1662. - -[359] May 30, 1663. - -[360] “Diary,” April 12, 1663. - -[361] Oct. 21, 1660. - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -AMUSEMENTS. - - “The shows of things are better than themselves, - How doth it stir this airy part of us - To hear our poets tell imagin’d fights, - And the strange blows that feigned courage gives.” - - _The Tragedy of Nero._ - - -In dealing with the amusements of Pepys’s day, we find how pre-eminent -a position the theatre held in popular esteem. The presentation of a -new play was looked upon as an event of the greatest moment, and the -various appearances of favourite actors were chronicled in the “Diary” -with considerable regularity. - -Immediately after the Restoration, two companies of actors were -organized, who acted at two different houses: one theatre was known -as the King’s house, and the other as the Duke’s house. Sir William -Davenant obtained a patent for his company under the name of “The -Duke’s servants,” and as he had succeeded during the Commonwealth -in performing certain dramatic pieces under cover of a musical -accompaniment, his theatre was sometimes known as “The Opera.” A patent -for “The King’s servants” was granted to Tom Killigrew, whose house -was for distinction’s sake called “The Theatre.” Pepys has registered -as many as 145 plays which he saw acted, some of them several times -over, and there is every reason to believe that he saw many more -during the period over which the “Diary” extends, that he has omitted -to mention.[362] When the theatres were first opened, the old plays -were revived until the living dramatists had time to produce new ones, -but several of the old masterpieces held their ground for many years. -Among the revived dramatists were Marlowe, Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, -Beaumont and Fletcher, Ford, Massinger, and Shirley. In the whole of -Evelyn’s “Diary,” Hamlet is the only play of Shakespeare which the -author mentions as having seen acted, and his observation upon this is -that “now the old plays begin to disgust this refined age, since his -Majesty’s been so long abroad.”[363] Yet, in the one month of December, -1660, Pepys had seen two distinct plays of Shakespeare, and after -the date of Evelyn’s entry, he saw Henry IV., Hamlet, Twelfth Night, -Merry Wives, Romeo and Juliet, Midsummer Night’s Dream, Henry VIII., -Macbeth, Othello, Taming of a Shrew, and Tempest, which proves that -Shakespeare was more generally appreciated than is usually supposed. -Here we have eleven plays, which is the largest number of plays by one -dramatist, with the exception of Fletcher, whose separate productions -and joint ones with Beaumont number as many as twenty-four. Shirley -comes next with nine, then Ben Jonson with five, Ford with two, and -Massinger with the same number. We have already seen how little Pepys -appreciated Shakespeare’s genius, but it seems as if he could not -enough express his delight in the plays of Ben Jonson. He describes the -“Alchymist” as “a most incomparable play,”[364] and the “Silent Woman” -as “the best comedy, I think, that ever was wrote;”[365] of “Every Man -in His Humour,” he writes, “wherein is the greatest propriety of speech -that ever I read in my life.” - -Although some of the actors had gained experience on the stage of -Charles I.’s reign, most of them were novices, and it is therefore -remarkable to find such an array of talent at both houses. - -Most of the old players were attached to the King’s company. Hart, -Mohun, and Burt were all fine actors, and they had acted female parts -before the suppression of the theatre, but Betterton, one of the -greatest actors that ever lived, was a host in himself and the mainstay -of the Duke’s house. Pepys was never tired of lauding his powers, and -delighted in seeing him act. His Hamlet was “beyond imagination,”[366] -and his Henry V. “incomparable.”[367] Mrs. Knipp was one of those -actresses of whom little or nothing is known outside the “Diary,” but -who makes a considerable figure there. Pepys was very partial to this -free-and-easy lady, and when we read of his behaviour to her we need -not be surprised to find Mr. Knipp alluded to as a “jealous-looking -fellow.”[368] This is the place to expose a cruel slander against a -worthy man, which Pepys has embalmed in his pages and which has not -been corrected by the editors. Pepys having occasion to mention Anne -and Beck Marshall, the well-known actresses, he sets down that Mrs. -Pierce told him how they were the daughters of Stephen Marshall, the -great Presbyterian, and then reports Nell Gwyn’s often-quoted speech -to Beck as to the difference in the education of the two; the latter -being “a Presbyter’s praying daughter.”[369] With such an authority it -is not surprising that Lord Braybrooke should reproduce the statement -in a note to another passage,[370] but on investigation the whole -bubble bursts. Stephen Marshall died on the 19th of November, 1655, -and was buried in Westminster Abbey. At the date of his will his wife -was dead, and five of his daughters were already married, three of -them at least to clergymen. The remaining daughter, Susan, who was -unmarried, must have been more than twenty-one years of age at the -time of her father’s death, as she proved his will. These important -facts were discovered by Colonel Chester, and set forth in his -remarkable volume, “Westminster Abbey Registers.” It did not concern -the Colonel to discover the parents of Anne and Rebecca, but he proved -very conclusively that they were not the children of the Rev. Stephen -Marshall. Another blunder is made in the “Memoirs of Count Grammont,” -where “Roxolana” in Davenant’s “Siege of Rhodes,” is confused with -“Roxana” in Lee’s “Rival Queens,” and in the notes it is inferred that -one of these Mrs. Marshalls was seduced by Aubrey de Vere, last Earl of -Oxford, of that name. The “Roxolana” who was deceived by Lord Oxford -with a false marriage, was Elizabeth (or Frances) Davenport, who is -frequently mentioned by Pepys. - -At the revival of the stage after the Restoration, a more lavish -expenditure on scenery and dresses became common. Pepys tells us that -when Ben Jonson’s “Catiline” was acted at the King’s House, Charles -II. gave the actors _£_500 for robes which were required.[371] We -also learn that “the gallants do begin to be tired with the vanity -and pride of the theatre actors, who are indeed grown very proud -and rich.”[372] But a few years afterwards, when Pepys stepped up -to Harris’s dressing-room after the play, he observed “much company -come to him and the wits, to talk and to assign meetings.”[373] When -Kynaston was beaten by Sir Charles Sedley for imitating him, the -manager of the King’s theatre was forced to read Kynaston’s part in -“The Heiress,” much to the disadvantage of the _vraisemblance_ of the -play. Pepys writes, “but it was pleasant to see Beeston come in with -others supposing it to be dark, and yet he is forced to read his part -by the light of candles, and this I observing to a gentleman that -sat by me, he was mightily pleased therewith, and spread it up and -down.”[374] Pepys had occasional talks with Tom Killigrew on the state -of the stage, and heard from him of the scheme for setting up a nursery -of young actors in Moorfields, where plays should be acted; “but four -operas it shall have in the year, to act six weeks at a time; where we -shall have the best scenes and machines, the best music and everything -as magnificent as in Christendom.” For this purpose Killigrew “sent for -voices and painters and other persons from Italy,”[375] but all this -fine project came to naught, and two years afterwards he explained to -Pepys all that he had done for the theatre and what he proposed still -to do. He said “that the stage is now by his pains a thousand times -better and more glorious than ever heretofore. Now wax-candles and -many of them; then not above 3 lbs. of tallow: now all things civil, -no rudeness anywhere; then, as in a bear-garden: then, two or three -fiddlers; now, nine or ten of the best: then, nothing but rushes upon -the ground, and everything else mean; now, all otherwise: then, the -Queen seldom, and the King never would come; now, not the King only for -state, but all civil people do think they may come as well as any.”[376] - -The theatres were open in the afternoon, three o’clock being the usual -hour for performance, and the plays were therefore acted by daylight -during the summer. The roof consisted of skylights made of thin glass, -which let the wet into the pit in times of heavy rain. Pepys felt the -inconvenience on one occasion, and he wrote: “Before the play was done -it fell such a storm of hail, that we in the middle of the pit were -fain to rise, and all the house in a disorder.”[377] A few years after -this the very same inconvenience was experienced. “A disorder in the -pit by its raining in from the cupola at top,” and this must often have -happened.[378] - -When plays were acted at court, the performances took place at night, -probably because the actors were then free after acting at the -theatres. Sometimes even the King had to wait, as we read, “after all -staying above an hour for the players, the King and all waiting, which -was absurd, saw ‘Henry V.’ well done by the Duke’s people, and in most -excellent habits, all new vests, being put on but this night.... The -play continued till twelve at night.”[379] - -It is here necessary to guard readers of the “Diary” against a mistake -very easily fallen into in respect to the various theatres, as the -editors have given no explanation to guide them. Davenant’s, or the -Duke’s, company occupied the old “Cockpit” in Drury Lane for a short -time after the Restoration, until they removed to Lincoln’s Inn Fields, -in the spring of 1662. Now Pepys frequently mentions the plays acted -at the Cockpit, but these were performed at night, and apparently the -Cockpit alluded to was the one at Whitehall, not that in Drury Lane. -This seems evident by an entry under date Nov. 20, 1660: “I found my -Lord in bed late, he having been with the King, Queen and Princess -at the Cockpit all night, where General Monk treated them; and after -supper a play;” because the Duke of Albemarle lived at the Cockpit -in St. James’s Park. Peter Cunningham mentions in the “Handbook of -London,” that he found in the records of the Audit Office a payment of -xxxˡⁱ. per annum, “to the Keeper of our playhouse called the Cockpitt, -in St. James’s Park,” but he gives no further particulars and does not -appear to have noticed how far the entries in the “Diary” illustrate -this appointment. On December 1st, 1662, the Duke’s company acted -before the King at the Cockpit, and January 5th, 1662–63, the King’s -company acted in the same place, but Pepys did not think the latter at -all equal to “the Duke’s people.” - -All the entries in the “Diary” relating to the stage require more -investigation than they have yet received, as the notes of the -editors are quite insufficient. We have seen how the allusions to -the “Cockpit” in the years 1660–62, might either refer to the Duke’s -theatre or to the Court theatre, and the same confusion might easily -be made in respect to the Lincoln’s Inn theatre. Pepys says that on -November 20th, 1660, he and Mr. Shepley went “to the new play-house -near Lincoln’s Inn Fields (which was formerly Gibbon’s tennis-court).” -This was the home of the King’s company from 1660 till 1663, when they -went to Drury Lane. As already stated, the Duke’s company removed to -Portugal Street in 1662, so that for a short period the two rival -theatres were close together in the neighbourhood of Lincoln’s Inn -Fields. Pepys visited all parts of the house, and did not much care -where he sat so that he got in: thus on November 7, 1667, he was -“forced to sit in the side balcony over against the music-room, close -by my Lady Dorset and a great many great ones;” and some years before -he was somewhat troubled to be seen by two or three of his clerks, -who were in the half-crown box, while he was in an eighteenpenny -place.[380] The price of a pit seat was 2_s._ 6_d._, and in spite of -the inconvenience of the place in wet weather, it was frequented by -people of fashion; for instance, the Duke of Buckingham sat there, -and was surrounded by Lord Buckhurst, Sir Charles Sedley, Sir George -Etherege, and other poets;[381] and “a company of fine ladies” was not -absent.[382] But even at that time “citizens, ’prentices and others” -jostled their betters. Pepys writes: “I do not remember that I saw so -many, by half, of the ordinary ’prentices and mean people in the pit -at 2_s._ 6_d._ apiece as now; I going for several years no higher than -the 12_d._ and then the 18_d._ places, though I strained hard to go in -when I did.”[383] The theatres were generally crowded, and on special -occasions it was difficult to find a place. When Etherege’s “She -Would if She Could” was first acted, 1,000 persons were turned away -because there was no room in the pit an hour before the performance -commenced.[384] An ingenious plan for keeping seats which was in vogue -for many subsequent years is mentioned by Pepys. On May 2, 1668, he -writes: “To the Duke of York’s play house at a little past twelve, -to get a good place in the pit for the new play, and there setting a -poor man to keep my place, I out and spent an hour at Martin’s, my -bookseller’s, and so back again, where I find the house quite full. But -I had my place.” - -When the theatre built for the King’s company in Drury Lane, was opened -in 1663, Pepys found some faults in the construction, one of these -being the narrowness of the passages in and out of the pit. He did -not approve also of the placing of the orchestra under the stage, by -which means the basses could not be heard at all, and the trebles very -faintly.[385] - -Pepys does not mention Fop’s Corner in the King’s theatre, a name which -recalls the better-known Fop’s Alley of Her Majesty’s Opera House, but -it is alluded to in Dryden’s epilogue spoken at the new house in Drury -Lane on March 26th, 1674: - - “So may Fop Corner full of noise remain, - And drive far off the dull attentive train.” - -Pepys does, however, tell us how loudly people of fashion talked. One -day Sir Charles Sedley had a merry discourse with two ladies, which -prevented the Diarist from hearing any of the play. His feelings were -divided between pleasure in hearing the wit and annoyance in losing the -play.[386] The manners of most of the audience, as exhibited in several -little traits, were far from commendable, but it would be difficult to -equal the following incident, which is related as if there were nothing -particularly unladylike in it: “I sitting behind in a dark place [in -the theatre], a lady spit backward upon me by mistake, not seeing me, -but after seeing her to be a very pretty lady, I was not troubled at it -at all.”[387] - -One of the institutions of the theatre was Orange Moll, who is -frequently mentioned in the “Diary.” The orange girls stood with their -backs to the stage, and the beaux in the pit broke jests with them. -One of these women tried to impose upon Pepys by affirming that she -had delivered a dozen oranges to some ladies in a box in accordance -to his order, “which was wholly untrue, but yet she swore it to be -true.” He denied the charge, and would not pay, but for quiet bought -four shillings’ worth of oranges at 6_d._ apiece.[388] This was the -usual price, as we learn from the prologue to Mrs. Behn’s “Young King,” -1698:-- - - “Half crown my play, sixpence my orange cost.” - -The mistress or superior of these women was named, for distinction, -Orange Moll. - -Pepys makes a passing allusion to the old practice of placing the -notices of performances on posts, but the editors have left the passage -without explanation. He writes: “I went to see if any play was acted, -and I found none upon the post, it being Passion week.”[389] This is -well illustrated by an anecdote:--“Master Field, the player, riding up -Fleet Street a great pace, a gentleman called him, and asked what play -was played that day? He (being angry to be stayed upon so frivolous -a demand) answered that he might see what play was to be played upon -every _post_. I cry you mercy (said the gentleman) I took you for a -_post_ you rode so fast.” - -The other amusements mentioned by Pepys sink into insignificance by -the side of the theatre, but a short enumeration of some of them may -be given here. The cock-pit, in Shoe Lane, was a well-known place of -resort for sporting men, and Pepys went to see some cock-fighting -there, but he soon had enough of it, although he was glad to have seen -“the strange variety of people.”[390] He went on one occasion to the -Bear Garden, on the Bankside, “and saw some good sport of the bull’s -tossing of the dogs: one into the very boxes,” but he did not much -like the company, and on the whole he thought it “a very rude and -nasty pleasure.”[391] At another time he went to the same place to see -a prize fight, but being ashamed to be seen, he went in a back way -(getting among the bulls, and fearing to be too near the bears) and sat -with his cloak before his face.[392] - -Pepys did not practise athletic sports himself, but he liked to -see them practised by others. He was a spectator at a very serious -fencing-match where the combatants cut each other rather severely -both in the head and legs.[393] The King was a good player at tennis, -but Pepys thought it “a loathsome sight” to see his play “extolled -without any cause at all.”[394] Charles was in the habit of weighing -himself before and after a game, and on a certain occasion he lost -four and a-half pounds. The best players in England were said to be -Prince Rupert, Bab May, Captain Cooke, and Mr. (afterwards Sir Thomas) -Chicheley.[395] Pepys liked a game of bowls, because he could play it -with the ladies;[396] and he sometimes condescended to have a game at -ninepins.[397] Gaming ran high at Court, and we are told that Lady -Castlemaine played _£_1,000 and _£_1,500 at a cast, winning _£_15,000 -one night, and losing _£_25,000 on another night.[398] No wonder Bishop -Morley denounced this excess in play, and specially commented on the -groom-porter’s conduct in one of his sermons before the Court.[399] - -There are several references in the “Diary” to games of cards, but in -most instances the particular game played is not mentioned. Cribbage, -handycap (a game like loo), and gleek (played by three persons with -forty-four cards), are, however, all specially alluded to.[400] - -Pepys played at shuttlecock on January 11th, 1659–60; at shuffle (or -shovel) board on July 30th, 1662, and on April 1st, 1665, and at -tables or backgammon on September 11th and 16th, 1665. Among the minor -amusements must be mentioned the crying of forfeits,[401] blindman’s -buff,[402] and crambo or tagging of rhymes.[403] - -Dancing was in high repute, and Pepys describes the various balls -pretty fully. On the 31st of December, 1662, there is some lively -dancing at Whitehall. The King (a good dancer) opens the ball with the -Duchess of York, and the dancing commences with the Bransle or “brawl,” -of Shakespeare and Gray. Then follows the swift coranto, and the -country dances. When the King stood up, all the ladies, even the Queen -herself, rose. A few years later a gallant company again meet at the -palace, and the same order of proceeding is followed. First comes the -brawl, then the coranto, and last of all a dance from France, which the -King calls the “new dance.”[404] - -Pepys learns the coranto himself in May, 1663, and two years afterwards -he disputes with Captain Taylor on the best way of dancing it.[405] At -first Pepys’s Puritan leanings led him to look rather unfavourably upon -dancing, but in the end he became tolerably fond of it. On January 6th, -1667–68, he had a party for which he engaged four fiddlers at a cost of -_£_3, and everything went off very satisfactorily in consequence. All -that Pepys has to say about amusements is to be found in the “Diary,” -for his letters contain no information respecting the stage or the -balls at Court. This is only another indication of how much we have -lost by the discontinuance of the “Diary,” for it is scarcely possible -to believe that the man who exhibited so absorbing an interest in the -proceedings of the theatre, should suddenly have ceased to visit it. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[362] These entries are of so much importance in dramatic history, as -giving definite dates for the performance of the various plays, that I -have thought it well to give a complete list in the Appendix. - -[363] Evelyn’s “Diary,” Nov. 26, 1661. - -[364] “Diary,” June 22, 1661. - -[365] Sept. 19, 1665. - -[366] “Diary,” Aug. 24, 1661. - -[367] Aug. 13, 1664. - -[368] Dec. 8, 1665. - -[369] Oct. 26, 1667. - -[370] Feb. 1, 1663–64. - -[371] “Diary,” Dec. 11, 1667. - -[372] Feb. 23, 1660–61. - -[373] April 29, 1668. - -[374] “Diary,” Feb. 2, 1668–69. - -[375] Aug. 2, 1664. - -[376] “Diary,” Feb. 12, 1666–67. - -[377] June 1, 1664. - -[378] May 1, 1668. - -[379] Dec. 28, 1666. - -[380] “Diary,” Jan. 19, 1660–61. - -[381] Feb. 6, 1667–68. - -[382] March 31, 1660–61. - -[383] “Diary,” Jan. 1, 1667–68. - -[384] Feb. 6, 1667–68. - -[385] May 8, 1663. - -[386] “Diary,” Feb. 18, 1666–67. - -[387] Jan. 28, 1660–61. - -[388] May 11, 1668. - -[389] “Diary,” March 24, 1662. - -[390] Dec. 21, 1663. - -[391] Aug. 14, 1666. - -[392] Sept. 9, 1667. - -[393] “Diary,” June 1, 1663. - -[394] Dec. 28, 1663; Jan. 4, 1663–64. - -[395] Sept. 2, 1667. - -[396] May 1, 1661. - -[397] April 28, 1660. - -[398] Feb. 14, 1667–68. - -[399] Dec. 25, 1662. - -[400] _Cribbage_, Jan. 2, 1659–60, May 15, 1660; _handycap_, Sept. 19, -1660; _gleek_, Jan. 13, Feb. 17, 1661–62. - -[401] “Diary,” Feb. 4, 1660–61. - -[402] Dec. 26, 1664. - -[403] May 19, 1660. - -[404] Nov. 15, 1666. - -[405] April 23, 1665. - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -CONCLUSION. - - “Let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter.” - - _Ecclesiastes_ xii. 13. - - -Now that all the divisions of our subject have been discussed, there -is little to add in a concluding chapter. We have seen Pepys in his -poverty, when he and his wife struggled to keep up a decent appearance -with an empty larder and a fireless grate at home. We have seen the -sudden change, when he became rich and increased his expenses with -an ever-present sense of the effect of his movements upon the outer -world. And, lastly, we have seen how he lived to an honoured old age, -and passed out of life as a worthy example of virtue and honour. We -have peeped into some of his dearly-loved books, and seen how the -“Bibliotheca Pepysiana” helps to illustrate the character of its -founder. - -Having thus looked at the man as he lived, we passed on to his -surroundings. First, we dealt with the town he loved and knew so well, -then made the acquaintance of the relations and friends that surrounded -him, and lastly, tried to understand the arrangements of the office -where he spent so large a portion of his life. This was the inner -circle. The frequenters of the Court and the public characters with -whom he came into occasional contact or knew only from observation at a -distance, formed the outer circle of his life. - -Byron, in allusion to the question, “Where is the world?” asked by Dr. -Young at the age of eighty, cried out:-- - - “Alas! - Where is the world of _eight_ years past? ’Twas there-- - I look for it--’tis gone, a globe of glass - Crack’d, shiver’d, vanish’d, scarcely gazed on, ere - A silent change dissolves the glittering mass. - Statesmen, Chiefs, Orators, Queens, Patriots, Kings, - And Dandies, all are gone on the wind’s wings.” - -Yet we may point to the pages of Pepys’s “Diary,” and say that there -the globe is still whole, and that there men and women of nearly three -times eighty years ago live and move before our eyes. - -In taking leave of the official, the gossip, the musician, and the man -of letters, I can only express the hope that these pages may be found -a useful companion to one of the most interesting books in the English -language. - - - - -APPENDIX. - - - I. PORTRAITS OF SAMUEL PEPYS. - - II. THE SCHEMES OF ALEXANDER MARCHANT, SIEUR DE ST. MICHEL - (MRS. PEPYS’S FATHER). - - III. PEPYS’S MANUSCRIPTS AT OXFORD. - - IV. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. - - V. PEPYS’S CORRESPONDENTS. - - VI. LIST OF THE OFFICERS OF THE NAVY. - - VII. PLAYS WHICH PEPYS SAW ACTED. - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -APPENDIX I. - -PORTRAITS OF SAMUEL PEPYS. - - -PAINTINGS BY - -1. _Savill_ (a painter in Cheapside). 1661. See “Diary,” Nov. 23. - - Jan. 6, 1661–62: “I sent my lute to the Paynter’s, and there I - staid with him all the morning to see him paint the neck of my lute - in my picture, which I was not pleased with after it was done.” - -Pepys appears to have sat to this same painter for a miniature or -“picture in little,” which cost _£_3. See “Diary,” Feb. 20, 1661–62, -June 11, 1662. - - Jan. 28, 1661–62: “The Paynter, though a very honest man, I found - to be very silly as to matter of skill in shadows, for we were long - in discourse, till I was almost angry to hear him talk so simply.” - -2. _John Hales._ 1666. - - March 17, 1666: “This day I began to sit, and he will make me, I - think, a very fine picture. He promises it shall be as good as my - wife’s, and I sit to have it full of shadows, and do almost break - my neck looking over my shoulder to make the posture for him to - work by.” - - March 30, 1666: “To Hales’s, and there sat till almost quite darke - upon working my gowne, which I hired to be drawn in: an Indian - gown.” - - April 11, 1666: “To Hales’s, where there was nothing to be found to - be done more to my picture, but the musique, which now pleases me - mightily, it being painted true.” - -This picture was bought by Peter Cunningham, at the sale of the Pepys -Cockerell collection in 1848, and it was purchased by the trustees of -the National Portrait Gallery in 1866. The eyes look at the spectator, -and the face is turned three-quarters to the left. The music is Pepys’s -own song, “Beauty Retire.” - - “There is a similar picture belonging to Mr. Hawes, of Kensington, - which Mr. Scharf, the Keeper of the National Portrait Gallery, - thinks is either a replica or a good old copy.”--REV. MYNORS - BRIGHT’S edition of the “Diary,” vol. iii. p. 423 (note). - -Walpole mentions Hales in his “Anecdotes of Painting,” and says that -he lived in Southampton Street, Bloomsbury, and died there suddenly in -1679. - -3. _Sir Peter Lely._ Pepysian Library, Magdalene College, Cambridge. - -4. _Sir Godfrey Kneller._ Andrew Pepys Cockerell, Esq. This picture was -lent to the First Special Exhibition of National Portraits, 1866, and -was numbered 950. - -5. _Sir Godfrey Kneller._ The Royal Society. - -6. _Sir Godfrey Kneller._ Hall of Magdalene College, Cambridge. - -7. A small portrait attributed to _Kneller_, representing a seated -figure; with a globe in one corner, and a guitar (or lute) and -compasses on a table, and a ship in the distance at sea. Mr. Scharf -suggests the possibility of this being the portrait by _Savill_ -described above (No. 1), and this suggestion seems highly probable. -Mrs. Frederick Pepys Cockerell. - -8. _Anonymous._ 1675. - - “The picture is beyond praise; but causes admiration in all that - see it. Its posture so stately and magnificent, and it hits so - naturally your proportion and the noble air of your face, that I - remain immovable before it hours together,” &c. T. Hill to Pepys, - Lisbon, July 1, 1675.--SMITH’S “Life of Pepys,” vol. i. p. 161. - -9. The picture by Verrio at Christ’s Hospital, of James II. on his -throne receiving the mathematical pupils of the school, contains a -portrait of Pepys. The original drawing for the picture by Verrio is in -the possession of Andrew Pepys Cockerell, Esq. - - -ENGRAVINGS BY - -1. Robert White. Kneller, painter. Portrait in a carved oval frame, -bearing inscription SAM. PEPYS. CAR. ET. JAC. ANGL. REGIB. A. SECRETIS. -ADMIRALIÆ. Motto under the frame, “Mens cujusque is est quisque.” Large -book-plate. - -2. Robert White. Kneller, painter. Portrait in an oval medallion on a -scroll of paper. Motto over his head, “Mens cujusque is est quisque;” -underneath the same inscription as on No. 1. Small book-plate. - -These two engravings are described by Granger. - -3. J. Bragg. Kneller, painter. Frontispiece to vol. i. of the first -edition of the “Diary,” 1825 (4to.). “From the original in the -possession of S. P. Cockerell.” Picture described as No. 7, now in the -possession of Mrs. Frederick Pepys Cockerell. - -4. J. Bragg. Kneller, painter. Frontispiece to vol. i. of the second -edition of the “Diary,” 1828; much worn in the third edition, 1848. -“From the original picture in the possession of S. P. Cockerell.” -Picture described as No. 4, now in the possession of Andrew Pepys -Cockerell, Esq. - -5. W. C. Edwards. Kneller, painter. Frontispiece to vol. i. of the -fourth edition of the “Diary,” 1854. From the same original as the -preceding article. - -6. Charles Wass. Walker, painter. In Smith’s “Life, Journals, and -Correspondence of Pepys,” vol. i. 1841, said to be in the collection of -the Royal Society, but this is a mistake. - - -PHOTOGRAPHS. - -1. From the portrait by Kneller (No. 4), series of photographs -published by the South Kensington Museum under the superintendence of -the Council of the Arundel Society. - -2. From Edwards’s engraving of Kneller’s Portrait, “Diary,” ed. Mynors -Bright, vol. i. 1875. - -3. From Hales’s Portrait (No. 2), “Diary,” ed. Mynors Bright, vol. iii. -1876. - - -BUST. - -The following extracts from the “Diary” refer to a bust which was made -for Pepys:-- - - Feb. 10, 1668–69: “So to the plaisterer’s at Charing Cross that - casts heads and bodies in plaister: and there I had my whole face - done; but I was vexed first to be forced to daub all my face over - with pomatum: but it was pretty to feel how soft and easily it is - done on the face, and by and by, by degrees how hard it becomes, - that you cannot break it, and sits so close, that you cannot pull - it off, and yet so easy, that it is as soft as a pillow so safe is - everything where many parts of the body do bear alike. Thus was the - mould made; but when it came off there was little pleasure in it, - as it looks in the mould, nor any resemblance whatever there will - be in the figure when I come to see it cast off.” - - Feb. 15, 1668–69: “To the plaisterer’s, and there saw the figure of - my face taken from the mould: and it is most admirably like, and I - will have another made, before I take it away.” - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -APPENDIX II. - -THE SCHEMES OF ALEXANDER MARCHANT, SIEUR DE ST. MICHEL (MRS. PEPYS’S -FATHER.) - - -The unpractical schemes of Mons. St. Michel are alluded to on pages -7–8 of this book, but the editors of the “Diary” have taken no pains -to obtain any information respecting him, and his name even does -not appear in the “Diary.” Lord Braybrooke suggests, without any -justification for the suggestion, that Mrs. Pepys’s mother had married -again (see “Diary,” March 29th, 1667). - -Pepys was wrong in the date of the patent, which is numbered 138, and -Sir Edward Ford’s name does not appear in it. Sir John Colladon, a -Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians, was naturalized by Charles -II., and appointed one of the Physicians to the Queen. - -St. Michel’s name evidently puzzled the man who drafted the patent. The -following is a copy of the original patent:-- - - “CHARLES THE SECOND, by the grace of God, &c., to all to whom these - p’sents shall come, greeting - - “WHEREAS we are informed that John Colladon, Doctor in Phisicke, - and Alexander Marchant, of St. Michall, have, with much paines and - charge, found “A WAY TO P’VENT AND CURE THE SMOAKEING OF CHIMNEYS, - EITHER BY STOPPING THE TUNNELL TOWARDS THE TOP, AND ALTERING THE - FORMER COURSE OF THE SMOAKE, OR BY SETTING TUNNELLS WITH CHECKE - WITHIN THE CHIMNEYES;” wᶜʰ Invenc̃on soe found out as aforesaid was - never publickly exercised or made vse of in anie of our kingdomes - or dominions: And whereas the said John Colladon and Alexander - Marchant have humbly besought vs for their better incouragemᵗ to - exercise and put in practice the said Invenc̃on, that wee would be - gratiously pleased to graunt vnto them, the said Joh. Colladon and - Alexander Marchant, our Lr̃es Patents of Priviledge for the sole vse - and benifitt thereof, for the time and terme of fowerteene yeares, - according to the statute in that case made and provided. - - “NOWE KNOWE YE, therefore, that we, of our princely inclinac̃on, - being willing to incourage and promote works of this nature, and to - give all due and fitting incouragemᵗ to the inventers of such arts - as may be of publicke vse and benifitt, of our especiall grace, - certeine knowledge, and meere moc̃on, and vpon the humble petic̃on - of the said John Colladon and Alexander Marchant, have given and - graunted, and by these p’sents, for vs, our heyres and successors, doe - give and graunt vnto the said John Colladon and Alexander Marchant, - their executors, administrators, and assignes, speciall licence, full - power, priviledge, and authoritie, that they and every of them, by - themselves, their or anie of their deputie or deputies, servants, - workmen, or assignes, at all times and from time to time hereafter, - dureing the terme of yeares hereafter in these p’sents expressed, - shall and lawfully may vse, exercise, imploy, and enioy the said - newe Invenc̃on in and throughout all our realmes and dominions, and - every or anie of them, in such manner as to them or anie or either - of them, in their or anie of their discrec̃ons shall seeme meet, and - shall and may have and enioy the sole benifitt and advantage comeing - or ariseing by reason thereof, dureing the terme of yeares hereby - graunted; and to the end, the said John Colladon and Alexander - Marchant, their executors, administrators, and assignes, and every of - them, may the better enioy the full and whole benifitt and the sole - vse and exercise of the Invenc̃on aforesaid, wee doe by these p’sents, - for vs, our heyres and successors, require and streightly cōmaund - all and every person and persons, bodyes politicke and corporate, of - whatsoever qualitie or degree, name or addic̃on, they be, that neither - they nor anie of them, dureing the terme of yeares hereby graunted, - either directly or indirectly, doe or shall vse or put in practice the - said Invenc̃on, soe by the said John Colladon and Alexander Marchant - attained vnto or invented as aforesaid, nor doe or shall counterfeit, - imitate, or resemble the same, nor doe or shall make anie addition - therevnto, or substracc̃on from the same, whereby to p’tend themselves - the inventors or devisors thereof, without the licence, consent, or - agreement of the said John Colladon and Alexander Marchant, their - executors, administrators, or assignes, in writeing vnder their hands - and seales, first had and obteined in that behalfe, vpon such paines - and penalties as can or may be inflicted vpon such offendors for - their contempt of this our cōmaund in that behalfe, and further to be - answerable to the said John Colladon and Alexander Marchant, their - executors, and administrators, and assignes, according to lawe and - justice, for their damages thereby susteined; to have and to hold all - the said licences, powers, privileges, and authorities hereby graunted - as aforesaid vnto them, the said John Colladon and Alexander Marchant, - for & dureing the terme of fowerteene yeares from the makeing of these - p’sentꝬ next ensueing, and fully to be compleate and ended, according - to the statute in such case made and provided. And further, wee doe - by these p’sents, for vs, our heyres and successors, give and graunt - vnto the said John Colladon and Alexander Marchant, their executors, - administrators, and assignes, full power and authoritie that they and - every of them, their, every or anie of theyr deputies, servantꝬ, and - agents, or anie of them, haveing first obteined a warrant in this - behalfe from the Lord Cheife Justice of the Courte of King’s Bench - for the time being, may, with the assistance of a constable or anie - other lawfull officer, at convenient times in the day, dureing the - terme aforesaid, and in lawfull manner, enter into and make search - in anie houses or other places where there shall be iust cause of - suspic̃on, for discovering and findeing out all such persons as shall, - within the terme of fowerteene yeares aforesaid, imitate or cause - to be imitated, or shall vse or put in practize the said Invenc̃on, - by the said John Colladon and Alexander Marchant invented and found - out as aforesaid, that soe such offenders may be proceeded agᵗ, and - punished according to theyr demeritts, and theyr invenc̃ons and works - tending to the ends aforesaid then and there found, to be seized upon, - broken in peeces, and defaced, and the materialls thereof left in the - hands and custodie of some constable or officer, to be disposed in - such manner and forme as wee, our heyres and successors, shall from - time to time direct and appoint. And further, wee doe by these p’sens, - for vs, our heyres and successors, will, authorize, and require all - and singuler justices of the peace, mayors, sheriffes, bayliffes, - constables, headboroughes, and all other officers and ministers - whatsoever, of vs, our heyres and successors, for the time being, that - they and every of them respectively, be from time to time dureing the - said terme hereby graunted, in theyr respective places, favouring, - aydeing, helping, and assisting vnto the said John Colladon and - Alexander Marchant, theyr executors, administrators, and assigns, and - to theyr and every of their deputy and deputies, servantꝬ and agents, - in and by all things in and about the accomplishment of our will and - pleasure herein declared, and in the exercise and execuc̃on of the - powers and privileges herein and hereby graunted, or menc̃oned to be - graunted, as aforesaid. And moreover, wee will and cōmaund by these - p’sents, for vs, our heyres and successors, that our said officers and - ministers, or anie of them, doe not molest, trouble, or interrupt the - said John Colladon and Alexander Marchant, or either of them, theyr - or either of theyr executors, administrators, or assignes, or theyr - or either of theyr deputie or deputies, servants, or agents, or anie - of them, in or about the use or exercise of the said Invenc̃on, or in - any matter or thing concerneing the same. Provided alwayes, that if - at anie tyme dureing the said terme of fowerteene yeares, it shall - be made appeare vnto vs, our heyres or successors, that this our - graunt is contrary to lawe, or p’iudiciall or inconvenient, and not - of publicke vse or benifitt, then vpon significac̃on and declarac̃on - thereof to be made by vs, our heyres or successors, these our Lr̃es - Patents shall forthwith cease, determine, and be vtterly voyde to - all intents and purposes, and the same not to be vsed, exercised, - or imployed, anie thing herein-before menc̃oned to the contrary - notwithstanding. Provided further, that in case it shall be found or - made appeare that the said Invenc̃on is not a newe Invenc̃on of the - said John Colladon and Alexander Marchant, as to the publicke vse and - exercise thereof within this our kingdome of England, then at all - tymes from thenceforth these p’sents shall cease, determine, and be - voyde, anie thing in these p’sents before conteined to the contrary - notwithstanding. Provided alsoe, that these our Lr̃es Patents, or - anie thing herein conteined, shall not extend, or be construed to - extend, to give priviledge to the said John Colladon and Alexander - Marchant, or either of them, their or either of theyr executors, - administrators, or assignes, or anie of them, to vse, or imitate - any invenc̃on or worke found out or invented by anie other person - or persons, and publickly exercised within these our said relmes, - or anie the dominions or territories therevnto belonging, vnto whom - wee have alreadie graunted our like Lr̃es Patents of Priviledge for - the sole vse, exercise, and benifitt thereof; it being our will and - pleasure that the said John Colladon and Alexander Merchant, their - executors, administrators, and assignes, and all and singuler other - person and persons to whom we have alreadie graunted our like Lr̃es - PatentꝬ of Priviledge as aforesaid, shall distinctly vse and practize - their severall Invenc̃ons by them invented and found out, according - to the true intent and meaneing of the said severall and respective - Lr̃es Patents, and of these p’sents. And lastly, wee doe by these - p’sents, for vs, our heyres and successors, graunt vnto the said John - Colladon and Alexander Merchant, their executors, administrators, and - assignes, that these our Lr̃es Patents, or the inrollmᵗ thereof, shall - be in and by all things good, valid, sufficient, and effectuall in the - lawe, according to the true intent & meaneing thereof, and shall be - taken, construed, and adiudged most favourable and benificiall for the - best benifitt and advantage of the said John Colladon and Alexander - Marchant, theyr executors, administrators, and assignes, aswell in - all courts of record as elsewhere, notwithstanding the not full and - certeine describeing the manner and quality of the said Invenc̃on, or - of the mat’ialls thereof, or of the true and certeine vse and benifitt - thereof, and notwithstanding anie other defecte, incerteintyes, - or imperfecc̃ons in these p’sents conteined, or anie act, statute, - ordinance, provision, proclamac̃on, or restreint to the contrary - thereof, in anie wise notwithstanding. - - “In witnes, &c. Witnes the King at Westm̃, the - “Second day of May. - - “Ꝑ br̃e de privat. sigill.,” &c. - -In 1665 St. Michel was again anxious for a patent. The following is -a copy of a petition preserved among the State Papers in the Record -Office:-- - - “To the Kings most Excellᵗ Maᵗⁱᵉ. - - “The humble petic̃ion of Major Allexandʳ Marchant aꝉs de Sᵗ. Michell - upon the River Couanon neare the Towne of Bauge in Anjou in France - Esqᵉ. Sheweth-- - - “That yoʳ petʳ hath invented the two following publick conveniences, - first, for a generall forme how to keepe alwayes cleare water in - ponds to wash horses, sweete & with as little Mudd in the bottome as - the Owner thereof shall wish, if hee follow the direct modell of yoʳ - Mᵗᵉ petʳ so being no Mudd Stincks (as now it is) a horse may safely - bee washed in it & drinke there. Fire with it may be extinguished - if accidents should happen, the stirring then being not noysome wᶜʰ - now is so much, that in Somer time may cause an increase of the - plague. All which Evills may bee prevented with as little charge to - the owner as in the old fashion, so great inconveniences are (by the - filthiness of these waters) contracted to horses with losses both to - rich & poore especially those of the Army although Farriers for their - gains, Ostlers to save themselves a Labour of going to the River doth - mainteyne stincking water good to heale horses, but are convinced by - the Argumᵗ: That the King having nowhere (as his Mᵗʸ may) the most - stinking ponds to wash his Mᵗᵉ horses (if that were good) that through - the Three Kingdomes by Rivers side & other sweete water where horses - doe goe to Drink, no such corrupt ponds are erected to enter them in - it, coming out of the cleare water. - - “All these things considered of yʳ Mᵗⁱᵉ yʳ petʳ beseecheth yoʳ - Royall pleasure for a patent for this publick goode for 14 years - that hee may manifest it. And that yʳ Mᵗⁱᵉ bee pleased to have - incerted in the said patent that nobody whatsoever may not for - the space of the said 14 yeares use the said invention without - your petʳ Lycense under his hand & Seal or the hand & Seale of - his Deputyes in any part of yoʳ Mᵗᵉ Dominions, wherein many ponds - for cattle being so full of Mudd that there remaineth no room for - water, without often great charges or Labour ill spent, Fish ponds - also may bee so ordered. And that your petʳ may find no obsticle in - receiving what hee shall contract for, with the severall partyes - who shall make use of his said Modell. - - “Your petʳ further sheweth as to his second publick Convenience That - hee hath also invented, That by Moulding (or by rubbing bricks ready - made in a Mould of ruffe Stone) to any proportion of externall ornamᵗ - for building as that being sooner ready then them that wich are carved - & with great wast, Labour, time & cost spent. - - “Your Mᵗⁱᵉˢ petʳ: humbly desires yoʳ Royall Graunt also for it, And - that it may bee inserted in the recited patent, that nobody may - make none, nor cause none to bee made by yʳ petʳˢ Invention of what - proporc̃on or Figure whatsoever to bee moulded or rubbed, but by - Lycence of yoʳ petʳ: in the space of the said 14 yeares the patent - also bearing what forfeiture yoʳ Maᵗᵉ may thinke just, & as also - for the former demand that the discoverers of Transgressing, yoʳ - Maᵗᵉ patent agᵗ: this publick good may find some encouragemᵗ. - - “And yoʳ petʳ shall pray,” &c. - -The petition was referred to the Attorney-General. - - “Att yᵉ Court at Whitehall, June 2, 1665. - - “His Maᵗʸ is graciously pleased to referre this Petic̃on to Mʳ. - Attorney Genrall to consider of this petitionᵉʳˢ suit & yᵉ nature - of yᵉ invencon, & to certify his Mᵗʸ what his Opinion is upon it. - And then his Mᵗʸ will be glad to signify his further Pleasure for yᵉ - encouragemᵗ of a publicke Good. - - “ARLINGTON.” - -The Attorney-General reported as follows:-- - - “May it please yoʳ most Excellent Majᵗʸ. - - “In obedience to yoʳ Majᵗⁱᵉˢ referrence I have considered of - this petic̃on, & conferred with the petʳ thereopon. And in case - the perticulers therein menc̃oned to bee invented by him bee new - Invenc̃ons (as for any thing yett appeareing to mee they are) Yoʳ - Majᵗʸ, if soe graciously pleased, may grant the peticonʳ the sole use - & benefitt thereof for fourteene yeares according to the statute in - that behalfe made. - - “And such Grants usually have a provisor therein which render the same - void in case the thing granted bee not a new Invention within the - meaneing of that statute. - - “Which I humbly submitt to yoʳ Majᵗⁱᵉˢ further pleasure. - - “G. PALMER.” - -The result was a warrant for a patent. - - “Sᵗ. Michel’s Invenc̃on. - - “Whereas Major Alexander Merchᵗ aꝉs Sᵗ. Michaell has by his long - travailes, study, paines, & charges found out an invenc̃on or way for - to keep yᵉ water that is in ponds wherein people wash their horses & - in other ponds wholsome sweet & with little or noe mudd in yᵉ botome - as also a way for yᵉ moulding, grinding or rubbing of bricks in any - forme or shape wᵗsoever fit for the internall & externall ornamᵗ of - any buildings within any of these Our Dominions. And whereas the sᵈ. - Alex. Marchant aꝉs Sᵗ. Michael hath humbly besought us yᵗ Wee would - bee graciously pleased to grant unto him Our Lr̃es Patents of licence - & priviledge for yᵉ sole use & benefit of his severall Invenc̃ons for - yᵉ terme of 14 yeares according to ye statute in such case made & - provided. Our &c: containing our Grant, licence or priviledge unto yᵉ - sᵈ Alexander Merchant aꝉs Sᵗ. Michael of yᵉ sole use & benefit of his - sᵈ s̃rall invenc̃ons within these Our Realmes & Dominions for yᵉ terme - of 14 yeares according to yᵉ statute in yᵗ behalfe made with such - powers clauses & provisoes as are usually incerted in grants of like - nature. - - “Snd. &c. yᵉ 7th of July, 1665. - - “To Our Attorney Genr̃all. ARLINGTON.” - -Not contented with curing smoky chimneys, purifying water, and moulding -bricks, St. Michel proposed in 1667 to raise submerged ships, and to -prevent others from being submerged. - - “Propositions dedicated to the King by Alex. Marchant, Sieur de - St. Michel sur Couanon les Bauges, in Anjou, Captain and Major of - English troops in Italy and Flanders, offering to show that he can - draw up all submerged ships; can prevent others from being submerged; - has discovered King Solomon’s gold and silver mines, much vaster - than those discovered by Columbus, and now much fuller than they - were in that King’s time. He wishes to satisfy His Majesty on his - first proposition, lest the other should be deemed unworthy an - audience.”--_Calendar of State Papers, Domestic_, 1667, pp. 252–3. - -What a curious comment upon this statement of the discovery of gold and -silver mines is to be found in the following extract from the “Diary”:-- - - March 29, 1667: “4_s._ a week which his (Balty St. Michel’s) father - receives of the French Church is all the subsistence his father and - mother have, and about 20_l._ a year maintains them.” - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -APPENDIX III. - -PEPYS’S MANUSCRIPTS AT OXFORD. - - -Chapter V. p. 82.--Pepys’s manuscripts in the Rawlinson Collection at -the Bodleian Library, Oxford, are very fully described in the “Oxford -Catalogue of Manuscripts,” and the Rev. W. D. Macray’s Index to the -same. Besides the letters from various persons which are noted further -on in the list of Pepys’s correspondents, are a large number of copies -of letters from Pepys himself. The other papers are described as (1) -Naval and Official, (2) Personal and Miscellaneous. In the first class -are various notes on the state of the navy at different periods, -questions respecting shipbuilding, memorials, minutes, and reports. In -the second class are accounts of expenses, bonds, inventories, lists of -books, &c.; and in both classes are papers of considerable interest for -the purpose of elucidating the particulars of Pepys’s life. Besides the -above there are papers relating to other members of the family. - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -APPENDIX IV. - -MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. - - -Chapter V. p. 98.--The following notice of old musical instruments will -help to illustrate some of Pepys’s allusions:-- - -“The lute about three hundred years ago was almost as popular as is at -the present day the pianoforte. Originally it had eight thin catgut -strings arranged in four pairs, each being tuned in unison; so that -its open strings produced four tones; but in the course of time, -more strings were added. Until the sixteenth century twelve was the -largest number, or rather, six pairs. Eleven appear for some centuries -to have been the most usual number of strings: these produced six -tones, since they were arranged in five pairs and a single string. -The latter, called the _chanterelle_, was the highest. According to -Thomas Mace, the English lute in common use during the seventeenth -century had twenty-four strings, arranged in twelve pairs, of which six -pairs ran over the finger-board and the other six by the side of it. -This lute was therefore, more properly speaking, a theorbo. The neck -of the lute, and also of the theorbo, had frets consisting of catgut -strings tightly fastened round it at the proper distances required for -ensuring a chromatic succession of intervals.... The lute was made of -various sizes according to the purpose for which it was intended in -performance. The treble lute was of the smallest dimensions, and the -bass lute of the largest. The theorbo, or double-necked lute, which -appears to have come into use during the sixteenth century, had, in -addition to the strings situated over the finger-board, a number of -others running at the left side of the finger-board, which could not -be shortened by the fingers, and which produced the bass tones. The -largest kinds of theorbo were the _archlute_ and the _chitarrone_. - -“The most popular instruments played with a bow at that time [1659] -were the treble-viol, the tenor-viol and the bass-viol. It was usual -for viol players to have ‘a chest of viols,’ a case containing four -or more viols of different sizes. Thus Thomas Mace, in his directions -for the use of the viol, ‘Musick’s Monument,’ 1676, remarks: ‘Your -best provision and most complete, will be a good chest of viols six in -number, viz., two basses, two tenors, and two trebles, all truly and -proportionably suited.’ The violist, to be properly furnished with his -requirements, had therefore to supply himself with a larger stock of -instruments than the violinist of the present day. - -“That there was, in the time of Shakespeare, a musical instrument -called _recorder_ is undoubtedly known to most readers from the -stage-direction in ‘Hamlet’: ‘Re-enter players with recorders.’ But not -many are likely to have ever seen a recorder, as it has now become very -scarce.”--ENGEL’S _Musical Instruments_ (S. K. M. Art Handbooks), pp. -114–119. - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -APPENDIX V. - -PEPYS’S CORRESPONDENTS. - - -Chapter VII.--The following is a list of those friends and -acquaintances whose letters to Pepys are still extant. The greater -proportion of the letters are at Oxford, but some printed in the -“Diary” are at Cambridge. - - [The date is that of the letter. B. affixed shows that the MS. is - in the Bodleian Library; S. that the letter is printed in Smith’s - “Life, &c., of Pepys;” and P. that it is printed in the - Correspondence attached to the “Diary.”] - - Ackworth, William, Storekeeper in Woolwich Dockyard, 1664. B. - - Agar, Thomas, 1679–87. B. - - Ailesbury, Robert Bruce, Earl of, 1684. B. - - Alberville, Marquis d’ [otherwise White], 1687. B. - - Alcock, Thomas, Master Caulker at Portsmouth, 1682–6. B. - - Allais, Denise d’, 1680. B. - - Andrewes, Sir Matthew, 1686–87. B. - - Andrews, Thomas, Contractor for the Victualling of Tangier, 1664. B. - - Anglesey, Arthur Annesley, 1st Earl of, 1672. B., S. - - Atkins, Samuel. B. - - Aylmer, Lieut. George, 1677–78. B. - - Baesh, Sir Edward, 1689. B., S. (spelt Beash). - - Bagwell, William, Carpenter of H.M.S. “The Prince,” 1668, 1681. B. - - Banks, C., 1678. B. - - Banks, Sir John, 1672–9. B. - - Barlow, Thomas, Clerk of the Acts, 1660–1. B. - - Barrow, Philip, Storekeeper at Chatham, 1663. B. - - Barry, James, 1678. B. - - Bastinck, Francis, 1674, 1679. B. - - Batelier, Joseph, Clerk in the Navy Office, 1681–83. B. - - Battine, Edward, Clerk of the Survey at Portsmouth, 1687. B. - - Beach, Sir Richard, 1677–88. B. - - Beane, R., 1682. B. - - Beaumont, Basil, Midshipman in the “Phœnix,” 1687. B. - - Bedford, Thomas, Deputy-Registrar of the Admiralty, 1687. B. - - Belasyse, John, Lord, 1675. B. - - Berkeley, John, 3rd Lord, of Stratton, 1678. B., P. - - Bernard, Sir John, 1677. B. - - Berry, Sir John, 1674–87. B. - - Berry, Captain Thomas, 1673. B. - - Bertie, Peregrine, 1688. B. - - Betts, Isaac, Master Shipwright at Portsmouth Dockyard. B. - - Bibaud, Henry, 1686–7. B. - - Bickerstaffe, Sir Charles, 1685–88. B. - - Bland, Mrs. Sa., 1664. B. - - Blathwayt, William, Secretary to James II., afterwards Clerk of the - Council and Secretary at War, 1687. B. - - Bodham, W., of Woolwich Ropeyard, 1665–71. B. - - Bolland, Captain Richard, 1676–7. B. - - Booth, Sir William, Captain of H.M.S. “Adventure,” and Commissioner - of the Navy, 1679–88. B. - - Bounty, Captain John, 1680. B. - - Bourk, William, Purser, 1687. B. - - Bowles, George, 1681. B. - - Bowles, Phineas, 1680–9. B. - - Brisbane, John, 1679. B. - - Brooke, Sir Robert, 1667. B. - - Brouncker, William, Lord, 1667. B., P. - - Browne, Captain John, afterwards a Cutler, 1682. B. - - Browne, John, Alderman and Mayor of Harwich, 1689. B. - - Bulkeley, Lord, 1687. B. - - Bulteel, P., 1687. B. - - Bunce, Stephen, 1676. B. - - Burchett, Josiah, 1687–8. B., P., S. - - Burton, Dr. Hezekiah, 1677. B., P. - - Butler, Sir Nicholas, 1688. B. - - Canham, Ambrose, 1684. B. - - Carteret, Sir Philip, 1686–7. B., S. - - Chamberlayne, C., 1687. B. - - Chardin, Sir John, 1687. B. - - Charlett, Dr. A., 1700–2. P. - - Chetwood, K., 1687. B. - - Chicheley, Sir John, 1673. B., S. - - Child, John, 1680. B. - - Child, Sir Josiah, 1673. B. - - Churchill, Captain George, 1688. B. - - Clarendon, Henry, 2nd Earl of, 1700–1. P. - - Clutterbuck, Sir Thomas, 1671. B., S. - - Colinge, Richard. B. - - Compton, Dr. Henry, Bishop of London, 1691. P. - - Cooke, Thomas, 1687. B. - - Copleston, Sir John, 1679. B. - - Corie, Thomas, 1675. B. - - Cotton, Captain Andrew, 1687. B. - - Coventry, Sir William, 1664–76. B. 1665, 1673. P. - - Cowse, William, 1688. B. - - Cramporne, Thomas, 1674. B. - - Creed, John, 1667–87. B. - - Custis, Edmund, 1675. B. - - Cuttance, Sir Roger, 1667. B. - - Dartmouth, George Legge, Lord, 1683–4. B., P. 1684–89. S. - - Deane, Sir Anthony, 1666–89. B. 1689. S. - - Delaune, Dr. W., 1702. P. - - Denise, Claude, Secretary to the Consistory of the Savoy, 1679–81. B. - - Dering, Sir Edward, 1687–8. B. - - Des Glereaux, Paul Thevenin Sieur, 1680. B. - - Des Moulins, Mdlle. Marie Lecoq, 1680–1. B. - - Done, Andrew, 1679. B. - - Donluis, Felix, 1680–88. B. - - Dore, James, 1689. B. - - D’Oyly, Edmund, 1679. B. - - Dryden, John, 1699. S. - - Duck, Mrs. Ann, 1682. B. - - Dummer, Edmund, 1679. B., S. - - Dunlope, Charles. B., S. - - Dyre, Captain William, 1679–81. B. - - Elkins, Richard, 1667. B. - - Ellis, John, Scrivener, 1678. B. - - Erlisman, Captain John, 1681. B. - - Ernle, Sir John, 1671. B. - - Evelyn, John, 1666–89. B. 1667, 1700. P. 1687–9. S. - - Evelyn, Mrs. Mary, 1687. B., S. - - Fairfax, George, 1677. B. - - Falkener, John, Woolwich Ropeyard, 1664. B. - - Feilding, Captain Henry, 1682. B. - - Ferrer, Mrs. Jane, 1668. B. - - Fist, Anthony, 1671. B. - - Fitzpatrick, Colonel John, 1687. B. - - Flawes, William, Captain of H.M.S. “Falcon,” 1679. B. - - Fletcher, Mathias, Carver to the Navy at Deptford, 1689. B. - - Ford, Lieut. Samuel, 1678–88. B. - - Fowler, Mrs. Anne, Widow of Capt. Fowler, 1687–8. - - Fowler, Thomas, Captain of H.M.S. “Swallow,” 1683–87. B. - - Fox, Simon, 1675. B. - - Francklin, Samuel, 1682. B. - - Frederick, Sir John, 1677. B. - - Frowde, Philip, Master of the Post Office, 1688. B. - - Furzer, Daniel, Assistant Shipwright at Chatham Dockyard, 1685. B. - - Gale, Roger, 1702–3. P. - - Gale, Thomas, D.D., 1680–90. B. 1680–8. S. 1688–9, 1700. P. - - Galenière, Mons. de, 1702–3. P. - - Gauden, Sir Denis, 1671–1682. B. - - Gauden, Jonathan, 1689. B. - - Gelson, John, 1683. B. - - George, Lieut. John, 1679. B. - - Gibbon, John, 1675. B., S. - - Gibbon, Mary, Wife of Capt. Thomas Gibbon, 1681. B. - - Gibbon, Captain Thomas, 1681. B. - - Gibson, Dr. Edmond, afterwards Bishop of London, 1696. P. - - Gibson, Richard, Victualling Agent to the Navy, 1670–88. B. 1688. P. - - Gifford, Captain William, 1688. B. - - Gordon, Sir Robert, 1687. B. - - Gough, Richard, 1683. B. - - Gray, J., son of Lord Gray, of Stamford, 1680. B. - - Gregory, Edward, Commissioner of Chatham Dockyard, 1670–89. B. - - Guilford, Sir Francis North, Lord, 1677–82. B. - - Guillym, S., 1688. B. - - Guy, Henry, 1680–1. B. - - Gwynn, Francis, 1688. B., S. - - Haddock, Sir Richard, 1681. B. - - Hall, Thomas, 1681. B. - - Hamilton, Thomas, 1679. B. - - Hancock, Giles, 1682. B. - - Harbord, William, M.P., 1679. B. - - Hardesnell, J., 1681. B. - - Harman, William, Captain of H.M.S. “Bristol,” 1675. B. - - Harris, Alexander, Messenger to the Admiralty, 1679. B. - - Hawer, Nathaniel, 1688–9. B. 1688–9. S. - - Hayes, Sir James, Commissioner of the Treasury in Ireland, 1666–73. B. - - Hayter, Thomas, Clerk of the Acts, and Secretary to the Admiralty, - 1673–9. B. - - Hebdon, Sir John, 1666, 1681. B. - - Herne, Sir Nathaniel, 1674. B. - - Hewer, William, 1675–88. B. 1682, 1688. P. 1675–88. S. - - Heywood, Captain Peter, 1679. B. - - Hickes, Dr. George, 1700–2. P. - - Hill, Joseph, B.D., 1676–88. B. 1681–9. S. - - Hill, Thomas, 1673–5. B., S. - - Hodges, William, Merchant at Cadiz, 1684–88. B. - - Holmes, Henry, 1688. B. - - Holmes, Sir John, 1677–9. B. - - Holmes, Lady M., 1687. B. - - Holmes, Sir Robert, 1688. B. - - Homewood, Edward, Chatham, 1686–7. B. - - Hopson, Sir Thomas, 1688. B. - - Hosier, Francis, 1666. B. - - Houblon, James, 1674–89. B. 1677–86. S. - - Houblon, Mrs., 1683. B., S. - - Houblon, Wynne, 1688. B., S. - - How, Edward, Carpenter of H.M.S. “Oxford,” 1686. B. - - How, Lieut. John, 1675. B. - - Howard, Mrs. E., Housekeeper to the Duke of York, 1671. B. - - Howard, Sir Robert, 1679. B. - - Howe, William, Judge at Barbadoes, 1681–88. - - Hughes, Thomas. B., S. - - Hunter, S., Clerk to the Trinity House, 1680–87. B. - - Jackson, John, brother-in-law of Pepys, 1676. B. - - Jackson, John, nephew of Pepys, 1687. B. 1699–1700. P. - - Jackson, Samuel, 1688. B., S. - - James II., 1688. B., P. 1679–81. P. - - Jaques, Captain William, 1678. B. - - Jeffreys, George, Lord Chancellor, 1687. B., P. - - Jenifer, Captain James, 1667, 1679. B. - - Jenkins, Sir Leoline, 1676–85. B. 1678–9. P. - - Jenner, Sir Thomas, Baron of the Court of Exchequer 1687. B. - - Jodrell, Paul, Clerk of the House of Commons, 1684–5. B. - - Jordan, Sir Joseph, 1667. B. - - Joyne, John, Watchmaker at Paris, 1680–1. B. - - Kember, James. B. - - Kennedy, Sir James, Consul in Holland, 1687–8. B. - - Killigrew, Admiral Henry, 1679–88. B. - - King, Gregory, 1692–3. P. - - Kirke, Colonel Piercy, of Tangier, 1683. B. - - Kneller, Sir Godfrey, 1690. B., S. 1701–2. P. - - Langley, Captain Thomas, Mayor of Harwich, 1667–87. B. - - Lanyon, John, Contractor for the Victualling of Tangier, 1664–6. B. - - La Pointe, ---- de, 1683. B. - - Latour, Raphael de la Bordasse, Seigneur de, 1680. B. - - Lee, Robert, Master Shipwright at Chatham Dockyard, 1685. B. - - Legendre-Tunier, T., 1669. B. - - L’Estrange, Sir Roger, 1681. B. - - Lewsley, Thomas, of Chatham, 1664. B. - - Lhostein, Captain Augustus, 1674. B. - - Littleton, Edward, 1689. B. - - Lloyd, Captain David, 1688. B. - - Loke, George, of Brampton, 1681. B. - - Lorrain, Jacques, 1680. B. - - Lorrain, Paul, son of Jacques, 1681. B. 1700. P. - - Loton, Rev. John, of Chatham, 1670–88. B. 1688. S. - - Lovelace, Thomas, 1680. B. - - Lowther, Sir John, Commissioner of the Admiralty, 1689. B. - - Luzancy, Hippolitus de, Vicar of Harwich, 1689. B., P. - - Lynch, Thomas, Purser, 1680–1. B. - - McDonnell, Captain, afterwards Sir Randal, 1687. B. - - Martin, Samuel, Consul at Algiers, 1667–76. B. - - Maryon, Joseph, of Clare Hall, Cambridge, 1681. B. 1680–1. S. - - Matthews, John, of Huntingdon, 1681–7. - - Maulyverer, John, of Magdalene College, Cambridge, 1679. B., P. - - Mayden, Thomas, Merchant, 1676. B. - - Middleton, Martha, Countess of, 1682. B. - - Middleton, Colonel Thomas, 1665–7. B. - - Miller, Thomas, of Brampton, 1683. B. - - Milles, Daniel, D.D., 1681–2. B. 1687. S. - - Mills, Rev. Alexander, of Sandwich, 1687. B., S. - - Montagu, Rev. John, 1674. B., S. - - Moore, Henry, 1667–9. B. - - Moore, Sir Jonas, 1678. B., S. - - Morales, ---- de, Portuguese Captain, 1680. B. - - Mordaunt, Lady Elizabeth, 1680–2. B. - - Moreau, Claude, Porter in Paris, 1680–3. B. - - Morelli, Cesare, 1674–87. B. 1681. P. 1674. S. - - Morland, Sir Samuel, 1677–88. B. 1686–8. P. 1687. S. - - Munden, Sir Richard, 1679–80. B. - - Murcott, Anne, 1687. B. - - Narborough, Sir John, 1679. B. - - Nelson, Robert, 1702–3. P. - - Nevett, Richard, Purser, 1681. B. - - Newlin, Robert, of Seville, 1684. B. - - Newton, Sir Isaac, 1693. P. - - Nicolls, Captain Matthias, 1681–2. B. - - Norfolk, Jane Howard, Duchess of, 1681. P. 1687. B., S. - - Norfolk, Thomas Howard, 7th Duke of, 1673. B., S. - - Norman, James, 1667. B. - - Norwood, Colonel Henry, 1679–81. B. 1679. S. - - Orford, Edward Russell, afterwards 1st Earl of, 1689. B., S. - - Papillon, Thomas, Merchant, 1673. B. - - Parker, Abraham, Muster-master in the Navy, 1673–4 B. - - Parry, Francis, Envoy to Portugal, 1679. B. - - Peachell, John, D.D., 1680–8. B., P. 1680–8. S. - - Pearse, Elizabeth, Laundress to the Queen of James II., 1682. B. - - Pearse, James, Surgeon-General to the Fleet, 1666–80. B. - - Pearse, James, Jun., 1677–86. B. 1679. S. - - Pedley, Sir Nicholas, of Huntingdon, 1682. B. - - Peletyer, Antoine, of Paris, 1669–80. B. - - Pellissary, Madame Bibaud, of Paris, 1680, 1687. B. - - Penn, Sir William, 1664. B. - - Pepys, Charles, Master Joiner at Chatham Dockyard, 1689. B., S. - - Pepys, John, Sen., 1664. B. - - Pepys, John, from H.M.S. “Sapphire,” 1687. B. - - Pepys, Richard, 1688. B., S. - - Pepys, Roger, M.P., 1674. B. - - Pepys, Thomas, 1681. B. - - Pepys, Mrs. Ursula, 1680–87. B. 1683. P. 1680. S. - - Perriman, J., of Rotherhithe, 1668. B. - - Peterborough, Penelope Mordaunt, Countess of, 1680. B. - - Pett, Mrs. Ann, widow of Christopher Pett, 1670. B. - - Pett, Christopher, 1666. B. - - Pett, Sir Peter, 1664–1684. B. 1684. S. - - Pett, Peter, 1682. B. - - Pett, Sir Phineas, 1672–89. B. 1686–88. S. - - Pett, Samuel, 1679. B. - - Petty, Sir William, 1683–87. B. 1683. S. - - Philipson, John, of Newcastle, 1682. B. - - Poole, Sir William, Captain of H.M.S. “St. David,” 1675–9. B. - - Povey, Thomas, 1672–86. B. 1672. P. 1680. S. - - Prestman, John, 1679. B. - - Priaulx, Thomas, of Seville, 1684. B. - - Prowd, Captain John, 1676. B., S. - - Puckle, James, 1679–80. B. - - Raines, Sir Richard, Judge of the Court of Admiralty, 1686–88. B. - - Rand, William, Governor of the Sea-Chest, 1672. B. - - Reay, Lord, 1699–1700. P. - - Reresby, Gars, 1683–4. B. - - Rich, Peter, 1680. B. - - Richmond, Charles Lennox, Duke of, 1671–2. B., S. - - Robins, Judith, 1687. B. - - Robinson, Sir Robert, 1667–79. B. - - Rochester, Laurence Hyde, Earl of, 1677. B. - - Rolfe, John, Alderman of Harwich, 1689. B. - - Rooke, Sir George, 1679. - - Rooke, Colonel W., 1679. B. - - Rooth, Sir Richard, 1674–87. B. - - Ross, Thomas, 1674. B., S. - - Row, Richard, 1675. B. - - Roydon, Charles, Captain of H.M.S. “Guernsey,” 1677–8. B. - - Rushworth, Mrs. Hannah, 1676–7. B. - - Russell, Charles, 1683. B., S. - - Ruvigny, Henri, Marquis de, 1679, 1681–2. B. - - Rycaut, Paul, 1686. B. - - Sackville, Captain Edward, 1679. B. - - St. John, Dr. John, Judge in the East Indies, 1688. B. - - St. John, Lady, 1687. B. - - St. Michel, Balthasar, 1670–89. B. 1672. P. 1673–4, 1689. S. - - St. Michel, Mrs. Esther, 1681–2. B., S. - - St. Michel, Samuel, 1689. B., S. - - Salisbury, Hugh, 1670. B. - - Sandford, S., Alderman of Harwich, 1683, 1686, 1689. B. - - Sandwich, Edward Montagu, 1st Earl of, 1665. B., P. - - Sandwich, Edward, Lord Hinchinbroke, 2nd Earl of, 1667. B., S. - - Sansom, John, 1675. B. - - Savile, Henry, 1672–9. B. 1672. P. - - Scott, Robert, Bookseller, 1681–8. B. 1688. P. 1681. S. - - Seaman, Dr. Robert, Alderman of Harwich. 1688–9. B. - - Shadwell, Edward, 1688. B. - - Shales, Captain John, 1688. B. - - Sheres, Sir Henry, 1675–87. B. 1683. S. - - Sheridan, Thomas, 1680. B., S. - - Sherwin, Judith, 1680. B. - - Shish, Jonas, Shipwright at Sheerness and Deptford, 1664. B. - - Silvester, Edward, 1671. B. - - Skelton, Bevil, 1686. B. - - Skinner, Daniel, 1676–7. B. - - Skinner, Ephraim, 1674. B. - - Skinner, Mrs. Frances, 1699. B., S. - - Skinner, O’Brien, 1679–82. B. - - Skinner, Peter, 1686–89. B. 1689. S. - - Slingar, Roger, 1684. B., S. - - Slingsby, Sir Henry, 1687. B., P. - - Smith, Sir Jeremiah, 1667. B. - - Smith, Dr. Thomas, 1702. P. - - Sotherne, James, 1680. B. - - Southwell, Edward, 1682. B. - - Southwell, Sir Robert, 1671–88. B. 1681–8. S. - - Spencer, William, Bursar of Peter House, Cambridge, 1686. B. - - Spragg, Captain Thomas, 1688–9. B. - - Spragge, Sir Edward, 1672. B. - - Stock, Abraham, of Dover, 1677–88. 1688. S. - - Stockdale, Robert, 1674. B. - - Stokes, W., Mayor of Dover, 1678. B. - - Strickland, Sir Roger, 1688. B. - - Sussex, Anne Fitzroy Lennard, Countess of, 1688. B., S. - - Taylor, Captain John, of Chatham Dockyard, 1667. B. - - Taylor, Captain Silas, 1672. B. - - Teddiman, Thomas, 1681. B., S. - - Thynne, Henry Fred, 1687. B. - - Tilghman, Abraham, Clerk to the Commissioners at Deptford, 1687. - B., P., S. - - Tippetts, Sir John, Commissioner of the Navy at Portsmouth, 1664–85. - B. - - Torrington, Arthur Herbert, Earl of, 1679. B. - - Tosier, Captain John, 1679. B. - - Trenchepain, François, 1679–80. B. - - Trevanion, Ri, 1680. B. - - Trevor, Sir John, 1687. B. - - Tuke, Lady (M.), 1687. B., S. - - Turner, Dr. John, 1682–87. B. 1680–88. S. - - Turner, Mrs. Mary, 1682. B. - - Turner, Tim, 1680. B., S. - - Tyler, Richard, 1667. B. - - Tyrrell, Captain John, 1687. B. - - Tyrrell, Sir Timothy, 1679–80. B. - - Vernon, John, 1681. B. - - Villiers, Sir Edward, 1681. B. - - Vincent, Nathaniel, D.D., 1682–8. B. 1682–8. S. - - Vittells, Captain Richard, Master Superintendent at Chatham, 1687–8. - B. - - Walbanke, John, 1681. B. - - Wallis, John, D.D., 1688. B., S. 1699–1702. P. - - Waltham, Thomas, 1667. B. - - Warner, John, 1685. B., S. - - Warren, Sir William, 1664–88. B. - - Wells, Jeremiah, Rector of West Hanningfield, Essex, 1670–9. B. - - Wescombe, Sir Martin, Consul at Cadiz, 1686. B. - - Wheler, George, 1681. B. - - Williamson, Sir Joseph, 1689. B., S. - - Wivell, E., 1674–87. B. - - Wood, Dr. Robert, 1682. B., S. - - Woolley, William, 1684. B. - - Wren, Matthew, 1669–70. B., P. - - Wrenn, Captain Ralph, 1687. B. - - Wright, Edward, 1680. B. 1696. P. - - Wyborne, Sir John, Deputy Governor of Bombay, 1680–8. B. 1686–8. S. - - Wyborne, Lady (K.), 1683–8. B. 1686–7. S. - - Wylde, Captain Charles, 1683. B., S. - - Yeabsley, Thomas, Contractor for the Victualling of Tangier, 1664–5. - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -APPENDIX VI. - -LISTS - -_Of the Secretaries of the Admiralty, and Principal Officers of the - Navy; viz., Treasurers, Comptrollers, Surveyors, Clerks of the Acts, - and Commissioners of the Navy at Chatham; to the beginning of the - 18th century._ (_Compiled by Colonel Pasley, C.B., R.E._) - - -From the middle of the 16th to the end of the 17th century, Chatham -was by far the most important of the English naval stations, and the -Commissioner resident there had from the first a seat and vote at the -Board in London--a privilege which was not extended to his colleague at -Portsmouth until a much later date. The rise of the latter port dates -from the alliance with the Dutch, and war with France which followed -the accession of William and Mary, and which made it necessary to -establish a first-class naval yard at a less distance from the French -coast than Chatham. The same cause led to the construction of a dry -dock at Plymouth. See “Edmund Dummer,” in the list of Surveyors of the -Navy. - -The figures in the first column represent the year of appointment, -when that can be ascertained. The prefix “circ.” implies that the -person named in the second column is known to have held the office at -the time stated, although the date of first appointment is not known. -In some cases the only date that can be found is that of an order -to the Attorney-General to prepare letters patent; sometimes that -of the patent itself; sometimes of a warrant to execute the office, -notwithstanding that the patent is not yet passed; and occasionally -that of a letter from some person at Court informing his correspondent -that the King or Queen has signed such and such a patent. It has been -thought better, therefore, to state only the _year_ of appointment, as -the insertion in lists of this kind of the month and day tends to give -them a delusive appearance of accuracy. - -The scantiness of MS. records before the Revolution arises from the -practice which existed of retiring Officers taking away with them their -office books and papers, which they regarded as their own property. -This was put a stop to in the Dockyards by a Navy Board Order of the -18th August, 1692. Unless otherwise stated, the manuscripts in the -following lists are in the British Museum. - - -SECRETARIES OF THE ADMIRALTY, - -_From the first placing of the Office of Lord High Admiral in -Commission to the commencement of the 18th century_. - - NOTE.--An asterisk (*) _before_ the name of a titled office-holder - signifies that the title (knighthood or other) was conferred upon him - during his tenure of that office. - - Date of - Appointment. Name. Authority. Lord High Admiral. - - 1628 Edward Nicholas. Cal. Stᵗᵉ Papers In Commission. - (Domestic - Series). - - Nicholas had been Secretary to Lord Zouch, Warden of the Cinque - Ports, and afterwards to the Duke of Buckingham, Lord High - Admiral. On the assassination of the latter, in 1628, the office - of Lord High Admiral was for the first time entrusted to a body - of commissioners instead of to an individual, and Nicholas - was appointed Secretary of the Admiralty. When the Earl of - Northumberland was appointed Lord High Admiral, ten years later, - Nicholas ceased to hold any office immediately connected with - the Navy, but retained the post of Clerk of the Council. He was - afterwards knighted, and became Secretary of State to Charles I., - and (after the Restoration) to Charles II. - - 1638 Thomas Smith. Cal. St. Pap. Earl of - Northumberland. - - 1643 ----? Earl of Warwick. - - 1645 ----? A Committee of - both Houses of - Parliament. - - 1648 ----? Earl of Warwick - again. - - I have not met with any record of the names of the Secretaries - during the period from 1643 to 1649. - - 1649 Robert Coytmor. Cal. St. Pap. A Committee of - the Council of - State. - - 1652 Robert Blackborne. Cal. St. Pap. Commissioners - appointed by Act - of Parliament. - - Blackborne had previously held the office of Secretary to the - “Navy Committee,” a Committee of the House of Commons. The - precise relations existing between the numerous committees and - commissions at this period are not very clear. - - 1653 Robert Blackborne. Cal. St. Pap. Commissioners - appointed by - Act of the - Convention. - - 1654 Robert Blackborne. Addit. MS. 18,986, Do. by Patent - fo. 150 (Letter of the Protector - to Blackborne Oliver. - from Commissr. - Pett). - - 1658 Robert Blackborne. Admiralty Orders Do. by Patent - and Instructions, of the Protector - 1656 to 1658 Richard. - (Admiralty - Library MS.). - - 1659 Robert Blackborne. Addit. MS. 9,302, Commissioners - fo. 183 (List of appointed by - Officers and the Rump. - Salaries of the - Admiralty and - Navy before the - Restoration). - - Blackborne continued to hold the office of Secretary until the - appointment of the Duke of York as Lord High Admiral in July, - 1660. He is frequently mentioned by Pepys. - - 1660 *Sir William } Duke of York. - Coventry. } From “Mr. - } Hewer’s account - 1667 Matthew Wren. } of the Duke of York. - } Secretaries - 1672 Sir John Werden. } of the Duke of York. - } Admiralty - 1673 Samuel Pepys. } from King King Charles - } Charles II.’s II, with a - } restoration to Commission. - } King James II.’s - 1679 Thomas Hayter. } withdrawing, In Commission. - } December, 1688.” - 1680 John Brisband. } In Commission. - } - 1684 Samuel Pepys. } (MS. in Pepysian King Charles - } Collection, II. (assisted by - } “Naval Minutes.”) the Duke of - } York). - } - 1685 Samuel Pepys. } King James II. - } - 1688 Samuel Pepys. } Prince of - } Orange. - } - 1689 Phineas } In Commission. - Bowles. } - - 1690 James Sotherne. Luttrell, ii. In Commission. - p. 10. - - 1694 William Bridgman. Luttrell, iii. In Commission. - p. 341. - - 1695 William Bridgman Haydn’s “Book of In Commission. - and Josiah Dignities.” - Burchett, joint - Secretaries. - - The _date_ of the joint appointment is taken from Haydn, but the - _fact_ is proved by Admiralty letters in the Chatham Dockyard - Records, which about this time bear the signature sometimes of - Bridgman and sometimes of Burchett as Secretary. - - 1698 Josiah Burchett, Luttrell, iv. 396. In Commission. - alone. - - 1702 Josiah Burchett. Earl of Pembroke. - - 1702 Josiah Burchett, Luttrell, v. 176. Prince George of - George Denmark. - Clark, joint. - - 1705 Josiah Burchett, Luttrell, v. 605. Prince George of - alone. Denmark. - - 1708 Josiah Burchett. Earl of Pembroke. - - 1709 Josiah Burchett. In Commission. - - NOTE.--Mr. Burchett continued to hold this office until 1742, - when he retired. (“British Chronologist,” 29th Oct., 1742.) - - -TREASURERS OF THE NAVY, - -_To the commencement of the 18th century_. - - Date of - Appointment. Name. Authority. - - circ. 1546 Robert Legg. Harleian MS. 249. - - The first paper in this volume of the Harleian Collection is - a “Confession taken of 23 of the crediblest forfathers at - Deptford-Strande the 29ᵗʰ day of October (anno R. R. Hen. VIII. - 38vo.) consernynge the taking of the Gallye Blancherd, in the - presens of Sir Thomas Cleire, Lieuftennaunt, Robert Legg Esq. - Treasourer, Will. Brocke, Comptroller, Benjamin Gonson, Surveour, - and Rich Brocke, Capitaigne of the Kynges Majesties Gallye - Subtill.” I have not found any record of the date of Legg’s - appointment. - - 1549 Benjamin Gonson. Additˡ. MSS. vol. 9295, fo. 56. - - 1577 Benjamin Gonson and Additˡ. MSS. vol. - *Sir John Hawkins, 9295, fo. 56. - joint. - - 1578 Sir John Hawkins, Cal. St. Papers. - alone. - - 1595 Vacant. Cal. St. Papers. - - On Sir John Hawkins’s death in 1595, Roger Langford, his deputy, - was appointed to do the duty of Treasurer, with the title of - “Paymaster of Marine Causes,” pending the appointment of a new - Treasurer, which did not take place till 1598. - - 1598 *Sir Fulke Greville.[406] Cal. St. Pap. - - 1604 Sir Robert Mansell. Cal. St. Pap., and - Phineas Pett’s Autobiography. - - 1618 Sir William Russell. Cal. St. Pap. - - 1627 *Sir Sackville Crowe, Cal. St. Pap. - Bart. - - Sir Sackville Crowe was one of the Special Commissioners - appointed in 1618 by James I. to inquire into abuses in the - navy. In 1627 Sir W. Russell was superseded in his favour, but - three years later he was charged with misappropriation, or - embezzlement, and was compelled to resign, when Russell was - reinstated. - - 1630 Sir William Russell, Cal. St. Pap. - again. - - 1639 Sir William Russell, Cal. St. Pap. - and *Sir Henry - Vane, joint. - - 1642 Sir Henry Vane, alone. Forster, “Statesmen of the - Commonwealth.” - - 1651 Richard Hutchinson. Cal. St. Pap. - - Hutchinson had been Deputy Treasurer to Sir H. Vane, whom he - succeeded as Treasurer in 1651. He continued to hold that office - until the Restoration. He is several times mentioned in Pepys’s - “Diary.” - - 1660 Sir George Carteret. Pepys, &c. - - Sir George Carteret had been Comptroller of the Navy before the - Civil War. - - 1667 Earl of Anglesey. Duke of York’s Memoirs, p. 235. - - 1668 Sir Thomas Osborne, Duke of York’s Memoirs, p. 236. - Bart., Sir Thomas - Littleton, Bart., - joint. - - 1671 Sir Thomas Osborne, Duke of York’s Memoirs, - alone. p. 236. - - The patent of Sir Thomas Osborne (afterwards Duke of Leeds) to - be sole Treasurer is printed in the Duke of York’s “Memoirs of - the English Affairs,” pp. 235–238. It recites and revokes the - appointments of 1667 and 1668. - - 1673 Edward Seymour. Collins’s “Peerage of England” - (Sir E. Brydges’ edition), - vol. i. p. 195. - - Afterwards Sir Edward Seymour, Bart. The Duke of Somerset and the - Marquis of Hertford are descended from him. - - 1681 Viscount Falkland. Luttrell, vol. i. p. 76. - - Lord Falkland died in 1694. (Luttrell, iii. 317.) - - 1689 Edward Russell. Collins’s “Peerage,” - vol. i. p. 283. - - A distinguished naval commander. Afterwards Earl of Orford, which - title became extinct at his death. - - 1699 Sir Thomas Littleton, Luttrell, v. 521. - Bart. - - Died in 1710. (Luttrell, vi. 530.) - - 1710 Robert Walpole. Luttrell, vi. 534. - - Afterwards Prime Minister and Earl of Orford. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[406] Afterwards Lord Brooke. - - -COMPTROLLERS OF THE NAVY, - -_To the commencement of the 18th century_. - - Date of - Appointment. Name. Authority. - - circ. 1514 John Hopton. Cal. of Letters, &c., - Henry VIII. - - Hopton certainly held the office of Comptroller in 1514, but I - have been unable to ascertain the date of his appointment. He - died about 1524. - - circ. 1542 John Osburne. Byng MSS. vol. x.[407] - Admiralty Library - (Pepys’s Naval Collections). - - circ. 1546 William Brock. Harleian MS. 249, - No. 1. - - 1562 William Holstock. Cal. St. Pap. - - circ. 1585 William Holstock and Lansdowne MS. 43, - William Borough, No. 33. - joint. - - At this period (1585) W. Borough was Clerk _and_ Comptroller - of the Ships, but as Holstock certainly retained the office of - Comptroller till 1589, I presume they must have held it jointly. - - circ. 1590 William Borough, Cal. St. Pap. - alone. - - After 1589 Holstock’s name appears no more at the foot of - certificates or other papers connected with the navy recorded in - the Calendars of State Papers, and it is probable that he died or - retired then, leaving Borough sole Comptroller. The latter died - about the end of 1598. (Cal. St. Pap.) - - 1598 Sir Henry Palmer. Cal. St. Pap. - - 1611 Sir Guilford Slingsby. Cal. St. Pap. - - 1631 Sir Henry Palmer, Cal. St. Pap. - junior. - - 1639 Sir Hen. Palmer, jun., Cal. St. Pap. - and Capt. George - Carteret,[408] joint. - - 1642 In abeyance. Addit. MSS. vol. 9311, fo. 188. - - In 1642 the Parliament abolished the offices of Comptroller, - Surveyor, and Clerk of the Acts, and constituted instead of them - a Board of equal Commissioners. The Treasurer remained, but was - no longer a member of the Navy Board. - - 1660 *Sir Robert Slingsby. Cal. St. Pap.; Pepys’s Diary. - - The Navy Board in its old form was re-established at the - Restoration. - - 1661 Sir John Minnes. Pepys’s Diary. - - 1671 Sir Thomas Allen. Duke of York’s Instructions - (MS. Admiralty Library). - - Died in 1685. (Luttrell, i. p. 358.) - - 1685 Sir Richard Haddock. Addit. MS. 9322. - - 1686 In abeyance. Pepys’s Memoir. - - The principal officers (except the Treasurer) were suspended, and - the office placed temporarily under the charge of a body of equal - Commissioners, as described in Pepys’s “Memoir.” - - 1688 Sir Richard Haddock, Pepys’s Memoir. - restored. - - Special Commission revoked, and former officers restored. - - 1715 Sir Charles Wager. Byng MSS. vol. 13 - (Admiralty Library). - -FOOTNOTES: - -[407] This volume contains a transcript of part of Pepys’s -Naval Collections in the Library of Magdalene College, Cambridge. It -comprises some extracts from Lord Clarendon’s copy of the Council Books -of King Henry VIII. from 1541 to 1543, one of which records a letter -being written to Mr. Stanhopp and John Osburne, “Comptroller of the -King’s H.’ˢ Ships.” I cannot find the date of his first appointment. - -[408] Afterwards Sir George Carteret, Treasurer of the Navy. - - -SURVEYORS OF THE NAVY, - -_To the commencement of the 18th century_. - - Date of - Appointment. Name. Authority. - - circ. 1546 Benjamin Gonson. Harleian MS. 249. (_See_ - Robert Legg, Treasurer.) - - Gonson was appointed Treasurer of the Navy in 1549. - - 1549 *Sir William Winter. Addit. MS. 5752, fo. 6ᵇ. - - Letters Patent of Philip and Mary, dated 2nd Nov. 1557, recite a - patent of Edward VI. appointing William Wynter to be “Surveyor of - our Ships,” and go on to appoint him “Master of our Ordnance of - our Ships,” in addition to the Surveyorship. He continued to hold - the joint offices for many years--certainly till 1589, perhaps - later. The date of his death is uncertain. - - 1598 *Sir John Trevor. Cal. St. Pap. - - 1611 *Sir Richard Bingley. Phineas Pett’s Autobiography. - - 1616 *Sir Thomas Aylesbury. Cal. St. Pap. - - 1632 Kenrick Edisbury. Cal. St. Pap. - - This is the “Old Edgborough,” whose ghost was supposed to haunt - the Hill House at Chatham. (Pepys’s Diary, 8th April, 1661.) He - died in 1638. - - 1638 William Batten. Cal. St. Pap. - - Afterwards Sir William. (See 1660 below.) - - 1642 In abeyance. Addit. MSS. vol. 9311 fo. 188. - - A body of Commissioners appointed by Parliament instead of the - principal officers. - - 1660 Sir William Batten, Cal. St. Pap., and - restored. Pepys’s Diary. - - Died in 1667. - - 1667 Colonel Thomas Pepys’s Diary, 10th Dec. 1667. - Middleton. - - _See_ Middleton in List of Commissioners at Chatham, 1672. - - 1672 *Sir John Tippetts. Duke of York’s Instructions - (MS. in Admiralty Library). - - 1686 In abeyance. Pepys’s Memoir. - - 1688 Sir John Tippetts, Pepys’s Memoir. - restored. - - 1692 Edmund Dummer. Luttrell, ii. 522. - - In the British Museum (King’s MS. 40) there is an interesting - account by Dummer of a tour made by him in the Mediterranean - on board H.M.S. “Woolwich” in 1682–84. The volume contains - many plans and drawings. In the reign of William III., Dummer - contrived a simple and ingenious method of pumping water from - dry docks below the level of low tide, which enabled Portsmouth - for the first time to possess a dry dock capable of taking in - a first-rate man-of-war, previously regarded as impracticable, - owing to the small rise of tide there as compared with that at - Woolwich, Deptford, Chatham, and Plymouth. He also designed and - constructed the first docks at Plymouth. (See Harl. MS. 4318; - Lansdowne MS. 847; King’s MSS. 40, 43.) - - 1699 Daniel Furzer. Luttrell, iv. 556. - - 1715 Jacob Acworth. Byng Collection, vol. - xiii. (MS. in Admiralty - Library). - - -CLERKS OF THE SHIPS, OF THE NAVY, OR OF THE ACTS, - -_To the commencement of the 18th century_. - - Date of - Appointment. Name. Authority. - - circ. 1482 Thomas Roger, or Pepys’s “Miscellanies” - Rogiers. (MS.) and Harleian - MS. 433. - - The office of “Clerk of the King’s Ships,” or of the Navy, - afterwards “Clerk of the Acts of the Navy,” is in all probability - a very ancient one; but the first holder of the office whose - name I have met with is Thomas Roger or Rogiers, who seems to - have held it in the reigns of Edward IV., Edward V., and Richard - III. In the third volume of Pepys’s MS. “Miscellanies,” p. 87, - is an entry of an order dated 18th May, 22nd Edward IV. (1482), - to the Treasurer and Chamberlain of the Exchequer to examine and - clear the account of “our well beloved Thomas Roger Esq. Clerk of - our Ships.” Harleian MS. 433 (supposed to have belonged to Lord - Burghley) is a register of grants, &c., passing the Privy Seal, - &c., during the reigns of Edward V. and Richard III., with some - entries of other reigns. No. 1690 is the appointment of “Thomas - Rogiers to be Clerc of all maner shippes to the King belonging.” - It has no date, but is very probably a reappointment by Richard - III. on his assumption of the throne. - - Temp. William Comersale. “Letters and Papers, - Henry VII. Henry VIII.,” vol. i. p. 48. - Temp. Robert Brigandyne, - Henry VII. or Brikenden. - 1509 - - “Privy Seal 28 July 1509 for Robert Brikenden to be Keeper or - Clerk of the King’s Ships in the Realm of England, with 12_d._ - a day for himself, and 6_d._ a day for his Clerk, in the same - manner as William Comersale,--out of the customs of Exeter and - Dartmouth.” - - “Letters and Papers, - Henry VIII.,” vol. - iii. pt. 2, p. 1263. - - “Grant 21 April 1523:--Rob. Briganden, of Smalhed, Kent, alias of - Portesmouth. Release, as Clerk of the King’s Ships to Henry VII. - and Henry VIII., and purveyor of Stuffs and timber for the same.” - - From these two documents it appears that Brigandyne’s appointment - as Clerk of the Ships in 1509 was a reappointment on the - accession of Henry VIII., and that he had held the same office - under Henry VII. after Comersale, who may very probably have - succeeded Rogiers. - - Brigandyne’s name appears very frequently in connection with - naval matters down to October, 1525, after which there is no - mention of him in the Calendar of letters and papers. - - 1526 Thomas Jermyn, or “Letters and Papers, - Germyn. Henry VIII.,” vol. - iv. pt. 1, p. 954. - - Patent 1526, April 3rd. Thomas Jermyn, Yeoman of the Guard and - Crown, to be Keeper or Clerk of the Navy, and Keeper of the Dock - at Portsmouth, with 12_d._ a day, and 6_d._ a day for a Clerk, - out of the issues of the Ports of Exeter and Dartmouth. - - From this date to 1530 there are numerous entries connected with - Jermyn’s accounts as Clerk of the Ships. - - circ. 1540 Sir Thomas Spert. Pepys’s “Miscellanies,” - vol. vii. (MS. at - Magdalene College). - - This volume of the “Miscellanies” includes a collection of - payments made to the navy between 1537 and 1541. Amongst these - are regular half-yearly payments at the rate of _£_33 6_s._ 8_d._ - to “Sir Thomas Spert, Clerke of the King’s Ships.” - - circ. 1563 George Winter. Addit. MSS. vol. 5752. - - This volume contains an order of Queen Elizabeth, dated 16th - July, 1563, to Lord Clinton, Lord High Admiral, to deliver - certain stores to George Winter, “Clerk of our Ships.” I have - been unable to find the date of his appointment to this office, - which he continued to hold till his death in 1581. His epitaph - in Dyrham Church, Gloucestershire, is printed in Bigland’s - Collection. He was brother to Sir William Winter, Surveyor of the - Navy and Master of Sea Ordnance. - - circ. 1585 William Borough. Lansdowne MS. 43, - No. 33. - - In February of this year Borough was Clerk _and_ Comptroller: - see his letter of this date (Feb. 1584, meaning no doubt 1585 - as years are counted now) to Lord Burghley (Lansd. MSS. 43, 33) - beginning, “To the righte honnorable the L. Burghley Lord Highe - Treasourer of Englande--your suppliant William Borough Clarke and - Comptroller of her Maᵗⁱᵉ Shippes,” &c. The paper is endorsed, “A - dewtifull declaration, February Anᵒ. 1584. By William Borough - Clarke and Comptroller of her Maᵗⁱᵉ Navie.” It is an original - letter, the body written in a very neat hand of the period, and - signed by Borough himself in a different, but also very neat, - hand. As William Holstock was certainly Comptroller at this time, - and had been so for more than twenty years, it is probable that - he and Borough held that office jointly, whilst Borough also - performed the functions of Clerk of the Ships. (_See_ List of - Comptrollers.) As Winter died in 1581, and Borough had certainly - been Clerk for some time before the date of his letter, it is - probable that he immediately succeeded Winter. - - circ. 1600 *Sir Peter Buck. Phineas Pett’s Autobiography. - - As Borough died in 1598 (Cal. St. Pap.), it is probable he was - succeeded about that time by Peter Buck; but the first occasion - on which I find the name of the latter mentioned as Clerk of the - Ships is in the year 1600, by Phineas Pett. Sir Henry Palmer - certainly succeeded Borough in the Comptrollership in 1598 (Cal. - St. Pap.). Buck died in 1625. He had been for some years Clerk - of the Cheque at Chatham before his appointment to the Board. - He is mentioned by Pepys as one of his predecessors (“Diary,” - 14 Dec. 1660), who was not a little proud of his office having - once been held by a knight. Lord Braybrooke, in his note to this - entry, says that Buck was Secretary to Algernon Percy, Earl of - Northumberland; but Buck was Clerk of the Navy at least two years - before the Earl was born, and died when the latter was only - twenty-three years of age. - - 1625 Dennis Fleming. Cal. St. Pap. - - 1638 Dennis Fleming and Cal. St. Pap. - Thomas Barlow, - joint. - - 1642 In abeyance. Addit. MSS. vol. 9311 - fo. 188. - - A body of Commissioners appointed by Parliament instead of the - principal officers. - - 1660 Samuel Pepys. - - Lord Braybrooke, in his note to the entry of the 27th June, 1660, - quotes Pepys’s patent, in which Fleming and Barlow’s joint patent - is recited and revoked, and Pepys was appointed Clerk of the - Acts at a salary of _£_33 6_s._ 8_d._ per annum. But this amount - was only the ancient “fee out of the Exchequer” which had been - attached to the office for more than a century. Pepys’s salary - had been previously fixed at _£_350 a year. Lord Braybrooke - says, in a note to 9th Feb. 1664–65, that “Barlow had previously - been Secretary to Algernon, Earl of Northumberland, when High - Admiral;” but he was appointed Clerk of the Acts two months - before the Earl became Lord High Admiral. Barlow had, however, - been in his service at an earlier date, and had been appointed by - the Earl Muster-Master of the Fleet under his command in 1636. - (Cal. St. Pap.) - - 1674 Thomas Hayter and Addit. MSS. vol. 9307. - John Pepys, joint. - - When Pepys was promoted to be Secretary of the Admiralty, he was - succeeded in the office of Clerk of the Acts by his clerk and his - brother jointly. - - 1677 Thomas Hayter and Orders and Warrants, - James Sotherne, 1676–78 (MS. in Admiralty - joint. Library). - - Sotherne was appointed “one of the Clerkes of yᵉ Acts of our Navy - Royall,” in the place of John Pepys “lately deceased:” 12th March, - 1676–77. - - 1679 James Sotherne, - alone. - - Hayter was promoted to be Secretary of the Admiralty when Pepys - was thrown into prison. - - 1686 In abeyance. Pepys’s Memoir. - - Special temporary Commission appointed, and the principal - officers suspended. - - 1688 James Sotherne, Pepys’s Memoir. - restored. - - Special Commission revoked. - - circ. 1690 Charles Sergison. - - Sotherne was made Secretary of the Admiralty in January, 1690, - and it is probable that Sergison immediately succeeded him. The - Letter-books of the Navy Board at Chatham show that he held the - office in 1691, and held it until 1719. - - 1719 Tempest Holmes. Byng Collection, vol. - xiii. (MS. in Admiralty - Library). - - -COMMISSIONERS OF THE NAVY APPOINTED TO RESIDE AT CHATHAM, - -_From the first establishment of that office in 1630 to the -commencement of the 18th century_. - - Date of - Appointment. Name. Authority. - - 1630 Phineas Pett. Phineas Pett’s Autobiography - (Addit. MS. 9298). - - This interesting MS., in Pett’s own handwriting, contains full - details of the life of the celebrated builder of the “Royal - Sovereign,” or “Sovereign of the Seas,” from his birth in 1570 - until 1637, when it breaks off abruptly. It is endorsed, in a - much later handwriting: “The life of Comʳ. Pett’s father, whose - place he did enjoy.” A few leaves are wanting, but their contents - are supplied by a complete transcript in the Harleian MS. 6279, - in which, however (as well as in another transcript in the - Pepysian Library), the orthography is somewhat modernized, and - the handwriting is that of the latter part of the 17th century. - Extracts from a copy of the Harleian transcript are printed in - “Archæologia,” vol. xii. - - Pett died in 1647, at Chatham. Having submitted to the - Parliament in 1642, he retained his office until his death in - 1647.[409] - - 1647 Peter Pett. Addit. MSS. vol. 9306 - (Navy Board Letter-book), - shows that in - Nov. 1648, Peter - Pett held this office. - - I have not met with Peter Pett’s original appointment, but I have - no doubt that he immediately succeeded his father Phineas, on the - death of the latter in 1647. He was continued in the same office - after the Restoration. In 1667, in consequence of the Dutch - attack on Chatham, he was superseded, sent to the Tower, and - threatened with impeachment. The threat was not carried out, but - he was never restored to office. - - 1667 Vacant. - - No new appointment was made for nearly two years after Pett’s - removal. - - 1669 *Sir John Cox. Pepys’ Diary: Narborough’s Diary. - - Cox was master of the Duke of York’s flagship, “Royal Charles,” - in the victory over the Dutch Admiral Opdam, 3rd June, 1665. Was - captain of the “Sovereign” in the three days’ battle with the - Dutch fleet in June, 1666. Master Attendant at Deptford in 1667. - Resident Commissioner at Chatham, March, 1669. Appointed, 15th - Jan. 1672, Flag-Captain to the Duke of York in the “Prince,” - without vacating his office at Chatham. Knighted by King Charles - II., on board the “Prince,” at the Nore, on the 27th April. - Killed at the Battle of Sole Bay, on the 28th May in the same - year. - - (See “Diary” of Captain John Narborough (afterwards Sir John), - whilst serving as First Lieutenant on board the “Prince.” It is - amongst the Pepysian MSS. at Magdalene College, and there is a - transcript in the Admiralty Library.) - - 1672 Colonel Thomas Duke of York’s Instructions - Middleton. (MS. in Admiralty Library). - - Colonel Middleton was one of the Commissioners of the Admiralty - appointed by the Rump in January, 1660. Engaged in the West India - trade after the Restoration (see Duke of York’s “Memoirs,” p. 9). - Appointed Commissioner at Portsmouth in 1664, and Surveyor of - the Navy in 1667. Removed to Chatham as Resident Commissioner in - June, 1672. Died in December of the same year. - - 1672 *Sir Richard Beach. Duke of York’s Instructions - (MS. in Admiralty Library). - - Captain of H.M.S. the “Crown” in February, 1663. Served at sea - till 1672, in which year he captured an Algerine man-of-war. - Appointed Resident Commissioner at Chatham in Dec. 1672, and - transferred to Portsmouth in the same capacity in 1679. Removed - to the Board in London as Comptroller of Victualling Accounts in - 1690. Died in May, 1692. - - 1679 *Sir John Godwin. Addit. MS. 9312. - - Served in the navy as a lieutenant, and subsequently in the - Victualling Department. Appointed Commissioner at Chatham in Dec. - 1679; removed to the Board in London, March, 1686; died in 1689. - - 1686 Sir Phineas Pett. Pepys’s Memoirs. - - Son of Peter Pett, shipbuilder, of Ratcliffe, and grand-nephew - of Phineas Pett, the first Commissioner at Chatham. Appointed - Master Shipwright at Portsmouth in June, 1660, and transferred to - Chatham in the same capacity in the following month. Dismissed - for misbehaviour in office on the 25th Sept., 1668, but restored - three months afterwards on making submission and surrendering - his patent. Promoted to the Board in London as Comptroller of - Victualling Accounts on the 5th August, 1680, and knighted by - the King on the same day. Transferred to Chatham as Commissioner - in 1686. Dismissed on account of his political opinions on the - accession of William and Mary.[410] - - 1689 *Sir Edward Gregory. Admiralty Orders, - 1688–9 (MS. in the - Public Record Office). - - Served as a purser in the navy in 1662–3. Succeeded his father as - Clerk of the Cheque in Chatham Yard in Feb. 1665, which office - he resigned after holding it nearly twenty years. Appointed - Commissioner at Chatham on the 20th April, 1689. Knighted by - William III. in Jan. 1691. Retired on a pension of _£_300 a year - in June, 1703. Died in 1713. - - 1703 Captain George St. Chatham Records. - Lo. - - Attained the rank of captain in 1682. When in command of the - “Portsmouth,” in 1689, was captured with his ship, and taken into - Brest severely wounded. In 1693 he published a tract, entitled, - “England’s Safety or a bridle to the French King.” In the same - year he was appointed a member of the Navy Board. Transferred to - Plymouth as Commissioner in 1695, and from thence to Chatham in - 1703. Superseded on the accession of George I., in 1714, by the - omission of his name from the new patent for the Navy Board. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[409] Chatham Parish Register, quoted in “Archæologia,” vol. xii. p. -284. - -[410] _Note respecting Sir Phineas Pett._--There were so many -shipbuilders of the name of Phineas Pett, that it is often difficult to -trace the history of any one of them. In February, 1660, Phineas Pett, -son of John Pett, and grandson of Commissioner Phineas Pett, being then -Assistant-Master Shipwright at Chatham, petitioned to be promoted, and -was appointed Master Shipwright at Chatham in the same month. But it -would appear that the appointment was revoked, or never carried into -effect, for in the following July we find Phineas Pett, “of Ratcliffe,” -who had been appointed Master Shipwright at Portsmouth in June, -transferred to Chatham in the same capacity. And in September Phineas -Pett, Assistant-Master Shipwright at Chatham, was suspended from office -on the accusation of having, _when a child_, spoken contemptuously of -the King! For this offence he was dismissed in the following month. - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -APPENDIX VII. - -PLAYS WHICH PEPYS SAW ACTED. - - -CHAPTER XII.--Pepys was not very careful in setting down the titles -of the plays he saw, and in many instances he quotes the second -titles alone. This caution must be remembered by those consulting the -following list:-- - - Adventures of Five Hours (Tuke), “Duke’s,” Jan. 8, 17, 1662–63; - Jan. 27, 1668–69; “Court at Whitehall,” Feb. 15, 1668–69. - - Aglaura (Suckling), “King’s,” Jan. 10, 1667–68. - - Albumazar (Tomkis), “Duke’s,” Feb. 22, 1667–68. - - Alchymist (Ben Jonson), “Theatre,” June 22, Aug. 14, 1661; - “King’s,” April 17, 1669. - - All’s Lost by Lust (W. Rowley), “Red Bull,” March 23, 1661. - - Antipodes (R. Brome), “Theatre,” Aug. 26, 1661. - - Argalus and Parthenia (Glapthorne), “Theatre,” Oct. 28, 1661. - - Bartholomew Fair (Ben Jonson), “Theatre,” June 8, Sept. 7, 1661; - “King’s,” Aug. 2, 1664; “Court at Whitehall,” Feb. 22, 1668–69. - - Beggar’s Bush (Beaumont and Fletcher), “Lincoln’s Inn Fields” - (King’s Company), Nov. 20, 1660; “Theatre,” Oct. 8, 1661; - “King’s,” April 24, 1668. - - Black Prince (Lord Orrery), “King’s,” Oct. 19, 23, 1667; April 1, - 1668. - - Bondman (Massinger), “Whitefriars,” March 1, 1660–61; “Salisbury - Court,” March 26, 1661; “Opera,” Nov. 4, 26, 1661; April 2, 1662. - - Brenoralt (Suckling), “Theatre,” July 23, 1661; “King’s,” Aug. 12, - Oct. 19, 1667. (_See_ “Discontented Colonel.”) - - Cardinal (Shirley), “Cockpit” (Whitehall), Oct. 2, 1662; “King’s,” - Aug. 24, 1667; April 27, 1668. - - Catiline (Ben Jonson), “King’s,” Dec. 11, 1667. - - Catiline’s Conspiracy (Stephen Gosson), “King’s,” Dec. 19, 1668. - - Chances (Beaumont and Fletcher), “Theatre,” April 27, Oct. 9, 1661; - “King’s,” Feb. 5, 1666–67. - - Change of Crowns (Edward Howard), “King’s,” April 15, 1667. - - City Match (Mayne), “King’s,” Sept. 28, 1668. - - Claracilla (Thomas Killigrew), “Theatre,” July 4, 1661; “Cockpit” - (Whitehall), Jan. 5, 1662–63; “King’s,” March 9, 1668–69. - - Coffee House (St. Serfe), “Duke’s,” Oct. 5, 15, 1667. - - Committee (Sir Robert Howard), “Royal Theatre,” June 12, 1663; - “King’s,” Aug. 13, Oct. 29, 1667; May 15, 1668. - - Country Captain (Duke of Newcastle), “Theatre,” Oct. 27, Nov. 26, - 1661; “King’s,” Aug. 14, 1667; May 14, 1668. - - Coxcomb (Beaumont and Fletcher), “King’s,” March 17, 1668–69. - - Cupid’s Revenge (Beaumont and Fletcher), “Duke’s,” Aug. 17, 1668. - - Custom of the Country (Beaumont and Fletcher), “King’s,” Aug. 1, - 1667. - - Cutter of Coleman Street (Cowley), “Opera,” Dec. 16, 1661. - (_See_ “Guardian.”) - - Discontented Colonel (Suckling), “King’s,” March 5, 1667–68. - (_See_ “Brenoralt.”) - - Duchess of Malfy (Webster), “Duke’s,” Sept. 30, 1662; Nov. 25, - 1668. - - Duke of Lerma (Sir Robert Howard), “King’s,” Feb. 20, 1667–68. - - Elder Brother (Fletcher), “Theatre,” Sept. 6, 1661. - - English Monsieur (Hon. James Howard), “King’s,” Dec. 8, 1666; - April 7, 1668. - - English Princess, or Richard III. (J. Caryl), “Duke’s,” March 7, - 1667. - - Evening Love (Dryden), “King’s,” June 19, 1668. - - Faithful Shepherdess (Fletcher), “Royal Theatre,” June 13, 1663; - “King’s,” Oct. 14, 1668; Feb. 26, 1668–69. - - Father’s Own Son, “Theatre,” Sept. 28, Nov. 13, 1661. - - Faustus, Dr. (Marlow), “Red Bull,” May 26, 1662. - - Feign Innocence, or Sir Martin Marr-all (Duke of Newcastle, - corrected by Dryden), “Duke’s,” Aug. 16, 20, 1667. (_See_ “Sir - Martin Marr-all.”) - - Flora’s Vagaries (Rhodes), “King’s,” Aug. 8, 1664; Oct. 5, 1667; - Feb. 18, 1667–68. - - French Dancing Master, “Theatre,” May 21, 1662. - - General (Shirley), “King’s,” April 24, 1669. - - Generous Portugals, “King’s,” April 23, 1669. - - German Princess (Holden), “Duke’s,” April 15, 1664. - - Ghosts (Holden), “Duke’s,” April 17, 1665. - - Goblins (Suckling), “King’s,” May 22, 1667. - - Grateful Servant (Shirley), “Duke’s,” Feb. 20, 1668–69. - - Greene’s Tu Quoque (Cooke), “Duke’s,” Sept. 12, 16, 1667. - - Guardian (Cowley), “Duke’s,” Aug. 5, 1668. (_See_ “Cutter of - Coleman Street.”) - - Guzman (Lord Orrery), “Duke’s,” April 16, 1669. - - Hamlet (Shakespeare), “Opera,” Aug. 24, 1661; “Theatre,” Nov. 27, - 1661; “Duke’s,” May 28, 1663; Aug. 31, 1668. - - Heiress (Duke of Newcastle?), “King’s,” Feb. 2, 1668–69. - - Henry IV. (Shakespeare), “Theatre,” Dec. 31, 1660–61; June 4, 1661; - “King’s,” Nov. 2, 1667; Jan. 7, 1667–68; Sept. 18, 1668. - - Henry V. (Lord Orrery), “Duke’s,” Aug, 13, 1664; July 6, 1668; “Court - at Whitehall,” Dec. 28, 1666. - - Henry VIII. (Shakespeare or Davenant), “Duke’s,” Dec. 10, 22, 1663; - Jan. 1, 1663–64; Dec. 30, 1668–69. - - Heraclius (Corneille), “Duke’s,” March 8, 1663–64; Feb. 4, 1666–67; - Sept. 5, 1667. - - Horace (Corneille, translated by Catherine Phillips), “King’s,” - Jan. 19, 1668–69. - - Humorous Lieutenant (Beaumont and Fletcher), “Cockpit” (Whitehall), - April 20, 1661. - - Hyde Park (Shirley), “King’s,” July 11, 1668. - - Impertinents (Shadwell), “Duke’s,” May 2, 4; June 24, 1668; April 14, - 1669. (_See_ “Sullen Lovers.”) - - Indian Emperor (Dryden), “King’s,” Aug. 22, 1667; Nov. 11, 1667; - March 28, April 21, 1668. - - Indian Queen (Howard and Dryden), “King’s,” Jan. 31, 1663–64; June 27, - 1668. - - Island Princess (Beaumont and Fletcher), “King’s,” Jan. 7, Feb. 9, - 1668–69. - - Jovial Crew (R. Brome), “Theatre,” July 25, Aug 27, Nov. 1, 1661; - “King’s,” Jan. 11, 1668–69. - - King and no King (Beaumont and Fletcher), “Theatre,” March 14, - 1660–61; Sept. 26, 1661. - - Knight of the Burning Pestle (Beaumont and Fletcher), “Theatre,” - May 7, 1662. - - Labyrinth (Corneille), “King’s,” May 2, 1664. - - Ladies a la-Mode (Dryden? Translated from the French), “King’s,” - Sept. 15, 1668. - - Lady’s Trial (Ford), “Duke’s,” March 3, 1668–69. - - Law against Lovers (Davenant), “Opera,” Feb. 18, 1661–62. - - Liar (Corneille), “King’s,” Nov. 28, 1667. - - Little Thief (Fletcher), “White Friars,” April 2, 1661; “Theatre,” - May 19, 1662. - - Love and Honour (Davenant), “Opera,” Oct. 21, 1661. - - Love at first Sight (Killigrew), “Theatre,” Nov. 29, 1661. - - Love Despised (Beaumont and Fletcher), “Duke’s,” Aug. 17, 1668. - - Love in a Maze (Shirley), “Theatre,” May 22, 1662; June 10, 1663; - “King’s,” May 1, 1667; Feb. 7, 1667–68; April 28, 1668. - - Love in a Tub (Etherege), “Court at Whitehall,” Oct. 29, 1666; - “Duke’s,” April 29, 1668. - - Love’s Cruelty (Shirley), “King’s,” Dec. 30, 1667. - - Love’s Mistress (T. Heywood), “Theatre,” March 11, 1660–61. - - Love’s Quarrel, “Salisbury Court,” April 6, 1661; “King’s,” May 15, - 1665; Aug. 15, 1668. - - Love’s Tricks or the School of Compliment (Shirley), “Duke’s,” - Aug. 5, 1667. - - Macbeth (Shakespeare), “Duke’s,” Nov. 5, 1664; Dec. 28, 1666; Jan. 8, - 1666–67; Oct. 16, Nov. 7, 1667; Aug. 12, Dec. 21, 1668; - Jan. 15, 1668–69. - - Mad Couple (Hon. James Howard), “King’s,” Sept. 20, Dec. 28, 1667; - July 29, 1668. - - Mad Lover (Beaumont and Fletcher), “White Friars,” Feb. 9, 1660–61; - “Opera,” Dec. 2, 1661; “Duke’s,” Feb. 18, 1668–69. - - Maid of the Mill (Fletcher and Rowley), “Opera,” April 1, 1662; - “Duke’s,” Sept. 10, 1668. - - Maid’s Tragedy (Beaumont and Fletcher), “Theatre,” May 16, 1661; - “King’s,” Dec. 7, 1666; Feb. 18, 1666–67; April 15, May 9, 1668. - - Maiden Queen (Dryden), “King’s,” March 2, 1666–67; May 24, Aug. 23, - 1667; Jan. 24, 1667–68; Jan. 1, 13, 1668–69. - - Man is the Master (Davenant, translated from Scarron), “Duke’s,” - March 26, May 7, 1668. - - Merry Devil of Edmonton, “Theatre,” Aug. 10, 1661. - - Merry Wives of Windsor (Shakespeare), “Theatre,” Dec. 5, 1660; Sept. - 25, 1661; “King’s,” Aug. 15, 1667. - - Midsummer Night’s Dream (Shakespeare), “King’s,” Sept. 29, 1662. - - Mistaken Beauty (Corneille), “King’s,” Nov. 28, 1667. - - Mock Astrologer, “King’s,” March 8, 1668–69. - - Monsieur Ragou (J. Lacey), “King’s,” July 31, 1668. - - Moor of Venice (Shakespeare), “Cockpit” (Whitehall), Oct. 11, 1660; - “King’s,” Feb. 6, 1668–69. - - Mulberry Garden (Sedley), “King’s,” May 18, June 29, 1668. - - Mustapha (Lord Orrery), “Duke’s,” April 3, 1665; Jan. 5, 1666–67; - Sept. 4, 1667; Feb. 11, 1667–68. - - Northern Castle, “King’s,” Sept. 14, 1667. - - Othello (Shakespeare), “Cockpit” (Whitehall), Oct. 11, 1660; “King’s,” - Feb. 6, 1668–69. - - Parson’s Wedding (T. Killigrew), “King’s,” Oct. 11, 1664. - - Philaster (Beaumont and Fletcher), “Theatre,” Nov. 18, 1661; “King’s,” - May 30, 1668. - - Queen Elizabeth’s Troubles (T. Heywood), “Duke’s,” Aug. 17, 1667. - - Queen of Arragon (W. Habington), “Duke’s,” Oct. 19, 1668. - - Queen’s Masque (T. Heywood), “Salisbury Court,” March 2, 25, 1660–61. - (_See_ “Love’s Mistress.”) - - Rival Ladies (Dryden), “King’s,” Aug. 4, 1664. - - Rivals (Davenant, from “Two Noble Kinsmen”), “Duke’s,” Sept. 9, - Dec. 1664. - - Rolla [Query, same as “Rollo”], “King’s,” April 17, 1667. - - Rollo, Duke of Normandy (J. Fletcher), “Theatre,” March 28, 1661; - “King’s,” Sept. 17, 1668. - - Roman Virgin (Betterton’s alteration of Webster’s “Appius and - Virginia”), “Duke’s,” May 12, 1669. - - Romeo and Juliet (Shakespeare), “Opera,” March 1, 1661–62. - - Royal Shepherdess (alteration by Shadwell of Fountain’s “Rewards of - Virtue”), “Duke’s,” Feb. 26, 1668–9. - - Rule a Wife and have a Wife (J. Fletcher), “Whitefriars,” April 1, - 1661; “Theatre,” Feb. 5, 1661–62. - - School of Compliments (Shirley), “Duke’s,” Jan. 7, 1667–68. - - Scornful Lady (Beaumont and Fletcher), “Cockpit” (Whitehall), - Nov. 17, 1662; “King’s,” Dec. 27, 1666; Sept. 16, 1667; - June 3, 1668. - - Sea Voyage (Beaumont and Fletcher), “King’s,” May 16, 1668. - - She Would if She Could (Etherege), “Duke’s,” Feb. 6, 1667–68; Feb. 1, - 1668–69. - - Siege of Rhodes, Part 2 (Davenant), “Opera,” Nov. 15, 1661; May 20, - 1662; “Duke’s,” Dec. 27, 1662, May 21, 1667. - - Silent Woman (Ben Jonson), “Theatre,” May 25, 1661; “King’s,” June 1, - 1664; April 16, 1667; Sept. 19, 1668. - - Sir Martin Marr-all (Duke of Newcastle, corrected by Dryden), - “Duke’s,” Aug. 16, 20, Sept. 28, Oct. 14, 1667; Jan. 1, 1667–68; - April 25, May 22, 1668. - - Slighted Maid (Sir R. Stapylton), “Duke’s,” Feb. 23, 1662–63; - May 29, 1663. - - Spanish Curate (Beaumont and Fletcher), “Whitefriars,” March 16, - 1660–61; July 28, 1668; “King’s,” May 17, 1669. - - Spanish Gipsy (Middleton and Rowley), “King’s,” March 7, 1667–68. - - Storm (Fletcher), “King’s,” Sept. 25, 1667; March 25, 1668. - - Sullen Lovers or the Impertinents (T. Shadwell), “Duke’s,” May 2, 4, - June 24, 1668; April 14, 1669. (_See_ “Impertinents.”) - - Surprisal (Sir Robert Howard), “King’s,” April 8, Aug. 27, 1667; - Dec. 26, 1667; April 17, May 1, 1668. - - Tamer tamed (Fletcher), “Cockpit,” Oct. 30, 1660; “Theatre,” - July 31, 1661. - - Taming of a Shrew (alteration from Shakespeare), “King’s,” April 9, - Nov. 1, 1667. - - Tempest (Shakespeare), “Duke’s,” Nov. 7, 13, Dec. 12, 1667; Jan. 6, - Feb. 3, 1667–68; April 30, May 11, 1668. - - ’Tis a pity she’s a Whore (Ford), “Salisbury Court,” Sept. 9, 1661. - - Traitor (Shirley), “New Playhouse,” Nov. 22, 1660; “Theatre,” Oct. 10, - 1661; “King’s,” Jan. 13, 1664–65; Sept. 2, 1667. - - Tryphon (Lord Orrery), “Duke’s,” Dec. 8, 9, 1668. - - Twelfth Night (Shakespeare), “Opera,” Sept. 11, 1661; “Duke’s,” - Jan. 6, 1662–63; Jan. 20, 1668–69. - - Unfortunate Lovers (Davenant), “Duke’s,” March 7, 1663–64; April 8, - Dec. 3, 1668. - - Ungrateful Lovers [Query, same play as previous one], “Duke’s,” - Sept. 11, 1667. - - Usurper (E. Howard), “King’s,” Jan. 2, 1663–64; Dec. 2, 1668. - - Valiant Cid (translation from Corneille), “Cockpit” (Whitehall), - Dec. 1, 1662. - - Victoria Corombona (Webster), “Theatre,” Oct. 2, 1661. - - Villain (T. Porter), “Duke’s,” Oct. 20, Dec. 26, 1662; Jan. 1, - 1662–63; Oct. 24, 1667. - - Virgin Martyr (Massinger), “Theatre,” Feb. 16, 1660–61; “King’s,” - Feb. 27, 1667–68; May 6, 1668. - - Volpone (Ben Jonson), “King’s,” Jan. 14, 1664–65. - - Wild Gallant (Dryden), “Court at Whitehall,” Feb. 23, 1662–63. - - Wild-goose Chase (Beaumont and Fletcher), “King’s,” Jan. 11, 1667–68. - - Wit in a Constable (Glapthorne), “Opera,” May 23, 1662. - - Wit Without Money (Fletcher), “Cockpit,” Oct. 16, 1660; “King’s,” - April 22, 1663. - - Wits (Davenant), “Opera,” Aug. 15, 17, 23, 1661; “Duke’s,” April 18, - 20, 1667; Jan. 18, 1668–69. - - Women pleased (Beaumont and Fletcher), “Duke’s,” Dec. 26, 1668. - - Worse and Worse (G. Digby, Earl of Bristol), “Duke’s,” July 20, 1664. - - - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - -INDEX. - -_The titles of Chapters are printed in italics._ - - - PAGE - - Admiral, introduction of the word into English 129 - - Admiral (Lord High), the office first put in commission 136 - - Admiralty (The), relation of the office to the Navy Board 142, 145 - - ---- Secretaries of, list 268 - - Almanacs foretell the Fire of London 113 - - Albemarle (George Monk, Duke of) 31, 183 - - Albemarle (Duchess of) 184 - - ---- her disgust at the ways of the “gentlemen captains” 149 - - Aldborough, members of Parliament for 48 - - _Amusements_ 217–231 - - Anglesey (Earl of) 190 - - Arlington (Earl of) laughed at by Miss Stewart 159 - - Ascension day, custom of beating the bounds on that day 213 - - “Athenæum” on the charm of the “Diary” 17 - - Audley End, visit of the queen and grand ladies to the fair at 161 - - Axe Yard, Pepys’s home there 24 - - - Backwell (Alderman), the goldsmith 123 - - Bailey (J. E.), his paper on the Cipher of the “Diary” 13 - - Balaam (Dr.), his opinion of Tangier 75 - - Ballads, Pepys’s collection of 90 - - Barlow (Thomas), Pepys’s predecessor as Clerk of the Acts 23 - - Batten (Sir William) 157 - - Batten (Lady), married to Sir James B. Leyenburg 48 - - Bear at the Bridge foot 102 - - Beating the bounds 213 - - Bellasys (John, Lord), Governor of Tangier 69 - - Bellasys (Susan, Lady) 169 - - Bence (John), M.P. for Aldborough 48 - - Berkeley (Sir Charles), afterwards Earl of Falmouth 171, 195 - - Betterton, Pepys’s admiration for 219 - - Binding of Pepys’s books 84 - - Birch (Colonel), his proposal for the rebuilding of London - after the Fire 114 - - Blackburne (Robert), Secretary of the Admiralty 136, 269 - - Bludworth (Sir Thomas), a poor creature 32 - - Bombay a more iniquitous place than Tangier 75 - - Booksellers employed by Pepys 93 - - Brampton, Pepys’s money buried there 34 - - ---- parish registers 3 - - Braybrooke (Lord) as an editor 15 - - ---- his censure on James II. 139 - - Breakfasts, Pepys’s 201 - - Bright’s (Rev. Mynors) edition of the “Diary” 15 - - British dominion of the seas 154 - - Brook (Margaret), afterwards Lady Denham 177 - - Brooke (Sir Robert), M.P. for Aldborough 48 - - Brouncker (Lord) 158 - - Buckingham (Duke of) 180 - - ---- his mimicry 160 - - ---- his Duchess 161 - - Buckingham House in the Strand 115 - - Burton (Dr. Hezekiah) 79 - - Butler’s “Hudibras” in the Pepysian library 89 - - - Cambridge, Pepys’s name on the boards of Trinity College 4 - - ---- Pepys entered at Magdalene College 4 - - Cards, games at 229 - - Carriage-building, improvements in 211 - - Carteret (Sir George) 156, 273 - - Carteret (Philip), his marriage with Lady Jemimah Montagu 209 - - Castle Rising, members of Parliament for 49 - - Castlemaine (Countess of) 168, 172, 173 - - ---- Pepys’s admiration for her 41 - - Catalogues made by Pepys 82, 92 - - _Characters (Public)_ 183–198 - - Charles II., his coronation 24 - - ---- his own account of his escape after the Battle of Worcester 53 - - ---- viciousness of his Court 159 - - ---- his character 165–169 - - Chatham dockyard 151 - - ---- Commissioners of the Navy resident at 284 - - Chaucer, Pepys’s appreciation of 86 - - Chest (The) at Chatham 152 - - ---- removed to Greenwich 153 - - Chesterfield (Elizabeth, Countess of) 176 - - Chiffinch (Thomas) 181 - - Chiffinch (William) 181 - - Church, Pepys’s behaviour at 214 - - Clapham, Pepys moves there 59 - - Clarendon (Edward Hyde, Earl of) 187 - - ---- displeased with Pepys 188 - - Clarendon Park, the timber at 188 - - Clarges (Ann), afterwards Duchess of Albemarle 184 - - Clerk of the Acts, an ancient office 129 - - ---- list of holders of the office 279 - - Clothworkers’ Company, Pepys elected Master 51 - - Clothworkers’ Hall, burning of 112 - - Cocker (Edward), the writing master 30, 87 - - Cockfighting, Pepys’s opinion of 94, 228 - - “Cockpit,” plays acted there 223 - - Coleridge, quotations from 1, 46 - - Cooper (Mr.), teaches Pepys mathematics 28 - - Costume, varieties of, after the Restoration 203 - - Cottenham, the Pepyses of 1 - - Cotton’s Scarronides appreciated by Pepys 90 - - _Court (The)_ 159–182 - - Coventry (Mr., afterwards Sir William) 32, 36, 37, 189, 197, 270 - - Coventry (Mr., afterwards Sir William) suggests that Pepys should - write a history of the Dutch war 31 - - ---- Pepys’s respect for him 156 - - Cox (Sir John) 151, 285 - - Creed (John), Secretary to the Commissioners of Tangier 66 - - Crowland (Abbot of), his lands in Cambridgeshire 2 - - Cunningham (Peter), on the charm of the “Diary” 17 - - ---- his story of Nell Gwyn referred to 160, 172 - - - Dancing at Court 230 - - Dartmouth (Lord) 54, 55, 80 - - ---- sent out to destroy Tangier 72 - - Davenant’s (Sir William) company of actors 217 - - Davis (Moll) 179 - - Deane (Sir Anthony) 53, 124 - - Denham (Lady) 177 - - Deptford dockyard 153 - - “Diary,” account of the 11 - - Dinners, Pepys’s opinion upon 200 - - Dockyards, the four 150 - - Domesday Book 44 - - Douglas (Captain), his bravery 150 - - Downing (Sir George) 188 - - ---- Pepys’s connection with him 11, 18, 23 - - D’Oyly wants to borrow money from Pepys 53 - - Drinking, habits of deep 201 - - Dryden recommended by Pepys to modernize Chaucer 87 - - Dummer (Edmund), constructer of the first docks at - Plymouth 81, 153, 278 - - Dutch in the Medway 149 - - Dutch war, Pepys proposes to write a history of the 31 - - - “Ecclesiastes,” quotation from 232 - - Edisbury (Kenrick), the “old Edgeborrow” of the “Diary” 152, 277 - - Evelyn (John) visits Pepys in the Tower 52 - - ---- his defence of England’s right to the dominion of the sea 155 - - Evelyn’s (Mrs.) picture of the Duchess of Newcastle 194 - - - Falmouth (Sir Charles Berkeley, Earl of) 171, 195 - - Fane (Mrs.), Pepys’s housekeeper 59 - - Fashion, Charles II.’s attempt to fix the 204 - - Field, Pepys’s lawsuit with 28 - - Fitzgerald (Col.), Deputy Governor of Tangier 69 - - Flag (English), rights of 155 - - Fox (Lady), Pepys’s anagrams upon her name when Mrs. Whittle 5 - - - Gaming at Court 229 - - Gibson’s “Memoirs of the Navy” 148 - - “Gloucester” (The), wreck of 54 - - Gloves, use of perfumed 206 - - Grammont, Memoirs of 159, 160, 162, 163, 164 - - Greenwich, plague there 110 - - Grenville (Lord), his help in deciphering the “Diary” 12 - - Gwyn (Nell) 179 - - - Hales’s portrait of Pepys 237 - - Hamilton (Miss) 162, 163, 169 - - Harbord (Sir Charles) suggested as paymaster for Tangier 69 - - Harbord (William), M.P. for Launceston 52 - - ---- his opinion of the government of Tangier 70 - - Harrington (James) and his Rota Club 18 - - Harwich, Pepys elected M.P. for 57 - - ---- is unpopular there when out of favour at Court 57 - - Hats worn indoors 205 - - Hayter (Thomas) appointed Clerk of the Acts 49, 121, 283 - - ---- Secretary of the Admiralty 270 - - Henry VIII., what he did for the Navy 130 - - Hewer (William) 121 - - ---- Pepys lives with him 59 - - Hickes (Dr. George) attends Pepys’s death-bed 60 - - Hill-house (The), at Chatham 152 - - Hippocras, not wine, but a mixed drink 27, 109 - - Hollar’s views of Tangier 70 - - Holmes (Sir Robert) 196 - - Houblons (The), friends of Pepys 58, 59, 72, 73, 123 - - Hours of going to bed 212 - - Howard (Lord) 49 - - Huntingdon, Pepys goes to school there 3 - - Hyde (Anne), wife of the Duke of York 170 - - Hyde (Mrs.) 162 - - - Inns, abundance of, in London 201 - - - Jackson (John), Pepys’s nephew 61, 73 - - James II., previously Duke of York 31, 37, 49, 58 - - ---- his relations with Pepys 22, 138 - - ---- his connection with the Countess of Chesterfield 176 - - ---- ---- with Lady Denham 177 - - ---- ---- with Frances Jennings 178 - - ---- his character 169 - - ---- his wife Anne 170 - - ---- his conversion to Roman Catholicism 170 - - ---- shipwreck of his ship “The Gloucester” 54 - - Jennings (Frances), afterwards Duchess of Tyrconnel 160, 179 - - Johnson (Dr.), quotation from 116 - - Jones (Sir William), M.P., his opinion of the government of - Tangier 70 - - Jonson (Ben), Pepys’s admiration of 219 - - Joyce (Anthony), his misfortunes and death 118 - - Joyce (Kate) 119 - - Joyce (William), an impertinent coxcomb 118 - - - Katherine (Queen) 168 - - ---- her marriage portion 64 - - Katherine of Valois, her body at Westminster Abbey 40 - - Killigrew’s company of actors 218 - - King Street, Westminster, full of inns 106 - - King’s College, Cambridge, Pepys suggested for Provost 53 - - Kingsmall (Sir Francis), grandfather of Mrs. Pepys 7 - - Kirke (Colonel), Deputy Governor of Tangier 68, 69, 72, 73 - - Kite (Mrs.), and her daughter Peg 119 - - Kneller’s (Sir Godfrey), portrait of Dr. Wallis 60 - - ---- portraits of Pepys 238 - - Knipp (Mrs.), the actress 220 - - - Lawson (Sir John) 196 - - ---- his opinion of Tangier 65 - - Leeds (Duke of) 191, 273 - - Legge (Colonel), afterwards Lord Dartmouth 54, 55, 72, 80 - - Lely’s (Sir Peter), portrait of Pepys 238 - - ---- portraits of the beauties of the Court 162 - - Leybourne (W. de), the first English Admiral 129 - - Leyenburg (Sir James B.), Pepys’s quarrel with him 48 - - Lincoln’s Inn, theatres in 224 - - _London_ 100–125 - - ---- the Plague 109–112 - - ---- the Fire 31, 112–115 - - ---- rebuilding of 114 - - ---- prints of, collected by Pepys 92 - - London Bridge, danger of “shooting” it 101 - - Lorrain (Paul), a cataloguer employed by Pepys 84 - - - Magdalene College, Cambridge, Pepys’s library there 77 - - Maitland MS. at Cambridge 81 - - Man (Mr.) offers to buy the place of Clerk of the Acts 24 - - _Manners_ 199–216 - - Marshall (Stephen), not the father of Anne and Beck Marshall 220 - - Maryon (S.) 54 - - Marvell (Andrew), his attack on Pepys 53 - - ---- “Instructions to a Painter,” quoted 178 - - ---- “Ballad on the Lord Mayor and Aldermen,” quoted 159 - - Masks worn by ladies 205 - - Maulyverer (John) 79 - - May (Baptist) 182 - - Michell (Betty), Pepys’s admiration for her 42 - - Milles (Dr. Daniel), the minister of St. Olave’s 120 - - Mills (Rev. Alexander) 57 - - Milton’s “Paradise Lost,” quotation from 63 - - ---- works in the Pepysian Library 88 - - Mings (Sir Christopher), loved by his sailors 197 - - Minnes (Sir John) 156, 276 - - ---- teaches Pepys to love Chaucer 86 - - Moll (Orange), at the theatre 227 - - Money, value of, in Pepys’s day 212 - - Monk (George), afterwards Duke of Albemarle 31, 183 - - Monson (Sir William), his Naval Tracts 128, 134 - - Montagu (Sir Edward), afterwards Earl of - Sandwich, 9, 10, 20, 24, 29, 49, 65, 154, 185 - - ---- first chose Portsmouth for his title when offered an - earldom 154 - - Montague (Lady Jemimah), her marriage with Philip Carteret 209 - - Moorfields full of people after the Fire 33 - - ---- the fights there 105 - - ---- its state after the Fire 112 - - Moors turned out of Tangier 64 - - ---- take possession of the place again 74 - - Morelli (Cesare) 121 - - Mourning, use of 208 - - Muffs, use of, by men 207 - - Muly Ismael, Emperor of Morocco 74 - - Musical instruments referred to in the “Diary” 97, 98, 252–253 - - - “Naseby,” Pepys in the 10, 21 - - ---- its name is changed to “Charles” 22 - - _Navy (The)_ 128–158 - - ---- lists of the officers of the 266 - - Navy Board, origin of 130 - - ---- composition in the reign of Elizabeth 131 - - ---- instructions 132 - - ---- salaries of the officers 135 - - ---- Commissioners during the Commonwealth 136 - - ---- re-arrangement of the Board at the Restoration 137 - - ---- their want of money 146 - - Navy Office in Crutched Friars 144 - - ---- attempts to save it from being burnt 32 - - Nero (Tragedy of), quotation from 217 - - Newcastle (Margaret, Duchess of) 193 - - Newgate Street, the butchers there 104 - - Nonconformists, Pepys’s opinion of the 214 - - Northumberland (Algernon, Earl of) 23 (_note_) - - Norwood (Colonel), Deputy Governor of Tangier 67, 69 - - - O’Brien (Donald), his father’s will 192 - - Offley petitions against Pepys’s election as M.P. for Castle - Rising 50 - - Oranges, price of 227 - - Osborne (Sir Thomas), afterwards Duke of Leeds 191, 273 - - Ossory (Earl of), appointed Governor of Tangier 71 - - - Page (Sir Thomas), Provost of King’s College, Cambridge 53 - - Pasley (Colonel), his assistance to the author 129, 140 (_note_) - - ---- his lists of the Officers of the Navy 266 - - Paston (Sir Robert), afterwards Viscount Yarmouth 49 - - Peachell (Dr.), Master of Magdalene College 79 - - Penn (Sir William) 25, 32, 157 - - ---- his house at the Navy Office 145 - - Pepys (Mrs. Elizabeth), her marriage to Samuel Pepys 6, 9 - - ---- squabbles with her husband 42, 44 - - ---- her death 47 - - ---- her religion 51 - - Pepys (John), Samuel’s brother 49 - - ---- joint Clerk of the Acts with Thomas Hayter 143, 283 - - Pepys (John), Samuel’s father 3, 9 - - ---- his will 117 - - Pepys (Margaret), Samuel’s mother 3 - - Pepys (Paulina), Samuel’s sister, he gives her a marriage - portion 44 - - Pepys (Richard), Lord Chief Justice of Ireland 2 - - Pepys (Robert), Samuel’s uncle, his death 25 - - Pepys (Samuel), “_Pepys before the Diary_” 1–15 - - ---- “_Pepys in the Diary_” 16–45 - - ---- “_Pepys after the Diary_” 46–62 - - ---- antiquity of his family 1 - - ---- his birth, Feb. 23, 1632–3, and parentage 3 - - ---- his education 3–5 - - ---- a Roundhead as a boy 4 - - ---- admonished for being drunk 5 - - ---- his romance, “Love a Cheate” 5 - - ---- made Master of Acts by proxy 6 - - ---- his marriage to Elizabeth St. Michel 6, 9 - - ---- operation for the stone 10 - - ---- accompanies Sir Edward Montagu to the Sound 10 - - ---- Clerk of the Exchequer 11 - - ---- uses Shelton’s system of shorthand in writing his “Diary” 13 - - ---- how he wrote his “Diary” 14 - - ---- tells Sir W. Coventry how he kept a diary 16 - - ---- living in Axe-yard 18 - - ---- a member of the Rota Club 19 - - ---- accepts the post of Secretary to the Generals at Sea 20 - - Pepys (Samuel) is pleased at being addressed as “Esq.” 21 - - ---- goes on board the “Naseby” 21 - - ---- is made Clerk of the Acts 22 - - ---- his relation to the Instructions for the Navy Office 138 - - ---- takes possession of his house at the Navy Office 144 - - ---- his feelings on Barlow’s death, by which he gained _£_100 - a year 23 - - ---- takes the oaths as a Clerk of the Privy Seal 24 - - ---- is sworn a justice of the peace 24 - - ---- goes to Brampton to see after the property left by his - uncle 26 - - ---- his vows 26 - - ---- thinks it wise to spend while he can enjoy life 27 - - ---- proposes to write on the British dominion of the seas 154 - - ---- sworn a younger brother of the Trinity House 28 - - ---- is made a burgess of Portsmouth 28 - - ---- is appointed a Commissioner for Tangier 28 - - ---- learns mathematics and dancing 28, 230 - - ---- remonstrates with the Earl of Sandwich on his conduct 29 - - ---- his eyesight begins to fail 30 - - ---- ---- gets worse 37 - - ---- thinks of writing a history of the Dutch war 31 - - ---- is appointed an assistant of the Corporation of the Royal - Fishery 31 - - ---- Treasurer of Tangier 31, 66, 69 - - ---- Surveyor-General of the Victualling Office 31 - - ---- his connection with the Victualling Department of the Navy 147 - - ---- is useful during the period of the Plague and the Fire of - London 31 - - ---- sets up a carriage 33 - - ---- buries his money at Brampton 34 - - ---- his letter on the state of the office 139–142 - - ---- his criticism on himself in the letter 141 - - ---- his letter to the Commissioners of Accounts 147 - - ---- his great speech at the bar of the House of Commons 34 - - ---- ends the “Diary” 38 - - ---- his tour through France and Holland 47 - - ---- his wife dies 47 - - ---- is a candidate at Aldborough for election as a Member of - Parliament 48 - - ---- he quarrels with Sir J. B. Leyenburg 48 - - ---- is appointed Secretary of the Admiralty 48 - - ---- is one of the mourners at Lord Sandwich’s funeral 49 - - ---- is elected Member for Castle Rising 50 - - ---- charges of Popery made against him 50 - - ---- Commissioner for Tangier 70 - - ---- elected Master of the Clothworkers’ Company 51 - - ---- is committed to the Tower 52 - - ---- is elected Member for Harwich 53 - - ---- takes down from Charles II.’s dictation the account of the - King’s escape after the battle of Worcester 53 - - ---- is suggested as a candidate for the provostship of King’s - College 54 - - ---- accompanies the Duke of York to Scotland, and is nearly - shipwrecked on the way 54 - - ---- goes on an expedition to Tangier 55, 72 - - ---- his Tangier Journal 56, 72 - - ---- reappointed Secretary of the Admiralty 56 - - ---- elected President of the Royal Society 56 - - ---- takes part in James II.’s coronation 56 - - ---- elected for Harwich and Sandwich 57 - - ---- close of his public career at the Revolution 57 - - ---- committed to the Gate House at Westminster 58 - - ---- publishes his “Memoirs of the Navy” 58 - - ---- parts with his housekeeper, Mrs. Fane 59 - - ---- settles at Clapham 59, 115 - - ---- has a portrait of Dr. Wallis painted for Oxford by Kneller 60 - - ---- his death 60 - - ---- post-mortem examination 61 - - ---- his frequent journeys on the river 101 - - ---- a lover of good living 200 - - ---- his love of dress 29, 203 - - ---- his money-grubbing 39 - - ---- admiration for women 40 - - ---- his unfaithfulness to his wife 43 - - ---- his credulity 44 - - ---- is both mean and generous 44 - - ---- want of the imaginative faculty 45 - - ---- account of his portraits and bust 237–240 - - ---- his different wills 40 - - ---- mourning rings given to his friends 62 - - ---- his motto 94 - - ---- his songs 95 - - ---- _his books and collections_ 77–99 - - ---- his manuscripts at Oxford 251 - - ---- _his relations, friends, and acquaintances_ 116–127 - - ---- his correspondents 254 - - Peterborough (Henry, 2nd Earl of), first English governor of - Tangier 66, 68 - - Pett’s (Commissioner Peter) house at Chatham 151 - - ---- his threatened impeachment 151, 285 - - Pett (Phineas), Commissioner of the Navy 284 - - Pett (Sir Phineas), Commissioner of the Navy 286–287 - - Petty (Sir William) 22 - - Plays which Pepys saw acted 218, 289 - - Portsmouth dockyard 153 - - Portuguese delivery of Tangier to England 64 - - Posts, announcement of plays placed on 228 - - Povy (Thomas), Treasurer for Tangier 49, 66 - - Pressing for the Navy 148 - - Progers (Edward) 181 - - Prynne’s remarks on Abp. Laud, quotation from 16 - - ---- his rusty sword in the way 20 - - Punishments in Pepys’s day 215 - - Purser’s accounts 147 - - - Quadring (Dr.), Master of Magdalene 80 - - - Rawlinson MSS. at Oxford 82 - - Rich’s shorthand not used by Pepys 13 - - Richmond (Duke of) 175 - - Richmond (Duchess of) 160, 161, 174 - - ---- Pepys’s admiration for her 41 - - Rings (mourning), given at Pepys’s death 62 - - Roger or Rogiers (Thomas), Clerk of the King’s Ships 129, 279 - - Romney (Earl of), his intrigue with the Duchess of York 171 - - Rota Club 18 - - “Roxana” and “Roxalana” confused together 221 - - Royal Society, Charles II.’s connection with it 167 - - ---- Petty’s suggestion for the Anniversary Meeting 123 - - ---- Pepys elected President 56 - - ---- visit of the Duchess of Newcastle to 194 - - Rupert (Prince) 186 - - ---- his boat the “Fanfan” 150 - - Russian Ambassador, his entry into London 104 - - Rutherford (Andrew, Lord), Governor of Dunkirk and afterwards - of Tangier 68 - - Ryder (Sir W.), his house at Bethnal Green full of valuables - after the Fire 33 - - - Sailors (English) on board Dutch ships 148 - - St. Michel (Alexander Marchant, Sieur de), father of Mrs. Pepys, - his schemes 6–8, 241–250 - - St. Michel (Balthasar), letter to Pepys, giving an account of - his family 6, 51 - - St. Michel (Elizabeth), afterwards Mrs. Pepys 6, 9, 42, 44, 47, 51 - - St. Paul’s School, Pepys educated there 4 - - Sandwich, Pepys elected M.P. for 57 - - Sandwich (Earl of) 9, 10, 20, 24, 154, 185 - - ---- takes possession of Tangier 65 - - ---- his stay at Chelsea 29 - - ---- his funeral 49 - - Savill’s portrait of Pepys 237 - - Scotch, Pepys antipathy to the 55 - - Scott (Colonel John), his charge against Pepys 52 - - Seething Lane, Pepys’s house there 24 - - Selden’s “Mare Clausum” 155 - - Seymour (Sir Edward), Pepys applies to him for his interest 58 - - Shadwell’s (T.), “Epsom Wells,” quotation from 100 - - ---- “The Woman Captain,” quotation from 199 - - Shaftesbury (Earl of), his shrewdness 171 - - ---- his frivolous charge against Pepys[411] 50 - - Shakespeare’s “Winter’s Tale,” quotation from 77 - - ---- acting of his plays after the Restoration 218 - - ---- edition of his plays in the Pepysian Library 88 - - Shelton’s Tachygraphy 13 - - Sheres (Sir Henry), employed at Tangier 69, 73 - - ---- his friendship for Pepys 125 - - Shorthand, Pepys a lover of 14 - - ---- Pepys’s collection of books on 92 - - Shovel (Sir Cloudesley), his answer to Muly Ismael 74 - - Skinner (Daniel), papers of Milton possessed by him 89 - - Smith (Sir Jeremy) 197 - - Smith (John), the decipherer of the “Diary” 12 - - ---- “Life, Journals, &c., of Pepys,” _alluded to_ 56 _passim_ - - Stewart (Frances), afterwards Duchess of Richmond 41, 160, 161, 174 - - Stockings, green silk, fashionable 177 - - Symons (William), his political misfortunes 18 - - Sympson (Mr.), the maker of Pepys’s bookcases 83 - - - _Tangier_ 62–76 - - ---- Lord Dartmouth’s expedition to 55 - - ---- the mole built 67 - - ---- ---- destroyed 73 - - Tarpaulins _v._ “Gentlemen captains” 148 - - Taverns frequented by Pepys 105–108 - - Tennis, Charles II. a proficient at 229 - - Teviot (Earl of), Governor of Dunkirk and afterwards of Tangier 68 - - Thames (River), as a highway 100 - - Theatres after the Restoration 217 - - Tickets given to the sailors in place of money 147 - - “Tom Otter,” Charles II. calls the Duke of York by this name 172 - - Travelling on horseback and by coach 211 - - Turner (Mr.), of the Navy Office, wishes to be made Clerk of - the Acts 23 - - Turner (Serjeant John), and his wife 117 - - Turner (Mrs.) shows her leg to Pepys 210 - - Turner (Theophila) 117 - - - Verrio’s portrait of Pepys 239 - - Voltaire, quotation from 183 - - - Wallis (Dr.), his portrait 60 - - Wedding customs 209 - - Westminster Hall, the stationers of 109 - - Whittle (Elizabeth), anagrams upon, by Pepys 5 - - Wigs, fashion of wearing 207 - - Willett (Deb.), Pepys’s liaison with her 43 - - Williamson (Sir Joseph) 191 - - Wines drunk in Pepys’s time 202 - - Woolwich dockyard 154 - - Wren (Matthew) 141, 270 - - Wynter (Sir William) 131, 144, 277 - - - York Buildings, Pepys’s house there 115 - -FOOTNOTES: - -[411] The charge was not so frivolous after all, for the writer of -an article on the “Diary” in the “Edinburgh Review” for July, 1880, -points out that although Pepys denied publicly that he ever possessed a -crucifix, he positively states in the “Diary” that he had one. See July -20, August 2, and November 3, 1666. I ought to have noted this, as the -facts are given in the Index to the “Diary.” - - -CHISWICK PRESS: C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO. TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE. - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -The illustrations which were included as plates in the original have -been moved near to the text they illustrate. The five portraits of -court ladies did not have captions in the original, their names have -been included by the transcriber as a description of the illustration. - -Footnotes have been moved to the end of chapters. - -Variant spelling, inconsistent hyphenation and irregular punctuation -are retained, but, in a few cases, missing punctuation has been added -for consistency, e.g. after abbreviations, and to match quotation marks. - -On page 109 the date on which Pepys first notices signs of the plague -was originally printed as the 7th of June, 1667; the year has been -changed to 1665. - -In the index the page number (31) for the entry “Pepys thinks of -writing a history of the Dutch war” has been added. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SAMUEL PEPYS AND THE WORLD HE LIVED -IN*** - - -******* This file should be named 51757-0.txt or 51757-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/1/7/5/51757 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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