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diff --git a/old/52127-0.txt b/old/52127-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index a494a56..0000000 --- a/old/52127-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,16398 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's The History of Korea (vol. 1 of 2), by Homer B. Hulbert - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: The History of Korea (vol. 1 of 2) - -Author: Homer B. Hulbert - -Release Date: May 22, 2016 [EBook #52127] -[Last updated: August 2, 2016] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF KOREA (VOL. 1 OF 2) *** - - - - -Produced by KD Weeks, David Edwards and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - Transcriber’s Note: - -This version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects. -Italics are delimited with the ‘_’ character as _italic_. - -Errors, when reasonably attributable to the printer, have been -corrected. Please see the transcriber’s note at the end of this text for -details. Corrections made to the text are summarized there. - -Illustrations have been moved to avoid falling within a paragraph. - - THE - HISTORY OF KOREA - - HOMER B. HULBERT, A.M., F.R.G.S. - Editor of THE KOREA REVIEW - - - - - TWO VOLUMES - - - - - ILLUSTRATED - - - - - SEOUL, 1905 - THE METHODIST PUBLISHING HOUSE - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - -CONTENTS. - - PREFACE I - INTRODUCTORY NOTE V - ANCIENT KOREA 2257 B.C.-890 A.D. Vol. I 1 - MEDIEVAL KOREA 890-1392 Vol. I 127 - MODERN KOREA 1392-1904 Vol. I 295 - - - - - Preface. - - -The sources from which the following History of Korea is drawn are -almost purely Korean. For ancient and medieval history the Tong-sa -Kang-yo has been mainly followed. This is an abstract in nine volumes of -the four great ancient histories of the country. The facts here found -were verified by reference to the Tong-guk Tong-gam, the most complete -of all existing ancient histories of the country. Many other works on -history, geography and biography have been consulted, but in the main -the narrative in the works mentioned above has been followed. - -A number of Chinese works have been consulted, especially the Mun-hon -Tong-go wherein we find the best description of the wild tribes that -occupied the peninsula about the time of Christ. - -It has been far more difficult to obtain material for compiling the -history of the past five centuries. By unwritten law the history of no -dynasty in Korea has ever been published until after its fall. Official -records are carefully kept in the government archives and when the -dynasty closes these are published by the new dynasty. There is an -official record which is published under the name of the Kuk-cho Po-gam -but it can in no sense be called a history, for it can contain nothing -that is not complimentary to the ruling house and, moreover, it has not -been brought down even to the opening of the 19th century. It has been -necessary therefore to find private manuscript histories of the dynasty -and by uniting and comparing them secure as accurate a delineation as -possible of the salient features of modern Korean history. In this I -have enjoyed the services of a Korean scholar who has made the history -of this dynasty a special study for the past twenty-five years and who -has had access to a large number of private manuscripts. I withhold his -name by special request. By special courtesy I have also been granted -access to one of the largest and most complete private libraries in the -capital. Japanese records have also been consulted in regard to special -points bearing on the relations between Korea and Japan. - -A word must be said in regard to the authenticity and credibility of -native Korean historical sources. The Chinese written character was -introduced into Korea as a permanent factor about the time of Christ, -and with it came the possibility of permanent historical records. That -such records were kept is quite apparent from the fact that the dates of -all solar eclipses have been carefully preserved from the year 57 B.C. -In the next place it is worth noticing that the history of Korea is -particularly free from those great cataclysms such as result so often in -the destruction of libraries and records. Since the whole peninsula was -consolidated under one flag in the days of ancient Sil-la no dynastic -change has been effected by force. We have no mention of any catastrophe -to the Sil-la records: and Sil-la merged into Koryŭ and Koryŭ into -Cho-sŭn without the show of arms, and in each case the historical -records were kept intact. To be sure, there have been three great -invasions of Korea, by the Mongols, Manchus and Japanese respectively, -but though much vandalism was committed by each of these, we have reason -to believe that the records were not tampered with. The argument is -three-fold. In the first place histories formed the great bulk of the -literature in vogue among the people and it was so widely disseminated -that it could not have been seriously injured without annihilating the -entire population. - -In the second place these invasions were made by peoples who, though not -literary themselves, had a somewhat high regard for literature, and -there could have been no such reason for destroying histories as might -exist where one dynasty was forcibly ejected by another hostile one. In -the third place the monasteries were the great literary centers during -the centuries preceding the rise of the present dynasty, and we may well -believe that the Mongols would not seriously molest these sacred -repositories. On the whole then we may conclude that from the year 57 -B.C. Korean histories are fairly accurate. Whatever comes before that is -largely traditional and therefore more or less apocryphal. - -One of the greatest difficulties encountered is the selection of a -system of romanisation which shall steer a middle course between the -Scilla of extreme accuracy and the Charybdis of extreme simplicity. I -have adopted the rule of spelling all proper names in a purely phonetic -way without reference to the way they are spelled in native Korean. In -this way alone can the reader arrive at anything like the actual -pronunciation as found in Korea. The simple vowels have their -continental sounds: _a_ as in “father,” _i_ as in “ravine,” _o_ as in -“rope” and _u_ as in “rule.” The vowel _e_ is used only with the grave -accent and is pronounced as in the French “_recit_.” When a vowel has -the short mark over it, it is to be given the flat sound: _ă_ as in -“fat,” _ŏ_ as in “hot,” _ŭ_ as in “nut.” The umlaut _ö_ is used but it -has a slightly more open sound than in German. It is the “unrounded o” -where the vowel is pronounced without protruding the lips. The pure -Korean sound represented by _oé_ is a pure diphthong and is pronounced -by letting the lips assume the position of pronouncing _o_ while the -tongue is thrown forward as if to pronounce the short _e_ in “met.” Eu -is nearly the French eu but with a slightly more open sound. As for -consonants they have their usual sounds, but when the surds _k_, _p_ or -_t_ in the body of a word are immediately preceded by an open syllable -or a syllable ending with a sonant, they change to their corresponding -sonants: _k_ to _g_, _p_ to _b_ and _t_ to _d_. For instance, in the -word _Pak-tu_, the _t_ of the _tu_ would be _d_ if the first syllable -were open. No word begins with the sonants _g_, _b_ or _d_. - -In Korean we have the long and short quantity in vowels. _Han_ may be -pronounced either simply _han_ or longer _haan_, but the distinction is -not of enough importance to compensate for encumbering the system with -additional diacritical marks. - -In writing proper names I have adopted the plan most in use by -sinologues. The patronymic stands alone and is followed by the two given -names with a hyphen between them. All geographical names have hyphens -between the syllables. To run the name all together would often lead to -serious difficulty, for who would know, for instance, whether _Songak_ -were pronounced _Son-gak_ or _Song-ak_? - -In the spelling of some of the names of places there will be found to be -a slight inconsistency because part of the work was printed before the -Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society had determined upon a system -of romanization, but in the main the system here used corresponds to -that of the Society. - -This is the first attempt, so far as I am aware, to give to the English -reading public a history of Korea based on native records, and I trust -that in spite of all errors and infelicities it may add something to the -general fund of information about the people of Korea. - - H.B.H. - - SEOUL, KOREA, 1905. - - - - - Introductory Note. - - -Geography is the canvas on which history is painted. Topography means as -much to the historian as to the general. A word, therefore, about the -position of Korea will not be out of place. - -The peninsula of Korea, containing approximately 80,000 square miles, -lies between 33° and 43° north latitude, and between 124° 30′ and 130° -30′ east longitude. It is about nine hundred miles long from north to -south and has an average width from east to west of about 240 miles. It -is separated from Manchuria on the northwest by the Yalu or Am-nok -River, and from Asiatic Russia on the northeast by the Tu-man River. -Between the sources of these streams rise the lofty peaks of White Head -Mountain, called by the Chinese Ever-white or Long-white Mountain. From -this mountain whorl emanates a range which passes irregularly southward -through the peninsula until it loses itself in the waters of the Yellow -Sea, thus giving birth to the almost countless islands of the Korean -archipelago. The main watershed of the country is near the eastern coast -and consequently the streams that flow into the Japan Sea are neither -long nor navigable, while on the western side and in the extreme south -we find considerable streams that are navigable for small craft a -hundred miles or more. While the eastern coast is almost entirely -lacking in good harbors the western coast is one labyrinth of estuaries, -bays and gulfs which furnish innumerable harbors. It is on the western -watershed of the country that we will find most of the arable land and -by far the greater portion of the population. - -We see then that, geographically, Korea’s face is toward China and her -back toward Japan. It may be that this in part has moulded her history. -During all the centuries her face has been politically, socially and -religiously toward China rather than toward Japan. - -The climate of Korea is the same as that of eastern North America -between the same latitudes, the only difference being that in Korea the -month of July brings the “rainy season” which renders nearly all roads -in the interior impassable. This rainy season, by cutting in two the -warmer portion of the year, has had a powerful influence on the history -of the country; for military operations were necessarily suspended -during this period and combatants usually withdrew to their own -respective territories upon its approach. - -The interior of Korea is fairly well wooded, although there are no very -extensive tracts of timber land. A species of pine largely predominates -but there is also a large variety of other trees both deciduous and -evergreen. - -Rice is the staple article of food throughout most of the country. Among -the mountain districts in the north where rice cannot be grown potatoes -and millet are largely used. An enormous amount of pulse is raised, -almost solely for fodder, and other grains are also grown. The bamboo -grows sparsely and only in the south. Ginseng is an important product of -the country. - -The fauna of Korea includes several species of deer, the tiger, leopard, -wild pig, bear, wolf, fox and a large number of fur bearing animals -among which the sable and sea-otter are the most valuable. The entire -peninsula is thoroughly stocked with cattle, horses, swine and donkeys, -but sheep are practically unknown. The fisheries off the coast of Korea -are especially valuable and thousands of the people earn a livelihood on -the banks. Pearls of good quality are found. Game birds of almost -infinite variety exist and all the commoner domestic birds abound. - -As to the geology of the country we find that there is a back bone of -granite formation with frequent outcroppings of various other forms of -mineral life. Gold is extremely abundant and there are few prefectures -in the country where traces of it are not found. Silver is also common. -Large deposits of coal both anthracite and bituminous have been -discovered, but until recently little has been done to open up the -minerals of the country in a scientific manner. - -Ethnologically we may say that the people are of a mixed Mongolian and -Malay origin, although this question has as yet hardly been touched -upon. The language of Korea is plainly agglutinative and may, without -hesitation, be placed in the great Turanian or Scythian group. - -The population of Korea is variously estimated from ten to twenty -millions. We shall not be far from the truth if we take a middle course -and call the population thirteen millions. Somewhat more than half of -the people live south of a line drawn east and west through the capital -of the country. - - - - - PART I - ANCIENT KOREA - - - - - Chapter I. - -Tan-gun.... his antecedents.... his origin.... he becomes king.... he - teaches the people.... his capital.... he retires.... extent of his - kingdom.... traditions.... monuments. - - -In the primeval ages, so the story runs, there was a divine being named -Whan-in, or Che-Sŏ: “Creator.” His son, Whan-ung, being affected by -celestial _ennui_, obtained permission to descend to earth and found a -mundane kingdom. Armed with this warrant, Whan-ung with three thousand -spirit companions descended upon Ta-băk Mountain, now known as Myo-hyang -San, in the province of P’yŭng-an, Korea. It was in the twenty-fifth -year of the Emperor Yao of China, which corresponds to 2332 B.C. - -He gathered his spirit friends beneath the shade of an ancient _pak-tal_ -tree and there proclaimed himself King of the Universe. He governed -through his three vice-regents, the “Wind General,” the “Rain Governor,” -and the “Cloud Teacher,” but as he had not yet taken human shape, he -found it difficult to assume control of a purely human kingdom. -Searching for means of incarnation he found it in the following manner. - -At early dawn, a tiger and a bear met upon a mountain side and held a -colloquy. - -“Would that we might become men” they said. Whan-ung overheard them and -a voice came from out the void saying, “Here are twenty garlics and -apiece of artemisia for each of you. Eat them and retire from the light -of the sun for thrice seven days and you will become men.” - -They ate and retired into the recesses of a cave, but the tiger, by -reason of the fierceness of his nature, could not endure the restraint -and came forth before the allotted time; but the bear, with greater -faith and patience, waited the thrice seven days and then stepped forth, -a perfect woman. - -The first wish of her heart was maternity, and she cried, “Give me a -son.” Whan-ung, the Spirit King, passing on the wind, beheld her sitting -there beside the stream. He circled round her, breathed upon her, and -her cry was answered. She cradled her babe in moss beneath that same -_pak-tal_ tree and it was there that in after years the wild people of -the country found him sitting and made him their king. - -This was the Tan-gun, “The Lord of the Pak-tal Tree.” He is also, but -less widely, known as Wang-gŭm. At that time Korea and the territory -immediately north was peopled by the “nine wild tribes” commonly called -the _Ku-i_. Tradition names them respectively the Kyŭn, Pang, Whang, -Făk, Chŭk, Hyŭn, P‘ung, Yang and U. These, we are told, were the -aborigines, and were fond of drinking, dancing and singing. They dressed -in a fabric of woven grass and their food was the natural fruits of the -earth, such as nuts, roots, fruits and berries. In summer they lived -beneath the trees and in winter they lived in a rudely covered hole in -the ground. When the Tan-gun became their king he taught them the -relation of king and subject, the rite of marriage, the art of cooking -and the science of house building. He taught them to bind up the hair by -tying a cloth about the head. He taught them to cut down trees and till -fields. - -The Tan-gun made P‘yŭng-yang the capital of his kingdom and there, -tradition says, he reigned until the coming of Ki-ja, 1122 B.C. If any -credence can be given this tradition it will be by supposing that the -word Tan-gun refers to a line of native chieftains who may have -antedated the coming of Ki-ja. - -It is said that, upon the arrival of Ki-ja, the Tan-gun retired to -Ku-wŭl San (in pure Korean A-sa-dal) in the present town of Mun-wha, -Whang-hă Province, where he resumed his spirit form and disappeared -forever from the earth. His wife was a woman of Pi-sŏ-ap, whose location -is unknown. As to the size of the Tan-gun’s kingdom, it is generally -believed that it extended from the vicinity of the present town of -Mun-gyŭng on the south to the Heuk-yong River on the north, and from the -Japan Sea on the east to Yo-ha (now Sŭng-gyŭng) on the west. - -As to the events of the Tan-gun’s reign even tradition tells us very -little. We learn that in 2265 B.C. the Tan-gun first offered sacrifice -at Hyŭl-gu on the island of Kang-wha. For this purpose he built an altar -on Mari San which remains to this day. We read that when the great -Ha-u-si (The Great Yü), who drained off the waters which covered the -interior of China, called to his court at To-san all the vassal kings, -the Tan-gun sent his son, Pu-ru, as an envoy. This was supposed to be in -2187 B.C. Another work affirms that when Ki-ja came to Korea Pu-ru fled -northward and founded the kingdom of North Pu-yŭ, which at a later date -moved to Ka-yŭp-wŭn, and became Eastern Pu-yŭ. These stories show such -enormous discrepancies in dates that they are alike incredible, and yet -it may be that the latter story has some basis in fact, at any rate it -gives us our only clue to the founding of the Kingdom of Pu-yŭ. - -Late in the Tan-gun dynasty there was a minister named P‘ăng-o who is -said to have had as his special charge the making of roads and the care -of drainage. One authority says that the Emperor of China ordered -P‘ăng-o to cut a road between Ye-măk, an eastern tribe, and Cho-sŭn. -From this we see that the word Cho-sŭn, according to some authorities, -antedates the coming of Ki-ja. - -The remains of the Tan-gun dynasty, while not numerous, are interesting. -On the island of Kang-wha, on the top of Mari San, is a stone platform -or altar known as the “Tan-gun’s Altar,” and, as before said, it is -popularly believed to have been used by the Tan-gun four thousand years -ago. It is called also the Ch’am-sŭng Altar. On Chŭn-dung San is a -fortress called Sam-nang which is believed to have been built by the -Tan-gun’s three sons. The town of Ch’un-ch’ŭn, fifty miles east of -Seoul, seems to have been an important place during this period. It was -known as U-su-ju, or “Ox-hair Town,” and there is a curious confirmation -of this tradition in the fact that in the vicinity there is today a plot -of ground called the U-du-bol, or “Ox-head Plain.” A stone tablet to -P’ang-o is erected there. At Mun-wha there is a shrine to the Korean -trinity, Whan-in, Whan-ung and Tan-gun. Though the Tan-gun resumed the -spirit form, his grave is shown in Kang-dong and is 410 feet in -circumference. - - - - - Chapter II. - -Ki-ja.... striking character.... origin.... corrupt Chu.... story of - Tal-geui.... Shang dynasty falls.... Ki-ja departs.... route.... - destination.... allegience to China.... condition of Korea.... - Ki-ja’s companions.... reforms.... evidences of genius.... arguments - against Korean theory.... details of history meager.... Cho-sun - sides against China.... delimitation of Cho-sun.... peace with Tsin - dynasty.... Wi-man finds asylum.... betrays Cho-sun.... Ki-jun’s - flight. - - -Without doubt the most striking character in Korean history is the sage -Ki-ja, not only because of his connection with its early history but -because of the striking contrast between him and his whole environment. -The singular wisdom which he displayed is vouched for not in the -euphemistic language of a prejudiced historian but by what we can read -between the lines, of which the historian was unconscious. - -The Shang, or Yin, dynasty of China began 1766 B.C. Its twenty-fifth -representative was the Emperor Wu-yi whose second son, Li, was the -father of Ki-ja. His family name was Cha and his surname Su-yu, but he -is also known by the name Sö-yŭ. The word Ki-ja is a title meaning “Lord -of Ki,” which we may imagine to be the feudal domain of the family. The -Emperor Chu, the “Nero of China” and the last of the dynasty, was the -grandson of Emperor T’ă-jŭng and a second cousin of Ki-ja, but the -latter is usually spoken of as his uncle. Pi-gan, Mi-ja and Ki-ja formed -the advisory board to this corrupt emperor. - -All that Chinese histories have to say by way of censure against the -hideous debaucheries of this emperor is repeated in the Korean -histories; his infatuation with the beautiful concubine, Tal-geui; his -compliance with her every whim; his making a pond of wine in which he -placed an island of meat and compelled nude men and women to walk about -it, his torture of innocent men at her request by tying them to heated -brazen pillars. All this is told in the Korean annals, but they go still -deeper into the dark problem of Tal-geui’s character and profess to -solve it. The legend, as given by Korean tradition, is as follows. - -The concubine Tal-geui was wonderfully beautiful, but surpassingly so -when she smiled. At such times the person upon whom she smiled was -fascinated as by a serpent and was forced to comply with whatever -request she made. Pondering upon this, Pi-gan decided that she must be a -fox in human shape, for it is well known that if an animal tastes of -water that has lain for twenty years in a human skull it will acquire -the power to assume the human shape at will. He set inquiries on foot -and soon discovered that she made a monthly visit to a certain mountain -which she always ascended alone leaving her train of attendants at the -foot. Armed detectives were put on her track and, following her -unperceived, they saw her enter a cave near the summit of the mountain. -She presently emerged, accompanied by a pack of foxes who leaped about -her and fawned upon her in evident delight. When she left, the spies -entered and put the foxes to the sword, cutting from each dead body the -piece of white fur which is always found on the breast of the fox. When -Tal-geui met the emperor some days later and saw him dressed in a -sumptuous white fur robe she shuddered but did not as yet guess the -truth. A month later, however, it became plain to her when she entered -the mountain cave and beheld the festering remains of her kindred. - -On her way home she planned her revenge. Adorning herself in all her -finery, she entered the imperial presence and exerted her power of -fascination to the utmost. When the net had been well woven about the -royal dupe, she said, - -“I hear that there are seven orifices in the heart of every good man. I -fain would put it to the test.” - -“But how can it be done?” - -“I would that I might see the heart of Pi-gan;” and as she said it she -smiled upon her lord. His soul revolted from the act and yet he had no -power to refuse. Pi-gan was summoned and the executioner stood ready -with the knife, but at the moment when it was plunged into the victim’s -breast he cried, - -“You are no woman; you are a fox in disguise, and I charge you to resume -your natural shape.” - -Instantly her face began to change; hair sprang forth upon it, her nails -grew long, and, bursting forth from her garments, she stood revealed in -her true character—a white fox with nine tails. With one parting snarl -at the assembled court, she leaped from the window and made good her -escape. - -But it was too late to save the dynasty. Pal, the son of Mun-wang, a -feudal baron, at the head of an army, was already thundering at the -gates, and in a few days, a new dynasty assumed the yellow and Pal, -under the title Mu-wang, became its first emperor. - -Pi-gan and Mi-ja had both perished and Ki-ja, the sole survivor of the -great trio of statesmen, had saved his life only by feigning madness. He -was now in prison, but Mu-wang came to his door and besought him to -assume the office of Prime Minister. Loyalty to the fallen dynasty -compelled him to refuse. He secured the Emperor’s consent to his plan of -emigrating to Cho-sŭn or “Morning Freshness,” but before setting out he -presented the Emperor with that great work, the Hong-bŭm or “Great-Law,” -which had been found inscribed upon the back of the fabled tortoise -which came up out of the waters of the Nak River in the days of Ha-u-si -over a thousand years before, but which no one had been able to decipher -till Ki-ja took it in hand. Then with his five thousand followers he -passed eastward into the peninsula of Korea. - -Whether he came to Korea by boat or by land cannot be certainly -determined. It is improbable that he brought such a large company by -water and yet one tradition says that he came first to Su-wŭn, which is -somewhat south of Chemulpo. This would argue an approach by sea. The -theory which has been broached that the Shantung promontory at one time -joined the projection of Whang-hă Province on the Korean coast cannot be -true, for the formation of the Yellow Sea must have been too far back in -the past to help us to solve this question. It is said that from Su-wŭn -he went northward to the island Ch’ŭl-do, off Whang-hă Province, where -today they point out a “Ki-ja Well.” From there he went to P‘yŭng-yang. -His going to an island off Whang-hă Province argues against the theory -of the connection between Korea and the Shantung promontory. - -[Illustration: _A TABLET TO KI-JA._] - -In whatever way he came, he finally settled at the town of P‘yŭng-yang -which had already been the capital of the Tan-gun dynasty. Seven cities -claimed the honor of being Homer’s birth place and about as many claim -to be the burial spot of Ki-ja. The various authorities differ so widely -as to the boundaries of his kingdom, the site of his capital and the -place of his interment that some doubt is cast even upon the existence -of this remarkable man; but the consensus of opinion points clearly to -P‘yŭng-yang as being the scene of his labors. - -It should be noticed that from the very first Korea was an independent -kingdom. It was certainly so in the days of the Tan-gun and it remained -so when Ki-ja came, for it is distinctly stated that though the Emperor -Mu-wang made him King of Cho-sŭn he neither demanded nor received his -allegience as vassal at that time. He even allowed Ki-ja to send envoys -to worship at the tombs of the fallen dynasty. It is said that Ki-ja -himself visited the site of the ancient Shang capital, but when he found -it sown with barley he wept and composed an elegy on the occasion, after -which he went and swore allegience to the new Emperor. The work entitled -Cho-sŏ says that when Ki-ja saw the site of the former capital sown with -barley he mounted a white cart drawn by a white horse and went to the -new capital and swore allegience to the Emperor; and it adds that in -this he showed his weakness for he had sworn never to do so. - -Ki-ja, we may believe, found Korea in a semi-barbarous condition. To -this the reforms which he instituted give abundant evidence. He found at -least a kingdom possessed of some degree of homogeneity, probably a -uniform language and certainly ready communication between its parts. It -is difficult to believe that the Tan-gun’s influence reached far beyond -the Amnok River, wherever the nominal boundaries of his kingdom were. We -are inclined to limit his actual power to the territory now included in -the two provinces of P‘yŭng-an and Whang-hă. - -We must now inquire of what material was Ki-ja’s company of five -thousand men made up. We are told that he brought from China the two -great works called the _Si-jun_ and the _So-jun_, which by liberal -interpretation mean the books on history and poetry. The books which -bear these names were not written until centuries after Ki-ja’s time, -but the Koreans mean by them the list of aphorisms or principles which -later made up these books. It is probable, therefore, that this company -included men who were able to teach and expound the principles thus -introduced. Ki-ja also brought the sciences of manners (well named a -science), music, medicine, sorcery and incantation. He brought also men -capable of teaching one hundred of the useful trades, amongst which silk -culture and weaving are the only two specifically named. When, -therefore, we make allowance for a small military escort we find that -five thousand men were few enough to undertake the carrying out of the -greatest individual plan for colonization which history has ever seen -brought to a successful issue. - -These careful preparations on the part of the self-exiled Ki-ja admit of -but one conclusion. They were made with direct reference to the people -among whom he had elected to cast his lot. He was a genuine civilizer. -His genius was of the highest order in that, in an age when the sword -was the only arbiter, he hammered his into a pruning-hook and carved out -with it a kingdom which stood almost a thousand years. He was the ideal -colonizer, for he carried with him all the elements of successful -colonization which, while sufficing for the reclamation of the -semi-barbarous tribes of the peninsula, would still have left him -self-sufficient in the event of their contumacy. His method was -brilliant when compared with even the best attempts of modern times. - -His penal code was short, and clearly indicated the failings of the -people among whom he had cast his lot. Murder was to be punished with -death inflicted in the same manner in which the crime had been -committed. Brawling was punished by a fine to be paid in grain. Theft -was punished by enslaving the offender, but he could regain his freedom -by the payment of a heavy fine. There were five other laws which are not -mentioned specifically. Many have surmised, and perhaps rightly, that -they were of the nature of the _o-hang_ or “five precepts” which -inculcate right relations between king and subject, parent and child, -husband and wife, friend and friend, old and young. It is stated, -apocryphally however, that to prevent quarreling Ki-ja compelled all -males to wear a broad-brimmed hat made of clay pasted on a framework. If -this hat was either doffed or broken the offender was severely punished. -This is said to have effectually kept them at arms length. - -Another evidence of Ki-ja’s genius is his immediate recognition of the -fact that he must govern the Korean people by means of men selected from -their own number. For this purpose he picked out a large number of men -from the various districts and gave them special training in the duties -of government and he soon had a working corps of officials and prefects -without resorting to the dangerous expedient of filling all these -positions from the company that came with him. He recognised that in -order to gain any lasting influence with the people of Korea he and his -followers must adapt themselves to the language of their adopted country -rather than make the Koreans conform to their form of speech. We are -told that he reduced the language of the people to writing and through -this medium taught the people the arts and sciences which he had -brought. If this is true, the method by which the writing was done and -the style of the characters have entirely disappeared. Nothing remains -to give evidence of such a written language. We are told that it took -three years to teach it to the people. - -The important matter of revenue received early attention. A novel method -was adopted. All arable land was divided into squares and each square -was subdivided into nine equal parts; eight squares about a central one. -Whoever cultivated the eight surrounding squares must also cultivate the -central one for the benefit of the government. The latter therefore -received a ninth part of the produce of the land. Prosperity was seen on -every side and the people called the Ta-dong River the Yellow River of -Korea. - -As a sign that his kingdom was founded in peace and as a constant -reminder to his people he planted a long line of willows along the bank -of the river opposite the city, so P‘yung-yang is sometimes called The -Willow Capital. - -It is contended by not a few that Ki-ja never came to Korea at all and -they base their belief upon the following facts. When the Han Emperor -Mu-je overcame northern Korea and divided it into four parts he called -the people savages, which could not be if Ki-ja civilized them. The -Chinese histories of the Tang dynasty affirm that Ki-ja’s kingdom was in -Liao-tung. The histories of the Kin dynasty and the Yuan or Mongol -dynasty say that Ki-ja had his capital at Kwang-nyŭng in Liao-tung, and -there is a Ki-ja well there today and a shrine to him. There was a -picture of him there but it was burned in the days of Emperor Se-jong of -the Ming dynasty. A Korean work entitled Sok-mun Heun-t’ong-go says that -Ki-ja’s capital was at Ham-pyŭng-no in Liao-tung. The Chinese work -Il-t’ong-ji of the time of the Ming dynasty says that the scholars of -Liao-tung compiled a work called Söng-gyŭng-ji which treated of this -question. That book said that Cho-sŭn included Sim-yang (Muk-den), -Pong-ch’ŭn-bu, Eui-ju and Kwang-nyŭng; so that half of Liao-tung -belonged to Cho-sun. The work entitled Kang-mok says that his capital -was at P’yŭng-yang and that the kingdom gradually broadened until the -scholar O Si-un said of it that it stretched from the Liao River to the -Han. This last is the commonly accepted theory and so far as Korean -evidence goes there seems to be little room for doubt. - -Ki-ja was fifty-three years old when he came to Korea and he reigned -here forty years. His grave may be seen to-day at To-san near the city -which was the scene of his labors. Some other places that claim the -honor of containing Ki-ja’s tomb are Mong-hyŭn, Pak-sung and -Sang-gu-hyun in northern China. - -It was not till thirty-six generations later that Ki-ja received the -posthumous title of T’ă-jo Mun-sŭng Tă-wang. - -The details of the history of K-ja’s dynasty are very meager and can be -given here only in the most condensed form.[A] - -Footnote A: - - The following details of the Ki-ja dynasty are taken from a work - recently compiled in P’yung-yang and claiming to be based on private - family records of the descendants of Ki-ja. It is difficult to say - whether any reliance can be placed upon it but as it is the only - source of information obtainable it seems best to give it. The dates - are of course all B.C. - -[Illustration: _THE TOMB OF KI-JA._] - -In 1083 Ki-ja died and was succeeded by his son Song. Of his reign of -twenty-five years we know little beyond the fact that he built an -Ancestral Temple. His successor, Sun, was a man of such filial piety -that when his father died he went mad. The next king, Iăk, adopted for -his officials the court garments of the Sang Kingdom in China. His son, -Ch’un, who ascended the throne in 997 raised fifty-nine regiments of -soldiers containing in all 7300 men. The flag of the army was blue. In -943 the reigning king, Cho, feeling the need of cavalry, appointed a -special commission to attend to the breeding of horses, and with such -success that in a few years horses were abundant. In 890 King Săk hung a -drum in the palace gate and ordained that anyone having a grievance -might strike the drum and obtain an audience. In 843 a law was -promulgated by which the government undertook to support the hopelessly -destitute. In 773 King Wŭl forbade the practice of sorcery and -incantation. In 748 naval matters received attention and a number of war -vessels were launched. The first day of the fifth moon of 722 is -memorable as marking the first solar eclipse that is recorded in Korean -history. A great famine occurred in 710. King Kwŭl selected a number of -men who could speak Chinese and who knew Chinese customs. These he -dressed in Chinese clothes which were white and sent them across the -Yellow Sea with a large fleet of boats loaded with fish, salt and -copper. With these they purchased rice for the starving Koreans. At this -time all official salaries were reduced one half. In 702 King Whe -ordered the making of fifteen kinds of musical instruments. He also -executed a sorceress of An-ju who claimed to be the daughter of the Sea -King and deceived many of the people. In 670 King Cho sent an envoy and -made friends with the King of Che in China. He also revised the penal -code and made the theft of a hundred million cash from the government or -of a hundred and fifty millions from the people a capital crime. He -ordered the construction of a building of 500 _kan_ for an asylum for -widows, orphans and aged people who were childless. In 664 one of the -wild tribes of the north sent their chief, Kil-i-do-du, to swear -allegiance to Cho-sŭn. In 659 there came to Korea from the Chu Kingdom -in China a man by the name of Pak Il-jŭng, who brought with him a -medicine called _myun-dan-bang_ which he claimed was the elixir of -youth. By his arts he succeeded in gaining the ear of the king and for -many years was virtually ruler of the country. At last a king came to -the throne who had the wisdom and nerve to order his execution. At this -the whole land rejoiced. Banished men were recalled and prisoners were -liberated. In 593 King Ch’am came to the throne at the age of five. His -uncle acted as regent. But a powerful courtier Kong Son-gang secured the -regent’s assassination and himself became virtual ruler. He imprisoned -the king in a small pavilion and tried to make him abdicate, but in this -was unsuccessful and himself met the assassin’s steel. In 560 the Ha -tribe, inhabiting the northern Japanese island of I-so, sent their -chief, Wha-ma-gyŭn-hu-ri, to swear allegiance to Cho-sŭn. In 505 the -wild tribes to the north became restive and King Yŭ gathered 3000 troops -and invaded their territory, taking 1000 heads and adding a wide strip -of country to his realm. He put teachers in each of the magistracies to -teach the people agriculture and sericulture. In 426, during the reign -of King Cheung, occurred a formidable rebellion. U Yi-ch’ung of T’ă-an -(now Cha-san) arose and said “I am the Heaven Shaker.” With a powerful -force he approached the capital and besieged it. The king was forced to -flee by boat and take refuge at Hyŭl-gu (probably an island). But not -long after this the loyal troops rallied about the king and the rebel -was chased across the northern border. In 403 the king of Yŭn sent an -envoy to Korea with greetings. This Yŭn kingdom had its capital at -Chik-ye-sŭng where Peking now stands, and its territory was contiguous -to Cho-sŭn on the west. But in spite of these friendly greetings the -king of Yŭn sent an army in 380 and seized a district in western -Cho-sun. They were soon driven back. Fifteen years later a Yŭn general, -Chin-ga, came with 20,000 troops and delimited the western border of -Cho-sŭn but the Cho-sŭn general Wi Mun-ŭn gathered 30,000 men and lying -in ambush among the reeds beside the O-do River surprised the enemy and -put them to flight. In 346 a wild chieftain of the north came and asked -aid against Yŭn. It was granted to the extent of 10,000 troops. These -with 1000 cavalry of the wild tribe attacked and took the border -fortress of Sang-gok. Soon after, Yun sued for peace and it was granted. - -This ends the apocryphal account of the Ki-ja dynasty. Its contents are -circumstantial enough to seem plausible yet we cannot but doubt the -authenticity of any records which pretend to go back to such a remote -period. - -The Chou dynasty in China had long been on the decline and now, in 305 -B.C. had reached a point of extreme weakness. In view of this the -governor of the tributary state of Liao-tung who had always passed under -the title of Hu or “Marquis” dared to assume the title Wang or “King” -and so to defy the power of China. Cho-sŭn threw herself into the -balance in favor of her great patron and hastened to attack Liao-tung in -the rear. But before this course had become inevitable a warning voice -was raised and one of the councillors, Ye, who was gifted with more -knowledge of the signs of the times than his fellows pointed out the -inevitable overthrow of the Chou dynasty, and he advised that Cho-sŭn -make her peace with the new “King” of the Yŏn kingdom of Liao-tung, -rather than brave his anger by siding against him. The advice was -followed and Cho-sŭn threw off the light reins of allegiance to China -and ranged herself alongside the new kingdom. This we learn from the -annals of the Wei dynasty of China. But apparently Cho-sŭn, stretching -as it did to and beyond the Liao River, was too tempting a morsel for -the ambitious king of Yŭn to leave untasted. So he picked a quarrel with -the king of Cho-sŭn and delimited his territory as far as the Yalu -River, a stretch of 2,000 _li_, even to the town of Pan-han whose -identity is now lost. He followed up this success by overcoming the wild -tribes to the north and added 1,000 _li_ more to his domains, securing -it from attack, as he supposed, by building a wall from Cho-yang to -Yang-p’yŭng. - -When Emperor Shih of the Tsin dynasty ascended the throne of China in -221 B.C. and soon after began that tremendous work the Great Wall of -China, the fortieth descendant of Ki-ja was swaying the scepter of -Cho-sŭn under the name Ki-bi, posthumous title Chong-t’ong Wang. As soon -as the news of this great undertaking reached the ears of this monarch -he hauled down his colors and surrendered at discretion, sending an -envoy to do obeisance for him. - -King Ki-bi died and his son Ki-jun, the last of the dynasty reigned in -his stead. For some years all was quiet, but at last the scepter was -wrested from the hands of the short-lived Tsin dynasty by the founder of -the illustrious Han, and across the border from Cho-sŭn all was turmoil -and confusion. Fugitives from the three states of Yun, Che and Cho were -seeking asylum anywhere, and thousands were hurrying across the Yalu and -craving the protection of Ki-jun. The only protection he could give them -from the victorious Han was remoteness from the latter’s base of -operations; so he allowed them to settle along the valley of the Yalu -and its southern tributaries. This was in the twentieth year of his -reign, 200 B.C. - -Unfortunately for Cho-sŭn, the Han emperor made No-gwan, one of his -generals, governor of Yŭn. This gentleman had ideas of his own, and -finding such good material for an army among the half-wild people of his -province he decided to go on an empire hunt on his own account. - -The story of his desperate fight and final defeat at the hands of the -Han forces, of his flight northward to the wild tribe of Hyung-no, is -interesting; but we must turn from it to follow the fortunes of one of -his lieutenants, a native of the Yŭn, named Wi-man. Retreating eastward -alone and in disguise, according to some writers, or according to others -with an escort of 1,000 men, he eluded his pursuers and at last crossed -the P’ă-su (the Yalu of today) and was received with open arms by his -own kin who had already settled there. In the days of the Han dynasty -the word P’ă-su meant the Yalu River, but in the days of the Tang -dynasty it meant the Ta-dong. Hence much confusion has arisen. - -Wi-man threw himself upon the protection of Ki-jun who, little knowing -the nature of the man he was harboring, good-naturedly consented and -accompanied his welcome with the substantial gift of a hundred _li_ -square of land in the north. Wi-man, on his part, engaged to act as -border guard and give timely warning of the approach of an enemy. He was -already on good terms with the people of the Chin-bŭn tribe, and now he -began to cultivate their friendship more assiduously than ever. In a -short time he found himself at the head of a considerable following -composed partly of Yŭn refugees and partly of Chin-bŭn adventurers. - -Being thus prepared and weighing all the chances, he concluded to stake -his whole fortune on a single throw. Sending a swift messenger to the -court of Ki-jun at P‘yŭng-yang, he informed that peace loving monarch -that an innumerable army was advancing from China in four divisions and -would soon be at the doors of Cho-sŭn, and that he, Wi-man, must hasten -to the capital with all his force to act as body-guard of the King. The -ruse was successful and before Ki-jun and his court had awakened to the -situation Wi-man was on them. An attempt was made to stop his advance -when quite too late, but it held the traitor in check long enough for -Ki-jun and his immediate court to load their treasure on boats; and as -the triumphal army of Wi-man entered the gates of P‘yŭng-yang the last -representative of the dynasty of Ki-ja slipped quietly down the river, -seeking for himself a more congenial home in the south. This occurred, -so far as we can judge from conflicting documents, in the year 193 B.C. - -This was an event of utmost importance in the history of the peninsula. -It opened up to the world the southern portion of Korea, where there -were stored up forces that were destined to dominate the whole peninsula -and impress upon it a distinctive stamp. But before following Ki-jun -southward we must turn back and watch the outcome of Wi-man’s treachery. - - - - - Chapter III. - -Wi-man.... establishes his kingdom.... extent.... power soon waned.... - ambitious designs.... China aroused.... invasion of Korea.... U-gu - tries to make peace.... siege of P‘yŭng-yang.... it falls.... the - land redistributed.... the four provinces.... the two provinces. - - -Having secured possession of Ki-jun’s kingdom, Wi-man set to work to -establish himself firmly on the throne. He had had some experience in -dealing with the wild tribes and now he exerted himself to the utmost in -the task of securing the allegiance of as many of them as possible. He -was literally surrounded by them, and this policy of friendliness was an -absolute necessity. He succeeded so well that ere long he had won over -almost all the adjacent tribes whose chieftains frequented his court and -were there treated with such liberality that more than once they found -themselves accompanying embassies to the court of China. - -It is said that when his kingdom was at its height it extended far into -Liao-tung over all northern and eastern Korea and even across the Yellow -Sea where it included Ch’ŭng-ju, China. Its southern boundary was the -Han River. - -So long as Wi-man lived he held the kingdom together with a strong hand, -for he was possessed of that peculiar kind of power which enabled him to -retain the respect and esteem of the surrounding tribes. He knew when to -check them and when to loosen the reins. But he did not bequeath this -power to his descendants. His grandson, U-gŭ, inherited all his ambition -without any of his tact. He did not realise that it was the strong hand -and quick wit of his grandfather that had held the kingdom together and -he soon began to plan a still further independence from China. He -collected about him all the refugees and all the malcontents, most of -whom had much to gain and little to lose in any event. He then cut off -all friendly intercourse with the Han court and also prevented the -surrounding tribes from sending their little embassies across the -border. The Emperor could not brook this insult, and sent an envoy, -Sŭp-ha, to expostulate with the headstrong U-gŭ; but as the latter would -not listen, the envoy went back across the Yalu and tried what he could -do by sending one of the older chiefs to ask what the king meant by his -conduct. U-gŭ was still stubborn and when the chief returned to Sŭp-ha -empty-handed he was put to death. Sŭp-ha paid the penalty for this rash -act, for not many days after he had been installed governor of Liao-tung -the tribe he had injured fell upon him and killed him. - -This was not done at the instigation of U-gŭ, but unfortunately it was -all one to the Emperor. It was the “Eastern Barbarians” who, all alike, -merited punishment. It was in 107 B.C. that the imperial edict went -forth commanding all Chinese refugees in Korea to return at once, as -U-gŭ was to be put down by the stern hand of war. - -In the autumn of that year the two generals, Yang-bok and Sun-ch’i, -invaded Korea at the head of a strong force; but U-gŭ was ready for them -and in the first engagement scattered the invading army, the remnants of -which took refuge among the mountains. It was ten days before they -rallied enough to make even a good retreat. U-gŭ was frightened by his -own good luck for he knew that this would still further anger the -Emperor; so when an envoy came from China the king humbled himself, -confessed his sins and sent his son to China as hostage together with a -gift of 5,000 horses. Ten thousand troops accompanied him. As these -troops were armed, the Chinese envoy feared there might be trouble after -the Yalu had been crossed. He therefore asked the Prince to have them -disarmed. The latter thought he detected treachery and so fled at night -and did not stop until he reached his father’s palace in P‘yŭng-yang. -The envoy paid for this piece of _gaucherie_ with his head. - -Meanwhile Generals Yang-bok and Sun-ch’i had been scouring Liao-tung and -had collected a larger army than before. With this they crossed the -Ya-lu and marched on P‘yŭng-yang. They met with no resistance, for U-gŭ -had collected all his forces at the capital, hoping perhaps that the -severity of the weather would tire out any force that might be sent -against him. The siege continued two months during which time the two -generals quarreled incessantly. When the Emperor sent Gen. Kong Son-su -to see what was the matter, Gen. Sun-ch’i accused his colleague of -treason and had him sent back to China, where he lost his head. The -siege, continued by Gen. Sun-ch’i, dragged on till the following summer -and it would have continued longer had not a traitor within the town -assassinated the king and fled to the Chinese camp. Still the people -refused to make terms until another traitor opened the gates to the -enemy. Gen. Sun-ch’i’s first act was to compel Prince Chang, the heir -apparent, to do obeisance. But the people had their revenge upon the -traitor who opened the gate for they fell upon him and tore him to -pieces before he could make good his escape to the Chinese camp. - -Such was the miserable end of Wi-man’s treachery. He had cheated Ki-jun -out of his kingdom which had lasted almost a thousand years, while the -one founded by himself lasted only eighty-eight. It fell in the -thirty-fourth year of the Han Emperor Wu-ti, in the year 106 B.C. - -Upon the downfall of Wi-man’s kingdom, the country was divided by the -Chinese into four provinces called respectively Nang-nang, Im-dun, -Hyŭn-do and Chin-bŭn. The first of these, Nang-nang, is supposed to have -covered that portion of Korea now included in the three provinces of -P‘yung-an, Whang-hă and Kyŭng-geui. Im-dun, so far as we can learn, was -located about as the present province of Kang-wŭn, but it may have -exceeded these limits. Hyŭn-do was about coterminous with the present -province of Ham-gyŭng in the northeast. Chin-bŭn lay beyond the Yalu -River but its limits can hardly be guessed at. It may have stretched to -the Liao River or beyond. It is exceedingly doubtful whether the -conquerors themselves had any definite idea of the shape or extent of -these four provinces. Twenty-five years later, in the fifth year of -Emperor Chao-ti 81 B.C. a change in administration was made. Chin-bŭn -and Hyŭn-do were united to form a new province called P’yung-ju, while -Im-dun and Nang-nang were thrown together to form Tong-bu. In this form -the country remained until the founding of Ko-gu-ryŭ in the twelfth year -of Emperor Yuan-ti, 36 B.C. - -It is here a fitting place to pause and ask what was the nature of these -wild tribes that hung upon the flanks of civilization and, like the -North American Indians, were friendly one day and on the war-path the -next. Very little can be gleaned from purely Korean sources, but a -Chinese work entitled the Mun-hön T’ong-go deals with them in some -detail, and while there is much that is quite fantastic and absurd the -main points tally so well with the little that Korean records say, that -in their essential features they are probably as nearly correct as -anything we are likely to find in regard to these aborigines (shall we -say) of north-eastern Asia. - - - - - Chapter IV. - -The wild tribes.... the “Nine Tribes” apocryphal.... Ye-mak.... - position.... history.... customs.... Ye and Mak perhaps two.... - Ok-jo .... position.... history.... customs.... North Ok-jo.... - Eum-nu.... position.... customs.... the western tribes.... the - Mal-gal group.... position.... customs.... other border tribes. - - -As we have already seen, tradition gives us nine original wild tribes in -the north named respectively the Kyŭn, Pang, Whang, Păk, Chŭk, Hyŭn, -P’ung, Yang, and U. These we are told occupied the peninsula in the very -earliest times. But little credence can be placed in this enumeration, -for when it comes to the narration of events we find that these tribes -are largely ignored and numerous other names are introduced. The -tradition is that they lived in Yang-gok, “The Place of the Rising Sun.” -In the days of Emperor T’ai-k’an of the Hsia dynasty, 2188 B.C. the wild -tribes of the east revolted. In the days of Emperor Wu-wang, 1122 B.C. -it is said that representatives from several of the wild tribes came to -China bringing rude musical instruments and performing their queer -dances. The Whe-i was another of the tribes, for we are told that the -brothers of Emperor Wu-wang fled thither but were pursued and killed. -Another tribe, the So-i, proclaimed their independence of China but were -utterly destroyed by this same monarch. - -It is probable that all these tribes occupied the territory north of the -Yalu River and the Ever-white Mountains. Certain it is that these names -never occur in the pages of Korean history proper. Doubtless there was -more or less intermixture and it is more than possible that their blood -runs in the veins of Koreans today, but of this we cannot be certain. - -We must call attention to one more purely Chinese notice of early Korea -because it contains perhaps the earliest mention of the word Cho-sŭn. It -is said that in Cho-sŭn three rivers, the Chŭn-su, Yŭl-su, and San-su, -unite to form the Yŭl-su, which flows by (or through) Nang-nang. This -corresponds somewhat with the description of the Yalu River. - -We now come to the wild tribes actually resident in the peninsula and -whose existence can hardly be questioned, whatever may be said about the -details here given. - -We begin with the tribe called Ye-măk, about which there are full -notices both in Chinese and Korean records. The Chinese accounts deal -with it as a single tribe but the Korean accounts, which are more exact, -tell us that Ye and Mak were two separate “kingdoms.” In all probability -they were of the same stock but separate in government. - -Ye-guk (_guk_ meaning kingdom) is called by some Ye-wi-guk. It is also -know as Ch’ŭl. It was situated directly north of the kingdom of Sil-la, -which was practically the present province of Kyŭng-sang, so its -boundary must have been the same as that of the present Kang-wŭn -Province. On the north was Ok-jŭ, on the east the Great Sea, and on the -west Nang-nang. We may say then that Ye-guk comprised the greater -portion of what is now Kang-wŭn Province. To this day the ruins of its -capital may be seen to the east of the town of Kang-neung. In the palmy -days of Ye-guk its capital was called Tong-i and later, when overcome by -Sil-la, a royal seal was unearthed there and Hă-wang the king of Sil-la -adopted it as his royal seal. After this town was incorporated into -Sil-la it was known as Myŭng-ju. - -In the days of the Emperor Mu-je, 140 B.C., the king of Ye-guk was -Nam-nyŭ. He revolted from Wi-man’s rule and, taking a great number of -his people, estimated, fantastically of course, at 380,000, removed to -Liao-tung, where the Emperor gave him a site for a settlement at -Chang-hă-gun. Some accounts say that this colony lasted three years. -Others say that after two years it revolted and was destroyed by the -Emperor. There are indications that the remnant joined the kingdom of -Pu-yŭ in the north-east for, according to one writer, the seal of Pu-yŭ -contained the words “Seal of the King of Ye” and it was reported that -the aged men of Pu-yŭ used to say that in the days of the Han dynasty -they were fugitives. There was also in Pu-yŭ a fortress called the “Ye -Fortress.” From this some argue that Nam-nyŭ was not a man of the east -but of the north. Indeed it is difficult to see how he could have taken -so many people so far especially across an enemy’s country. - -When the Chinese took the whole northern part of Korea, the Ye country -was incorporated into the province of Im-dun and in the time of the -Emperor Kwang-mu the governor of the province resided at Kang-neung. The -Emperor received an annual tribute of grass-cloth, fruit and horses. - -The people of Ye-guk were simple and credulous, and not naturally -inclined to warlike pursuits. They were modest and unassuming, nor were -they fond of jewels or finery. Their peaceful disposition made them an -easy prey to their neighbors who frequently harassed them. In later -times both Ko-gu-ryŭ and Sil-la used Ye-guk soldiers in part in -effecting their conquests. People of the same family name did not -intermarry. If a person died of disease his house was deserted and the -family found a new place of abode. We infer from this that their houses -were of a very poor quality and easily built; probably little more than -a rude thatch covering a slight excavation in a hill-side. The use of -hemp was known as was also that of silk, though this was probably at a -much later date. Cotton was also grown and woven. By observing the stars -they believed they could foretell a famine; from which we infer that -they were mainly an agricultural people. In the tenth moon they -worshipped the heavens, during which ceremony they drank, sang and -danced. They also worshipped the “Tiger Spirit.” Robbery was punished by -fining the offender a horse or a cow. In fighting they used spears as -long as three men and not infrequently several men wielded the same -spear together. They fought entirely on foot. The celebrated Nang-nang -bows were in reality of Ye-guk make and were cut out of _pak-tal_ wood. -The country was infested with leopards. The horses were so small that -mounted men could ride under the branches of the fruit trees without -difficulty. They sold colored fish skins to the Chinese, the fish being -taken from the eastern sea. - -We are confronted by the singular statement that at the time of the Wei -dynasty in China, 220-294 A.D. Ye-guk swore allegiance to China and -despatched an envoy four times a year. There was no Ye-mak in Korea at -that time and this must refer to some other Ye tribe in the north. It is -said they purchased exemption from military duty by paying a stipulated -annual sum. This is manifestly said of some tribe more contiguous to -China than the one we are here discussing. - -Măk-guk, the other half of Ye-măk, had its seat of government near the -site of the present town of Ch’un-ch’ŭn. Later, in the time of the -Sil-la supremacy, it was known as U-su-ju. It was called Ch’ŭn-ju in the -time of the Ko-ryŭ rule. - -The ancient Chinese work, Su-jun, says that in the days of Emperor -Mu-song (antedating Ki-ja) the people of Wha-ha Man-măk came and did -obeisance to China. This may have been the Korean Măk. Mencius also -makes mention of a greater Măk and a lesser Măk. In the time of the Han -dynasty they spoke of Cho-sün, Chin-bŭn and Ye-măk. Mencius’ notice of a -greater and lesser Măk is looked upon by some as an insult to the memory -of Ki-ja, as if he had called Ki-ja’s kingdom a wild country; but the -above mention of the three separately is quoted to show that Mencius had -no such thought. - -The annals of Emperor Mu-je state, in a commentary, that Măk was north -of Chin-han and south of Ko-gu-ryŭ and Ok-jŭ and had the sea to the -east, a description which exactly suits Ye-măk as we know it. - -The wild tribe called Ok-jŭ occupied the territory east of Kă-ma San and -lay along the eastern sea-coast. It was narrow and long, stretching a -thousand _li_ along the coast in the form of a hook. This well describes -the contour of the coast from a point somewhat south of the present -Wŭn-san northward along the shore of Ham-gyŭng Province. On its south -was Ye-măk and on its north were the wild Eum-nu and Pu-yŭ tribes. It -consisted of five thousand houses grouped in separate communities that -were quite distinct from each other politically, and a sort of -patriarchal government prevailed. The language was much like that of the -people of Ko-gu-ryŭ. - -When Wi-man took Ki-jun’s kingdom, the Ok-jŭ people became subject to -him, but later, when the Chinese made the four provinces, Ok-jŭ was -incorporated into Hyŭn-do. As Ok-jŭ was the most remote of all the wild -tribes from the Chinese capital, a special governor was appointed over -her, called a Tong-bu To-wi, and his seat of government was at Pul-lă -fortress. The district was divided into seven parts, all of which were -east of Tan-dan Pass, perhaps the Tă-gwul Pass of to-day. In the sixth -year of the Emperor Kwang-mu, 31 A.D., it is said that the governorship -was discontinued and native magnates were put at the head of affairs in -each of the seven districts under the title Hu or Marquis. Three of the -seven districts were Wha-ye, Ok-jŭ and Pul-lă. It is said that the -people of Ye-guk were called in to build the government houses in these -seven centers. - -When Ko-gu-ryŭ took over all northern Korea, she placed a single -governor over all this territory with the title Tă-in. Tribute was -rendered in the form of grass-cloth, fish, salt and other sea products. -Handsome women were also requisitioned. The land was fertile. It had a -range of mountains at its back and the sea in front. Cereals grew -abundantly. The people are described as being very vindictive. Spears -were the weapons mostly used in fighting. Horses and cattle were scarce. -The style of dress was the same as that of Ko-gu-ryŭ. - -When a girl reached the age of ten she was taken to the home of her -future husband and brought up there. Having attained a marriageable age -she returned home and her fiancé then obtained her by paying the -stipulated price. - -Dead bodies were buried in a shallow grave and when only the bones -remained they were exhumed and thrust into a huge hollowed tree trunk -which formed the family “vault.” Many generations were thus buried in a -single tree trunk. The opening was at the end of the trunk. A wooden -image of the dead was carved and set beside this coffin and with it a -bowl of grain. - -The northern part of Ok-jŭ was called Puk Ok-jŭ or “North Ok-jŭ.” The -customs of these people were the same as those of the south except for -some differences caused by the proximity of the Eum-nu tribe to the -north, who were the Apaches of Korea. Every year these fierce people -made a descent upon the villages of the peaceful Ok-jŭ, sweeping -everything before them. So regular were these incursions that the Ok-jŭ -people used to migrate to the mountains every summer, where they lived -in caves as best they could, returning to their homes in the late -autumn. The cold of winter held their enemies in check. - -We are told that a Chinese envoy once penetrated these remote regions. -He asked “Are there any people living beyond this sea?” (meaning the -Japan Sea.) They replied “Sometimes when we go out to fish and a tempest -strikes us we are driven ten days toward the east until we reach islands -where men live whose language is strange and whose custom it is each -summer to drown a young girl in the sea.” Another said “Once some -clothes floated here which were like ours except that the sleeves were -as long as the height of a man.” Another said “A boat once drifted here -containing a man with a double face, one above the other. We could not -understand his speech and as he refused to eat he soon expired.” - -The tribe of Ok-jŭ was finally absorbed in Ko-gu-ryŭ in the fourth year -of King T’ă-jo Wang. - -The Eum-nu tribe did not belong to Korea proper but as its territory was -adjacent to Korea a word may not be out of place. It was originally -called Suk-sin. It was north of Ok-jŭ and stretched from the Tu-man -river away north to the vicinity of the Amur. Its most famous mountain -was Pul-ham San, It is said to have been a thousand _li_ to the -north-east of Pu-yŭ. The country was mountainous and there were no cart -roads. The various cereals were grown, as well as hemp. - -The native account of the people of Eum-nu is quite droll and can hardly -be accepted as credible. It tells us that the people lived in the trees -in summer and in holes in the ground in winter. The higher a man’s rank -the deeper he was allowed to dig. The deepest holes were “nine rafters -deep.” Pigs were much in evidence. The flesh was eaten and the skins -were worn. In winter the people smeared themselves an inch thick with -grease. In summer they wore only a breach-cloth. They were extremely -filthy. In the center of each of these winter excavations was a common -cesspool about which everything else was clustered. The extraordinary -statement is made that these people picked up pieces of meat with their -toes and ate them. They sat on frozen meat to thaw it out. There was no -king, but a sort of hereditary chieftainship prevailed. If a man desired -to marry he placed a feather in the hair of the damsel of his choice and -if she accepted him she simply followed him home. Women did not marry -twice, but before marriage the extreme of latitude was allowed. Young -men were more respected than old men. They buried their dead, placing a -number of slaughtered pigs beside the dead that he might have something -to eat in the land beyond the grave. The people were fierce and cruel, -and even though a parent died they did not weep. Death was the penalty -for small as well as great offences. They had no form of writing and -treaties were made only by word of mouth. In the days of Emperor Yüan-ti -of the Eastern Tsin dynasty, an envoy from this tribe was seen in the -Capital of China. - -We have described the tribes of eastern Korea. A word now about the -western part of the peninsula. All that portion of Korea lying between -the Han and Yalu rivers constituted what was known as Nang-nang and -included the present provinces of P‘yŭng-an and Whang-hă together with a -portion of Kyŭng-geui. It was originally the name of a single tribe -whose position will probably never be exactly known; but it was of such -importance that when China divided northern Korea into four provinces -she gave this name of Nang-nang to all that portion lying, as we have -said, between the Han and the Yalu. The only accounts of these people -are given under the head of the Kingdom of Ko-gu-ryŭ which we shall -consider later. But between Nang-nang and the extreme eastern tribes of -Ok-jŭ there was a large tract of country including the eastern part of -the present province of P’yŭng-an and the western part of Ham-gyŭng. -This was called Hyŭn-do, and the Chinese gave this name to the whole -north-eastern part of Korea. No separate accounts of Hyŭn-do seem to be -now available. - -Before passing to the account of the founding of the three great -kingdoms of Sil-la, Păk-je and Ko-gu-ryŭ, we must give a passing glance -at one or two of the great border tribes of the north-west. They were -not Koreans but exercised such influence upon the life of Korea that -they deserve passing notice. - -In that vast tract of territory now known as Manchuria there existed, at -the time of Christ, a group of wild tribes known under the common name -Mal-gal. The group was composed of seven separate tribes, named -respectively—Songmal, Păk-tol, An-gŭ-gol, Pul-lal, Ho-sil, Heuk-su -(known also as the Mul-gil) and the Păk-san. Between these tribes there -was probably some strong affinity, although this is argued only from the -generic name Mal-gal which was usually appended to their separate names, -and the fact that Mal-gal is commonly spoken of as one. The location of -this group of tribes is determined by the statement (1) that it was -north of Ko-gu-ryŭ and (2) that to the east of it was a tribe anciently -called the Suk-sin (the same as the Eum-nu,) and (3) that it was five -thousand _li_ from Nak-yang the capital of China. We are also told that -in it was the great river Sog-mal which was three _li_ wide referring it -would seem to the Amur River. These tribes, though members of one -family, were constantly fighting each other and their neighbors and the -ancient records say that of all the wild tribes of the east the Mal-gal -were the most feared by their neighbors. But of all the Mal-gal tribes -the Heuk-su were the fiercest and most warlike. They lived by hunting -and fishing. The title of their chiefs was Tă-mak-pul-man-lol-guk. The -people honored their chiefs and stood in great fear of them. It is said -that they would not attend to the duties of nature on a mountain, -considering, it would seem, that there is something sacred about a -mountain. They lived in excavations in the sides of earth banks, -covering them with a rough thatch. The entrance was from above. Horses -were used but there were no other domestic animals except pigs. Their -rude carts were pushed by men and their plows were dragged by the same. -They raised a little millet and barley, and cultivated nine kinds of -vegetables. The water there, was brackish owing to the presence of a -certain kind of tree the bark of whose roots tinged the water like an -infusion. They made wine by chewing grain and then allowing it to -ferment. This was very intoxicating. For the marriage ceremony the bride -wore a hempen skirt and the groom a pig skin with a tiger skin over his -head. Both bride and groom washed the face and hands in urine. They were -the filthiest of all the wild tribes. They were expert archers, their -bows being made of horn, and the arrows were twenty-three inches long. -In summer a poison was prepared in which the arrow heads were dipped. A -wound from one of these was almost instantly fatal. The almost -incredible statement is made in the native accounts that the dead bodies -of this people were not interred but were used in baiting traps for wild -animals. - -Besides the Mal-gal tribes there were two others of considerable note, -namely the Pal-hă and the Kŭ-ran of which special mention is not here -necessary, though their names will appear occasionally in the following -pages. They lived somewhere along the northern borders of Korea, within -striking distance. The last border tribe that we shall mention is the -Yŭ-jin whose history is closely interwoven with that of Ko-gu-ryŭ. They -were the direct descendants, or at least close relatives, of the Eum-nu -people. They were said to have been the very lowest and weakest of all -the wild tribes, in fact a mongrel tribe, made up of the offscourings of -all the others. They are briefly described by the statement that if they -took up a handful of water it instantly turned black. They were good -archers and were skilful at mimicing the deer for the purpose of -decoying it. They ate deer flesh raw. A favorite form of amusement was -to make tame deer intoxicated with wine and watch their antics. Pigs, -cattle and donkeys abounded. They used cattle for burden and the hides -served for covering. The houses were roofed with bark. Fine horses were -raised by them. It was in this tribe that the great conquerer of China, -A-gol-t’a, arose, who paved the way for the founding of the great Kin -dynasty a thousand years or more after the beginning of our era. - - - - - Chapter V. - -Southern Korean.... Ki-jun’s arrival.... differences which he found.... - three groups.... Ma-han.... position.... peculiarities.... - characteristics.... worship.... tatooing.... numbers.... - Chin-han.... Chinese immigration.... customs.... Pyön-han.... - position.... habits.... the philological argument.... southern - origin.... Ki-jun and his descendants. - - -We must now ask the reader to go with us to the southern portion of the -peninsula where we shall find a people differing in many essential -respects from the people of the north, and evincing not merely such -different but such opposite characteristics from the people of the north -that it is difficult to believe that they are of the same origin. - -When King Ki-jun, the last of the Ki-ja dynasty proper was driven from -P’yŭng-yang by the unscrupulous Wi-man, he embarked, as we have already -seen, upon the Ta-dong River accompanied by a small retinue of officials -and servants. Faring southward along the coast, always within sight of -land and generally between the islands and mainland, he deemed it safe -at last to effect a landing. This he did at a place anciently known as -Keum-ma-gol or “Place of the Golden Horse,” now Ik-san. It should be -noticed that this rendering is simply that of the Chinese characters -that were used to represent the word Keum-ma-gol. In all probability it -was a mere transliteration of the native name of the place by the use of -the Chinese, and the rendering here given was originally unthought of. - -They found the land inhabited, but by a people strange in almost every -particular. The explicitness with which all native accounts describe the -people whom Ki-jun found in the south is in itself a striking argument -in favor of the theory that a different race of people was there -encountered. The southern part of the peninsula was divided between -three groups of peoples called respectively Ma-han, Chin-han and -Pyön-han. How these names originated can hardly be learned at this date, -but it would seem that they were native words; for the last of the -three, Pyön-han, was also called Pyön-jin, a word entering into the -composition of many of the names of the towns peopled by the Pyön-han -tribes. It is necessary for us now to take a brief glance at each of -these three groups, for in them we shall find the solution of the most -interesting and important problem that Korea has to offer either to the -historian or ethnologist. - -The Ma-han people occupied the south-western part of the peninsula, -comprising the whole of the present province of Ch’ung-ch’ŭng and the -northern part of Chŭl-la. It may have extended northward nearly to the -Han river but of this we cannot be sure. On its north was the tribe of -Nang-nang, on the south was probably a part of Pyön-han but one -authority says that to the south of Ma-han were the Japanese or Wă-in. -These Japanese are carefully described and much color is given to this -statement by certain coincidences which will be brought out later. No -Korean work mentions these Japanese and it may be that the Japanese -referred to were those living on the islands between Korea and Japan. -But we can easily imagine the thrifty islanders making settlements of -the southern coast of Korea. - -The first striking peculiarity of the Ma-han people, and one that -differentiates them from the northern neighbors, was the fact that they -were not one tribe but a congeries of small settlements each entirely -independent of the others, each having its own chief, its own army, its -own laws. It is said that they lived either among the mountains or along -the coast, which would point to the existence of two races, the one -inland, indigenous, and the other, colonists from some other country. -The Ma-han people were acquainted with agriculture, sericulture and the -use of flax and hemp. Their fowls had tails ninety-five inches long. -Here is one of the interesting coincidences that uphold the contention -that the Japanese were in the peninsula at that time. These peculiar -fowls are now extinct, but, within the memory of people now living, such -fowls were quite common in Japan and preserved specimens in the museum -at Tokyo show that the above measurements are by no means unusual in -that breed of fowl. It would seem then that Japan procured them from -Korea, or else the Japanese colonists introduced them into Korea. - -Another point which differentiates the south from the north was the fact -that a walled town was a thing unknown in the south; as the Korean -writer puts it “There was no difference between town and country.” Their -houses were rough thatched huts sunken a little below the surface of the -ground, as is indicated by the statement that the houses were entered -from the top. These people of Ma-han were strong and fierce and were -known by the loudness and vehemence of their speech. This accords well -with the further fact that they were the virtual governors of all south -Korea, for it was Ma-han who furnished rulers for Chin-han. These people -did not kneel nor bow in salutation. There was no difference in the -treatment of people of different ages or sexes. All were addressed -alike. - -Another marked difference between these people and those of the north -was that the Ma-han people held neither gold nor silver in high repute. -We may safely reckon upon the acquisitive faculty as being the most keen -and pervasive of all the faculties of eastern as well as western -peoples, and that the north should have been acquainted with the uses -and values of these metals while the south was not, can argue nothing -less than a complete ignorance of each other. The southern people loved -beads strung about the head and face, a trait that naturally points to -the south and the tropics. In the summer they worshipped spirits, at -which time they consumed large quantities of intoxicating beverages -while they sang and danced, several “tens of men” dancing together and -keeping time with their feet. In the autumn, after the harvest, they -worshipped and feasted again. In each of the little settlements there -was a high priest whose business it was to worship for the whole -community. They had a kind of monastic system, the devotees of which -fastened iron drums to high posts and beat upon them during their -worship. - -Another striking statement is that tatooing was common. This is another -powerful argument in favor of the theory of a southern origin, for it is -apparent that tatooing is a form of dress and is most in vogue where the -heat renders the use of clothing uncomfortable. As might be expected, -this habit has died out in Korea, owing without doubt to the comparative -severity of the climate; but within the memory of living men it has been -practiced on a small scale, and today there is one remnant of the custom -in the drawing of a red colored thread under the skin of the wrist in -making certain kinds of vow or promises. - -In the larger towns the ruler was called Sin-ji and in the smaller ones -Eup-ch’a. They had tests of endurance similar to those used by North -American Indians. One of them consisted in drawing a cord through the -skin of the back and being hauled up and down by it without a murmur. - -We are told that in Ma-han there were 100,000 houses, each district -containing, from 1,000 to 10,000 houses. This would give an approximate -population of 500,000. The names of the fifty-four districts or kingdom -included in Ma-han are given in the appendix together with those of -Chin-han and Pyön-han. - -We are told that the aged men of Chin-han held the tradition that -thousands of Chinese fled to Korea in the days of the Tsin dynasty, -255-209 B.C., and that the people of Ma-han gave them land in the east -and enclosed them in a palisade, and furnished them with a governor who -transmitted the office to his son. This could refer however only to a -small portion of Chin-han. There was a large and widely scattered native -population occupying approximately the territory covered by the present -Kyŭng-sang Province. It is probable that these Chinese refugees -exercised a great influence over them and taught them many things. It is -not improbable that it was owing to this civilizing agency that Sil-la -eventually became master of the peninsula. But it should be carefully -noted that this Chin-han did not derive its name, from the Chin (Tsin) -dynasty of China through these Chinese refugees. The character used in -designating Chin-han is not the same as that used for the Chin dynasty. - -The land was fertile. The mulberry flourished and silk culture was a -common employment. Horses and cattle were used both under the saddle and -as beasts of burden. Marriage rites were scrupulously observed and the -distinction between the sexes was carefully preserved. When a body was -interred men followed the bier waving feathers in the air to help waft -the soul of the departed on its flight to heaven. The country contained -much mineral wealth. Ye-măk, Ma-han and the Japanese all obtained metal -from Chin-han. Iron was the medium of exchange. They were fond of music -and the dance. Their music was made by means of a rude harp and an -instrument made by stretching wire back and forth inside a metal -cylinder which, when struck, caused the strings to vibrate. When a child -was born a stone was placed against its head to flatten it. Tattooing -was common in those parts contiguous to the Japanese, which would imply -that the custom was a borrowed one. When two men met on the road it was -considered good form for each to stop and insist upon the others passing -first. - -It is hardly necessary to dwell upon the characteristics of the Pyön-han -people, for they were nearly the same as those of the people of -Chin-han. Some say they were within the territory of Chin-han, others -that they were south both of Ma-han and Chin-han, and nearest to the -Japanese. They tatooed a great deal. Beyond this fact little is known of -them excepting that their punishments were very severe, many offences -being punished with death. - -It is difficult to say what was the nature of the bond between the -different districts which made up the whole body of either Ma-han, -Chin-han or Pyön-han. On the one hand we are told that the districts -were entirely separate and yet we find Ma-han, as a whole, performing -acts that imply some sort of federation at least if not a fixed central -government. In fact one Chinese work states that a town named Cha-ji was -the capital of all three of the Hans. We must conclude therefore from -those and subsequent statements that some sort of central government -prevailed, at least in Ma-han. - -The names of the several kingdoms which composed the three Hans are -preserved to us, mutilated, in all probability, by reason of Chinese -transliteration, but still useful from a philological and ethnological -standpoint. If the reader will glance but casually at the list of these -separate districts as given in the appendix, he will see that there was -good cause for the division into three Hans. We will point out only the -most striking peculiarities here, as this belongs rather to the domain -of philology than to that of history. In Ma-han we find seven of the -names ending _ro_. We find two or three of the same in Pyön-han but none -in Chin-hau. In Ma-han we find fourteen names ending in _ri_ but none in -either of the others. In Pyön-han we find ten names beginning with -Pyön-jin which is wholly unknown to the other two. In this we also find -three with the unique suffix _mi-dong_. In Chin-han we find nine ending -in _kan_ and five in _kaye_, which are found in neither of the others. -It is hardly necessary to say that these cannot be mere coincidences. In -each group we find at least one considerable set of endings entirely -lacking in the others. As our own ending _ton_, _ville_, _burgh_, -_chester_ and _coln_ have an original significance, so these ending -_ro_, _ri_, _mi-dong_, _kan_ and _ka-ya_ have a meaning which should -supply us with important clues to the origin of the people of southern -Korea. - -The marked polysyllabism of these names makes it impossible to imagine a -Chinese origin for them. It is seldom that a Manchu or Mongol name of a -place exceeds two syllables. On the other hand we find in Japan and -Polynesia common use of polysyllabic geographical names. A thorough -discussion of the subject here would be out of place, but this much must -be said, that several of these endings, as _ro_, _pin_ and _kan_, find -their almost exact counterpart in the Dravidian languages of southern -India, where they mean _village_, _settlement_ and _kingdom_. - -The argument in favor of the southern origin of the people of the three -Hans is a cumulative one. The main points are; the structure and -vocabulary of the language, the nonintercourse with the people of -northern Korea, the custom of tattooing, the diminutive size of the -horses found nowhere else, except in the Malay peninsula, the tradition -of the southern origin of the people of the island of Quelpart, the -physiological similarity between the people, especially the females, of -Quelpart and Formosa, the seafaring propensities of the people of the -three Hans, their ignorance of the value of gold and silver, the -continuous line of islands stretching along the whole coast of China -together with the powerful ocean current which sweeps northward along -the Asiatic coast, the tradition of the Telugu origin of the ancient -sultans of Anam and the love of bead ornaments. - -Such was the status of southern Korea when Ki-jun arrived at -Keum-ma-gol. By what means he obtained control of the government is not -related but the fact remains that he did so and founded a new kingdom -which was destined to survive nearly two centuries. Ki-jun died the same -year. No details are given of the events that transpired during the next -hundred years or more excepting that one Chinese work states that during -the reign of Emperor Wu-ti 140-88 B.C. frequent envoys went from Ma-han -to the Chinese court. We are also told that off the coast of Ma-han -among the islands lived a tribe called the Chu-ho, a people of smaller -stature than the people of Ma-han, and speaking a different language. -They cut the hair and wore skins for clothing but clothed only the upper -part of the body. They came frequently to Ma-han to barter cattle and -pigs. - -Ki-jun’s seventh descendant was Hun, with the title of Wŭn-wang. His -reign began in 57 B.C. during the reign of the Han Emperor Hsuan-ti and -in the second year the great kingdom of Sil-la was founded in Chin-han. -In his twenty-second year the great northern kingdom of Ko-gu-ryŭ was -founded, 35 B.C., and nineteen years later the kingdom of Ma-han fell -before the forces of Păk-je. - - - - - Chapter VI. - -The founding of Sil-la, Ko-gu-ryu, and Pak-je.... Sil-la.... legend.... - growth.... Tsushima a vassal.... credibility of accounts.... - Japanese relations.... early vicissitudes.... Ko-gu-ryu.... four - Pu-yus.... legend.... location of Pu-yu.... Chu-mong founds - Ko-gu-ryu.... growth and extent.... products.... customs.... - religious rites.... official grades.... punishments.... growth - eastward.... Pak-je.... relations between Sil-la and Pak-je.... - tradition of founding of Pak-je.... opposition of wide tribes.... - the capital moved.... situation of the peninsula at the time of - Christ. - - -In the year 57 B.C. the chiefs of the six great Chin-han states, -Yŭn-jun-yang-san, Tol-san-go-hö, Cha-sa-jin-ji, Mu-san-dă-su, Keum -san-ga-ri and Myŭng-whal-san-go-ya held a great council at Yun-chŭn-yang -and agreed to merge their separate fiefs into a kingdom. They named the -capital of the new kingdom Sŭ-ya-bŭl, from which the present word Seoul -is probably derived, and it was situated where Kyöng-ju now stands in -Kyüng-sang Province. At first the name applied both to the capital and -to the kingdom. - -They placed upon the throne a boy of thirteen years, named Hyŭk-kŭ-se, -with the royal title Kŭ-sŭ-gan. It is said that his family name was Pak, -but this was probably an afterthought derived from a Chinese source. At -any rate he is generally known as Pak Hyŭk-kŭ-se. The story of his -advent is typically Korean. A company of revellers beheld upon a -mountain side a ball of light on which a horse was seated. They -approached it and as they did so the horse rose straight in air and -disappeared, leaving a great, luminous egg. This soon opened of itself -and disclosed a handsome boy. This wonder was accompanied by vivid light -and the noise of thunder. Not long after this another wonder was seen. -Beside the Yŭn-yüng Spring a hen raised her wing and from her side came -forth a female child with a mouth like a bird’s bill, but when they -washed her in the spring the bill fell off and left her like other -children. For this reason the well was named the Pal-ch’ŭn which refers -to the falling of the bill. Another tradition says that she was formed -from the rib of a dragon which inhabited the spring. In the fifth year -of his reign the youthful king espoused this girl and they typify to all -Koreans the perfect marriage. - -As this kingdom included only six of the Chin-han states, it would be -difficult to give its exact boundaries. From the very first it began to -absorb the surrounding states, until at last it was bounded on the east -and south by the sea alone, while it extended north to the vicinity of -the Han River and westward to the borders of Na-han, or to Chi-ri San. -It took her over four hundred years to complete these conquests, many of -which were bloodless while others were effected at the point of the -sword. It was not until the twenty-second generation that the name -Sil-la was adopted as the name of this kingdom. - -It is important to notice that the island of Tsushima, whether actually -conquered by Sil-la or not, became a dependency of that Kingdom and on -account of the sterility of the soil the people of that island were -annually aided by the government. It was not until the year 500 A.D. or -thereabouts that the Japanese took charge of the island and placed their -magistrate there. From that time on, the island was not a dependency of -any Korean state but the relations between them were very intimate, and -there was a constant interchange of goods, in a half commercial and half -political manner. There is nothing to show that the _daimyos_ of -Tsushima ever had any control over any portion of the adjacent coast of -Korea. - -It gives one a strong sense of the trustworthiness of the Korean records -of these early days to note with what care the date of every eclipse was -recorded. At the beginning of each reign the list of the dates of solar -eclipses is given. For instance, in the reign of Hyŭk-kŭ-se they -occurred, so the records say, in the fourth, twenty-fourth, thirtieth, -thirty-second, forty-third, forty-fifth, fifty-sixth and fifty-ninth -years of his reign. According to the Gregorian calendar this would mean -the years 53, 31, 27, 25, 14, 12 B.C. and 2. A.D. If these annals were -later productions, intended to deceive posterity, they would scarcely -contain lists of solar eclipses. The marvelous or incredible stories -given in these records are given only as such and often the reader is -warned not to put faith in them. - -The year 48 B.C. gives us the first definite statement of a historical -fact regarding Japanese relations with Korea. In that year the Japanese -pirates stopped their incursions into Korea for the time being. From -this it would seem that even at that early date the Japanese had become -the vikings of the East and were carrying fire and sword wherever there -was enough water to float their boats. It would also indicate that the -extreme south of Korea was not settled by Japanese, for it was here that -the Japanese incursions took place. - -In 37 B.C. the power of the little kingdom of Sil-la began to be felt in -surrounding districts and the towns of Pyön-han joined her standards. It -was probably a bloodless conquest, the people of Pyön-han coming -voluntarily into Sil-la. In 37 B.C. the capital of Sil-la, which had -received the secondary name Keum-sŭng, was surrounded by a wall -thirty-five _li_, twelve miles, long. The city was 5,075 paces long and -3,018 paces wide. The progress made by Sil-la and the evident tendency -toward centralisation of all power in a monarchy aroused the suspicion -of the king of Ma-han who, we must remember, had considered Chin-han as -in some sense a vassal of Ma-han. For this reason the king of Sil-la, in -19 B.C., sent an envoy to the court of Ma-han with rich presents in -order to allay the fears of that monarch. The constant and heavy influx -into Sil-la of the fugitive Chinese element also disturbed the mind of -that same king, for he foresaw that if this went unchecked it might mean -the supremacy of Sil-la instead of that of Ma-han. This envoy from -Sil-la was Ho-gong, said to have been a native of Japan. He found the -king of Ma-han in an unenviable frame of mind and it required all his -tact to pacify him, and even then he succeeded so ill that had not the -Ma-han officials interfered the king would have had his life. The -following year the king of Ma-han died and a Sil-la embassy went to -attend the obsequies. They were anxious to find opportunity to seize the -helm of state in Ma-han and bring her into the port of Sil-la, but this -they were strictly forbidden to do by their royal master who generously -forebore to take revenge for the insult of the preceding year. - -As this was the year, 37 B.C., which marks the founding of the powerful -kingdom of Ko-gur-yŭ, we must turn our eyes northward and examine that -important event. - -As the founder of Ko-gur-yŭ originated in the kingdom of Pu-yŭ, it will -be necessary for us to examine briefly the position and status of that -tribe, whose name stands prominently forth in Korean history and -tradition. There were four Pu-yŭs in all; North Pu-yŭ, East Pu-yŭ, -Chŭl-bŭn Pu-yŭ and South Pu-yŭ. We have already, under the head of the -Tan-gun, seen that tradition gives to Pu-ru his son, the honor of having -having been the founder of North Pu-yŭ, or Puk Pu-yŭ as it is commonly -called. This is quite apocryphal but gives us at least a precarious -starting point. This Puk Pu-yŭ is said by some to have been far to the -north in the vicinity of the Amur River or on one of its tributaries, a -belief which is sustained to a certain extent by some inferences to be -deduced from the following legend. - -It must have been about fifty years before the beginning of our era that -King Hă-bu-ru sat upon the throne of North Pu-yŭ. His great sorrow was -that Providence had not given him a son. Riding one day in the forest he -reached the bank of a swift rushing stream and there dismounting he -besought the Great Spirit to grant him a son. Turning to remount he -found the horse standing with bowed head before a great boulder while -tears were rolling down its face. He turned the boulder over and found -beneath it a child of the color of gold but with a form resembling a -toad. Thus was his prayer answered. He took the curious child home and -gave it the name Keum-wa or “Golden Toad.” Soon after this the kingdom -removed to East Pu-yŭ, or Tong Pu-yŭ, somewhere near the “White Head -Mountain,” known as Păk-tu San. - -Arriving at the age of manhood, Keum-wa looked about for a wife. As he -was walking along the shore of U-bal-su (whether river or sea we do not -know) he found a maiden crying. Her name was Yu-wha, “Willow Catkin.” To -his inquiries she replied that she was daughter of the Sea King, Ha-băk, -but that she had been driven from home because she had been enticed away -and ravished by a spirit called Ha-mo-su. Keum-wa took her home as his -wife but shut her in a room to which the sun-light had access only by a -single minute aperture. Marvelous to relate a ray of light entered and -followed her to whatever part of the room she went. By it she conceived -and in due time gave birth to an egg, as large as five “measures.” -Keum-wa in anger threw it to the pigs and dogs but they would not touch -it. Cattle and horses breathed upon it to give it warmth. A stork from -heaven settled down upon it and warmed it beneath her feathers. Keum-wa -relented and allowed Yu-wha to bring it to the palace, where she wrapped -it in silk and cotton. At last it burst and disclosed a fine boy. This -precocious youth at seven years of age was so expert with the bow that -he won the name of Chu-mong, “Skillful Archer.” He was not a favorite -with the people and they tried to compass his death but the king -protected him and made him keeper of the royal stables. Like Jacob of -Holy Writ he brought his wits to bear upon the situation. By fattening -the poorer horses and making the good ones lean he succeeded in -reserving for his own use the fleetest steeds. Thus in the hunt he -always led the rout and secured the lion’s share of the game. For this -his seven brothers hated him and determined upon his death. By night his -mother sought his bed-side and whispered the word of warning. Chu-mong -arose and with three trusty councillors, O-i, Ma-ri and Hyŭp-pu, fled -southward until he found his path blocked by the Eum-ho River. There was -neither boat, bridge nor ford. Striking the surface of the water with -his bow he called upon the spirit of the river to aid him, for behind -him the plain smoked with the pursuing hoof-beats of his brothers’ -horses. Instantly there came up from the depths of the river a shoal of -fish and tortoises who lay their backs together and thus bridged the -stream. - -Fantastic as this story seems, it may have an important bearing upon the -question of the location of Pu-yŭ. Can we not see in this great shoal of -fish a reference to the salmon which, at certain seasons, run up the -Amur and its tributaries in such numbers that the water is literally -crowded with them? If there is any weight to this argument the kingdom -of Pu-yŭ, from which Chu-mong came, must have been, as some believe, -along the Sungari or some other tributary of the Amur. - -Leaving his brothers baffled on the northern bank, Chu-mong fared -southward till he reached Mo-tun-gok by the Po-sul River where he met -three men, Chă-sa, clothed in grass cloth, Mu-gol in priestly garb and -Muk-hŭ, in seaweed. They joined his retinue and proceeded with him to -Chŭl-bon, the present town of Song-ch’ŭn, where he founded a kingdom. He -gave it the name of Ko-gu-ryŭ, from Ko, his family name, and Ku-ryŭ, a -mountain in his native Pu-yŭ. Some say the Ko is from the Chinese _Kao_, -“high,” referring to his origin. This kingdom is also known by the name -Chŭl-bon Pu-yu. It is said that Pu-ryu River flowed by the capital. -These events occurred, if at all, in the year 37 B.C. This was all -Chinese land, for it was a part of the great province of Tong-bu which -had been erected by the Emperor So-je (Chao-ti) in 81 B.C. Only one -authority mentions Chu-mong’s relations with Tong-bu. This says that -when he erected his capital at Chŭl-bon he seized Tong-bu. China had -probably held these provinces with a very light hand and the founding of -a vigorous native monarchy would be likely to attract the semi-barbarous -people of northern Korea. Besides, the young Ko-gu-ryŭ did not seize the -whole territory at once but gradually absorbed it. It is not unlikely -that China looked with complacency upon a native ruler who, while -recognising her suzerainty, could at the same time hold in check the -fierce denizens of the peninsula. - -We are told that the soil of Ko-gu-ryŭ was fertile and that the cereals -grew abundantly. The land was famous for its fine horses and its red -jade, its blue squirrel skins and its pearls. Chu-mong inclosed his -capital in a heavy stockade and built store-houses and a prison. At its -best the country stretched a thousand _li_ beyond the Yalu River and -southward to the banks of the Han. It comprised the Nang-nang tribe from -which Emperor Mu-je named the whole north-western portion of Korea when -he divided northern Korea into four provinces. On the east was Ok-ju and -on its north was Pu-yŭ. It contained two races of people, one living -among the mountains and the other in the plains. It is said they had a -five-fold origin. There were the So-ro-bu, Chŭl-lo-bu, Sun-no-bu, -Kwan-no-bu and Kye-ro-bu. The kings at first came from the So-ro-bu line -but afterwards from the Kye-ro-bu. This probably refers to certain -family clans or parties which existed at the time of Chu-mong’s arrival -and which were not discontinued. Chu-mong is said to have married the -daughter of the king of Chŭl-bon and so he came into the control of -affairs in a peaceful way and the institutions of society were not -particularly disturbed. - -Agriculture was not extensively followed. In the matter of food they -were very frugal. Their manners and customs were somewhat like those of -Pu-yŭ but were not derived from that kingdom. Though licentious they -were fond of clean clothes. At night both sexes gathered in a single -apartment and immorality abounded. Adultery, however, if discovered, was -severely punished. In bowing it was customary for these people to throw -out one leg behind. While travelling, men more often ran than walked. -The worship of spirits was universal. In the autumn there was a great -religious festival. In the eastern part of the peninsula there was a -famous cave called Su-sin where a great religious gathering occurred -each autumn. Their religious rites included singing and drinking. At the -same time captives were set free. They worshipped likewise on the eve of -battle, slaughtering a bullock and examining the body for omens. - -Swords, arrows and spears were their common weapons. A widow usually -became the wife of her dead husband’s brother. When a great man died it -was common to bury one or more men alive with his body. The statement -that sometimes as many as a hundred were killed is probably an -exaggeration. These characteristics were those of the Nang-nang people -as well as of the rest of Ko-gu-ryŭ. The highest official grades were -called Sang-ga-dă, No-p’ă, Ko-ju-dă. Some say their official grades were -called by the names of animals, as the “horse grade” the “dog grade” the -“cow grade.” There were special court garments of silk embroidered with -gold and silver. The court hat was something like the present _kwan_ or -skull-cap. There were few prisoners. If a man committed a crime he was -summarily tried and executed, and his wife and children became slaves. -Thieves restored twelve-fold. Marriage always took place at the bride’s -house. The dead were wrapped in silks and interred, and commonly the -entire fortune of the deceased was exhausted in the funeral ceremony. -The bodies of criminals were left unburied. The people were fierce and -violent and thieving was common. They rapidly corrupted the simpler and -cleaner people of the Ye-măk and Ok-jŭ tribes. - -No sooner had Chu-mong become firmly established in his new capital than -he began to extend the limits of his kingdom. In 35 B.C. he began a -series of conquests which resulted in the establishment of a kingdom -destined to defy the power of China for three quarters of a millennium. -His first operations were against the wild people to the east of him. -The first year he took Pu-ryu on the Ya-lu, then in 29 B.C. he took -Hăng-in, a district near the present Myo-hyang San. In 27 B.C. he took -Ok-jŭ, thus extending his kingdom to the shore of eastern Korea. In 23 -B.C. he learned that his mother had died in far off Pu-yŭ and he sent an -embassy thither to do honor to her. - -The year 18 B.C. beheld the founding of the third of the great kingdoms -which held the triple sceptre of Korea, and we must therefore turn -southward and examine the events which led up to the founding of the -kingdom of Păk-je. - -When Chu-mong fled southward from Pu-yŭ he left behind him a wife and -son. The latter was named Yu-ri. Tradition says that one day while -playing with pebbles in the street he accidentally broke a woman’s water -jar. In anger she exclaimed “You are a child without a father.” The boy -went sadly home and asked his mother if it was true. She answered yes, -in order to see what the boy would do. He went out and found a knife and -was on the point of plunging it into his body when she threw herself -upon him saying “Your father is living and is a great king in the south. -Before he left he hid a token under a tree, which you are to find and -take to him.” The boy searched every where but could not find the tree. -At last, wearied out, he sat down behind the house in despair, when -suddenly he heard a sound as of picking, and noticing that it came from -one of the posts of the house he said “This is the tree and I shall now -find the token.” Digging beneath the post he unearthed the broken blade -of a sword. With this he started south and when he reached his father’s -palace he showed the token. His father produced the other half of the -broken blade and as the two matched he received the boy and proclaimed -him heir to the throne. - -But he had two other sons by a wife whom he had taken more recently. -They were Pi-ryu and On-jo. When Yu-ri appeared on the scene these two -brothers, knowing how proverbially unsafe the head of a king’s relative -is, feared for their lives and so fled southward. Ascending Sam-gak San, -the mountain immediately behind the present Seoul, they surveyed the -country southward. Pi-ryu the elder chose the country to the westward -along the sea. On-jo chose to go directly south. So they separated, -Pi-ryu going to Mi-ch’u-hol, now In-ch’ŭn near Chemulpo, where he made a -settlement. On-jo struck southward into what is now Ch’ung-ch’ŭng -Province and settled at a place called Eui-rye-sŭng, now the district of -Chik-san. There he was given a generous tract of land by the king of -Ma-han; and he forthwith set up a little kingdom which he named South -Pu-yŭ. The origin of the name Păk-je is not definitely known. Some say -it was because a hundred men constituted the whole of On-jo’s party. -Others say that it was at first called Sip-je and then changed to Păk-je -when their numbers were swelled by the arrival of Pi-ryu and his party. -The latter had found the land sterile and the climate unhealthy at -Mi-ch’u-hol and so was constrained to join his brother again. On the -other hand we find the name Păk-je in the list of original districts of -Ma-han and it is probable that this new kingdom sprang up in the -district called Păk-je and this name became so connected with it that it -has came down in history as Păk-je, while in truth it was not called so -by its own people. It the same way Cho-sŭn is known today by the -medieval name Korea. Not long after Pi-ryu rejoined his brother he died -of chagrin at his own failure. - -It must not be imagined that these three kingdoms of Sil-la, Ko-gu-ryŭ -and Păk-je, which represented so strongly the centripetal idea in -government, were allowed to proceed without vigorous protests from the -less civilized tribes about them. The Mal-gal tribes in the north, the -Suk-sin and North Ok-jŭ tribe in the north-east and Ye-măk in the east -made fierce attacks upon them as opportunity presented. The Mal-gal -tribes in particular seem to have penetrated southward even to the -borders of Păk-je, probably after skirting the eastern borders of -Ko-gu-ryŭ. Nominally Ko-gu-ryŭ held sway even to the Japan Sea but -practically the wild tribes roamed as yet at will all through the -eastern part of the peninsula. In the eighth year of On-jo’s reign, 10 -B.C., the Mal-gal forces besieged his capital and it was only after a -most desperate fight that they were driven back. On-jo found it -necessary to build the fortresses of Ma-su-sŭng and Ch’il-chung-sŭng to -guard against such inroads. At the same time the Sŭn-bi were threatening -Ko-gu-ryŭ on the north, but Gen. Pu Bun-no lured them into an ambush and -routed them completely. The king rewarded him with land, horses and -thirty pounds of gold, but the last he refused. - -The next year the wild men pulled down the fortresses lately erected by -King On-jo and the latter decided that he must find a better site for -his capital. So he moved it to the present site of Nam-han, about twenty -miles from the present Seoul. At the same time he sent and informed the -king of Ma-han that he had found it necessary to move. The following -year he enclosed the town in a wall and set to work teaching agriculture -to the people throughout the valley of the Han River which flowed near -by. - -In the year which saw the birth of Christ the situation of affairs in -Korea was as follows. In the north, Ko-gu-ryŭ, a vigorous, warlike -kingdom, was making herself thoroughly feared by her neighbors; in the -central western portion was the little kingdom of Păk-je, as yet without -any claims to independence but waiting patiently for the power of Ma-han -so to decline as to make it possible to play the serpent in the bosom as -Wi-man had done to Ki-ja’s kingdom. In the south was Sil-la, known as a -peaceful power, not needing the sword because her rule was so mild and -just that people from far and near flocked to her borders and craved to -become her citizens. It is one of the compensations of history that -Sil-la, the least martial of them all, in an age when force seemed the -only arbiter, should have finally overcome them all and imposed upon -them her laws and her language. - - - - - Chapter VII. - -Change of Ko-gu-ryu capital.... Sil-la raided.... Legend of - Suk-ta’l-ba.... fall of Ma-han.... beginning of Chinese enmity - against Ko-gu-ryu....the three kingdoms differentiated.... King - Yu-ri degraded.... extension of Ko-gu-ryu.... Japanese corsairs... - remnant of Ma-han revolts.... fall of Pu-yu.... origin of - _in-gum_.... siege of Ko-gu-ryu capital raised.... Sil-la’s peaceful - policy.... patronymics.... official grades.... unoccupied - territory.... kingdom of Ka-rak.... legends.... position.... - dependencies. - - -We read that in 2 A.D. the king of Ko-gu-ryŭ was about to sacrifice a -pig to his gods, when the pig escaped and taking to its heels was chased -by the courtier Sŭl-chi into the district of Kung-nă. He caught the -animal near Wi-na Cliff, north of the Ch’o-san of today. When he -returned he described the place to the king as being rough and -consequently suitable for the site of a capital. Deer, fish and turtles -also abounded. He gave such a glowing account that the king was fain to -move his capital to that place, where it remained for two hundred and -six years. - -In 4 A.D. Hyuk-kŭ-se, the wise king of Sil-la died and seven days later -his queen followed him. It is said that they were so completely one that -neither could live without the other. Nam-hă his son, with the title of -Ch’a-ch’a-ung, reigned in his stead. A remnant of the Nang-nang tribe, -hearing of the death of King Hyŭk-kŭ-se, thought it a fitting time to -make a raid into Sil-la territory, but they were beaten back. - -In the third year of his reign, Nam-hă built a shrine to his father and -then put the management of the government into the hands of a man named -Sŭk-t’al-hă who had become his son-in-law. This man is one of the noted -men of Sil-la and his origin and rise are among the cherished traditions -of the people. - -Somewhere in north-eastern Japan there was a kingdom known as Ta-p’a-ra -and there a woman, pregnant for seven years, brought forth an egg. The -neighbors thought it a bad omen and were minded to destroy it but the -mother, aware of their intentions, wrapped the egg in silk and cotton -and placing it in a strong chest committed it to the waters of the Japan -Sea. In time it drifted to A-jin Harbor on the coast of Sil-la where an -old fisherwoman drew it ashore and found upon opening it that it -contained a beautiful child. She adopted him and reared him in her -humble home. It was noticed that wherever the child went the magpies -followed him in flocks, so they gave him the name of Sŭk, the first part -of the Chinese word for magpie. The second part of his name was T’al, -“to put off” referring to his having broken forth from the egg, and the -final syllable of his name was Hă meaning “to open” for the fishwife -opened the chest. This boy developed into a giant both physically and -mentally. His foster-mother saw in him the making of a great man, and so -gave him what educational advantages she could afford. When he had -exhausted these she sent him to enter the service of the great statesman -Pyo-gong the same that had acted as envoy to Păk-je. Pyo-gong recognised -his merit and introduced him at court where his rise was so rapid that -ere long he married the king’s daughter and became vicegerent of the -realm, the king resigning into his hands the greater part of the -business of state. - -The year 9 A.D. beheld the fall of the kingdom of Ma-han. We remember -that Ki-jun became king of Ma-han in 193 B.C. He died the same year and -was succeeded by his son Ki-t’ak with the title Kang-wang, who ruled -four years. It was in 58 B.C. that Ki-jun’s descendant Ki-hun (Wun-wang) -ascended the throne. It was in the second year of his reign that Sil-la -was founded and in his twenty-second year that Ko-gu-ryŭ was founded. -After twenty-six years of rule he died and left his son, Ki-jŭng, to -hold the scepter. It was this king who, in his sixteenth year gave On-jo -the plot of land which became the seat of the kingdom of Păk-je. -Twenty-six years had now passed since that act of generosity. Păk-je had -steadily been growing stronger and Ma-han had as steadily dwindled, -holding now only the two important towns of Wŭn-san and Köm-hyŭn. In -fact some authorities say that Ma-han actually came to an end in 16 B.C. -at the age of 177 years but that a remnant still held the towns of -Wŭn-san and Köm-hyŭn. The balance of proof is however with the statement -that Ma-han kept up at least a semblance of a state until 9 A.D. - -The first sign of hostile intent on the part of Păk-je against her host, -Ma-han, had appeared some years before, when Păk-je had thrown up a line -of breast-works between herself and the capital of Ma-han. The latter -had no intention of taking the offensive but Păk-je apparently feared -that Ma-han would divine her hostile intent. Ma-han hastened to send a -message saying “Did I not give you a hundred _li_ of land? Why do you -then suspect me of hostile designs?” In answer, Păk-je partly from shame -and partly because she saw that Ma-han was wholly unsuspicious of her -ulterior designs, tore down the barriers and things went on as before. -But now that Ma-han was utterly weak, the king of Păk-je decided to -settle the matter by one bold stroke. He organised a great hunting -expedition and under cover of this approached the Ma-han capital and -took it almost without resistance. Thus, as Wi-man had paid back the -kindness of Ki-jun by treachery so now again On-jo paid back this last -descendant of Ki-jun in the same way. - -Up to this time China had looked on with complacency at the growth of -Ko-gu-ryŭ but now Wang-mang the usurper had seized the throne of the Han -dynasty. His title was Hsin Whang-ti. One of his first acts seems to -have been directed against the powerful little kingdom that had -supplanted the two provinces of Tong-bu and P‘yŭng-ju into which China -had divided northern Korea. He was probably suspicious of a rapidly -growing and thoroughly warlike power which might at any time gather to -its standards the wild hordes of the north and sweep down into China. - -Here was the beginning of a long struggle which lasted with occasional -intermissions until Ko-gu-ryŭ was finally destroyed some eight centuries -later. Ko-gu-ryŭ was uniformly China’s foe and Sil-la was as uniformly -her friend and ally. Păk-je was now one and now the other. It may be in -place to say here that the three powers that divided the peninsula -between them were strongly differentiated. Ko-gu-ryŭ in the north was a -strong, energetic, fierce, unscrupulous military power, the natural -product of her constituent elements. Sil-la was the very opposite; -always inclined toward peace and willing oftentimes to make very large -concessions in order to secure it. Her policy was always to conciliate, -and it was for this mainly that at the last China chose her as the one -to assume control of the whole peninsula. Păk-je differed from both the -others. She was as warlike as Ko-gu-ryŭ but as weak in military -resources as Sil-la. She therefore found her life one scene of turmoil -and strife and she was the first of the three to succumb. - -It was in 12 A.D. that Wang-mang sent an envoy to Yu-ri, king of -Ko-gu-ryŭ, demanding aid in the work of subduing the wild tribes of the -north. This was refused by the headstrong Yu-ri, but the Emperor -compelled him to send certain troops to accompany the Chinese army. They -however took advantage of every opportunity to desert, and large numbers -of them formed a marauding band that penetrated the Liao-tung territory -and plundered and killed on every hand. For this cause the Emperor sent -against Ko-gu-ryŭ a strong force under Gen. Om-u, who speedily brought -the recalcitrant Yu-ri to terms, took away his title of royalty and left -him only the lesser title of Hu or “Marquis.” From that day began the -policy of reprisals on Chinese territory which Ko-gu-ryŭ steadily -pursued until it cost her life. - -These were stirring days in all three of the kingdoms of the peninsula. -In 14 A.D. Ko-gu-ryŭ extended her territory northward by the conquest of -the Yang-măk tribe and at the same time she seized a strip of land -beyond the Liao River This shows that the castigation inflicted by -Wang-mang had not been very severe. - -At the same time Sil-la was being harrassed along her southern sea-board -by Japanese corsairs, and while her small army was busy driving these -out the wild people of Nang-nang attacked her on the north. It is said -that one night a meteor fell in their camp and frightened them back to -their own country and thus Sil-la was saved. - -Two years later the king Yu-ri of Ko-gu-ryŭ died and his son Mu-hyŭl -ascended the throne, bestowing on his father the title Tong-myŭng or -“Eastern Brightness.” The same year saw a remnant of the overthrown -kingdom of Ma-han, under the leadership of Captain Chu-geun, attempt to -wrest the scepter from Păk-je and restore the fallen house, but they -were defeated and together with their wives and children were put to the -sword. About this time an ancient royal seal was unearthed in northern -Sil-la, where Kang-neung now lies. It became the royal seal of Sil-la. - -The next year Ko-gu-ryŭ, ever on the lookout for aggrandisement, made -the conquest of Pu-yŭ, the land from which Chu-mong had fled. The -tradition is as follows. Ta-so the king of Pu-yŭ, had become possessed -of a red crow with two bodies but only one head. The soothsayers said -“Two countries will be joined under one head”. The king replied “Then it -means that I shall conquer Ko-gu-ryŭ.” So he sent the bird to the king -of Ko-gu-ryŭ as a gage of war, but that astute monarch replied “Red is -the color of the south. I shall therefore conquer you.” Thereupon he -took the initiative and sent a powerful army northward to make good his -threat. The story says that as the army entered Li-mul forest the -soldiers found swords clashing together but wielded by invisible hands. -These they seized and hastened on. Soon they were joined by a gigantic -warrior with a white face who joined their party and gave his name as -Kwe-yu. - -Approaching the capital of Pu-yŭ, they brought up at night before an -extensive marsh. The Pu-yŭ king, thinking to surprise them by a night -attack, attempted to cross the marsh, but became mired. The giant Kwe-yu -dashed into the swamp and brought to the Ko-gu-ryŭ king his rival’s -head. Upon this the Pu-yŭ forces surrendered; all but the brother of the -fallen king who fled with a hundred followers and settled near the Ya-lu -River, calling the place Kal-sa. This Ko-gu-ryŭ winked at. - -In 24 A.D. the king of Sil-la died, having nominated as his successor -not his son but Sŭk-t’al-hă his son-in-law. After the obsequies had been -performed Sŭk-t’al-hă insisted that the prince assume the throne, but he -in turn insisted that the dead king’s orders be followed. As a -compromise Sŭk-t’al-hă proposed that they should find a man with sixteen -teeth in his upper jaw, as this was a sign of unusual wisdom, and that -upon him the throne should be bestowed. When it came to the test, it was -found that the prince himself was the man. He could no longer refuse and -ascended the throne under the title of Yi-sa-geum, or “Sixteen Teeth.” -The present word In-gum which means “king” was doubtless derived from or -is a corruption of this Sil-la word. - -Meanwhile Ko-gu-ryŭ had been pushing her conquests steadily. Kă-ma and -Ku-da, two northern districts or “kingdoms” were absorbed and other -conquests were contemplated. The Emperor beheld these enlargements of -Ko-gu-ryŭ with some concern and in 27 A.D. sent a strong force to bring -her to terms. At the first encounter the forces of Ko-gu-ryŭ were routed -and fell back toward the capital which, as we have seen, was then at or -near the present town of Eui-ju. The king hastily summoned a council of -war at which it was decided to man the walls of the capital and try to -hold out until the enemy should be compelled by lack of food or the -severity of the weather to raise the siege. The Chinese knew that there -was little water within the wall and had high hopes of compelling a -speedy surrender. This was all too true and there was soon much distress -in the city; but a certain courtier said “If you will give me all the -fish in the city I will undertake to make the enemy raise the siege or I -will pay the penalty with my life.” He was given permission and soon he -had the soldiers along the wall going through the motions of a bath, -using fish scales for water. The scales glittered in the sun like drops -of water and the enemy supposing that there must therefore be a good -store of water in the city despaired of taking it by siege and so struck -their tents and returned to China. - -The marked difference between Ko-gu-ryŭ and Sil-la was well illustrated -by the events of this year. While Ko-gu-ryŭ was reaching out covetous -hands in every direction and carrying fire and sword into the hamlets of -inoffensive neighbors, Sil-la was pursuing a course of such good will to -all both without and within her borders that natives of the wild tribes -to the north of her came in large numbers and settled on her soil, glad -to become citizens of so kind and generous a land. The king himself made -frequent tours of the country alleviating the distress of widows, -orphans and cripples. It was in 32 B.C. that he changed the name of the -six original families which united in founding Sil-la. The men of -Yang-san, Ko-hŭ, Tă-su, Ul-jin, Ka-ri, and of Myŭng-whal were named -respectively Yi, Ch’oé, Son, Chöng, Pă and Sŭl. These names will be -recognised at once as among the most common patronymics in Korea at the -present day, which adds confirmatory evidence that Korea of to-day is -essentially the Korea of the south. When we add to this the fact that -the names Pak, Kim, An, Ko, Sŭk, Yang, So, Sŭ, Kwŭn, Pă, Im, Na, Hyŭn, -Kwak, Ho, Whang, Chang, Sim and Yu originated in southern Korea the -argument becomes well-nigh conclusive. The only names of importance that -did not originate in southern Korea are Min, Song, Om, Cho, and Han; and -many of these originated in what must have been Ma-han territory. At the -same time the king established seventeen official grades and called them -respectively I-bŭl-son, I-ch’ŭk-son, I-son, P’a-jin-son, Tă-a-son, -A-son, Kil-son, Sa-son, etc. - -It must be remembered that as yet neither of the “Three Kingdoms” had -begun to occupy all the territory that nominally belonged to it or that -lay within its “sphere of influence.” Between them lay large tracts of -land as yet unoccupied except by wild tribes. It is more than probable -that at no point did any of these kingdoms actually touch each other. -Ko-gu-ryŭ was broadening out northwards, Păk-je was at a standstill and -Sil-la was growing rather by immigration than by occupation of new -territory. As yet Sil-la had taken but four districts outside of the -original six, and so we see that a large part of the south was still in -the hands of the original inhabitants as given in the list of the -settlements of the three Hans. In 41 A.D. the nine districts whose names -ended in kan, namely A-do-gan, Yö-do-gan, P’i-do-gan, O-do-gan, -Yu-su-gan, Yu-ch’ŭn-gan, Sin-ch’ŭn-gan, Sin-gwi-gan and O-ch’ŭn-gan, -formed a confederacy and called it the “Kingdom of Ka-rak”. They placed -their capital at Ka-rak, the present town of Kim-hă, and made Keum Su-ro -their king. Tradition says that he obtained his Queen in the following -way. A boat approached the shore bearing a beautiful woman, Queen Ho, -whose ornamental name was Whang-ok or “Yellow Jade”. She came from the -far southern kingdom of A-yu-t’a, otherwise known as Ch’ŭn-ch’uk. It is -said that she lived a hundred and fifty-seven years and that the king -survived her one year. All that is told us of the history of this rival -of Sil-la is the list of her kings which will be found in the -chronological tables. After an existence of 491 years it came to an end -in the reign of the Sil-la king Pŭp-heung. It is also affirmed that when -Sil-la fell in 935, some worthless wretches who defiled the grave of -Keum Su-ro were mysteriously killed, one by the falling of a beam, one -by an invisible archer and nine others by a serpent eighteen feet long. -The records say that when the Japanese, at the time of the great -invasion three centuries ago, dug open this king’s grave they found -great store of gold and jade. The skull of the monarch was of prodigious -size, and beside his body lay two women whose features were well -preserved but which dissolved and melted away when exposed to the air. -It is barely possible that we here have an indication that embalming was -practiced, but if so we have no other intimation of it. - -Ka-rak extended eastward as far as Wang-san River, six miles to the west -of the present Yang-san; to the north-east as far as Ka-ya San, the -present Ko-ryŭng; to the south and south-west as far as the coast and on -the west to Chi-ri San. From this we see that it was little inferior to -Sil-la in size. - -Ka-rak had five dependencies, namely the districts known under the -common name of Ka-ya. They were So-ga-ya, Ko-ryŭng-ga-ya, -Song-san-ga-ya, Tă-ga-ya and A-ra-ga-ya. They correspond respectively to -the present towns of Ko-sŭng, Ham-ch’ang, Ham-ch’ang, Sŭng-ju, Ko-ryŭng -and Ham-an. Tradition says that one day when the chiefs of the nine -tribes of Ka-rak were banqueting they saw upon the slope of Sung-bong, -called also Ku-yii-bong, a singular cloud. From the sky above it came a -voice. They hastened up the mountain and there found a golden box -containing six golden eggs. These opened and disclosed six boys. One of -them was Keum Su-ro who became king of Ka-rak and the other five were -made chiefs of the five Ka-ya, subject to Ka-rak. Of these Ka-ya states -we know the founder of only one. He was descended from Kyŏn-mo-ju, the -female divinity of Ka-ya Mountain who wedded a celestial being, -Yi-ja-ga. Their off-spring was Yi-i-a-si, who founded one of the Ka-ya -states. The Ka-ya states fell before Sil-la some five hundred years -later in the reign of King Chin-heung. - - - - - Chapter VIII. - -Vicissitudes of Ko-gu-ryu.... last Ma-han chief joins Sil-la.... Pak-je - and Sil-la become sworn enemies.... legend of Kye-rim.... Pak-je - worsted.... Ko-gu-ryu’s strength on the increase.... Sil-la’s rapid - growth.... Ka-ya attacks Sil-la.... Ko-gu-ryu make compact with - Ye-mak.... Su-sŭng’s evil reign.... roads in Sil-la.... Japanese - raid.... legend.... an epicurean.... Pak-je’s victory.... origin of - government loans.... Yun-u’s trickery.... capital of Ko-gu-ryu - moved.... wild tribes attack Sil-la.... democratic ideas in - Sil-la.... Ko-gu-ryu breaks with China.... and attacks Sil-la.... - China invades Ko-gu-ryu.... the king retreats.... relieved through - treachery.... capital of Ko-gu-ryu moved to P’yung-yang.... - beginning of feud between Korea and Japan.... reforms in Pak-je.... - third century closes.... progress of Sil-la.... how Eul-bul became - king of Ko-gu-ryu.... a noble lady of Sil-la is sent to Japan. - - -Mu-hyŭl, the third king of Ko-gu-ryŭ died in 45, leaving the kingdom to -the tender mercies of his son a worthless debauchee. Four years later he -in turn made way for Hă-u, a member of a collateral branch of the -family. Following the traditions of Ko-gu-ryŭ this ruler professed -loyalty to China on the one hand and seized all the Chinese territory he -could lay hands on, on the other. In 54 he was assassinated by one Tu-no -and the seven year old grandson of king Yu-ri was placed on the throne, -a regent being appointed to carry on the government until the boy -reached his majority. The good work continued. Ten forts were built in -western Liao-tung to guard against Chinese advances, which shows that -she had regained nearly all the territory she had lost at the hands of -the parvenu Wang-mang. The following year she took formal possession of -the territory of Ok-jŭ on the eastern coast. - -In the year 58 Yu-ri, the third king of Sil-la died. He must not be -confounded with Yu-ri the second king of Ko-gu-ryŭ. The sound is the -same but the character is different. It was he who had the difference of -opinion with Sŭk-t’al-hă in regard to the succession. As he died without -issue the reins of government naturally passed into the hands of the -aged statesman Sŭk-t’al-hă. He was sixty-two years old when he assumed -the cares of royalty. In his fifth year the one remaining Ma-han chief, -Măng-so, who had escaped the appetite of Păk-je, went over to Sil-la, as -he concluded it was no longer possible to prolong a hopeless struggle -against Păk-je. Pok-am fortress thus passed into the hands of Sil-la. -Strange to say Păk-je not only did not resent this but even made -overtures to Sil-la for a friendly meeting of their respective kings in -the following year. Sil-la refused to sanction this, and the rebuff was -too much for the equanimity of Păk-je. From that day the attitude of -Păk-je toward Sil-la was one of studied hostility, broken only by an -occasional spasmodic attempt at reconciliation. Among the three -kingdoms, Sil-la was the only one that preserved her dignity intact and -kept herself untainted by the charge either of avarice or pusilanimity. - -The year 66 brought forth another of those wonders that embellish the -legendary lore of Korea. The king of Sil-la was wakened one night by the -loud cackling of a hen, which seemed to come from a forest to the south. -A messenger was sent to see what was the cause of the disturbance and he -found a box hanging from the branch of a tree, while on the ground -beneath it there cluttered a white hen. When the box was placed before -the king and he had opened it a handsome child was found. It received -the name Keum Yun-ji. Some say this Yŭn-ji was merely a part of the name -while others affirm that it is a pure Sil-la word meaning “baby”. Up to -this time the kingdom had been called Sŭ-ra-bŭl but now the king changed -it to Kye-rim, _kye_ meaning “hen” and _rim_ meaning “woods.” So the -kingdom was called “Hen in the Woods”, not a very dignified name but -one, perhaps, that fitted well the military prowess of the kingdom. - -In 68 Păk-je deemed herself strong enough to undertake operations -against Sil-la. She began by seizing the fortress of Wa-san. She enjoyed -possession of it for nine years but in the end she paid dear, for it was -retaken by Sil-la and the Păk-je garrison was put to the sword. This -year also saw a continuation of Ko-gu-ryŭ’s forward policy and the -little settlement of Kal-sa which had been make by Pu-yŭ fugitives was -absorbed. She followed this up by the conquest of Chu-ra farther north. -Her military strength seems to have been on the rapid increase. - -In 80 the great Sŭk-t’al-hă died and was succeeded by the son of King -Nam-hă. He must have been of advanced age and yet not so old as to -prevent his becoming the greatest conqueror that Sil-la ever produced. -During the thirty-two years of his reign he added to the Sil-la crown -the districts of Eum-jip-pŭl, Ap-to, Pi-ji, Ta-bŭl, Ch’o-p’al, and -Sil-jik. These together with U-si and Kŭ-ch’il, which and been added the -year before his accession, formed a considerable increase in the -territory of the kingdom and added not a little to Sil-la’s reputation -as a military power. This king, P’a-sa, was one of those men who seem to -take hold of affairs by the right end and wring success from seeming -failure. He was as great an administrator as he was mild a conqueror. He -attended so carefully to the needs of the people that it is said that -during most of his reign food was so plentiful that the wayfarer needed -no money to pay for food or lodgings along the road. - -The kingdom of Ka-ya, whose origin we noted in the previous chapter, now -assumed the offensive against Sil-la. The first intimation we have of -this is the fact that Sil-la in 88 built two forts named Ka-so and -Ma-du, the first of which was to guard against the encroachments of -Păk-je and the second to guard against those of Ka-ya. It was not till -three years later that Ka-ya actually opened hostilities by inaugurating -an expedition against Sil-la. As the event is not disclosed by the -annalists we may conclude that it was unsuccessful. - -Ko-gu-ryŭ now extended the field of her military operations. She made -friends with the people of Ye-măk, to the east, and together with them -began a series of raids into Chinese territory beyond the northern -borders. The sixth king of Ko-gu-ryŭ, T’ă-jo Wang, had now reached the -sixty-ninth year of his reign so he turned over to his brother, Su-sŭng, -the administration of affairs. This brother was as ambitious as the king -and continued the league with Ye-măk and the encroachments upon China. -But he was disloyal to his brother and tried to form a combination -against him. In this he was not successful. The reign of this T’ă-jo -Wang was the longest one on record in Korean annals. He held the scepter -ninety-four years, thereby sorely trying the patience of his heir -apparent. That gentleman came to the throne at the green old age of -seventy-six, in the year 147 A.D. He showed however that his memory had -not yet failed him for one of his first acts was to arrest and put to -death all the wise men who had chidden him for attempting to unseat his -brother. Ko Pok-chang a celebrated scholar of that day was so -overwhelmed in view of this barbarous act that he asked to be destroyed -with the rest of the wise men, a wish that was probably granted. One day -this singular monarch having seen a white fox cross his path, an evil -omen, asked a soothsayer what it might portend. That individual -suggested that if the king should reform even the worst of omens would -turn out happily. The soothsayer lost his head as a result of his -candor; but from that day on, whenever the king wanted to consult a -soothsayer he found that they were all engaged in important work at some -distant point. - -King Il-seung of Sil-la whose reign began 134 was the first to pay -attention to the building of good roads throughout the country. In his -fifth year he built a road from his capital to Chuk-yŭn, now Pung-geui, -and another one over Kye-ip Pass. These became very important -thoroughfares. We also find that his successor continued this good work -by opening roads thro to the north of the kingdom. These kings were not -many years behind the Romans in recognising the vast importance of good -roads both for administrative and military purposes. - -The relations between Sil-la and Japan are graphically described in the -single statement that when someone circulated in the capital the rumor -that a company of Japanese were coming the people fled precipitately -from the city until it was half depopulated. When the mistake was -discovered they gradually came back. - -The interesting legend of Yŭng-o and Se-o belongs to the year 158, -though it scarcely merits the “once upon a time” of a nursery tale. -Yŭng-o a poor fisherman lived with his wife Se-o beside the waters of -the Japan Sea on the eastern shore of Sil-la. One day as Yŭng-o was -seated on a great boulder beside the water, fishing, he felt the rock -tremble and then rise straight in air. He was carried, to his great -consternation, eastward across the sea and deposited in a Japanese -village. The Japanese folk took him for a god and made him their king at -once. When his wife found that he did not return from fishing she went -in search of him. Ascending the same rock that had carried him to Japan -she experienced the same novel extradition that had so surprised her -spouse. She found him metamorphosed into a king and was nothing loath to -become queen. But their departure brought disaster to Sil-la for the sun -and moon were darkened and the land was shrouded in gloom. The -sooth-sayers said it was because someone had gone to Japan. An envoy was -sent post haste to those islands in search of the fugitives, but found -to his dismay that they had become king and queen of one of the kingdoms -there. He told his story and besought them to return, but they seemed -well satisfied with the change. Se-o however brought out a roll of silk -and gave it to the envoy saying that if the king of Sil-la would spread -it out and sacrifice upon it the light would return. The event proved -the truth of her statement and when the king uttered the words of -invocation the sunlight burst forth again and all was well. It is an -interesting but melancholy fact that most of the arguments used to show -a Korean origin of things Japanese are based upon evidence nearly if not -quite as credible as this story. The Japanese work entitled the Kojiki -bears the same relation to the carefully detailed history of Sil-la that -the Niebelungenlied bears to the works of Tacitus. - -When the time came for Su-sŭng, the sanguinary king of Ko-gu-ryŭ to die -a young scapegrace by the name of Ch’a-da came to the throne. His idea -of royalty was that it consisted in one long orgie. He attempted to -carry out his ideal but was cut short within a year by the assassin’s -knife. His motto, in his own words, was “Who does not wish to enjoy -life?” Epicureanism may have existed in Korea before but it had never -had so frank a disciple. Păk-ko a relative of the murdered king was -called from a mountain fastness whither he had fled for safety. They had -to ask him three times before they could convince him that it was not a -mere decoy. - -By the year 168 either Păk-je had grown so strong or Sil-la so weak that -the former deemed it a fit time to make a grand demonstration all along -Sil-la’s western border. It is said she carried back a thousand captives -to grace her triumph. Sil-la, though filled with rage, was not in -condition to return the compliment in kind. She however sent an urgent -letter pointing out the advantages of peace and asking that the captives -be returned. We may imagine how this was received by the proud army -flushed as it must have been by an unwonted victory. - -About this time was begun one of the ancient customs of Korea that has -ever since exerted an important influence upon the life of the people. -While hunting the king met a man weeping bitterly and upon being asked -what was the matter replied that he had not a grain of food to give his -parents. Thereupon the king gave him an order on the government granary -with the understanding that when autumn came he should pay it back. Thus -originated the _whan-sang_ or custom of making government loans in the -spring to be paid back with interest in the autumn. When this king died -he was succeeded by the grandson of old Sŭk-t’al-hă. He took in hand the -work of instilling new life into the well-nigh dead bones of Sil-la. His -first action was to establish two military stations at the capital so -that it might not be at the mercy of the first adventurer that might -pass that way. He also ordered the people to pay less attention to the -construction of fine government buildings and more to agriculture, the -back bone of the state. - -Nam-mu the tenth king of Ko-gu-ryŭ died at night and the queen, desiring -to gain an extension of her power, slipped out of the palace and -hastened to the house of the king’s oldest brother Pal-gi. She stated -the case and urged him to hasten to the palace and assume the royal -prerogative. He refused to believe that the king was dead and accused -her of immodesty. She then hurried to the house of the younger brother -Yŭn-u and repeated the story. The young man accompanied her and when -morning broke it was found that he was established in the palace and -ready to meet all comers. Pal-gi raged and cursed. He stormed the palace -with his retainers, but being unsuccessful, was fain to beat a retreat -to Liao-tung. - -The dawn of the third century saw the three states of Korea in the same -relative position as before. Ko-gu-ryŭ was still the same ambitious -military power, Păk-je was still her own worst enemy though flaunting -for the time being in the gay colors of a temporal triumph, Sil-la was -plodding along quietly paying more attention to internal improvements -and so earning the right which she afterward enjoyed of holding sway -over the whole peninsula. The first twenty-five years of the century -witnessed unusual activity on the part of the surrounding savages who in -view of the constantly increasing power of the three states beheld their -territories diminishing. The wild people of Kol-p’o, Chil-p’o and Ko-p’o -ravaged the borders of Sil-la but were driven back. On the south she -attacked and burned a settlement of Japanese corsairs who had apparently -gained a foothold on the mainland. Păk-je was also attacked on the east -by the savages and was obliged to build a wall at Sa-do to keep them -back. This period saw over a thousand Chinese refugees cross the Yalu -and find asylum in Ko-gu-ryŭ. It also saw U-wi-gŭ, the fruit of a -liaison between the eleventh king of Ko-gu-ryŭ and a farmer girl whom he -met while hunting, ascend the throne of Ko-gu-ryŭ. It witnessed a -remarkable exhibition of democratic feeling in Sil-la when the people -rejected Prince Sa-ba-ni and in his place set up Ko-i-rŭ to be king. - -The year 240 was an important one in the history of Ko-gu-ryŭ. King -U-wi-gŭ was a man of boundless ambition and his temerity was as great as -his ambition. Ko-gu-ryŭ had been at peace with China for eight years -when, without warning, this U-wi-gŭ saw fit to cross the border and -invade the territory of his powerful neighbor. The town of -An-p’yŭng-hyŭn in western Liao-tung fell before the unexpected assault. -This unprovoked insult aroused the slumbering giant of the Middle -Kingdom and the hereditary feud that had existed for many years between -Ko-gu-ryŭ and China was intensified. At the same time U-wi-gŭ turned his -eyes southward and contemplated the subjugation of Sil-la. To this end -he sent an expedition against her in the following year. It was met on -the Sil-la border by a defensive force under Gen. Sŭk U-ro who withstood -the invaders bravely but was driven back as far as the “Palisades of -Ma-du” where he took a firm stand. As he could not be dislodged the -invading army found itself checked. Meanwhile a dark cloud was rapidly -overspreading Ko-gu-ryŭ’s western horizon. The great Chinese general, Mo -Gu-geum, with a force of 10,000 men advanced upon the Ko-gu-ryŭ outposts -and penetrated the country as far as the present Sŭng-ch’ŭn where he met -the Ko-gu-ryŭ army under the direct command of king U-wi-gŭ. The result -was an overwhelming victory for Ko-gu-ryŭ whose soldiers chased the -flying columns of the enemy to Yang-băk-kok where dreadful carnage -ensued. “Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad” proved true in -this case. U-wi-gŭ was so elated over the victory that he declared that -a handful of Ko-gu-ryŭ troops could chase an army of Chinese. Taking -five hundred picked cavalry he continued the pursuit; but he had boasted -too soon. Gen. Mo Gu-geum’s reputation was at stake. Rallying a handful -of his braves the latter turned upon his pursuers and handled them so -severely that they turned and fled. The Chinese followed up the timely -victory and threw themselves upon the army of Ko-gu-ryŭ so fiercely that -the tables were completely turned. It is said that in the engagement -that followed Ko-gu-ryŭ lost 18,000 men. King U-wi-gŭ, seeing that all -was lost, fled back to his capital and awaited developments. But Gen. -Wang-geui, Mo Gu-geum’s associate, pursued the king across the Yalu and -gave him no rest until he had fled eastward to the territory of Ok-jŭ on -the eastern coast. On his way thither he crossed Chuk-nyŭng Pass where -all his remaining guard forsook him and fled. One of his officials, -Mil-u, said “I will go back and hold the enemy at bay while you make -good your escape”. So with three or four soldiers he held the narrow -pass while the king found a retreat in a deep valley, where he succeeded -in getting together a little band of soldiers. He offered a reward to -anyone who should go and bring Mil-u safely to him. U Ok-ku volunteered -to go. Finding Mil-u wounded and lying on the ground he took him in his -arms and carried him to the king. The latter was so delighted to recover -his faithful follower that he nursed him back to life by his own hand. A -few days later the pursuit continued and the king was again hard -pressed. A courtier, Yu-ryu, offered to go to the enemy’s camp and in -some way stop the pursuit. Taking some food he went and boldly announced -that the king desired to surrender and had sent this gift ahead to -announce his coming. His words were believed and the general received -the gift. But Yu-ryu had concealed a short sword beneath the dishes and -when he approached the general he whipped out the weapon and plunged it -into the enemy’s breast. The next moment he himself was cut down by the -attendants. When the king learned that the pursuers had lost their -general he rallied his little force, threw himself upon them and put -them to flight. The following year U-wi-gŭ, recognising that his capital -was too near the border, decided to remove the court to P‘yŭng-yang -which had been the capital for so many centuries. Two years later he -made a treaty with Sil-la which remained unbroken for a century. He had -been cured of some of his over-ambitiousness. Yŭn-bul was his successor. - -In the third year of King Ch’ŭm-hă of Sil-la, 249 A.D. the first envoy -ever received from Japan arrived at the shore of Sil-la. He was met by -Gen. Sŭk U-ro who addressed him in the following unaccountable manner, -“It would be well if your king and queen should come and be slaves in -the kitchen of the king of Sil-la”. Without a word the envoy turned -about and posted back to Japan. An invasion of Korea was determined upon -and soon a powerful force landed on the coast of that country. Gen. Sŭk -U-ro was filled with dismay and remorse. He confessed to the king that -he was the cause of this hostile display and begged to be allowed to go -alone and propitiate the advancing enemy. It was granted and he walked -straight into the Japanese camp and confessed his crime and asked that -he alone be punished. The Japanese took him at his word, burned him -alive in their camp and returned to their own land without striking a -blow. The following year the same envoy came again and was well received -by the king, but the widow of Gen. Sŭk U-ro desiring to avenge the blood -of her husband, obtained permission to work in the kitchen of the -envoy’s place of entertainment. There she found opportunity to poison -his food and thus accomplish her purpose. This of course put an end to -all hope of amity between the two countries and that event marks the -beginning of the feud which in spite of occasional periods of apparent -friendship, existed between the people of Japan and Korea until the year -1868. Hostilities did not however begin at once. - -The latter half of the third century beheld few events of special -interest in the peninsula. During this period Păk-je seems to have made -a spasmodic effort at reform, for we read that she reorganised her -official system and set a heavy penalty for bribery, namely imprisonment -for life. She also patched up a shallow peace with Sil-la. In Ko-gu-ryŭ -a concubine of King Pong-sang tried to incense him against the queen by -showing him a leathern bag which she claimed the queen had made to drown -her in. The king saw through the trick and to punish the crafty -concubine had her killed in the very way she had described. A chief of -the Sŭn-bi tribe invaded Ko-gu-ryŭ and desecrated the grave of the -king’s father. The wild men of Suk-sin attempted to overthrow Sil-la but -the king’s brother drove them back and succeeded in attaching their -territory to the crown of Sil-la. It is said that when Sil-la was hard -pressed by a band of savages strange warriors suddenly appeared and -after putting the savages to flight, as suddenly disappeared. Each of -these strange warriors had ears like the leaves of the bamboo and when -it was discovered next day that the ground around the king’s father’s -grave was covered with bamboo leaves it was believed that he had come -forth from his grave with spirit warriors to aid his son. - -With the opening of the fourth century the fifteenth king of Sil-la, -Ki-rim, made an extensive tour of his realm. He passed northward as far -as U-du-ju near the present Ch’un-ch’ŭn. He also visited a little -independent “kingdom” called Pi-ryul, now An-byŭn, and made many -presents, encouraged agriculture and made himself generally agreeable. -Not so with the king of Ko-gu-ryŭ. He was made of sterner stuff. He -issued a proclamation that every man woman and child above fifteen years -old should lend their aid in building a palace. Ko-gu-ryŭ had of late -years passed through troublous times and the people were in no mood to -undertake such a work. An influential courtier, Ch’ang Cho-ri, attempted -to dissuade the king but as he was not successful he settled the -question by assassinating the king. Eul-bul, who succeeded him, had a -chequered career before coming to the throne. Being the king’s cousin he -had to flee for his life. He first became a common coolie in the house -of one Eun-mo in the town of Sil-la. By day he cut wood on the hill -sides and by night he made tiles or kept the frogs from croaking while -his master slept. Tiring of this he attached himself to a salt merchant -but being wrongfully accused he was dragged before the magistrate and -beaten almost to death. The official Ch’ang Cho-ri and a few others knew -his whereabouts and, hunting him up, they brought him to the “Pul-yu -water” a hundred and ten li from P’yŭng-yang, and hid him in the house -of one O Măk-nam. When all was ripe for the final move, Ch’ang Cho-ri -inaugurated a great hunting party. Those who were willing to aid in -dethroning the king were to wear a bunch of grass in the hat as a sign. -The king was seized and imprisoned, and there hanged himself. His sons -also killed themselves and Eul-bul was then elevated to the perilous -pinnacle of royalty. - -It was about the beginning of this century also that the Japanese, -during one of those spasmodic periods of seeming friendship asked the -king of Sil-la to send a noble maiden of Sil-la to be their queen. The -king complied and sent the daughter of one of his highest officials, -A-son-geup-ri. - - - - - Chapter IX. - -Rise of Yŭn.... rebellion against China.... siege of Keuk Fortress - raised.... Ko-gu-ryŭ surrenders to Yŭn.... Ko-gu-ryŭ disarmed.... - Japanese attack Sil-la.... Păk-je’s victory over Ko-gu-ryŭ.... moves - her capital across the Han.... Păk-je people in Sil-la.... Yŭn is - punished.... Buddhism introduced into Ko-gu-ryŭ.... and into - Păk-je.... amnesty between Ko-gu-ryŭ and Păk-je.... but Ko-gu-ryŭ - continues the war.... Păk-je in danger.... envoy to Japan.... - Ch’ŭm-nye usurps the throne of Păk-je.... and is killed.... Sil-la - princes rescued.... Ko-gu-ryŭ and Păk-je receive investiture from - China.... China’s policy.... Nul-ji’s reign.... Ko-gu-ryŭ and Păk-je - transfer their allegience.... Yŭn extinct.... beginning of - triangular war.... diplomatic relations.... Ko-gu-ryŭ falls from - grace.... first war vessel.... diplomatic complications.... Păk-je - humiliated.... her capital moved. - - -We have now come to the events which marked the rise of the great Yŭn -power in Liao-tung. They are so intimately connected with the history of -Ko-gu-ryŭ that we must give them in detail. For many years there had -been a Yŭn tribe in the north but up to the year 320 it had not come -into prominence. It was a dependency of the Tsin dynasty of China. Its -chiefs were known by the general name Mo Yong. In 320 Mo Yong-we was the -acting chief of the tribe. He conceived the ambitious design of -overcoming China and founding a new dynasty. The Emperor immediately -despatched an army under Gen. Ch’oe-bi to put down the incipient -rebellion. Ko-gu-ryŭ and the U-mun and Tan tribes were called upon to -render assistance against the rebels. All complied and soon the -recalcitrant chieftain found himself besieged in Keuk Fortress and was -on the point of surrendering at discretion when an event occurred which, -fortunately for him, broke up the combination and raised the siege. It -was customary before surrendering to send a present of food to the one -who receives the overtures of surrender. Mo Yong-we, in pursuance of -this custom, sent out the present, but for some reason it found its way -only into the camp of the U-mun forces while the others received none. -When this became known the forces of Ko-gu-ryŭ, believing that Mo -Yong-we had won over the U-mun people to his side, retired in disgust -and the Chinese forces, fearing perhaps a hostile combination, likewise -withdrew. The U-mun chiefs resented this suspicion of treachery and -vowed they would take Mo Yong-we single-handed. But this they could not -do, for the latter poured out upon them with all his force and scattered -them right and left. From this point dates the rise of Yŭn. Gen. -Ch’oe-bi fearing the wrath of the Emperor fled to Ko-gu-ryŭ where he -found asylum. Here the affair rested for a time. The kingdom of Yŭn -forebore to attack Ko-gu-ryŭ and she in turn was busy strengthening her -own position in view of future contingencies. Ten years passed during -which no events of importance transpired. In 331 Eul-bul the king of -Ko-gu-ryŭ died and his son Soé began his reign by adopting an active -policy of defense. He heightened the walls of P’yŭng-yang and built a -strong fortress in the north, called Sin-sŭng. He followed this up by -strengthening his friendly relations with the court of China. These -facts did not escape the notice of the rising Yŭn power. Mo Yong-whang, -who had succeeded Mo Yong-we, hurled an expedition against the new -Sin-sŭng Fortress and wrested it from Ko-gu-ryŭ. The king was compelled, -much against his will, to go to Liao-tung and swear fealty to the Yŭn -power. Two years later the capital was moved northward to Wan-do, in the -vicinity of the Eui-ju of today. This was done probably at the command -of Yŭn who desired to have the capital of Ko-gu-ryŭ within easy reach in -case any complications might arise. - -Mo Yong-whang desired to invade China without delay but one of his -relatives, Mo Yong-han, advised him to disarm Ko-gu-ryŭ and the U-mun -tribe so that no possible enemy should be left in his rear when he -marched into China. It was decided to attack Ko-gu-ryŭ from the north -and west, but the latter route was to be the main one, for Ko-gu-ryŭ -would be expecting the attack from the north. The strategem worked like -a charm. Mo Yong-han and Mo Yong-p’ă led a powerful army by way of the -sea road while General Wang-u led a decoy force by the northern route. -The flower of the Ko-gu-ryŭ army, 50,000 strong, marched northward under -the king’s brother Mu to meet an imaginary foe while the king with a few -undisciplined troops held the other approach. As may be supposed, the -capital fell speedily into the enemy’s hands but the king escaped. The -Ko-gu-ryŭ forces had been successful in the north and might return any -day, so the Yun forces were forbidden to go in pursuit of the king. To -insure the good behavior of the king, however, they burned the palace, -looted the treasure, exhumed the body of the king’s father and took it, -together with the queen and her mother, back to the capital of Yŭn. With -such hostages as these Yŭn was safe from that quarter. The next year the -king offered his humble apologies and made a complete surrender, in view -of which his father’s body and his queen were returned to him but his -mother-in-law was still held. The same year Ko-gu-ryŭ moved her capital -back to P’yŭng-yang. A few years later by sending his son as substitute -he got his mother-in-law out of pawn. - -In 344 new complications grew up between Sil-la and Japan. The Japanese -having already obtained one Sil-la maiden for a queen made bold to ask -for a royal princess to be sent to wed their king. This was peremptorily -refused and of course war was the result. A Japanese force attacked the -Sil-la coastguard but being driven back they harried the island of -P‘ung-do and finally worked around until they were able to approach the -capital. Finding the gates fast shut they laid siege to the city. But -their provisions were soon exhausted and they were compelled to retire. -Then the Sil-la forces swarmed out and attacked them in the rear and put -them to an ignominious flight. Some years later the Japanese made a -similar attempt but were outwitted by the Sil-la soldiers who made -manikins of grass to represent soldiers, and the Japanese, seeing these, -supposed that Sil-la had been reinforced and so retired from the -contest. - -Ko-gu-ryŭ had been so severely handled by her northern neighbor that she -gave up for the time being her plans of conquest in that direction. -Instead of this she turned her attention toward her southern neighbor -Păk-je whose territory was a morsel not to be despised. About the year -360 she erected a fort at Ch’i-yang not far from the Păk-je capital -which was then at Nam-han. Into this she threw a large force consisting -of 20,000 infantry and cavalry. They began a systematic plundering of -Păk-je. The army of the latter, under the leadership of the Crown -Prince, fell suddenly upon this fort and gained a victory, for, when the -Ko-gu-ryŭ forces retired, they left 5,000 dead upon the field. Păk-je -followed up this victory by throwing up a line of breastworks along the -southern bank of the Han river to insure against a future surprise on -the part of her unscrupulous northern neighbor. But Păk-je’s victories -had shown her the weakness of Ko-gu-ryŭ and reprisals were therefore in -order. She equipped an army of 30,000 men and penetrated the country of -the enemy. She met no resistance until her army stood beneath the walls -of P‘yŭng-yang. An attempt was made to storm the town, during which the -king of Ko-gu-ryŭ was mortally wounded by an arrow, but the assault -failed and the Păk-je army withdrew in good order. The king of Păk-je, -elated over so many evidences of his growing power, promptly moved his -capital across the Han River into Ko-gu-ryŭ territory. Some say he -settled at Puk-han the great mountain fortress back of Seoul while -others say he settled at Nam P’yŭng-yang or “South P’yŭng-yang,” by -which is meant the present city of Seoul. Others still say it was at a -point a short distance outside the east gate of Seoul. But in spite of -the apparent successes of Păk-je it appears that the people were not -satisfied. It may be that military exactions had alienated their good -will, or it may be that they saw in these ambitious advances the sure -presage of speedy punishment at the hands of Ko-gu-ryŭ; but whatever the -cause may have been over a thousand people fled from Păk-je and found -asylum in Sil-la. The king set aside six villages as their place of -residence, and when Păk-je demanded to have them sent back answer was -returned that Sil-la could not drive from her borders those who had -sought asylum from the ill-treatment of Păk-je. - -Three years before this, in 372, the Chinese had gained a signal victory -over the Yŭn kingdom and its king, Mo Yong-p’ung, had fled for safety to -Ko-gu-ryŭ. It must have been his last resource, for he was likely to -find little sympathy there. And so it proved for the king immediately -seized him and sent him a captive to China. - -The year 372 beheld an event of prime importance in the history of -Ko-gu-ryŭ and of the whole peninsula. It was the introduction of -Buddhism. It is probable that before this time some knowledge of -Buddhism was current in Korea, but as it is eminently a sacerdotal -institution but little more than indefinite reports could have been -circulated previous to the coming of the monks. We are not told whether -this was done at the request of Ko-gu-ryŭ or whether it was at the -advice of Pu-gyŭn, one of the petty kings who then divided between them -the north of China. Be that as it may, in 372 A.D. images of Buddha were -brought by a monk, Sun-do, and also a Buddhist book called Pul-gyŭng. -For this the king of Ko-gu-ryŭ returned hearty thanks and forthwith set -his son and heir to learning the new doctrine. At the same time he gave -an impetus to the study of the Confucian code. It is quite probable that -to this new departure is due the fact that the next year the laws of the -country were overhauled and put in proper shape for use. In 375 two -great monasteries were built in the capital of Ko-gu-ryŭ. They were -called Cho-mun and I-bul-lan. It should be noticed that the introduction -of Buddhism into Korea was a government affair. There had been no -propagation of the tenets of this cult through emmisaries sent for the -purpose, there was no call for it from the people. In all probability -the king and his court were pleased at the idea of introducing the -stately ceremonial of the new faith. In fact it was a social event -rather than a religious one and from that date to this there has not -been a time when the people of Korea have entered heartily into the -spirit of Buddhism, nor have her most distinguished representatives -understood more than the mere forms and trappings of that religion which -among all pagan cults is the most mystical. - -Păk-je was not long in following the example of her powerful neighbor. -In the year 384 a new king ascended the throne of Păk-je. His name was -Ch’im-yu. One of his first acts was to send an envoy to China asking -that a noted monk named Mararanta be sent to Păk-je to introduce the -Buddhist ritual. We notice that this request was sent to the Emperor -Hyo-mu (Hsia-wu), the proper head of the Eastern Tsin dynasty, while -Ko-gu-ryŭ had received hers at the hands of one of those petty kings who -hung upon the skirts of the weakening dynasty and waited patiently for -its dissolution. Each of these petty states, as well as the central -government of the Tsin, was on the lookout for promising allies and such -a request as this of Păk-je could scarcely be refused. Mararanta, whose -name smacks of the south and who certainly cannot have been a Chinaman, -was sent to the Păk-je capital. He was received with open arms. His -apartments were in the palace where he soon erected a Buddhist shrine. -Ten more monks followed him and Buddhism was firmly established in this -second of the three Korean states. The greatest deference was paid to -these monks and they were addressed by the honorific title To-seung. -Sil-la received Buddhism some fifty years later. - -All this time fighting was almost continuous along the Ko-gu-ryŭ-Păk-je -border. The latter stood on the defensive and found it necessary in 386 -to build a line of breastworks along the border, extending from -Ch’ŭng-mok-yŭng northward to P’al-gon-sung and thence westward to the -sea. An amnesty was brought about through a happy accident. A groom who -had accidentally broken the leg of a Păk-je prince’s horse had fled to -Ko-gu-ryŭ to escape punishment. Returning now to Păk-je, he purchased -pardon by informing the king that if, in battle, the Păk-je forces -should direct their whole force against that part of the enemy’s line -where they should see a red flag flying they would surely be successful. -This turned out to be true and Păk-je was once more successful, but -followed up her success only to the extent of securing a definite -cessation of hostilities and the erection of a boundary stone at -Su-gok-sŭng to witness forever against him who should dispute the point. -But when King Ch’im-yu of Ko-gu-ryŭ died in 392 and his son Tam-dok came -into power all previous obligations were swept away and he proceeded to -reopen the wound. He attacked Păk-je fiercely and took ten of her towns. -Then he turned northward and chastised the Kŭ-ran tribe. When this was -done he came back to the charge again and seized Kwang-nu Fortress. This -was an almost inaccessible position on a high rock surrounded by the -sea, but the hardy soldiers of Ko-gu-ryŭ after twenty days of siege -found seven paths by which the wall could be reached, and they finally -took the place by a simultaneous assault at these various points. When -the court of Păk-je heard of this well-nigh impossible feat, all hope of -victory in the field was taken away, and they could only bar the gates -of the capital and await the turn of events. This king, Tam-dok, was as -enthusiastically Buddhistic as his father. He made a decree that all the -people of Ko-gu-ryŭ should adopt the Buddhistic faith and a few years -later built nine more monasteries in P’yŭng-yang. - -A year later King A-sin of Păk-je sent his son, Chön-ji, to Japan as an -envoy. It is likely, but not certain, that it was a last resource of -Păk-je to secure help against Ko-gu-ryŭ. This is the more likely from -the fact that he went not only as an envoy but also as a hostage, or a -guarantee of good faith. If this was the hope of Păk-je it failed, for -no Japanese army was forthcoming. As another means of self-preservation -King A-sin formed a great school of archery, but the people did not like -it; for exercise in it was compulsory, and many of the people ran away. - -In 399 Ko-gu-ryŭ sent an envoy to the Yŭn capital to pay her respects, -but the king of that country charged Ko-gu-ryŭ with ambitious designs -and sent an army of 30,000 men to seize the fortresses of Sin-sŭng and -Nam-so, thus delimiting the frontier of Ko-gu-ryŭ to the extent of 700 -_li_. They carried back with them 5,000 “houses,” which means -approximately 25,000 people, as captives. It is difficult to believe -this enumeration unless we conclude that it means that the people living -within the limit of the 700 _li_ were taken to be citizens of Yŭn. - -The fifth century of our era dawned upon a troubled Korea. The tension -between the three rival powers was severe, and every nerve was strained -in the struggle for preeminence. In 402 Nă-mul, the king of Sil-la, died -and Sil-sŭng came to the throne. He sent out feelers in two directions, -one toward Ko-gu-ryŭ in the shape of a hostage, called by euphemism an -envoy, and another of the same sort to Japan; which would indicate that -Sil-la was still suffering from the depredations of the Japanese -corsairs. The envoy to Ko-gu-ryŭ was the king’s brother, Pok-ho, and the -one to Japan was also his brother, Mi-sa-heun. We remember that Păk-je -already had an envoy in Japan in the person of the king’s eldest son -Chön-ji. Now in 405 the king of Păk-je died. Chön-ji was the rightful -heir but as he was in Japan the second son should have assumed the reins -of government. As a fact the third son Chŭng-nye killed his brother and -seized the scepter. Hearing of his father’s death, Chön-ji returned from -Japan with an escort of a hundred Japanese, but learning of his -brother’s murder he feared treachery against himself and so landed on an -island off the coast where he remained until the people, with a fine -sense of justice, drove Ch’ăm-nye from the throne and welcomed back the -rightful heir. - -Meanwhile interesting events were transpiring in Sil-la. In 403 -Sil-sung, King of that land, fearing lest harm overtake his two brothers -whom he had sent the year before to Ko-gu-ryŭ and Japan, was seeking for -some means of getting them back. This might not be an easy thing to do, -for to ask their return so soon would perhaps arouse the suspicion of -these neighbors, and precipitate a war. Ko-gu-ryŭ had often taken up -arms for a less affront than this. An official, Pak Che-san, volunteered -to undertake this delicate mission even though it cost him his life. He -went first to Ko-gu-ryŭ and there proved so skillful a diplomat that he -soon brought Prince Pok-ho back to Sil-la. The mission to Japan was a -different matter, but he was equal to the occasion. Before starting out -he said to the king: “I will bring the Prince back though it cost my -life; only, before I go, I must ask you to _imprison my family_; -otherwise I cannot succeed.” The king acceded to this strange request -and Pak Che-san, starting immediately as if in flight, without even -changing his garments, fled until he came to the Yul Harbor. Even his -wife he repulsed, exclaiming “I have determined to die.” He apparently -feared that the sight of her might shake his loyal purpose. He arrived -in Japan as a political fugitive, but the king suspected him until news -came that his family had been imprisoned. This seemed to prove his -statement and he was received graciously. He pretended that he wished to -lead a Japanese force against Sil-la. Mi-sa-heun, the Prince whom he had -come to rescue, was in the secret and heartily seconded the plan. The -king made them joint leaders of an expedition. The fleet arrived at a -certain island and there Pak succeeded in spiriting Mi-sa-heun away by -night in a little boat while he himself remained behind, to delay the -inevitable pursuit. Mi-sa-heun begged him with tears to accompany him -but he refused to jeopardise Mi-sa-heun’s chances of escape by so doing. -In the morning he pretended to sleep very late and no one suspected the -flight of the Prince until late in the day when concealment was no -longer possible. When the Japanese found that they had been duped they -were in a terrible rage. They bound Pak and went in pursuit of the -run-away. But a heavy fog settled upon the sea and frustrated their -plan. Then they tortured their remaining victim and to their inquiries -he replied that he was a loyal subject of Kye-rim (the name of Sil-la at -that time) and that he would rather be a Kye-rim pig than a subject of -Japan; that he would rather be whipped like a school-boy in Kye-rim than -receive office in Japan. By these taunts he escaped a lingering death by -torture. They burned him alive there on the island of Mok-do. When the -king of Sil-la heard of his brave end he mourned for him and heaped upon -him posthumous honors, and Mi-sa-heun married his preserver’s daughter. -The wife of the devoted Pak ascended the pass of Ap-sul-yŭng whence she -could obtain a distant view of the islands of Japan. There she gave -herself up to grief until death put an end to her misery. - -In 413 a new king came to the throne of Ko-gu-ryŭ. called Kö-ryŭn. As -China and Ko-gu-ryŭ had been kept apart by the intervening Yun, and had -acquired some power of sympathy through mutual fear of that power, we -are not surprised that the new king of Ko-gu-ryŭ condescended to receive -investiture from the Emperor, nor that the latter condescended in turn -to grant it. It was formally done, and the act of Ko-gu-ryŭ proclaimed -her vassalage to China. From that time on excepting when war existed -between them, the kings of Ko-gu-ryŭ were invested by the Emperor with -the insignia of royalty. Two years later the Emperor conferred the same -honor upon the king of Păk-je. It was always China’s policy to keep the -kingdoms at peace with each other so long as they all wore the yoke of -vassalage; but so soon as one or the other cast it off it was her policy -to keep them at war. - -In 417 Nul-ji came to the throne of Sil-la and began a reign that was to -last well on toward half a century. He was a regicide. He had been -treated very harshly by the king and had more than once narrowly escaped -with his life. It is therefore the less surprising, though none the less -reprehensible, that when the opportunity presented of paying off old -scores he succumbed to the temptation. He ascended the throne not with -the title of I-sa-geum, which had been the royal title for centuries, -but with the new title of Ma-rip-kan. However doubtful may have been his -title to the crown his reign was a strong one. Among the far-reaching -effects of his reign the introduction of carts to be drawn by oxen was -the most important. - -The friendly relations of Ko-gu-ryŭ with the Tsin dynasty were cut short -by the extinction of that dynasty in 419 but in 435 Ko-gu-ryŭ made -friendly advances toward the Northern Wei dynasty and, finding -sufficient encouragement, she transferred her allegience to that power. -Meantime Păk-je had transferred hers to the Sung dynasty which arose in -420. - -It was in 436 that P’ung-hong, the “Emperor” of Yun, found himself so -weak that he could not withstand the pressure from the Chinese side and -asked the king of Ko-gu-ryŭ to grant him asylum. Consent was given and -an escort was sent to conduct him to the Ko-gu-ryŭ capital. He found -that this sort of life had its drawbacks; for, to begin with, the king -did not address him as emperor but simply as king. This was a great -affront to his dignity and, though he was treated very handsomely, he -assumed such a supercillious bearing that the king had to curtail his -retinue and his income. He had been given quarters in Puk-p’ung and from -there the mendicant emperor applied to the Sung Emperor for asylum. It -was granted, and seven thousand soldiers came to escort him; but ere -they arrived the king of Ko-gu-ryŭ sent two generals, Son-su and Ko-gu, -who killed the imperial refugee and nine of his attendants. The Sung -troops, arriving on the instant, discovered the crime and caught and -executed the two generals who had perpetrated it. - -In 449 a Ko-gu-ryŭ general was out on a hunting expedition and the chase -brought him into Sil-la territory near the present town of Kang-neung. -The prefect of the district, in an excess of patriotic enthusiasm, -seized him and put him to death. An envoy came in haste to the Sil-la -capital demanding why this outrage had been committed. War would have -been declared on the spot had not Sil-la been profuse in apologies. She -might have spared herself this humiliation for war was sure to break out -soon in any case. When ng came to the throne of Păk-je in 455, Ko-gu-ryŭ -took advantage of the confusion, consequent upon the change, to attack -her. Sil-la, who, though ordinarily a peaceful power, had been perforce -drawn into war-like operations and had acquired some military skill, now -sided with Păk-je. Sending a considerable number of troops she -reinforced Păk-je to the extent of warding off the threatened invasion. -But Păk-je, though glad to find herself extricated from her position of -danger, would allow no feelings of gratitude to stand in the way of her -ancient feud against Sil-la; so this act of friendship not only did not -help toward peace but on the contrary, by showing Sil-la the fickleness -of Păk-je, made peace all the more impossible. The middle of the fifth -century marks the point when all friendly relations between the three -Korean states were broken off and an actual state of war existed between -them from this time on, though active military operations were not -constant. This we may call the Triangular War. - -The key to this great struggle, which resulted in the advancement of -Sil-la to the control of the whole peninsula, lay not so much in the -relative military strength of the three rival kingdoms as in the skill -which each developed in diplomacy. Each was trying to gain the active -support of China, knowing very well that if China should once become -thoroughly interested in favor of any one of the three powers the other -two would be doomed. - -We will remember that Ko-gu-ryŭ had cultivated friendly relations with -the Sung dynasty while Păk-je had made herself agreeable to the Wei -dynasty. In this Păk-je chose the wiser part for the Wei power was -nearer and more powerful. In 466 Ko-gu-ryŭ lost a splendid opportunity -to establish herself in the good graces of the Wei Emperor, and so -insure her preeminence in the peninsula. The Emperor Hsien-wen made -friendly advances and requested the daughter of the king of Ko-gu-ryŭ -for his wife. With a short-sightedness that is quite inexplicable this -request was put off by the lame excuse that his daughter was dead. This -being easily proved a falsehood, Ko-gu-ryŭ fell from the good graces of -the very power whose friendship she should have cultivated. - -The year 467 witnessed an important innovation in Korea. Sil-la took the -lead in the construction of war vessels. The one made at that time was -doubtless intended for use against the Japanese corsairs. That Sil-la -had been gaining along military lines is shown by her successful repulse -of a Ko-gu-ryŭ invasion in this year, in which the wild people of some -of the Mal-gal tribes assisted Ko-gu-ryŭ. After the latter had been -driven back, Sil-la built a fortress at Po-eun on her northern border to -guard against a repetition of this invasion. - -Ko-gu-ryŭ and Păk-je were now exerting themselves to the utmost to make -capital out of their Chinese alliances. Ko-gu-ryŭ sent rich presents and -richer words to the Sung capital and so won the confidence of that -power. Păk-je, on the other hand, sent word to the Wei Emperor that -Ko-gu-ryŭ was coquetting with the Sung court and with the wild Mal-gal -tribes, insinuating that this was all detrimental to the interests of -Păk-je’s patron. - -As this was without result, she sent and asked openly that the Wei -Emperor send an army and chastise Ko-gu-ryŭ. The Emperor replied that -until Ko-gu-ryŭ committed some overt act of more hostile import than the -mere cementing of peaceful alliances no notice could be taken of her. In -other words the Wei power refused to be the aggressor, much to Păk-je’s -chagrin. The Wei Emperor sent this answer by way of Ko-gu-ryŭ and the -king of that country was ordered to grant the messenger a safe conduct -through his territory. But Ko-gu-ryŭ, as though bent on -self-destruction, refused to let him pass, and so the great northern -kingdom approached one step nearer the precipice which was to prove her -destruction. Upon learning the news of this affront the Emperor was -highly incensed and tried to send the messenger by way of a southern -port; but stress of weather rendered this impossible and Păk-je, -receiving no answer to her missive, took offense and would have nothing -more to do with China, for a time. By the time she had recovered her -temper, Ko-gu-ryŭ had in some way patched up her difficulty with the Wei -court and so scored a point against Păk-je. And for a time she was on -friendly terms with both the Wei and Sung dynasties. - -At this point Ko-gu-ryŭ decided upon a bold attempt to swallow Păk-je -bodily. It was to be done partly by strategem and partly by force. A -monk of Ko-gu-ryŭ named To-rim, a fellow of excellent craft, arrived at -the Păk-je capital as if seeking refuge. The king received him with open -arms and, finding him an excellent chess player, made him his trusty -councilor. This monk told the king that the palaces, walls, tombs and -public buildings ought to be thoroughly repaired, and so induced him to -drain the public treasury in this work, and also in bringing a huge -monolith from Uk-nyi to the capital. This done the monk fled back to -Ko-gu-ryŭ and announced that the treasury of Păk-je was empty and it was -a good time to attack her. A large army was put in the field, guided by -one Kŭl-lu, a Păk-je fugitive from justice. Almost before Păk-je was -aware, her capital was surrounded. She had applied to Sil-la for help, -but too late. First the suburbs were laid in ashes, and then access -being gained, the palace was fired. The king fled with ten attendants -out the west gate, but Kŭl-lu the renegade followed and overtook him. -The king begged for mercy upon his knees but Kŭl-lu spit thrice in his -face, bound him and sent him to the fortress of A-han where lie was -killed. Then the Ko-gu-ryŭ army went back north carrying with them 8,000 -captives, men and women. - -Meanwhile Prince Mun-ju had obtained help from Sil-la and with 10,000 -troops was hastening homewards. He found the city in ashes, his father -dead, the people mourning their lost, who had been dragged away captive. -He promptly assumed control of affairs, moved the capital southward to -Ung-jin the present Kong-ju, took all the Păk-je people away from -Han-yang (Seoul) and moved them back across the Han River and abandoned -all the territory beyond that natural barrier to Ko-gu-ryŭ to whom it -had originally belonged. The following year he tried to send a message -to the Sung Emperor by way of Ko-gu-ryŭ but the messenger was -intercepted and the message stopped. - - - - - Chapter X. - -Quelpart.... origin of T’am-na.... new alliances.... advances in - Sil-la.... but not in Păk-je nor Ko-gu-ryŭ.... temporary peace.... - Buddhism in Sil-la.... remnants of barbarism.... influence of - Chinese literature.... important reforms.... Ko-gu-ryŭ’s foreign - relations.... conquest of Dagelet Island.... posthumous titles.... - colors in official grades.... Wei displeased.... the “miracle” of Yi - Cha-don.... end of Ka-rak.... Sil-la rejects Chinese calendar.... - confusion in China.... Păk-je attempts reform.... history of - Sil-la.... two alliances.... Păk-je and Ko-gu-ryŭ envoys to - China.... advance of Buddhism in Sil-la.... music in Sil-la.... war - between Păk-je and Sil-la.... retrogression in Sil-la because of - Buddhism.... Ko-gu-ryŭ and the Sui Emperor.... the _Ondali_. - - -Tradition says that in the dawn of history when the island of Che-ju -(Quelpart) was covered only with a tangled forest three sages arose from -a crevice in the ground. This spot is shown to this day by the people of -Che-ju. These three men were Ko-ŭlla, Yang-ŭlla and Pu-ŭlla. As they -stood upon the shore they saw three stout chests floating in from the -south-east. Drawing them to land and opening them the three wise men -discovered that each chest contained a calf, a colt, a dog, a pig and a -woman, together with sundry seeds, such as beans, wheat, barley, millet -and rice. By the three families thus organised the island was populated. -During the early days of Sil-la a certain court astrologer announced -that the “Friend Star” was visible in the south and that a distinguished -visitor would soon arrive. Soon after this three men came by boat from -Quelpart, landing at the harbor of T’am-jin, now Kang-jin. They came -straight to the court of Sil-la where they were hospitably entertained. -One of the visitors was Ko-hu, one was Ko-ch’ŭng, but the name of the -third is lost. The king called the first Sŭng-ju or “Lord of the Star,” -the second Wang-ja or “King’s Son” and the third To-nă or “The One who -has Come.” He named their country _T’am_ from the name of the port where -they landed, and _na_, which seems to have meant “Kingdom”, for we find -that the last syllable of Sil-la is this same _na_ changed by euphonic -laws to _la_. It is the root of the present Korean word _na-ra_ or -“kingdom.” So the kingdom was called T’am-na. The authorities are at a -loss to tell the date or even the reign during which these events -transpired. In the year 477 the little kingdom of T’am-na sent an envoy -to the court of Păk-je with gifts. This is the first really authentic -mention of the place. If tradition is of any value it must be confessed -that the story of the peopling of Quelpart points toward a southern -origin. - -In 479 the aged king of Ko-gu-ryŭ, Kö-ryŭn, now in the sixty-eighth year -of his reign, sought and obtained recognition from Emperor Ko-je -(Kao-ti) the founder of the Ch’i dynasty in China. That this occurred in -the very first year after the founding of that dynasty shows how -sedulously Ko-gu-ryŭ was cultivating the good-will of the Chinese. -Păk-je was not far behind, for she swore allegiance to the same Emperor -only two years later. - -During all these years it is to Sil-la that we must look for any signs -of internal improvement, any of those innovations which are the -mile-stones of progress. We saw above how she introduced the use of the -cart and so raised a great burden from the shoulders of the people. The -wheel is the great burden bearer of history. And now we find her -introducing further reforms. The first was the horse relay system called -the _yong-ma_. It did not bear so directly upon the condition of the -people but it afforded an opportunity for the rapid transmission of -official information and thus indirectly had an important bearing upon -the welfare of the masses. In the next place, she organised a general -market where at stated intervals merchants from the various districts -could meet and exchange commodities. These are things that we look upon -as matters of course and we do not realise their importance till we -imagine ourselves deprived of the comforts that spring from the -possibility of rapid communication and exchange of commodities. That -Ko-gu-ryŭ had not made similar advances in the line of industrial reform -is shown by the fact that when the Emperor of the Wei dynasty sent to -grant investiture to Na-un the twenty-first king of Ko-gu-ryŭ in 499 he -presented him with suits of clothes, flags, a crown and a cart. This -shows that carts were not as yet in common use in Ko-gu-ryŭ. As for -Păk-je, disaster was following upon disaster. At one time a thousand -people were swept away in a flood. Then famine carried away three -thousand. A few years later ten thousand people passed over into Sil-la -to save themselves from starvation. - -The sixth century dawned upon a comparatively peaceful Korea; for the -time being the dogs of war were held in leash and feuds seem to have -been laid on the shelf. The three kingdoms employed their time in -different but characteristic ways. The king of Păk-je built an enormous -pleasure-house and adorned it with all manner of curious flowers and -animals. To the expostulations of his ministers he turned a deaf ear. A -few years later he was murdered by one of his courtiers. In truth, peace -was nearly as bad for Păk-je as war. - -In Sil-la Buddhism had been introduced during the reign of Nul-ji, -417-458. A monk named Muk Ho-ja had been well received and was lodged in -the palace. But, at the first, Buddhism did not find congenial soil in -Sil-la. Tradition gives the following account of the first set-back -which it suffered there. In 502 while the king was idling an hour away -in a favorite summer-house outside the city, a raven appeared bearing in -its beak a letter. It laid the missive at the king’s feet and flew away. -The superscription said “If the king opens and reads this note two -people will die; if he does not open it one will die”. He determined not -to open it, but one of his attendants said, “The one referred to is Your -Majesty and therefore you should open it even though two lives are -sacrificed”. He broke the seal and read the strange words “Let the king -take his trustiest bow, hasten to the palace and shoot an arrow through -the zither case”. The king obeyed the mandate, hastened back to the -palace by a private gate, entered the queen’s apartments unannounced and -shot an arrow through a zither case that stood against the wall. The -arrow pierced the zither case and the High Priest who was hidden behind -it. The latter had taken advantage of the king’s absence to attack his -honor. He was strangled together with the guilty queen. - -With all her attempts at progress some evidences of the grossest -barbarity still lingered in Sil-la. It was not, so the records tell us, -until the year 503 that Sil-la discontinued the horrible custom of -burying people alive when a king’s body was interred. It had been -customary to bury five boys and five girls alive on such occasions, but -in 503 the king published a decree forbidding the continuance of the -custom. The very barbarity of the custom renders its abolition the more -striking and places the name of king Chi-jeung, the twenty-second of his -line, among the names of Korea’s benefactors. At the same time the -custom of plowing with oxen was introduced, an innovation that had a -most far-reaching effect upon society. It was in the beginning of the -sixth century that Sil-la began to show evidences of the influence of -Chinese literature and thought. In 504 she adopted the Chinese word Wang -as the title of her kings in place of the pure Korean words I-sa-geum or -Ma-rip-kan. She also changed the name of the kingdom from Kye-rim to -Sil-la. We have been speaking of this kingdom under the name Sil-la but -as a matter of fact it was not so designated until the year 504 A.D. -Before that time it had been variously styled Sŭ-ya-bŭl, Sa-ro, and -Kye-rim. The word Sil-la is said to have been composed of the Chinese -words _Sin_ and _ra_, which when united become Sil-la according to -Korean laws of euphony. It is more than probable that it was merely an -adaptation of Chinese characters to pure Korean words, for the last -syllable _la_ or _na_ is the same as that used in other words, centuries -before that time, in southern Korea. The _na_ of T’am-na is the same -character. To the word Sil-la was added the word _Kuk_ or “kingdom” -which put her in line with the other vassals of China. The Confucian -code must have been making headway too, for in the following year the -custom was adopted of assuming a mourning garb for three years upon the -death of a parent. It was at this time that the influence of China upon -Korea began to bear its legitimate fruit. Chinese religion, literature, -government and art were beginning to mould the thought and life of the -Korean people. Many Chinese words had been introduced into Korea before -this time but the use of the Chinese character had not been general. - -In the mean time Ko-gu-ryŭ had been paying attention not so much to -internal reforms as to external alliances. She sent to the Wei Emperor -begging him to remit the revenue in gold and jade, as they were -obtained, the one in Pu-yŭ, which she claimed the Mal-gal savages had -seized, and the other in Sŭp-na which she averred the wicked Păk-je had -feloniously taken. But she added “Of course all that Ko-gu-ryŭ has is -yours”. The Emperor good-naturedly remitted the revenue but urged his -vassal to continue the good work of subduing the wild tribes of the -peninsula. It is said that in a single year Ko-gu-ryŭ sent three -separate embassies to the Wei court. At the same time she was -coquetting, _sub rosa_, with the new Liang power which had arisen in -502. In this Păk-je of course followed suite. We thus see that the three -kingdoms spent their time in different ways; Sil-la in internal -improvement, Păk-je in self-gratification and Ko-gu-ryŭ in strengthening -her foreign relations. - -In the year 512 the kingdom of U-san was added to the crown of Sil-la. -This was the little island of Dagelet, off the eastern coast of Korea, -about opposite the prefecture of Kang-neung. How Sil-la happened to -branch out in a policy of conquest we are not told, but having decided -to do so she did it very neatly. The expedition was led by Gen. Yi -Sa-bu. He ordered the construction of several lions with gaping mouths -and enormous fangs. They were carved from wood. He placed one of these -in the prow of each of the boats and when the little flotilla approached -the shores of the island the natives were called upon to lay down their -arms and surrender, or the lions would be set loose among them and would -tear them to pieces. This, it is averred, brought the trembling -islanders to their knees at once and Sil-la won a bloodless victory. -This is among the most cherished traditions of the Korean people. - -With the accession of Wŭn-jong to the throne of Sil-la in 514 the -Chinese custom of conferring a posthumous title upon a deceased king was -introduced for the first time into Korea. Long before this the custom -had prevailed in Ko-gu-ryŭ of naming a dead king after the place in -which he was buried but to the very last the Ko-gu-ryŭ kings did not -receive posthumous honorific titles. Păk-je however followed Sil-la’s -example ten years later. - -King Pŭp-heung of Sil-la in 520 reorganised the official list and -indicated the different grades of rank by different colors. The grades -called _t’a-do_, _kak-kan_ and _ta-a-son_ wore lavender. Those called -_a-son_ and _keup-son_, wore red, and carried the ivory memo tablets -that are common today. The _ta-na-ma_ and the _na-ma_ wore blue. The -_ta-sa_ and _sun-jo-ji_ wore hats of silk, shaped like the -broad-brimmed, round crowned hats of the chair-coolie of the present -day. The _pa-jin-son_ and the _ta-a-son_ wore red silk hats. The -_sang-dang_, _chuk-wi_ and _ta-sa_ wore red hat strings. The -kaleidoscopic colors of a royal Korean procession of today indicate what -a prominent role the love of color plays in the oriental temperament. - -The Wei power in China was not pleased with the friendship that was -springing up between Ko-gu-ryŭ and the Liang court. This came to a -climax when she stopped a Liang envoy who was on his way to Ko-gu-ryŭ to -confer investiture upon the king. It may be that Ko-gu-ryŭ realised that -the Wei dynasty was waning to its close and that it was well to -cultivate the good-will of the young and rising Liang power; but if so -the forecast was false for the Liang power outlived the Wei only -twenty-four years. - -The year 524 gave Sil-la Buddhism a new lease of life. Its most -celebrated representative was a monk named Muk Ho-ja who lived about the -middle of the fifth century. Coming from Ko-gu-ryŭ he had settled at the -town of Il-sŭng-gun where a Sil-la citizen had made him a cave dwelling. -The king of Sil-la received a gift of incense from China, but did not -know how to use it till this monk Muk Ho-ja showed him how. He told the -king to burn it and ask anything of the spirits, and they would grant -it. The king’s daughter was very ill at the time and the king burned the -incense and asked that his daughter be healed. The story says that she -immediately arose from her bed a well woman. This of course gave -Buddhism a long start. Since that time, as we have seen, Buddhism had -suffered a severe drawback in the person of the wicked monk who was -discovered in the act of abusing his sacerdotal function. It had -recovered from that shock however and had again assumed large -proportions in the state of Sil-la. The king had come so completely -under the influence of the monks that now in 524 the courtiers feared -that their power would be seriously threatened. They therefore used -every means to induce the king to moderate his views. The king gave his -reluctant assent to the execution of the high priest, Yi Cha-don. -Tradition says that when he was brought to execution he exclaimed “When -you slay me, my blood will flow not red like blood but white as milk and -then you will know that Buddhism is true.” And so it proved, for when -his head was severed from the trunk his blood flowed white like milk. -None could gainsay this evidence and from that day Buddhism advanced -with rapid steps. The following year the king made a law against the -killing of animals. - -The kingdom of Ka-rak had existed side by side with Sil-la on terms of -mutual friendship for four hundred and eighty-two years, but in 527 her -king, Kim Ku-hyŭng, gave up his sovereign power and merged his kingdom -into that of Sil-la. He was however retained at the head of the Ka-rak -state under appointment by the king of Sil-la. It does not appear from -the scanty records that this was other than a peaceful change. Ka-rak -had long seen the growing power of Sil-la and doubtless recognised that -more was to be gained by becoming part of that kingdom than by standing -aloof and running the chance of becoming disputed territory between the -rival powers of the peninsula. She had been founded in 41 A.D. and now -she came to an end in 527, so her lease of life seems to have been four -hundred and eighty-six years rather than four hundred and eighty-two as -the records state. As the dates of her beginning and end are both taken -from the records the discrepancy must be laid at the door of the -recorder. - -[Illustration: _READY FOR THE ROAD._] - -About this time Sil-la discovered that it was useless to cultivate the -friendship of the Chinese powers. The Chinese territory was divided into -a number of petty kingdoms and more were on the eve of being founded. -None of them had strength enough to hold her own against the others, -much less to be of any avail in case of trouble in the peninsula. -Perhaps it was for this reason that in 535 Sil-la rejected the Chinese -calendar and named the year according to a plan of her own. In China the -Liang dynasty, the Northern Wei, and the Eastern Wei were all in the -field, while the Ch’en, the Northern Ch’i, the Northern Chu and the Sui -dynasties were just about to make their appearance and all to pass away -like summer clouds before the power of the mighty T’ang. - -About the year 540 Păk-je moved her capital again; this time it was to -Sa-ja the site of the present prefecture of Pu-yŭ in the province of -Ch’ung-ch’ŭng. She seems to have had some aspirations after better -things, for in 541 she sent to the Liang court asking that books of -poetry, teachers of literature, Buddhist books, artisans and picture -painters be sent to help in creating a taste for literature and art in -that country. The request was granted. - -The year 543 marks an important event in the life of Sil-la. The history -of that country existed as yet only in the form of notes, but now the -king ordered that a congress of the best scholars of the land set to -work compiling a proper history under the leadership of the great -scholar Kim-gŭ Ch’il-bu. We will notice that this was about two hundred -years before the earliest date that is set for the publication of the -Japanese work entitled the Kojiki. And it should be noticed likewise -that this history of Sil-la was not a collection of myths and stories -only, but a proper history, worked up from government records which a -certain degree of knowledge of Chinese had rendered the officials -capable of making and transmitting. One needs but to compare the Kojiki -with the Sam-guk-sa or “History of the Three Kingdoms” founded on these -records to see how immeasurably the latter excels the former as a source -of accurate historical evidence. - -It was about this time that the wild tribes of the Mal-gal and Ye-măk -began to realise that the continued progress of Păk-je and Sil-la meant -extinction for themselves. So in 547 they joined Ko-gu-ryŭ in an attack -upon Păk-je; but Sil-la and Ka-ya rendered aid to Păk-je and the -northern allies were driven back. From this time on, during a period of -several years, Ko-gu-ryŭ, Ye-măk and Mal-gal were allies, and Sil-la, -Păk-je and Ka-ya were allies; a sort of dual arrangement, which -preserved a nice equilibrium in the peninsula. - -In 549 the king of Păk-je sent an envoy to present his compliments to -the Liang Emperor. When he arrived at the capital of the Liang power he -found the palace in ashes and the reins of government in the hands of -the usurper Hu-gyŭng; so he took his stand before the Tan-mun (gate) and -wept aloud from morning till night. The passers-by, hearing his story, -stopped and wept with him. This of course did not please the usurper, -and the envoy was seized and thrown into prison where he stayed until -the rebellion was put down and the Emperor returned. As the Ch’i dynasty -arose in 550 we are not surprised to learn that Ko-gu-ryŭ sent an envoy -immediately to do obeisance and get into the good graces of the new -power. - -It must be confessed that meantime Buddhism had been making rapid -strides in Sil-la. Monasteries had been erected and the new cult was -winning its way into the hearts of the people. In 551 the public -teaching of the eight laws of Buddhism against (1) the slaughter of -animals, (2) theft. (3) licentiousness, (4) lying, (5) drunkenness, (6) -ambition, (7) the eating of garlic, (8) levity, was decreed. - -It is probable that the art of music was not highly developed at this -time but in 552 the king of Sil-la sent three men to the Ka-ya country -to learn music from a celebrated master named U Reuk; but that learned -man had come to realise that Ka-ya was doomed and, taking his -twelve-stringed instrument under his arm he went with his disciple Ni -Mun to the court of Sil-la. The three men, Pŭp-ji, Kye-go and Man-dok, -whom the king had appointed to study music, entered upon their duties -under this mail’s tutelage. One of them studied singing, another the use -of the instrument and a third dancing. When they had perfected -themselves in these ornamental arts they proposed to alter some of the -songs, on the plea that they were too licentious, but old U Reuk -violently objected to expurgated editions of his works, and so it was -stopped. From that time music became very popular and in many cases -students of this great branch of art went among the mountains and spent -years in practice. The instrument was called a _Ka-ya-geum_ from Ka-ya -where it originated. It is now called the _ka-go_ and is shaped like a -Korean zither but is smaller. Among the favorite songs that have come -down to the present time are “The Ascent of the Mountain,” “The Descent -of the Mountain,” “The Rustling Bamboo,” “The Stork Dance,” “The Blowing -Wind” and “The Monastery on the Mountain.” But music was not the only -art that flourished, for we are gravely told that an artist painted a -tree on the wall of “Yellow Dragon Monastery” with such skill that birds -tried to alight on its branches. - -In 555 war broke out between Sil-la and Păk-je. We are not told its -cause but Sil-la was victorious and added to her territory a large tract -of country along the eastern side of Păk-je, which she erected into a -prefecture under the name of Wan-san-ju (now Chŭn-ju). One authority -says that in this war Păk-je lost one half of her territory to Sil-la. -It seems that Sil-la had by this time developed the taste for diplomatic -intercourse with China. Frequent embassies were sent on the long and -costly journey. Each of the three powers sent two and three times a year -to one or other of the various Chinese courts. The Emperor of the Ch’i -dynasty sent Sil-la great store of Buddhistic books. It is said that as -many as 1700 volumes were sent at one time. - -When Păk-jong ascended the throne of Sil-la in 570 the Buddhistic -tendencies had begun to bear their legitimate fruits. The king was so -given over to it that he became a monk and the queen became a nun. All -thought of progress seems to have been given up and the revenues were -squandered in sending useless embassies to China. The style of Buddhism -prevalent in Sil-la is illustrated by the fact that in the second year -of this reign the minister of war took the king severely to task for -spending so much time in the chase, though the killing of animals is the -first prohibition of the Buddhist law. Tradition says that this faithful -minister, Hu-jik, plead in vain, and finally, when dying, asked to be -buried near the road the king usually took when going to hunt. It was -done and the king when passing the grave heard a noise of warning -proceeding from it. When he was told that it was the faithful but -neglected Hu-jik, the king determined on the spot that he would reform, -and so the faithful minister did more by his death than by his life. - -It was in the year 586 that Ko-gu-ryŭ again moved her capital northward -to the old place near the present Eui-ju. Soon after this the Tsin -dynasty in China fell before the victorious Sui, and Ko-gu-ryŭ, who had -been friendly with the Tsin but had never cultivated the Sui, was left -in an extremely delicate position. She immediately began preparations -for repelling a Sui invasion. The Emperor however had no such intentions -and sent a swift messenger chiding the king for his unjust suspicions -and opening the way for a friendly understanding. This seemed a little -strained to the king and he feared treachery; so, while he greatly -desired to send an envoy, he hardly ventured to do so. - -One of the famous traditions of Korea centers about this king. His -daughter when of tender years cried so much that on one occasion the -king impatiently exclaimed “When you grow up you cannot marry a man of -the nobility but we will marry you to an _ondali_.” Now an _ondali_ is a -very ignorant, foolish fellow, a boor. When the girl reached a -marriageable age the king who had forgotten all about his threat was for -marrying her to a high noble but the girl called to his remembrance the -words he had spoken and said she would marry no one but an _ondali_. The -king bound ten golden hairpins to her arm and drove the away from the -palace. She fled to the hut of an _ondali_ on the outskirts of the town -but he was away in the hills gathering elm bark to eat. His mother, old -and blind, said “You smell of perfume and your hands are soft and -smooth. My boy is only an ignorant _ondali_ and no match for you.” -Without answering, the maiden hastened to the hills and found the boy, -but he thought her a spirit and took to his heels and ran home as fast -as he could go. She followed and slept before his door that night. At -last the youth comprehended the situation and accepted the hand of the -princess. With the ten golden hairpins she set him up in the -horse-raising business. He bought the broken-down palace ponies and by -careful treatment made them sound and fleet again. In the chase he -always led the rout and when the King asked who he might be the answer -was “Only an _ondali_.” From this the youth advanced until he became a -famous general and had the honor of defeating a Chinese army in -Liao-tung. He was killed during an invasion of Sil-la but no one was -able to lift his dead body till his wife came and knelt beside it saying -“The dead and living are separated.” Then it was lifted and carried back -to Ko-gu-ryŭ. - - - - - Chapter XI. - -Ko-gu-ryŭ relations with the Sui court.... Ko-gu-ryŭ suspected.... takes - the offensive.... submits.... the Emperor suspicious.... the great - Chinese invasion.... Chinese allies.... Ko-gu-ryŭ’s allies.... - Chinese cross the Liao.... go into camp.... naval expedition.... - defeated at P‘yŭng-yang.... routes of the Chinese army.... Ko-gu-ryŭ - spy.... Ko-gu-ryŭ lures the Chinese on.... pretense of surrender.... - Chinese retreat.... terrible slaughter.... Păk-je neutral.... second - invasion.... siege of Liao-tung fortress.... Chinese retire.... and - give up the contest.... treaty with the T’ang Emperor.... triangular - war renewed.... China neutral.... guerilla warfare.... first woman - sovereign.... Păk-je retrogrades.... attacks Sil-la.... Păk-je’s - terrible mistake.... Chinese spy.... rise of Hap So-mun.... the - tortoise and the rabbit.... Taoism introduced.... China finally - sides with Sil-la.... and announces her program.... preparations for - war.... the invasion.... siege of Liao-tung Fortress.... siege of - An-si Fortress.... Chinese retire. - - -We have seen that Ko-gu-ryŭ did not respond freely to the friendly -advances of the Sui power in China. Although a Sui envoy came and -conferred investiture upon the king in 590, yet the relations were not -cordial. Something was lacking. A mutual suspicion existed which kept -them both on the watch for signs of treachery. But two years later the -king did obeisance to the Emperor and was apparently taken into his good -graces. And now the net began to be drawn about Ko-gu-ryŭ. Her position -had always been precarious. She was the largest of the peninsular -kingdoms and the nearest to China. She was also nearest to the wild -tribes who periodically joined in an attempt to overthrow the Chinese -ruling dynasty. So Ko-gu-ryŭ was always more or less suspected of -ulterior designs and she seems to have realised it, for she always -sedulously cultivated the good-will of the Emperors. She knew very well -that with Sil-la and Păk-je, hereditary enemies, at her back, the day -when she fell under the serious suspicion of any strong dynasty in China -would be her day of doom. And so it proved in the end. She had now -thoroughly alienated the good-will and aroused the suspicions of the Sui -Emperor; Sil-la and Păk-je were in his good graces, and stirring times -were at hand. These two rival powers sent envoys to China urging the -Emperor to unite with them in invading Ko-gu-ryŭ and putting an end to -her once for all. To this the Emperor assented. Ko-gu-ryŭ knew that the -fight was on and, being the warlike power that she was, she boldly -determined to take the offensive. Drawing on her faithful allies the -Mal-gal for 10,000 troops she despatched these, together with her own -army, to western Liao-tung and across the river Liao, where the town of -Yŭng-ju was attacked and taken. This was her declaration of war. The -Emperor in 598 proclaimed the royal title withdrawn from the king of -Ko-gu-ryŭ and an army of 300,000 men was put in motion toward the -frontier. At the same time a naval expedition was fitted out. But -reverses occurred; storms by sea and bad management of the commissariat -by land rendered the expedition a failure. It opened the eyes of the -Ko-gu-ryŭ king however and he saw that the Emperor was fully determined -upon his destruction. He saw but one way to make himself safe and that -was by abject submission. He therefore hastened to tell the Emperor, “I -am a base and worthless subject, vile as ordure,” which was received by -the Emperor with considerable complaisancy, and a show of pardon was -made; but it was probably done only to keep Ko-gu-ryŭ from active -preparations until China could equip a much larger army and put it in -the field. Păk-je, who did not like to see affairs brought to a halt at -this interesting juncture, sent an envoy to China offering to act as -guide, to lead a Chinese army against the foe. When Ko-gu-ryŭ learned of -this her anger knew no bounds and she began to make reprisals upon -Păk-je territory. - -About this time the Sui Emperor had business in the north. The Tol-gwŭl -tribe needed chastisement. When the Chinese forces entered the chief -town of the humbled tribe they found a Ko-gu-ryŭ emissary there. This -fed the Emperor’s suspicions for it looked as if Ko-gu-ryŭ were -preparing a league of the wild tribes for the purpose of conquest. He -therefore sent to Ko-gu-ryŭ saying “The king should not be afraid of me. -Let him come himself and do obeisance. If not, I shall send and destroy -him.” We may well imagine that this pressing invitation was declined by -the king. - -The last year of the sixth century witnessed the compilation of the -first great history of Ko-gu-ryŭ, in 100 volumes. It was named the -Yu-geui or “Record of Remembrance.” - -It took China some years to get ready for the carrying out of her plan, -but at last in 612 began one of the mightiest military movements in -history. China massed upon the western bank of the Liao River an army of -1,130,000 men. There were forty regiments of cavalry and eighty of -infantry. The army was divided into twenty-four battalions, marching -with an interval of forty _li_ between each, so that the entire army -stretched for 960 _li_ or 320 miles along the road. Eighty _li_ in the -rear came the Emperor with his body-guard. - -When this enormous army reached the banks of the Liao they beheld on the -farther bank the soldiers of Ko-gu-ryŭ. Nothing can better prove the -hardihood of the Ko-gu-ryŭ soldiery than that, when they saw this -well-nigh innumerable host approach, they dared to dispute the crossing -of the river. - -The Chinese army was composed of Chinese regulars and of allies from -twenty-four of their dependencies whose names are given as follows. -Nu-bang, Chang-jam, Myŭng-hă, Kă-ma, Kön-an, Nam-so, Yo-dong, Hyŭn-do, -Pu-yŭ, Nang-nang, Ok-jŭ, Chŭm-sŭn, Ham-ja, Hon-mi, Im-dun, Hu-sŭng, -Che-hă, Tap-don, Suk-sin, Kal-sŭk, Tong-i, Tă-bang and Yang-p’yŭng. One -would suppose from this long list that there could be few left to act as -allies to Ko-gu-ryŭ, but when we remember that the Mal-gal group of -tribes was by far the most powerful and warlike of all the northern -hordes we will see that Ko-gu-ryŭ was not without allies. In addition to -this, Ko-gu-ryŭ had two important factors in her favor; in summer the -rains made the greater part of Liao-tung impassable either for advance -or retreat, and in winter the severity of the weather rendered military -operations next to impossible. Only two courses were therefore open to -an invading army; either it must make a quick dash into Ko-gu-ryŭ in the -spring or autumn and retire before the summer rains or winter storms, or -else it must be prepared to go into camp and spend the inclement season -in an enemy’s country, cut off from its base of supplies. It was in the -spring that this invasion took place and the Emperor was determined to -carry it through to a finish in spite of summer rains or winter storms. - -No sooner had the Chinese army reached the Liao River than the engineers -set to work bridging the stream. So energetically was the work done that -in two days a double span was thrown across. There had been a -miscalculation however, for it fell six feet short of reaching the -eastern bank, and the Ko-gu-ryŭ soldiers were there to give them a warm -welcome. The Chinese troops leaped from the unfinished end of the bridge -and tried to climb up the steep bank, but were again and again driven -back. The eastern bank was not gained until Gen Măk Chŭl-jang leaped to -the shore and mowed a path for his followers with his sword. At this -point the Ko-gu-ryŭ generals Chön Sa-ung and Măng Keum-ch’a were killed. - -When the whole army had effected a crossing the Emperor sent 1200 troops -to occupy the fortified town of Liao-tung but the Ko-gu-ryŭ general, -Eul-ji Mun-dŭk, hastened thither and drove back this detachment of -Chinese in confusion. The Emperor learned of the retreat and proceeded -toward the scene of action. When he came up with the flying detachments -of his defeated force he severely reprimanded the generals in charge and -chided them for being lazy and afraid of death. But it was now late in -June and the rainy season was at hand, so the Emperor with his whole -army went into camp at Yuk-hap Fortress a little to the west of the town -of Liao-tung, to await the end of the wet season. - -He was unwilling however to let all this time pass without any active -work; so he sent a fleet of boats by sea to sail up the Ta-dong River -and attack P’yüng-yang. This was under the leadership of Gen. Nă Ho-a. -Landing his force on the bank of the Ta-dong, sixty _li_ below the city, -he enjoyed there a signal victory over a small force which had been sent -to head him off. This made the general over-confident and in spite of -the protests of his lieutenants he marched on P‘yŭng-yang without an -hour’s delay. With twenty thousand troops he went straight into the -town, the gates being left wide open for him. This was a ruse on the -part of the Ko-gu-ryŭ forces. A strong body of Ko-gu-ryŭ troops had -hidden in a monastery in Nă-gwak Fort on the heights within the city. -The Chinese found themselves entrapped and Gen. Nă was forced to beat a -hasty retreat with what forces he had left, and at last got back to -Hă-p’o (harbor) in Liao-tung. What the Emperor said to him is not known -but it could not have been flattering. - -The rainy season had now come and gone and the main plan of the invasion -was ready to be worked out. It was necessary for the Emperor to spread -out his force over the country in order to find forage, and so, in -approaching the borders of Ko-gu-ryŭ, it was decided that they should -come by several different routes. Gen. U Mun-sul led a detachment by way -of Pu-yŭ, Gen. U Chung-mun by way of Nang-nang, Gen. Hyŭng Wŭn-hang by -way of Yo-dong, Gen. Sŭl Se-ung by way of Ok-jŭ, Gen. Sin Se-ung by way -of Hyŭn-do, Gen. Chang Keun by way of Yang-p’yăng, Gen. Cho Hyo-jă by -way of Kal-sŭk, Gen. Ch’oe Hong-seung by way of Su-sung, Gen. Wi -Mun-seung by way of Cheung-ji. It is said that they all rendezvoused on -the western bank of the Yalu River, but if so there must have been great -changes in the position of these wild tribes. It is more than probable -that like the North American Indians they had moved further and further -back from their original lands until they were far beyond the Yalu and -Tumen rivers. - -In the early autumn of 612 the whole army lay just east of the Yalu -River. - -The king of Ko-gu-ryŭ sent Gen. Eul-ji Mun-dŭk to the Chinese camp to -tender the Emperor a pretense of surrender but in reality to spy out his -position and force. When he appeared the Emperor was minded to kill him -on the spot but thought better of it and, after listening to what he had -to say, let him go. Not an hour after he had gotten beyond the Chinese -pickets the Emperor changed his mind again and sent in pursuit of him; -but the general had too good a start and made too good use of his time -to allow himself to be retaken. - -And now appeared one of the disadvantages of being far from one’s base -of supplies, and in an enemy’s country. Some weeks before this each -Chinese soldier had been given three bags of rice and told that he must -carry them on the march, besides his other necessary accoutrements. -Death was to the penalty of throwing any of it away. The result was that -most of them buried a large part of the rice in their tents and so -escaped detection. Now they were short of provisions, while the generals -thought their knapsacks were full of rice. The Ko-gu-ryŭ Gen. Eul-ji, -who had been in their camp, however, knew about it. He entered upon a -geurilla warfare with the object of luring the enemy far into Ko-gu-ryŭ -territory and then cutting them to pieces at leisure. To this end he -made a feigned retreat several times each day, thus giving the enemy -confidence and blinding them to his own strength. It was decided that a -Chinese force of 305,000 men under Gen. U Chung-mun should proceed -straight to P’yŭng-yang. It seemed wholly unnecessary that the whole -army of 1,130,000 men should undergo that long march when only a -pusillanimous enemy barred the way. - -On they came toward the capital without meeting anything but a few -skirmishers, until they reached the Sal-su, a stream only thirty _li_ -from P’yŭng-yang. Crossing this the Chinese went into camp for a few -days to recover from the fatigue of the rapid march before attacking the -town. - -At this point Gen. Eul-ji began operations. He wrote a very humble -letter sueing for mercy. When the Chinese general received this, his -course of reasoning must have been something as follows: “My forces are -completely exhausted by this long march; the provisions are almost gone; -I shall find the capital defended by desperate men; it may be that I -shall be handled as roughly as were the forces of Gen. Nă. I will accept -this submission and start back in time to reach the Yalu before my -provisions are entirely gone. I will thus spare my army and gain the -desired end as well.” - -Whether this was his course of reasoning or not, sure it is that he -accepted the submission tendered him and put his army in motion toward -the Yalu. But before his forces had gone a mile they found themselves -attacked on all sides at once by an unseen foe which seemed to fill the -forests on either side the road. When half the army had gotten across -the Sal-su the other half was fiercely attacked and cut to pieces or -driven like dumb cattle over the face of the country, where they were -butchered at leisure. The retreat became a flight, the flight a rout, -and still the Ko-gu-ryŭ soldiers hung on their flanks like wolves and -dragged them down by scores and hundreds. It is said that in a single -day and night the fugitive Chinese covered four hundred and fifty _li_, -and when the remnant of that noble army of 305,000 men that had swept -across the Yalu went back across that historic stream it was just 2700 -strong. Over 300,000 men had perished along the hill-sides and among the -forests of Ko-gu-ryŭ. The Emperor in anger imprisoned the over-confident -Gen. U Chung-mun. - -Meanwhile what of Păk-je? She had promised that she would rise and -strike Ko-gu-ryŭ simultaneously with the Emperor, but when the moment -for action came, like the paltroon that she was, she waited to see which -side would be most likely to win in the end. When the Chinese fled back -to the border in panic Păk-je quietly stacked her arms and said nothing -about attacking her neighbor. - -Winter was now at hand, or would be before another plan could be -perfected and carried out. The army was without provisions. There was -nothing left but to retreat. The Chinese army, still a mighty host, -moved slowly back across the Liao River and Ko-gu-ryŭ was left to her -own pleasant musings. All that China gained was that portion of -Ko-gu-ryŭ lying west of the Liao River, which the Emperor erected into -three prefectures. - -If Ko-gu-ryŭ flattered herself that her troubles were all over she was -wofully mistaken. With the opening of spring the Emperor’s determination -to humble her was as strong as ever. All the courtiers urged him to give -over the attempt. They had seen enough of Ko-gu-ryŭ. The Emperor, -however, was firm in his determination, and in the fourth moon another -army was launched against the hardy little kingdom to the east. It -crossed the Liao without opposition but when it arrived at Tong-whang -Fortress, near the present Eui-ju, it attempted in vain to take it. The -Emperor decided therefore to make a thorough conquest of all the -Liao-tung territory and delimit the possessions of Ko-gu-ryŭ as far as -the Yalu River, To this end siege was laid to the Fortress of Liao-tung. -After twenty days the town was still intact and the Chinese seemingly as -far from victory as ever. Ladders were tried but without effect. A bank -of earth was thrown up as high as the wall of the town, but this too -failed. Platforms of timber were erected and rolled up to the wall on -trucks of eight wheels each. This seemed to promise success but just as -the attempt was to be made fortune favored Ko-gu-ryŭ, for news came to -the Chinese that an insurrection had arisen in China, headed by Yang -Hyŭn-gam. The tents were hastily struck and the army by forced marches -moved rapidly back towards China. At first the Ko-gu-ryŭ forces thought -this was a mere feint but when the truth was known they rushed in -pursuit and succeeded in putting several thousands of the Chinese braves -_hors de combat_. - -The following year the Emperor wanted to return to the charge but an -envoy came from Ko-gu-ryŭ offering the king’s humble submission. To this -the Emperor replied “Then let him come in person and present it.” This -he would not do. - -Four years later the king of Ko-gu-ryŭ died and his brother Kön-mu -assumed control. It was in this same year 618 that the great T’ang -dynasty was founded on the ruins of the Sui and the fear of vengeance -was lifted from Ko-gu-ryŭ. She immediately sent an envoy to the T’ang -court offering her allegiance. Păk-je and Sil-la were only a year behind -her in paying their respects to the new Emperor. As a test of Ko-gu-ryŭ -sincerity, Emperor Kao-tsu demanded that she send back the captives -taken during the late war. As the price of peace Ko-gu-ryŭ complied and -sent back 10,000 men. The next year the T’ang Emperor conferred the -title of royalty upon all the three kings of the peninsula which, -instead of settling the deadly feud between them, simply opened a new -and final scene of the fratricidal struggle. To Ko-gu-ryŭ the Emperor -sent books on the Shinto faith, of the introduction of which into Korea -we here have the first intimation. - -Now that danger from the west no longer threatened Ko-gu-ryŭ, she turned -to her neighbors and began to exercise her arms upon them. Păk-je also -attacked Sil-la fiercely and soon a triangular war was being waged in -the peninsula which promised to be a war of extermination unless China -should interfere. Of course each wished the Emperor to interfere in her -behalf and each plied the throne of China with recriminations of the -others and with justifications of herself until the Emperor was wholly -at a loss to decide between them. Perhaps it was not his policy to put -an end to the war but let it rage until the whole peninsula was -exhausted, when it would become an easy prey to his arms. At any rate he -gave encouragement to none of them but simply told them to stop -fighting. Ko-gu-ryŭ diplomatically added to her supplications a request -for Buddhist, Taoist and Shinto teachers. - -The details of this series of hostilities between the three Korean -states form a tangled skein. First one border fort was taken and then -recovered, then the same was repeated at another point; and so it went -all along the line, now one being victorious and now another. Large -forces were not employed at any one time or place, but it was a skirmish -fire all along the border, burning up brightly first at one spot and -then at another. One remarkable statement in the records, to the effect -that Ko-gu-ryŭ began the building of a wall straight across the -peninsula from Eui-ju to the Japan Sea to keep out the people of the -northern tribes, seems almost incredible. If true it is another -testimony to the great power of Ko-gu-ryŭ. It is said the work was -finished in sixteen years. - -In 632, after a reign of fifty years, King Chim-p’yŭng died without male -issue but his daughter Tong-man, a woman of strong personality, ascended -the throne of Sil-la, being the first of her sex that ever sat on a -Korean throne. - -Many stories are told of her precocity. Once when she was a mere child -her father had received from the Emperor a picture of the _mok-tan_ -flower together with some seeds of the same. She immediately remarked -that the flowers would have no perfume. When asked why she thought so -she replied “Because there is no butterfly on them in the picture.” -While not a valid argument, it showed a power of observation very -uncommon in a child. This proved to be true, for when the seeds sprouted -and grew the blossoms had no fragrance. The Emperor conferred upon her -the title of royalty, the same as upon a male sovereign. - -The first few years of her reign were peaceful ones for Sil-la, and -Păk-je, as usual when relieved of the stress of war, fell back into her -profligate ways again. The king built gardens and miniature lakes, -bringing water from a point some twenty _li_ away to supply them. Here -he spent his time in sport and debauchery while the country ruled -itself. - -In the fifth year of her reign Queen Tong-man, while walking in her -palace grounds, passed a pond of water but suddenly stopped and -exclaimed “There is war on our western border.” When asked her reasons -for thinking so she pointed to the frogs in the pond and said “See how -red their eyes are. It means that there is war on the border.” As if to -bear out her statement, swift messengers came the next day announcing -that Păk-je was again at work along the western border. So runs the -story. - -And so the fight went on merrily all along the line, while at the -capitals of the three kingdoms things continued much as usual. Each of -the countries sent Princes to China to be educated, and the diplomatic -relations with China were as intimate as ever; but in 642 Păk-je made -the great mistake of her life. After an unusually successful military -campaign against Sil-la during which she seized forty of her frontier -posts, she conceived the bright idea of cutting off Sil-la’s -communication with China. The plan was to block the way of Sil-la envoys -on their way to China. Thus she thought that China’s good will would be -withdrawn from her rival, Sil-la. It was a brilliant plan but it had -after effects which worked ruin for Păk-je. Such a momentous undertaking -could not be kept from the ears of the Emperor nor could Sil-la’s envoys -be thus debarred from going to the Emperor’s court. When the whole -matter was therefore laid before the Chinese court the Emperor -immediately condemned Păk-je in his own mind. - -About this time a Chinese envoy named Chin Ta-t’ok arrived on the -borders of Ko-gu-ryŭ. On his way to the capital he pretended to enjoy -all the views along the way and he gave costly presents to the prefects -and gained from them accurate information about every part of the route. -By this means he spied out the land and carried a fund of important -information back to the Emperor. He advised that Ko-gu-ryŭ be invaded -both by land and sea, for she would not be hard to conquer. - -It was in this year 642 that a Ko-gu-ryŭ official named Hap So-mun -assassinated the king and set up the king’s nephew Chang as king. He -himself became of course the court favorite. He was a man of powerful -body and powerful mind. He was as “sharp as a falcon.” He claimed to -have risen from the water by a miraculous birth. He was hated by the -people because of his cruelty and fierceness. Having by specious -promises so far mollified the dislike of the officials as to have gained -a position under the government he became worse than before and some of -the officials had an understanding with the king that he must be put -out of the way. This came to the ears of Hap So-mun and he gave a -great feast, during the course of which he fell upon and killed -all those who had advised against him. He then sent and killed the -king in the palace, cut the body in two and threw it into a ditch. Then, -as we have seen, he set up Chang as king. This Hap So-mun is said to -have worn five swords on his person all the time. All bowed their heads -when he appeared and when he rode in state he passed over the prostrate -bodies of men. - -When an envoy, soon after this, came from Sil-la he was thrown into -prison as a spy and was told that he would be released as soon as Sil-la -should restore to Ko-gu-ryŭ the two districts of Ma-hyŭn which had at -one time belonged to Ko-gu-ryŭ. This envoy had a friend among the -Ko-gu-ryŭ officials and to him he applied for help. That gentleman gave -him advice in the form of an allegory. It was as follows. - -The daughter of the Sea King being ill, the physicians said that she -could not recover unless she should eat the liver of a rabbit. This -being a terrestrial animal it was of course almost impossible to obtain, -but finally a tortoise volunteered to secure a rabbit and bring it to -the king. Emerging from the sea on the coast of Sil-la the tortoise -entered a field and found a rabbit sleeping under a covert. Awakening -the animal he began to tell of an island off the shore where there were -neither hawks nor hunters—a rabbit’s paradise, and volunteered to take -the rabbit across to it upon his back. When well out at sea the tortoise -bade the rabbit prepare for death, for his liver was needed by the Sea -King. After a moment’s rapid thought the rabbit exclaimed “You might -have had it without all this ado, for when the Creator made rabbits he -made them with detachable livers so that when they became too warm they -could take them out and wash them in cool water and then put them back. -When you found me I had just washed mine and laid it on a rock to dry. -You can have it if you wish, for I have no special use for it.” The -tortoise in great chagrin turned about and paddled him back to the -shore. Leaping to the land the rabbit cried “Good day, my friend, my -liver is safe inside of me.” - -The imprisoned envoy pondered over this conundrum and its application -and finally solved it. Sending to the king he said “You cannot get back -the two districts by keeping me here. If you will let me go and will -provide me with an escort I will induce the Sil-la government to restore -the territory to you.” The king complied, but when the envoy had once -gotten across the border he sent back word that the restoration of -territory was not in his line of business and he must decline to discuss -the question at the court of Sil-la. - -In 643 the powerful and much dreaded Hap So-mun sent to China asking the -Emperor to send a teacher of the Shinto religion; for he said that the -three religions, Buddhism, Taoism and Shintoism were like the three legs -of a kettle, all necessary. The Emperor complied and sent a teacher, -Suk-da, with eight others and with books to be used in the study of the -new cult. - -The prowess of this Hap So-mun was well known at the Chinese court and -it kept the Emperor from attempting any offensive operations. He said it -would not do to drain China of her soldiers at such a critical time, but -that the Mal-gal tribes must first be alienated from their fealty to -Ko-gu-ryŭ and be induced to attack her northern border. Others advised -that Hap So-mun be allowed free rein so that all suspicion of aggression -on the part of China should be removed and Ko-gu-ryŭ would become -careless of her defenses. This would in time bring a good opportunity to -strike the decisive blow. It was in pursuance of this policy that the -Shinto teachers were sent and that Hap So-mun’s creature, Chang, was -given investiture. At the same time a Sil-la emmissary was on his way to -the Chinese court asking for aid against Ko-gu-ryŭ. The Emperor could -not comply but proposed three plans: first, that China stir up the -Mal-gal tribes to harry the northern borders of Ko-gu-ryŭ and so relieve -the strain on the south; second, that China give Sil-la a large number -of red flags which she should use in battle. The Păk-je or Ko-gu-ryŭ -forces, seeing these, would think that Sil-la had Chinese allies and -would hasten to make peace; third, that China should send an expedition -against Păk-je, which should unite with a Sil-la force and thus crush -the Păk-je power once for all and join her territory to that of Sil-la. -This would prepare the way for the subjugation of Ko-gu-ryŭ. But to this -advice the Emperor added that so long as Sil-la had a woman on the -throne she could not expect to undertake any large operations. She ought -to put a man on the throne and then, after the war was over, restore the -woman if she so wished. The Sil-la envoy pondered these three plans but -could come to no decision. So the Emperor called him a fool and sent him -away. We see behind each of these schemes a fear of Ko-gu-ryŭ. China was -willing to do anything but meet the hardy soldiers of Ko-gu-ryŭ in the -field. - -We see that the Emperor had virtually decided in favor of Sil-la as -against Păk-je and Ko-gu-ryŭ. The long expected event had at last -occurred. Tacitly but really China had cast her vote for Sil-la and the -future of the peninsula was decided for so long as the Tang dynasty -should last. That the decision was a wise one a moment’s consideration -will show. Ko-gu-ryŭ never could be depended upon for six months in -advance and must be constantly watched; Păk-je, being really a mixture -of the northern and southern elements, had neither the power of the one -nor the peaceful disposition of the other but was as unstable as a -cloud. Sil-la on the other hand was purely southern, excepting for a -strain of Chinese blood brought in by the refugees from the Tsin -dynasty. Her temperament was even, her instincts peaceful, her -tendencies toward improvement and reform. She was by all means the best -ally China could have in the peninsula. And so the die was cast and -henceforth the main drift of Chinese sympathy is to be Sil-la-ward. - -The year 644 was a fateful one for Korea. The Emperor sent an envoy to -Ko-gu-ryŭ and Păk-je commanding them to cease their depredations on -Sil-la. Thus was the Chinese policy announced. Păk-je hastened to comply -but Hap So-mun of Ko-gu-ryŭ replied that this was an ancient feud with -Sil-la and could not be set aside until Ko-gu-ryŭ recovered 500 _li_ of -territory that she had been despoiled of. The Emperor in anger sent -another envoy with the same demand, but Hap So-mun threw him into prison -and defied China. When he heard however that the Emperor had determined -upon an invasion of Ko-gu-ryŭ he changed his mind and sent a present of -gold to the Chinese court. But he was too late. The gold was returned -and the envoy thrown into prison. - -There were many at the Chinese court who could remember the horrors of -that retreat from P’yŭng-yang when China left 300,000 dead upon the -hills of Ko-gu-ryŭ, and the Emperor was advised to move cautiously. He -however felt that unless Ko-go-ryŭ was chastised she might develop an -ambition towards imperialism and the throne of China itself might be -endangered. He therefore began to collect provisions on the northern -border, storing them at Tă-in Fortress. He called into his counsels the -old general, Chöng Wŭn-do, who had been an eye-witness of the disasters -of the late war with Ko-gu-ryŭ. This man gave healthful advice, saying -that the subjugation of Ko-gu-ryŭ would be no easy task; first, because -the way was so long; second, because of the difficulty of provisioning -the army; third, because of the stubborn resistance of Ko-gu-ryŭ’s -soldiers. He gave the enemy their due and did not minimize the -difficulties of the situation. - -The Emperor listened to and profitted by this advice, for during the -events to be related his soldiers never suffered from over-confidence, -but in their advances made sure of every step as they went along. - -Active operations began by the sending of an army of 40,000 men in 501 -boats to the harbor of Nă-ju where they were joined by land forces to -the number of 60,000, besides large contingents from the wild tribes of -the north. Large numbers of ladders and other engines of war had been -constructed and were ready for use. Before crossing the Liao River the -Emperor made proclamation far and wide saying “Hap So-mun has killed our -vassal, King of Ko-gu-ryŭ, and we go to inquire into the matter. Let -none of the prefects along the way waste their revenues in doing us -useless honors. Let Sil-la, Păk-je and Kŭ-ran help us in this righteous -war.” - -Crossing the Liao without resistance the Chinese forces marched toward -the fortress of Kön-an which soon fell into their hands. Some thousands -of heads fell here to show the rest of Ko-gu-ryŭ what they might expect -in case of contumacy. Then Ham-mo Fortress fell an easy victim. Not so -the renowned fortress of Liao-tung. As the Emperor approached the place -he found his way obstructed by a morass 200 _li_ in length. He built a -road through it and then when all his army had passed he destroyed the -road behind him as Pizarro burnt his ships behind him when he landed on -the shores of America to show his army that there was to be no retreat. -Approaching the town he laid siege to it and after a hard fight, during -which the Chinese soldiers lifted a man on the end of a long piece of -timber until he could reach and set fire to the defences that surmounted -the wall, an entrance was finally effected and the town taken. In this -battle the Chinese were materially aided by armor which Păk-je had sent -as a gift to the Chinese Emperor. - -The Chinese were destined to find still greater difficulty in storming -An-si Fortress which was to Ko-gu-ryŭ what Metz is to Germany. It was in -command of the two generals, Ko Yŭn-su and Ko Hye-jin who had called to -their aid 100,000 warriors of the Mal-gal tribes. At first the Emperor -tried a ruse to draw the garrison out where he could give them battle. -The wise heads among the Ko-gu-ryŭ garrison strongly opposed the sortie -saying that it were better to await an opportunity to cut off the -Chinese from their base of supplies, and so entrap them; but they were -outvoted and the greater part of the Ko-gu-ryŭ and allied forces marched -out to engage the enemy in the open field. The Emperor ascended an -eminence where he could obtain a view of the enemy and he beheld the -camp of the Mal-gal allies stretching out forty _li_, twelve miles. He -determined to exercise the utmost caution. One of his generals, Wang -Do-jong begged to be allowed to march on P‘yŭng-yang, which he deemed -must be nearly bare of defenses, and so bring the war to a speedy close; -but the Emperor, like Hannibal when begged by his generals to march -straight into Rome, made the mistake of over-caution and so missed his -great opportunity. To the Emperor this sounded too much like a similar -attempt that had once cost China 300,000 men. - -A messenger was sent to the Ko-gu-rŭ camp to say that China did not want -to fight but had only come to inquire into the cause of the king’s -death. As he intended, this put the Ko-gu-ryŭ forces off their guard and -that night he surrounded the fortress and the forces which had come out -to engage him. This was done in such a way that but few of the -surrounding Chinese army were visible. Seeing these, the Ko-gu-ryŭ -forces made a fierce onslaught anticipating an easy victory, instead of -which they soon found themselves surrounded by the flower of the Chinese -army and their retreat to the fortress cut off. It is said that in this -fight 20,000 Ko-gu-ryŭ troops were cut down and three thousand of the -Mal-gal allies, besides losing many through flight and capture. These -were all released and sent back to Ko-gu-ryŭ excepting 3,500 noblemen -whom the Emperor sent to China as hostages. This fight occurred outside -the An-si Fortress and the Emperor supposed the gates would now be -thrown open; but not so, for there was still a strong garrison within -and plenty of provisions; so they barred the gates and still defied the -Chinese. Upon hearing of the Chinese victory the neighboring Ko-gu-ryŭ -fortresses Ho-whang and Eui capitulated, not knowing that An-si still -held out against the victors. - -Many of the Emperor’s advisers wanted him to ignore An-si and press on -into Ko-gu-ryŭ leaving it in the rear, but this the wary Emperor would -not consent to do, for he feared lest his retreat should be cut off. So -the weary siege was continued. One day, hearing the lowing of cattle and -the cackling of hens within the walls, the Emperor astutely surmised -that a feast was being prepared preparatory to a sortie that was about -to be made. Extra pickets were thrown out and the army was held in -readiness for the attack. That very night the garrison came down the -wall by means of ropes; but finding the besiegers ready for them they -retired in confusion and suffered a severe defeat. The siege went on. -The Chinese spent two months constructing a mound against the wall but -the garrison rushed out and captured it. It is said that during this -siege the Emperor lost an eye by an arrow wound, but the Chinese -histories do not mention it. The cold blasts of late autumn were now -beginning to give warning that winter was at hand and the Emperor was -obliged to consider the question of withdrawing. He was filled with -admiration of the pluck and bravery of the little garrison of An-si and -before he broke camp he sent a message to the commander praising his -faithfulness to his sovereign and presenting him with a hundred pieces -of silk. Then the long march back to China began, and the 70,000 -soldiers wended their way westward, foiled a second time by the stubborn -hardihood of Ko-gu-ryŭ. - - - - - Chapter XII. - -Revolt in Sil-la.... Ko-gu-ryŭ invaded.... Sil-la invades Păk-je.... - China decides to aid Sil-la.... war between Păk-je and Sil-la.... - relations with China.... league against Sil-la.... China diverts - Ko-gu-ryŭ’s attention.... traitors in Păk-je.... Sŭng-ch’ung’s - advice.... Chinese forces sent to Păk-je.... portents of the fall of - Păk-je.... conflicting plans.... Sil-la army enters Păk-je.... - Păk-je capital seized.... Păk-je dismembered.... end of Păk-je.... - disturbances in Păk-je territory.... Ko-gu-ryŭ attacks Sil-la.... - final invasion of Ko-gu-ryŭ planned.... Păk-je malcontents.... - combination against Ko-gu-ryŭ.... siege of P‘yŭng-yang raised.... - Pok-sin’s fall.... Păk-je Japanese defeated.... governor of - Ung-jin.... Buddhist reverses in Sil-la.... Sil-la king takes - oath.... Nam-gŭn’s treachery.... the Mal-gal tribes desert - Ko-gu-ryŭ.... the Yalu defended.... Chinese and Sil-la forces march - on P‘yŭng-yang.... omens.... Ko-gu-ryŭ forts surrender.... Ko-gu-ryŭ - falls. - - -Tong-man, the Queen ruler of Sil-la, died in 645 and was succeeded by -her sister Söng-man. The Emperor confirmed her in her accession to the -throne. It began to look seriously as if a gynecocracy was being -established in Sil-la. Some of the highest officials decided to effect a -change. The malcontents were led by Pi-un and Yŭm-jong. These men with a -considerable number of troops went into camp near the capital and -prepared to besiege it. For four days the rebels and the loyal troops -faced each other without daring to strike a blow. Tradition says a star -fell one night among the loyal forces and caused consternation there and -exultation among the traitors. But the loyal Gen. Yu-sin hastened to the -Queen and promised to reverse the omen. That night he prepared a great -kite and fastened a lantern to its tail. Then he exhorted the soldiers -to be of good cheer, sacrificed a white horse to the deities of the land -and flew the kite. The rebels, seeing the light rising from the loyal -camp, concluded that Providence had reversed the decree. So when the -loyal troops made their attack the hearts of the rebels turned to water -and they were driven over the face of the country and cut down with -great slaughter. That same year the Emperor again planned to attack -Ko-gu-ryŭ but the baleful light of a comet made him desist. - -At the instigation of Hap So-mun, the king of Ko-gu-ryŭ sent his son to -China, confessed his faults and begged for mercy, but the Emperor’s face -was flint. The next year the message was again sent, but Ko-gu-ryŭ’s day -of grace was over. China’s answer was an army of 30,000 men and a mighty -fleet of ships. The fortress of Pak-chak in Liao-tung was besieged but -it was so fortified by nature as to be almost impregnable. The Emperor -therefore said “Return to China and next year we will send 300,000 men -instead of 30,000.” He then ordered the building of a war vessel 100 -feet in length. He also had large store of provisions placed on O-ho -Island to be used by the invading army. - -Meanwhile Sil-la had become emboldened by the professed preference of -China for her and she arose and smote Păk-je, taking twenty-one of her -forts, killing 30,000 of her soldiers and carrying away 9,000 prisoners. -She followed this up by making a strong appeal to China for help, saying -that unless China should come to her aid she would be unable to continue -her embassies to the Chinese court. The Emperor thereupon ordered Gen. -So Chöng-bang to take 200,000 troops and go to the aid of Sil-la. He -evidently was intending to try a new way of attacking Ko-gu-ryŭ. As the -Sil-la messenger was hastening homeward with this happy news emissaries -of Ko-gu-ryŭ dogged his footsteps and sought his life. Once he was so -hard pressed that he escaped only by a clever and costly ruse. One of -his suite dressed in his official garments and personated him and thus -drew the assassins off the scent and allowed himself to be killed, the -real envoy making good his escape. It was now for the first time that -Sil-la adopted the Chinese costume, having first obtained leave from the -Emperor. It is said that it resembled closely the costume used in Korea -today. - -Unfortunately for Sil-la the Emperor died in 649 and Ko-gu-ryŭ began to -breathe freely again. It also emboldened Păk-je and she invaded Sil-la -with a considerable army and seized seven forts. Sil-la retaliated by -seizing 10,000 houses belonging to Păk-je subjects and killing the -leading Păk-je general, Eum-sang. Sil-la lost not a moment in gaining -the good will of the new Emperor. Envoys with presents were sent -frequently. She adopted the Chinese calendar and other customs from the -suzerain state and so curried favor with the powerful. The Păk-je envoy -was received coldly by the Emperor and was told to go and give back to -Sil-la the land that had been taken and to cease the hostilities. This -Păk-je politely declined to do. Each emperor of China seems to have -declined the legacy of quarrels handed down by his predecessor. So -bye-gones were bye-gones and Ko-gu-ryŭ was accepted again on her good -behavior. - -With the end of Queen Söng-man’s reign affairs in the peninsula began to -focus toward that crisis which Ko-gu-ryŭ and Păk-je had so long been -preparing for themselves. In 655 a new combination was effected and one -that would have made Sil-la’s horizon very dark had she not been sure of -Imperial help. Her two neighbors formed a league against her, and of -course the Mal-gal tribes sided with Ko-gu-ryŭ in this new venture. -Păk-je and Ko-gu-ryŭ were drawn together by their mutual fear of Sil-la -and soon the allied armies were marching on Sil-la’s borders. At the -first onslaught thirty-three of Sil-la’s border forts passed into the -hands of the allies. It was now China’s last chance to give aid to the -most faithful of her Korean vassals, for otherwise she would surely have -fallen before this combination. A swift messenger was sent imploring the -Emperor for aid and stating that if it was not granted Sil-la would be -swallowed up. The Emperor had no intention of letting Sil-la be -dismembered and without a day’s delay troops were despatched into -Liao-tung under Generals Chŭng Myŭng-jin and So Chöng-bang. Many of -Ko-gu-ryŭ’s fortresses beyond the Yalu River were soon in the possession -of China. This was successful in diverting Ko-gu-ryŭ’s attention from -Sil-la, but Păk-je continued the fight with her. The advantage lay now -with one side and now with the other. The court of Păk-je was utterly -corrupt and except for a small army in the field under almost -irresponsible leadership, she was weak indeed. - -Now it happened that a Sil-la man named Cho Mi-gon had been taken -captive and carried to Păk-je where he was employed in the household of -the Prime Minister. One day he made his escape and found his way across -the border into his native country, but there meeting one of the Sil-la -generals he was induced to go back and see what he could do in the -Păk-je capital towards facilitating an invasion on the part of his -countrymen. He returned and after sounding the Prime Minister found him -ready to sell his country if there was anything to be made out of it. It -is said that here began the downfall of Păk-je. The king of Păk-je was -utterly incompetent and corrupt. One of his best councillors was thrown -into prison and starved to death for rebuking him of his excesses. But -even while this faithful man was dying he sent a message to the king -saying “Do not fail to place a strong garrison at ‘Charcoal Pass’ and at -Păk River.” These were the two strategic points of Păk-je’s defenses; if -they were guarded well, surprise was impossible. From that time affairs -in Păk-je went from bad to worse. China kept Ko-gu-ryŭ busy in the north -and nothing of consequence was gained by either side in the south until -finally in 659 another Sil-la envoy made his appearance in the Emperor’s -court. At last the great desire of Sil-la was accomplished. The Emperor -ordered Gen. So Chöng-bang to take 130,000 men by boat to the shores of -Păk-je and there coöperate with a Sil-la army in the utter subjugation -of Păk-je. The Sil-la army went into camp at Nam-ch’ŭn and received word -from the Chinese general to meet him at the Păk-je capital in the -seventh moon. - -Tradition says that the doom impending over Păk-je was shadowed forth in -advance by many omens and signs. Frogs, it is said, grew like leaves on -the trees and if anyone killed one of them he instantly fell dead. Among -the mountains black clouds met and fought one another. The form of an -animal, half dog and half lion, was seen in the sky approaching the -palace and uttering terrible bellowings and roarings. Dogs congregated -in the streets and howled. Imps of awful shape came into the palace and -cried “Păk-je is fallen, Păk-je is fallen,” and disappeared in the -ground. Digging there the king found a tortoise on whose back were -written the words “Păk-je is at full moon; Sil-la is at half moon.” The -diviners were called upon to interpret this. “It means that Sil-la is in -the ascendant while Păk-je is full and about to wane.” The king ordered -their heads off, and called in another company of diviners. These said -that it meant that Sil-la was half waned while Păk-je was at her zenith. -Somewhat mollified by this, the king called a grand council of war. The -advice given was of the most conflicting nature. Some said the Chinese -must be attacked first; others said the Sil-la forces must be attended -to first. A celebrated general who had been banished was sent for and -his advice was the same as that of the famous statesman whom the king -had starved in prison. “You must guard the ‘Charcoal Pass’ and the Pak -River.” But the majority of the courtiers said that the Chinese had -better be allowed to land before they were attacked and that the Sil-la -army should be allowed to come in part through the pass before being -opposed. This latter point was decided for them, for when the Păk-je -troops approached the pass they found that the Sil-la army was already -streaming through, and at its head was the famous Gen. Kim Yu-sin. When -the battle was joined the Păk-je forces held their ground and fought -manfully; but victory perched upon the banners of Sil-la and when the -battle was done nothing lay between the Sil-la forces and the capital of -Păk-je, the place of rendezvous. It is said that Gen. Ke-băk the leader -of the Păk-je forces killed all his family before starting out on this -expedition, fearing lest the thought of them might make him waver. He -fell in the battle. - -The capital of Păk-je was situated on the site of the present town of -Sa-ch’ŭn. When the Sil-la warriors approached it the king fled to the -town now known as Kong-ju. He left all the palace women behind and they, -knowing what their fate would be at the hands of the Sil-la soldiery, -went together to a beetling precipice which overhangs the harbor of -Tă-wang and cast themselves from its summit into the water beneath. That -precipice is famed in Korean song and story and is called by the -exquisitely poetical name Nak-wha-am “Precipice of the Falling Flowers.” -The victors forced the gates of the capital and seized the person of the -Prince, the king’s second son, who had been left behind. A few days -later the King and the Crown Prince came back from their place of hiding -and voluntarily gave themselves up. - -The allies had now met as they had agreed and Păk-je was at their mercy. -The Chinese general said that the Emperor had given him full authority -to settle the matter and that China would take half the territory and -Sil-la might have the other half. This was indeed a generous proposal on -the part of China but the Sil-la commander replied that Sil-la wanted -none of the Păk-je territory but only sought revenge for the wrongs that -Păk-je had heaped upon her. At the feast that night the king of Păk-je -was made to pour the wine for the victors and in this act of abject -humiliation Sil-la had her desire for revenge fully satisfied. When the -Chinese generals went back to China to announce these events they took -with them the unthroned King of Păk-je together with his four sons, -eighty-eight of the highest officials and 12,807 of the people. - -It was in 660 that Păk-je fell. She survived for 678 years and during -that time thirty kings had sat upon her throne. A singular discrepancy -occurs here in the records. They affirm that the whole period of Păk-je -rule covered a lapse of 678 years; but they also say that Păk-je was -founded in the third year of Emperor Ch’eng-ti of China. That would have -been in 29 B.C. making the whole dynasty 689 years. The vast burden of -proof favors the belief that Păk-je was founded in 16 B.C. and that her -whole lease of life was 678 years. - -As Sil-la had declined to share in the dismemberment of Păk-je, China -proceeded to divide it into provinces for administrative purposes. There -were five of these, Ung-jin, Tong-myŭng, Keum-ryŭn, Tŭk-an. The central -government was at Sa-ja the former capital of Păk-je. The separate -provinces were put under the control of prefects selected from among the -people. The country was of course in a very unsettled state; -disaffection showed itself on every side and disturbances were frequent. -A remnant of the Păk-je army took its stand among the mountains, -fortified its position and bid defiance to the new government. These -malcontents found strong sympathisers at the capital and in the country -towns far and wide. The Chinese governor, Yu In-wŭn, found the task of -government no easy one. But still Sil-la stood ready to aid and soon a -Sil-la army crossed the border and attacked the fortress of I-rye where -the rebels were intrenched. Taking this by assault they advanced toward -the mountain fortress already mentioned, crossed the “Chicken Ford,” -crumpled up the line of rebel intrenchments and lifted a heavy load from -the governor’s shoulders. - -Ko-gu-ryŭ soon heard the ominous news and she took it as a presage of -evil for herself. She immediately threw a powerful army across the -Sil-la border and stormed the Ch’il-jung Fortress. The records naively -remark that they filled the commander as full of arrows as a hedgehog is -of quills. - -Now that Păk-je had been overcome China took up with alacrity the plan -of subduing Ko-gu-ryŭ. The great final struggle began, that was destined -to close the career of the proudest, hardiest and bravest kingdom that -the peninsula of Korea ever saw. The Păk-je king who had been carried to -China died there in 661. In that same year Generals Kye-p’il, So -Chŏng-bang and Ha Ryŭk, who had already received their orders to march -on Ko-gu-ryŭ, rendezvoused with their forces at Ha-nam and the warriors -of the Whe-bol together with many volunteers from other tribes joined -the imperial standards. The plan was to proceed by land and sea. The -Emperor desired to accompany the expedition, but the death of the -empress made it impossible. - -Meanwhile matters in Păk-je were becoming complicated again. A man named -Pok Sin revolted against the government, proclaimed Pu-yŭ P‘ung, the son -of a former king, monarch of the realm and planned a reëstablishment of -the kingdom. This was pleasing to many of the people. So popular was the -movement that the Emperor feared it would be successful. He therefore -sent a summons to Sil-la to send troops and put it down. Operations -began at once. Gen. Yu In-gwe besieged Ung-jin the stronghold of the -pretender and chased him out, but a remnant of his forces intrenched -themselves and made a good fight. They were however routed by the -combined Sil-la and Chinese forces. But in spite of this defeat the -cause was so popular that the country was honeycombed with bands of its -sympathisers who gained many lesser victories over the government troops -and their Sil-la allies. The Sil-la general, Kim Yu-sin, was very -active, passing rapidly from one part of the country to another, now -driving back to the mountains some band of Păk-je rebels and now holding -in check some marauding band from Ko-gu-ryŭ. He was always found where -he was most needed and was never at a loss for expedients. It is said -that at this time rice was so plentiful in Sil-la that it took thirty -bags of it to buy a single bolt of grass cloth. - -That same autumn the Chinese engaged the Ko-gu-ryŭ forces at the Yalu -River and gained a decided victory. Then the fortress at Ma-eup San fell -into their hands. This cleared the road to P‘yŭng-yang, and the Chinese -boldly advanced and laid siege to that ancient stronghold. At the same -time the Emperor ordered Sil-la to send troops to coöperate with the -imperial army. She obeyed, but with great trepidation, for the fame of -Ko-gu-ryŭ’s arms made this seem a matter of life and death. She was -obliged to comply, however, or lose all the vantage ground she had -gained in the Emperor’s favor. There were still some Ko-gu-ryŭ forces in -the north and they were attempting to check the advance of a large body -of Chinese reinforcements. It was late in the autumn and the Yalu was -frozen. Taking advantage of this the Chinese crossed in the night and -falling suddenly upon the unsuspecting army of Ko-gu-ryŭ inflicted a -crushing defeat. It is said that 30,000 Ko-gu-ryŭ soldiers were killed -in this engagement. The speedy downfall of Ko-gu-ryŭ seemed now -inevitable, but a sudden timidity seized the Emperor, who feared perhaps -to let his army winter on Korean soil. So he sent orders for an -immediate retreat back to Chinese territory. The generals before -P‘yŭng-yang were deeply chagrined and indeed found it impossible on -account of lack of provisions to obey the command at once. Soon the -Sil-la army arrived before P‘yŭng-yang with full supply of provisions. -These the Chinese took and the greater part of them reluctantly broke -camp and marched back to China, leaving Sil-la in a frame of mind better -imagined than described. - -While Ko-gu-ryŭ was staggering under the terrible reverses inflicted by -the Chinese, events of interest were taking place in the south. The -kingdom of T‘am-na on the island of Quelpart had always been a -dependency of Păk-je, but now found it necessary to transfer her -allegiance to Sil-la. The king of T‘am-na at that time was To-dong -Eum-yul. - -The mischief-maker, Pok-sin, was again in the field. Now that he was -relieved of pressure he came back to the charge and took Ung-jin from -the Chinese. At the earnest request of the governor the Emperor sent -Gen. Son In-sa with a small army to aid in putting down this dangerous -malcontent. Pok-sin was obliged to retire to Chin-hyŭn where he -fortified himself strongly. Success seems to have turned his head for he -began to carry himself so proudly that his followers arose and put him -to death and then sent a messenger to Ko-gu-ryŭ and to Japan asking aid -against the Chinese. The latter responded by sending a considerable -force to the shores of Păk-je to coöperate with this hardy band of men -who were honestly fighting for the independence of their country. - -In 663 the Emperor conferred upon the king of Sil-la the title of -Tă-do-dok of Kye-rim. - -It appears that when the Chinese retired from before P‘yŭng-yang and -left the Sil-la forces in such a delicate position, some of the Chinese -were allowed to remain there on the plea that if all were removed it -would invite an outbreak of the Păk-je revolutionists. Now as the year -663 opened the Emperor reinforced them by a powerful army under Gen. Son -In-sa. Sil-la also sent the flower of her army under command of -twenty-eight generals to join the Chinese before P‘yŭng-yang. But the -plan of operations was changed. It was decided to move southward and -complete the subjugation of the troublesome Păk-je patriots and their -Japanese allies. The combined Chinese and Sil-la armies marched toward -Chu-ryu fortress where the revolutionists were supposed to be -intrenched. On their way they met the Japanese disembarking, on the -banks of the Pak River. They were put to flight and their boats were -burned. The march was continued and the fortress was duly invested. It -fell straightway and the pretender to the Sil-la throne was captured. -This was followed by the surrender of all the revolutionists and their -Japanese friends. The last fortress to fall was that of Im-jon, now -Tă-heung, after a desperate struggle. - -The war was now at an end. The dead were buried, a census was taken of -the people in the Păk-je capital, aid was given to the poor, and the -people were encouraged to return at their peaceful avocations. -Expressions of satisfaction at what seemed to be the return of peace -were heard on all sides. - -Gen. Yu In-gwe, who had been left in charge of the Chinese troops before -P‘yŭng-yang when the Emperor ordered the retreat, now sent word to the -Chinese capital that as his soldiers had been in the peninsula two years -without seeing home he feared they might mutiny. He received orders to -return to China with his men but he decided to wait till the grain that -his men had sown should ripen. The Emperor then appointed Pu-yŭ Yung the -brother of the last king of Păk-je to the position of governor of all -the territory formerly embraced in Păk-je. He received the title of -Tă-do-dok of Ung-jin, and was urged by the Emperor to govern well. This -was in 664. - -Sil-la took advantage of the timely cessation of hostilities to send to -the Chinese camp in Păk-je and have some of her men take lessons in -music from the musicians there. They also took copies of the dishes, -clothes and customs of the Chinese. All these were imitated by the king -and his court. Buddhism received a sudden check in Sil-la at this time -for the king took the surest way to crush it out, namely, by forbidding -any one to give the monks either money or rice. - -In 665 Gen. Yu In-wŭn received orders from China to return to that -country but before doing so he performed a significant act. He made the -king of Sil-la and the new Tă-do-dok of Ung-jin take an oath in the -blood of a white horse that they would fight no more. This was done at -the fortress of Ch‘wi-ri San and the slaughtered animal was buried there -under the oath altar. A written copy of the oath was placed in the -ancestral temple of the kings of Sil-la. After Gen. Yu’s return to China -he was followed by Gen. Yu In-gwe who took with him envoys from Sil-la, -Păk-je, T‘am-na and Japan. To render the compact of peace more binding -still the Emperor sacrificed to heaven in the presence of these envoys. -It is said, however, that the new ruler in Păk-je stood in such fear of -Sil-la that he fled back to China soon after this. - -[Illustration: _SILLA BOUNDARY STONE._] - -The last act in the tragedy of Ko-gu-ryŭ opens with the death of her -iron chancellor, Hap So-mun. It was his genius that had kept the armies -in the field; it was his faith in her ultimate victory that had kept the -general courage up. When he was laid in his grave the only thing that -Ko-gu-ryŭ had to fall back upon was the energy of despair. It was her -misfortune that Hap So-mun left two sons each of whom possessed a full -share of his father’s ferocity and impatience of restraint. Nam-săng, -the elder, assumed his father’s position as Prime Minister, but while he -was away in the country attending to some business, his brother, -Nam-gŭn, seized his place. Nam-săng fled to the Yalu River and putting -himself at the head of the Mal-gal and Kŭ-ran tribes went over with them -to the Emperor’s side. Thus by Nam-gŭn’s treachery to his brother, -Ko-gu-ryŭ was deprived of her one great ally, and gained an implacable -enemy in Nam-săng. The Emperor made the latter Governor-general of -Liao-tung and he began welding the wild tribes into an instrument for -revenge. Then the Chinese forces appeared and together they went to the -feast of death; and even as they were coming news reached them that the -Ko-gu-ryŭ general, Yŭn Chŭn-t‘o, had surrendered to Sil-la and turned -over to her twelve of Ko-gu-ryŭ’s border forts. It was not till the next -year that the Chinese crossed the Liao and fell upon the Ko-gu-ryŭ -outposts. The Chinese general had told his men that the strategic point -was the fortress Sin-sŭng and that its capture meant the speedy -capitulation of all the rest. Sin-sŭng was therefore besieged and the -struggle began. The commandant was loyal and wished to defend it to the -death but his men thought otherwise, and they bound him and surrendered. -Then sixteen other forts speedily followed the example. - -Gen. Ko-gan hastened forward and engaged the Ko-gu-ryŭ forces at -Keum-san and won a decided victory, while at the same time Gen. Sŭl-In -gwi was reducing the fortresses of Nam-so, Mok-jŭ and Ch‘ang-am, after -which he was joined by the Mal-gal forces under the renegade Nam-săng. -Another Chinese general, Wŭn Man-gyŭng, now sent a boastful letter to -the Ko-gu-ryŭ capital saying “Look out now for the defenses of that -precious Am-nok River of yours.” The answer came grimly back “We will do -so.” And they did it so well that not a Chinese soldier set foot on the -hither side during that year. The Emperor was enraged at this seeming -incompetence and banished the boastful general to Yong-nam. A message -had already been sent to Sil-la ordering her to throw her army into -Ko-gu-ryŭ and for the Chinese generals Yu In-wŭn and Kim In-t‘ă to meet -them before P‘yŭng-yang. These two generals were in Păk-je at the time. - -In 668 everything beyond the Yalu had fallen into the hands of the -Chinese; even Pu-yŭ Fortress of ancient fame had been taken by Gen. Sŭl -In-gwi. The Emperor sent a messenger asking “Can you take Ko-gu-ryŭ?” -The answer went back “Yes, we must take her. Prophecy says that after -700 years Ko-gu-ryŭ shall fall and that _eighty_ shall cause her -overthrow. The 700 years have passed and now Gen. Yi Jök is eighty years -old. He shall be the one to fulfill the prophecy.” - -Terrible omens had been seen in the Ko-gu-ryŭ capital. Earthquakes had -been felt; foxes had been seen running through the streets; the people -were in a state of panic. The end of Ko-gu-ryŭ was manifestly near. So -tradition says. - -Nam-gŭn had sent 50,000 troops to succor Pu-yŭ Fortress but in the -battle which ensued 30,000 of these were killed and the remainder were -scattered. Conformably to China’s demands, Sil-la in the sixth moon -threw her army into Ko-gu-ryŭ. The great Sil-la general, Kim Yu-sin was -ill, and so Gen. Kim In-mun was in command with twenty-eight generals -under him. While this army was making its way northward the Chinese -under Gen. Yi Jök in the north took Tă-hăng Fortress and focussed all -the troops in his command upon the defenses of the Yalu. These defenses -were broken through, the river was crossed and the Chinese advanced 210 -_li_ toward the capital without opposition. One by one the Ko-gu-ryŭ -forts surrendered and at last Gen. Kye-p‘il Ha-ryŭk arrived before the -historic city of P‘yŭng-yang. Gen. Yi Jök arrived next and finally Gen. -Kim In-mun appeared at the head of the Sil-la army. - -After an uninteresting siege of a month the king sent out Gen. Chön -Nam-san and ninety other nobles with a flag of truce and offered to -surrender. But the chancellor Nam-gŭn knew what fate was in store for -him, so he made a bold dash at the besieging army. The attempt failed -and the miserable man put the sword to his own throat and expired. The -aged general, Yi Jök, took the king and his two sons, Pong-nam, and -Tong-nam, a number of the officials, many of Nam-gŭn’s relatives and a -large company of the people of P‘yŭng-yang and carried them back to -China, where he was received with evidences of the utmost favor by the -Emperor. The whole number of captives in the triumphal return of Gen. Yi -Jök is said to have been 20,000. - -Ko-gu-ryŭ’s lease of life had been 705 years, from 37 B.C. to 668 A.D., -during which time she had been governed by twenty-eighty kings. - - - - - Chapter XIII. - -Sil-la’s captives.... Ko-gu-ryŭ dismembered.... extent of Sil-la.... she - deceives China.... her encroachments.... rebellion.... the word - Il-bon (Nippon) adopted.... Sil-la opposed China.... but is - humbled.... again opposes.... Sil-la a military power.... her - policy.... the Emperor nominates a rival king.... Sil-la pardoned by - China.... again makes trouble.... the Emperor establishes two - kingdoms in the north.... Sil-la’s northern capital.... - cremation.... no mention of Arabs.... China’s interest in Korea - wanes.... redistribution of land.... diacritical points.... - philological interest.... Pal-hă founded.... Chinese customs - introduced.... Pal-hă’s rapid growth.... omens.... Sil-la’s northern - limit.... casting of a bell.... names of provinces changed.... - Sil-la’s weakness.... disorder.... examinations.... Buddhism - interdicted.... no evidence of Korean origin of Japanese - Buddhism.... Japanese history before the 10th century.... civil - wars.... Ch‘oé Ch‘i-wŭn.... tradition.... Queen Man’s profligacy. - - -Immediately upon the fall of Ko-gu-ryŭ the Sil-la forces retired to -their own country carrying 7000 captives with them. The king gave his -generals and the soldiers rich presents of silks and money. - -China divided all Ko-gu-ryŭ into nine provinces in which there were -forty-two large towns and over a hundred lesser ones of prefectural -rank. In P‘yŭng-yang Gen. Sŭl In-gwi was stationed with a garrison of -20,000 men. The various provinces were governed partly by Chinese -governors and partly by native prefects. - -The king of Sil-la was now the only king in the peninsula and the -presumption was that in view of his loyalty to the Chinese his kingdom -would extend to the Yalu River if not beyond, but it probably was not -extended at the time further than the middle of Whang-hă Province of -to-day. The records say that in 669 the three kingdoms were all -consolidated but it did not occur immediately. It is affirmed that the -Chinese took 38,000 families from Ko-gu-ryŭ and colonized Kang-whe in -China and that some were also sent to San-nam in western China. That -Sil-la was expecting a large extension of territory is not explicitly -stated but it is implied in the statement that when a Sil-la envoy went -to the Chinese court the Emperor accused the king of wanting to possess -himself of the whole peninsula, and threw the envoy into prison. At the -same time he ordered Sil-la to send bow-makers to China to make bows -that would shoot 1,000 paces. In due time these arrived but when the -bows were made it was found that they would shoot but thirty paces. They -gave as a reason for this that it was necessary to obtain the wood from -Sil-la to make good bows. This was done and still the bows would shoot -but sixty paces. The bow-makers declared that they did not know the -reason unless it was because the wood had been hurt by being brought -across the water. This was the beginning of an estrangement between the -Emperor and the king of Sil-la which resulted in a state of actual war -between the two. - -Sil-la was determined to obtain possession of a larger portion of -Ko-gu-ryŭ than had as yet fallen to her lot; so she sent small bodies of -troops here and there to take possession of any districts that they -could lay their hands on. It is probable that this meant only such -districts as were under native prefects and not those under direct -Chinese rule. It is probable that Sil-la had acquired considerable -territory in the north for we are told that the Mal-gal ravaged her -northern border and she sent troops to drive them back. - -If China hoped to rule any portion of Korea without trouble she must -have been speedily disillusionised for no sooner had the new form of -government been put in operation than a Sil-la gentleman, Köm Mo-jam, -raised an insurrection in one of the larger magistracies, put the -Chinese prefect to death and proclaimed An Seung king. He was a member -of a collateral branch of the royal family. Sil-la seems to have taken -it for granted that the whole territory was under her supervision for -now she sent an envoy and gave consent to the founding of this small -state in the north which she deemed would act as a barrier to the -incursions of the northern barbarians. The Chinese evidently did not -look upon it in this light and a strong force was sent against the -nascent state; and to such effect that the newly appointed king fled to -Sil-la for safety. The wheel of fortune was turning again and Chinese -sympathies were now rather with Păk-je than with Sil-la. - -It was at this time, 671, that the term Il-bün (Nippon) was first used -in Korea in connection with the kingdom of Japan. - -The relations between Sil-la and Păk-je were badly strained. In the -following year the Chinese threw a powerful army into Păk-je with the -evident intention of opposing Sil-la. So the latter furbished up her -arms and went into the fray. In the great battle which ensued at the -fortress of Sŭk-sŭng 5,000 of the Chinese were killed. Sil-la was rather -frightened at her own success and when she was called upon to explain -her hostile attitude toward China she averred that it was all a mistake -and she did not intend to give up her allegience to China. This smoothed -the matter over for the time being, but when, a little later, the -Emperor sent seventy boat loads of rice for the garrison at P‘yŭng-yang, -Sil-la seized the rice and drowned the crew’s of the boats, thus storing -up wrath against herself. The next year she attacked the fortress of -Ko-sŭng in Păk-je and 30,000 Chinese advanced to the support of the -Păk-je forces. A collision took place between them and the Sil-la army -in which the Chinese were very severely handled. This made the Emperor -seriously consider the question of subduing Sil-la once for all. He -ordered that the Mal-gal people be summoned to a joint invasion of the -insolent Sil-la and the result was that seven Sil-la generals were -driven back in turn and 2,000 troops made prisoners. In this predicament -there was nothing for the king to do but play the humble suppliant -again. The letter to the Emperor praying for pardon was written by the -celebrated scholar Im Gang-su. But it was not successful, for we find -that in the following year the Chinese troops in the north joined with -the Mal-gal and Kŭ-ran tribes in making reprisals on Sil-la territory. -This time however Sil-la was on the alert and drove the enemy back with -great loss. She also sent a hundred war boats up the western coast to -look after her interests in the north. At the same time she offered -amnesty and official positions to Păk-je nobles who should come over to -her side. - -We can scarcely escape the conviction that Sil-la had now become a -military power of no mean dimensions. Many citizens of Ko-gu-ryŭ had -come over to her and some of the Păk-je element that was disaffected -toward the Chinese. All, in fact, who wanted to keep Korea for the -Koreans and could put aside small prejudices and jealousies, gathered -under the Sil-la banners as being the last chance of saving the -peninsula from the octopus grasp of China. Sil-la was willing to be good -friends with China—on her own terms; namely that China should let her -have her own way in the peninsula, and that it should not be overrun by -officious generals who considered themselves superior to the king of the -land and so brought him into contempt among the people. - -At this time there was at the Chinese court a Sil-la envoy of high rank -named Kim In-mun. The Emperor offered him the throne of Sil-la, but -loyalty to his king made him refuse the honor. In spite of this he was -proclaimed King of Sil-la and was sent with three generals to enforce -the claim. That Sil-la was not without power at this time is shown by -the fact that she proclaimed An-seung King of Păk-je, an act that would -have been impossible had she not possessed a strong foothold in that -country. - -The war began again in earnest. The Chinese general, Yi Gön-hăng, in two -fierce encounters, broke the line of Sil-la defenses and brought the -time-serving king to his knees again. One can but wonder at the patience -of the Emperor in listening to the humble petition of this King Mun-mu -who had made these promises time and again but only to break them as -before. He was, however, forgiven and confirmed again in his rule. The -unfortunate Kim In-mun whom the Emperor had proclaimed King of Sil-la -was now in a very delicate position and he wisely hastened back to China -where he was compensated for his disappointment by being made a high -official. - -Sil-la’s actions were most inconsistent, for having just saved herself -from condign punishment by abject submission she nevertheless kept on -absorbing Păk-je territory and reaching after Ko-gu-ryŭ territory as -well. In view of this the Emperor ordered the Chinese troops in the -north to unite with the Mal-gal and Kŭ-ran forces and hold themselves in -readiness to move at an hour’s notice. They began operations by -attacking the Chön-sŭng Fortress but there the Sil-la forces were -overwhelmingly successful. It is said that 6,000 heads fell and that -Sil-la captured 30,000 (?) horses. This is hard to reconcile with the -statement of the records that in the following year a Sil-la envoy was -received at the Chinese court and presented the compliments of the king. -It seems sure that Sil-la had now so grown in the sinews of war that it -was not easy for China to handle her at such long range. It may be too -that the cloud of Empress Wu’s usurpation had begun to darken the -horizon of Chinese politics and that events at home absorbed all the -attention of the court, while the army on the border was working -practically on its own authority. - -A new kind of attempt to solve the border question was made when in 677 -the Emperor sent the son of the captive king of Ko-gu-ryŭ to found a -little kingdom on the Yalu River. This might be called the Latter -Ko-gu-ryŭ even as the Păk-je of that day was called the Latter Păk-je. -At the same time a son of the last Păk-je king was sent to found a -little kingdom at Tă-bang in the north. He lived, however, in fear of -the surrounding tribes and was glad to retire into the little Ko-gu-ryŭ -kingdom that lay lower down the stream. The records call this the “last” -end of Păk-je. - -In 678 Sil-la made a northern capital at a place called Puk-wŭn-ju the -capital of Kang-wŭn Province. There a fine palace was erected. The king -enquired of his spiritual adviser whether he had better change his -residence to the new capital but not receiving sufficient encouragement -he desisted. This monarch died in 681 but before he expired he said “Do -not waste the public money in building me a costly mausoleum. Cremate my -body after the manner of the West.” This gives us an interesting clue to -Sil-la’s knowledge of the outside world. If, as some surmise, Arab -traders had commercial intercourse with the people of Sil-la it must -have been about this time or a little earlier for this was the period of -the greatest expansion of Arabian commerce. It is possible that the idea -of cremation may have been received from them although from first to -last there is not the slightest intimation that Western traders ever -visited the coasts of Sil-la. It is difficult to believe that, had there -been any considerable dealings with the Arabs, it should not have been -mentioned in the records. - -The king’s directions were carried out and his son, Chong-myŭng, burned -his body on a great stone by the Eastern Sea and gave the stone the name -“Great King Stone.” That the Emperor granted investiture to this new -king shows that all the troubles had been smoothed over. But from this -time on Chinese interest in the Korean peninsula seems to have died out -altogether. The little kingdom of Latter Ko-gu-ryŭ, which the Emperor -had established on the border, no sooner got on a sound basis than it -revolted and the Emperor had to stamp it out and banish its king to a -distant Chinese province. This, according to the records, was the “last” -end of Ko-gu-ryŭ. It occurred in 682 A.D. - -Sil-la now held all the land south of the Ta-dong River. North of that -the country was nominally under Chinese control but more likely was -without special government. In 685 Sil-la took in hand the -redistribution of the land and the formation of provinces and -prefectures for the purpose of consolidating her power throughout the -peninsula. She divided the territory into nine provinces, making three -of the original Păk-je and three of that portion of the original -Ko-gu-ryŭ that had fallen into her hands. The three provinces -corresponding to the original Sil-la were (1) Sŭ-bŭl-ju (the first step -in the transformation of the word Sŭ ya-bŭl to Seoul), (2) Sam-yang-ju, -now Yang-san, (3) Ch‘ŭng-ju now Chin-ju. Those comprising the original -Păk-je were (1) Ung-ch‘ŭn-ju in the north, (2) Wan-san-ju in the -south-west, (3) Mu-jin-ju in the south, now Kwang-ju. Of that portion of -Ko-gu-ryŭ which Sil-la had acquired she made the three provinces (1) -Han-san-ju, now Seoul, (2) Mok-yak-ju, now Ch‘un-ch‘ŭn, (3) Ha-să-ju, -now Kang-neung. These nine names represent rather the provincial -capitals than the provinces themselves. Besides these important centers -there were 450 prefectures. Changes followed each other in quick -succession. Former Ko-gu-ryŭ officials were given places of trust and -honor; the former mode of salarying officials, by giving them tracts of -land from whose produce they obtained their emoluments, was changed, and -each received an allowance of rice according to his grade; the -administration of the state was put on a solid basis. - -One of the most far-reaching and important events of this reign was the -invention of the _yi-du_, or set of terminations used in the margin of -Chinese texts to aid the reader in Koreanizing the syntax of the Chinese -sentence. We must bear in mind that in those days reading was as rare an -accomplishment in Sil-la as it was in England in the days of Chaucer. -All writing was done by the _a-jun_, who was the exact counterpart of -the “clerk” of the Middle Ages. The difficulty of construing the Chinese -sentence and using the right suffixes was so great that Sŭl-ch‘ong, the -son of the king’s favorite monk, Wŭn-hyo, attempted a solution of the -difficulty. Making a list of the endings in common use in the vernacular -of Sil-la he found Chinese characters to correspond with the sounds of -these endings. The correspondence was of two kinds; either the _name_ of -the Chinese character was the same as the Sil-la ending or the Sil-la -_meaning_ of the character was the same as the ending. To illustrate -this let us take the case of the ending _sal-ji_, as in _ha-sal-ji_, -which has since been shortened to _ha-ji_. Now, in a Chinese text -nothing but the root idea of the word _ha_ will be given and the reader -must supply the _sal-ji_ which is the ending. If then some arbitrary -signs could be made to represent these endings and could be put in the -margin it would simplify the reading of Chinese in no small degree. It -was done in this way: There is a Chinese character which the Koreans -call _păk_, Chinese _pa_, meaning “white.” One of the Sil-la definitions -of this character _sal-wi-ta_. It was the first syllable of this word -that was used to represent the first syllable of the ending _sal-ji_. -Notice that it was not the name of the character that was used but the -Sil-la equivalent. For the last syllable of the ending _sal-ji_, -however, the Chinese character _ji_ is used without reference to its -Sil-la equivalent. We find then in the _yi-du_ as handed down from -father to son by the _a-jun’s_ of Korea a means for discovering the -connection between the Korean vernacular of to-day with that of the -Sil-la people. It was indeed a clumsy method, but the genius of -Sŭl-ch‘ong lay in his discovery of the need of such a system and of the -possibility of making one. It was a literary event of the greatest -significance. It was the first outcry against the absurd primitiveness -of the Chinese ideography, a plea for common sense. It was the first of -three great protests which Korea has made against the use of the Chinese -character. The other two will be examined as they come up. This set of -endings which Sŭl-ch‘ong invented became stereotyped and through all the -changes which the vernacular has passed the _yi-du_ remains to-day what -it was twelve hundred years ago. Its quaint sounds are to the Korean -precisely what the stereotyped clerkly terms of England are to us, as -illustrated in such legal terms as _to wit_, _escheat_ and the like. -There is an important corollary to this fact. The invention of the -_yi-du_ indicates that the study of Chinese was progressing in the -peninsula and this system was invented to supply a popular demand. It -was in the interests of general education and as such marks an era in -the literary life of the Korean people. The name of Sŭl-ch‘ong is one of -the most honored in the list of Korean literary men. - -The eighth century opened with the beginning of a new and important -reign for Sil-la. Sŭng-dŭk came to the throne in 702 and was destined to -hold the reins of power for thirty-five years. From the first, his -relations with China were pleasant. He received envoys from Japan and -returned the compliment, and his representatives were everywhere well -received. The twelfth year of his reign beheld the founding of the -kingdom of Pal-hă in the north. This was an event of great significance -to Sil-la. The Song-mal family of the Mal-gal group of tribes, under the -leadership of Kŭl-gŭl Chung-sŭng, moved southward into the peninsula and -settled near the original Tă-băk Mountain, now Myo-hyang San. There they -gathered together many of the Ko-gu-ryŭ people and founded a kingdom -which they called Chin. It is said this kingdom was 5,000 _li_ in -circumference and that it contained 200,000 houses. The remnants of the -Pu-yŭ and Ok-jŭ tribes joined them and a formidable kingdom arose under -the skillful management of Kŭl-gŭl Chung-sŭng. He sent his son to China -as a hostage and received imperial recognition and the title of King of -Pal-hă. From that time the word Mal-gal disappears from Korean history -and Pal-hă takes its place. - -During the next few years Sil-la made steady advance in civilization of -the Chinese type. She imported from China pictures of Confucius and paid -increased attention to that cult. The water clock was introduced, the -title Hu was given to the Queen, the custom of approaching the throne by -means of the _sang-so_ or “memorial” was introduced. - -Meanwhile the kingdom of Pal-hă was rapidly spreading abroad its arms -and grasping at everything in sight. China began to grow uneasy on this -account and we find that in 734 a Sil-la general, Kim Yun-jung went to -China and joined a Chinese expedition against the Pal-hă forces. The -latter had not only absorbed much territory in the north but had dared -to throw troops across the Yellow Sea and had gained a foothold on the -Shantung promontory. This attempt to chastise her failed because the -season was so far advanced that the approach of winter interfered with -the progress of the campaign. - -The story of the next century and a half is the story of Sil-la’s -decline and fall. The following is the list of omens which tradition -cites as being prophetic of that event. A white rainbow pierced the sun; -the sea turned to blood; hail fell of the size of hens’ eggs; a -monastery was shaken sixteen times by an earthquake; a cow brought forth -five calves at a time; two suns arose together; three stars fell and -fought together in the palace; a tract of land subsided fifty feet and -the hollow filled with blue black water; a tiger came into the palace; a -black fog covered the land; famines and plagues were common; a hurricane -blew over two of the palace gates; a huge boulder rose on end and stood -by itself; two pagodas at a monastery fought with each other; snow fell -in September; at Han-yang (Seoul) a boulder moved a hundred paces all by -itself; stones fought with each other; a shower of worms fell; apricot -trees bloomed twice in a year; a whirlwind started from the grave of Kim -Yu-sin and stopped at the grave of Hyŭk Kŭ-se. These omens were -scattered through a series of years but to the Korean they all point -toward the coming catastrophe. - -It was in 735 that the Emperor formally invested the king of Sil-la with -the right to rule as far north as the banks of the Ta-dong River which -runs by the wall of P‘yŭng-yang. It was a right he had long exercised -but which had never before been acquiesced in by China. The custom of -cremating the royal remains, which had been begun by King Mun-mu, was -continued by his successors and in each case the ashes were thrown into -the sea. - -The first mention of the casting of a bell in Korea was in the year 754 -when a bell one and one third the height of a man was cast. The records -say it weighed 497,581 pounds, which illustrates the luxuriance of the -oriental imagination. - -In 757 the names of the nine provinces were changed. Sŭ-bŭl became -Sang-ju, Sam-yang became Yang-ju, Ch’ŭng-ju became Kang-ju, Han-san -became Han-ju, Ha-să became Myŭng-ju, Ung-chŭn became Ung-ju, Wan-san -became Chŭn-ju, Mu-jin became Mu-ju, and Su-yak (called Mok-yak in the -other list) was changed to Sak-ju. Following hard upon this came the -change of the name of government offices. - -As we saw at the first, Sil-la never had in her the making of a first -class power. Circumstances forced her into the field and helped her win, -and for a short time the enthusiasm of success made her believe that she -was a military power; but it was an illusion. She was one of those -states which would flourish under the fostering wing of some great -patron but as for standing alone and carving out a career for herself, -that was beyond her power. Only a few years had passed since she had -taken possession of well-nigh the whole of the peninsula and now we see -her torn by internal dissentions and so weak that the first man of power -who arose and shook his sword at her doors made her fall to pieces like -a house of cards. Let us rapidly bring under review the events of the -next century from 780 to 880 and see whether the facts bear out the -statement. - -First a conspiracy was aimed at the king and was led by a courtier named -Kim Chi-jong. Another man, Yang Sang, learned of it and promptly seized -him and put him to death. A very meritorious act one would say; but he -did it in order to put his foot upon the same ladder, for he immediately -turned about and killed the king and queen and seated himself upon the -throne. His reign of fifteen years contains only two important events, -the repeopling of P‘yŭng-yang with citizens of Han-yang (Seoul), and the -institution of written examinations after the Chinese plan. In 799 -Chun-ong came to the throne and was followed a year later by his adopted -son Ch‘ŭng-myŭng. These two reigns meant nothing to Sil-la except the -reception of a Japanese envoy bearing gifts and an attempt at the -repression of Buddhism. The building of monasteries and the making of -gold and silver Buddhas was interdicted. It is well to remember that in -all these long centuries no mention is made of a Korean envoy to Japan, -though Japanese envoys came not infrequently to Sil-la. There is no -mention in the records of any request on the part of the Japanese for -Buddhist books or teachers and there seems to be no evidence from the -Korean standpoint to believe that Japan received her Buddhism from -Korea. Geographically it would seem probable that she might have done so -but as a fact there is little to prove it. It would, geographically -speaking, be probable also that Japan would get her pronunciation of the -Chinese character by way of Korea but as a matter of fact the two -methods of the pronunciation of Chinese ideographs are at the very -antipodes. The probability is that Japan received her knowledge both of -Buddhism and of the Chinese character direct from China and not mainly -by way of Korea. - -The condition of Sil-la during this period of decline may be judged from -the events which occurred between the years 836 and 839 inclusive. King -Su-jong was on the throne and had been ruling some eleven years, when, -in 835 he died and his cousin Kyun-jăng succeeded him. Before the year -was out Kim Myŭng a powerful official put him to death and put Che Yung -on the throne. The son of the murdered king, Yu-jeung, fled to Ch‘ŭng-hă -Fortress, whither many loyal soldiers flocked around him and enabled him -to take the field against the usurper. Kim Myu finding that affairs did -not go to suit him killed the puppet whom he had put on the throne and -elevated himself to that position. After Yu-jeung, the rightful heir, -had received large reinforcements from various sources, he attacked the -forces of this parvenu at Mu-ju and gained a victory. The young prince -followed up this success by a sharp attack on the self-made king who -fled for his life but was pursued and captured. Yu-jeung then ascended -the throne. This illustrates the weakness of the kingdom, in that any -adventurer, with only daring and nerve, could seize the seat of power -and hold it even so long as Kim Myŭng did. The outlying provinces -practically governed themselves. There was no power of direction, no -power to bring swift punishment upon disloyal adventurers, and the whole -attitude of the kingdom invited insubordination. In this reign there -were two other rebellions which had to be put down. - -The year 896 shows a bright spot in a dark picture. The celebrated -scholar Ch‘oé Ch‘i-wŭn appeared upon the scene. He was born in Sa-ryang. -At the age of twelve he went to China to study; at eighteen he obtained -a high literary degree at the court of China. He travelled widely and at -last returned to his native land where his erudition and statesmanship -found instant recognition. He was elevated to a high position and a -splendid career lay before him; but he was far ahead of his time; one of -those men who seem to have appeared a century or two before the world -was ready for them. The low state of affairs at the court of Sil-la is -proved by the intense hatred and jealousy which he unwittingly aroused. -He soon found it impossible to remain in office; so he quietly withdrew -to a mountain retreat and spent his time in literary pursuits. His -writings are to be found in the work entitled Ko-un-jip. He is enshrined -in the memory of Koreans as the very acme of literary attainment, the -brightest flower of Sil-la civilization and without a superior in the -annals of all the kingdoms of the peninsula. - -Tradition asserts that signs began to appear and portents of the fall of -Sil-la. King Chung-gang made a journey through the southern part of the -country and returned by boat. A dense fog arose which hid the land. -Sacrifice was offered to the genius of the sea, and the fog lifted and a -strange and beautiful apparition of a man appeared who accompanied the -expedition back to the capital and sang a song whose burden was that -many wise men would die and that the capital would be changed. -Chung-gang died the next year and was succeeded by his brother Chin-sung -who lived but a year and then made way for his sister who became the -ruler of the land. Her name was Man. Under her rule the court morals -fell to about as low a point as was possible. When her criminal intimacy -with a certain courtier, Eui-hong, was terminated by the death of the -latter she took three or four other lovers at once, raising them to high -offices in the state and caring as little for the real welfare of the -country as she did for her own fair fame. Things reached such a pass -that the people lost patience with her and insulting placards were hung -in the streets of the capital calling attention to the depth of infamy -to which the court had sunk. - -It was in 892 that the great bandit Yang-gil arose in the north. His -right hand man was Kung-ye, and as he plays an important part in the -subsequent history of Sil-la we must stop long enough to give his -antecedents. The story of his rise is the story of the inception of the -Kingdom of Ko-ryŭ. It may be proper to close the ancient history of -Korea at this point and begin the medieval section with the events which -led up to the founding of Koryŭ. - - END OF PART I. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - PART II. - - MEDIEVAL KOREAN HISTORY. - - From 890 to 1392 A.D. - - PART II. - MEDIEVAL HISTORY. - - Chapter I. - -Kung-ye.... antecedents.... revolts.... Ch‘oé Ch‘i-wŭn.... retires.... - Wang-gön.... origin.... Kung-ye successful.... advances Wang-gön - himself King.... Wang-gön again promoted.... Sil-la court - corrupt.... Kung-ye proclaims himself a Buddha.... condition of the - peninsula.... Wang-gön accused.... refuses the throne.... forced to - take it.... Kung-ye killed.... prophecy.... Wang-gön does - justice..... Ko-ryŭ organized..... Buddhist festival..... - Song-do.... Ko-ryŭ’s defenses.... Kyŭn-whŭn becomes Wang-gön’s - enemy.... wild tribes submit.... China upholds Kyŭn-whŭn.... his - gift to Wang-gön.... loots the capital of Sil-la.... Ko-ryŭ troops - repulsed.... war.... Wang-gön visits Sil-la.... improvements.... - Kyŭn-whŭn’s last stand.... imprisoned by his sons.... comes to - Song-do.... Sil-la expires.... her last king comes to Song-do.... - Wang-gön’s generosity. - - -Kung-ye was the son of King Hön-gang by a concubine. He was born on the -least auspicious day of the year, the fifth of the fifth moon. He had -several teeth when he was born which made his arrival the less welcome. -The King ordered the child to be destroyed; so it was thrown out of the -window. But the nurse rescued it and carried it to a place of safety -where she nursed it and provided for its bringing up. As she was -carrying the child to this place of safety she accidentally put out one -of its eyes. When he reached man’s estate he became a monk under the -name of Sŭn-jong. He was by nature ill fitted for the monastic life and -soon found himself in the camp of the bandit Ki-whŭn at Chuk-ju. Soon he -began to consider himself ill-treated by his new master and deserted -him, finding his way later to the camp of the bandit Yang-gil at Puk-wŭn -now Wŭn-ju. A considerable number of men accompanied him. Here his -talents were better appreciated and he was put in command of a goodly -force with which he soon overcame the districts of Ch‘un-ch‘ŭn, Nă-sŭng, -Ul-o and O-jin. From this time Kung-ye steadily gained in power until he -quite eclipsed his master. Marching into the western part of Sil-la he -took ten districts and went into permanent camp. - -The following year another robber, Kyŭn-whŭn, made head against Sil-la -in the southern part of what is now Kyŭng-sang Province. He was a -Sang-ju man. Having seized the district of Mu-ju he proclaimed himself -King of Southern Sil-la. His name was originally Yi but when fifteen -years of age he had changed it to Kyŭn. He had been connected with the -Sil-la army and had risen step by step and made himself extremely useful -by his great activity in the field. When, however, the state of Sil-la -became so corrupt as to be a by-word among all good men, he threw off -his allegiance to her, gathered about him a band of desperate criminals, -outlaws and other disaffected persons and began the conquest of the -south and west. In a month he had a following of 5,000 men. He found he -had gone too far in proclaiming himself King and so modified his title -to that of “Master of Men and Horses.” It is said of him that once, -while still a small child, his father being busy in the fields and his -mother at work behind the house, a tiger came along and the child sucked -milk from its udder. This accounted for his wild and fierce nature. - -At this time the great scholar Ch‘oé Ch‘i-wŭn, whom we have mentioned, -was living at of Pu-sŭng. Recognizing the abyss of depravity into which -the state was falling he formulated ten rules for the regulation of the -government and sent them to Queen Man. She read and praised them but -took no means to put them in force. Ch‘oé could no longer serve a Queen -who made light of the counsels of her most worthy subjects and, throwing -up his position, retired to Kwang-ju in Nam-san and became a hermit. -After that he removed to Ping-san in Kang-ju, then to Ch‘ŭng-yang -Monastery in Hyŭp-ju, then to Sang-gye Monastery at Ch‘i-ri San but -finally made his permanent home at Ka-ya San where he lived with a few -other choice spirits. It was here that he wrote his autobiography in -thirteen volumes. - -In 896 Kung-ye began operating in the north on a larger scale. He took -ten districts near Ch‘ŭl-wŭn and put them in charge of his young -lieutenant Wang-gön who was destined to become the founder of a dynasty. -We must now retrace our steps in order to tell of the origin of this -celebrated man. - -Wang-yŭng, a large-minded and ambitious man, lived in the town of -Song-ak. To him a son was born in the third year of King Hön-gang of -Sil-la, A.D. 878. The night the boy was born a luminous cloud stood -above the house and made it as bright as day, so the story runs. The -child had a very high forehead and a square chin, and he developed -rapidly. His birth had long since been prophesied by a monk named To-sŭn -who told Wang-yŭng, as he was building his house, that within its walls -a great man would be born. As the monk turned to go Wang-yŭng called him -back and received from him a letter which he was ordered to give to the -yet unborn child when he should be old enough to read. The contents are -unknown but when the boy reached his seventeenth year the same monk -reappeared and became his tutor, instructing him especially in the art -of war. He showed him also how to obtain aid from the heavenly powers, -how to sacrifice to the spirits of mountain and stream so as to -propitiate them. Such is the tradition that surrounds the origin of the -youth who now in the troubled days of Sil-la found a wide field for the -display of his martial skill. - -Kung-ye first ravaged the country from Puk-wŭn to A-sil-la, with 600 -followers. He there assumed the title of “Great General.” Then he -reduced all the country about Nang-ch’ŭn, Han-san, Kwan-nă and -Ch‘ŭl-wŭn. By this time his force had enormously increased and his fame -had spread far and wide. All the wild tribes beyond the Ta-dong River -did obeisance to him. But these successes soon began to turn his head. -He styled himself “Prince” and began to appoint prefects to various -places. He advanced Wang-gön to a high position and made him governor of -Song-do. This he did at the instigation of Wang-yŭng who sent him the -following enigmatical advice: “If you want to become King of Cho-sŭn, -Suk-sin and Pyön-han you must build a wall about Song-do and make my son -governor.” It was immediately done, and in this way Wang-gön was -provided with a place for his capital. - -In 897 the profligate Queen Man of Sil-la handed the government over to -her adopted son Yo and retired. This change gave opportunities on every -side for the rebels to ply their trade. Kung-ye forthwith seized thirty -more districts north of the Han River and Kyŭn-whŭn established his -headquarters at Wan-san, now Chŭn-ju and called his kingdom New Păk-je. -Wang-gön, in the name of Kung-ye, seized almost the whole of the -territory included in the present provinces of Kyŭng-geui and -Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng. Finally in 901 Kung-ye proclaimed himself king and -emphasized it by slashing with a sword the picture of the king of Sil-la -which hung in a monastery. Two years later Wang-gön moved southward into -what is now Chŭl-la Province and soon came in contact with the forces of -Kyŭn-whŭn. In these contests the young Wang-gön was uniformly -successful. - -In 905 Kung-ye established his capital at Ch‘ŭl-wŭn in the present -Kang-wŭn province and named his kingdom Ma-jin and the year was called -_Mut_. Then he distributed the offices among his followers. By this time -all the north and east had joined the standards of Kung-ye and Wang-gön -even to within 120 miles of the Sil-la capital. The king and court of -Sil-la were in despair. There was no army with which to take the field -and all they could do was to defend the position they had as best they -could and hope that Kyung-ye and Kyŭn-whŭn might destroy each other. In -909 Kung-ye called Sil-la “The Kingdom to be Destroyed” and set Wang-gön -as military governor of all the south-west. Here he pursued an active -policy, now fitting out ships with which to subjugate the neighboring -islands and now leading the attack on Kyŭn-whŭn who always suffered in -the event. His army was a model of military precision and order. -Volunteers flocked to his standard. He was recognised as the great -leader of the day. When, at last, Na-ju fell into the hands of the young -Wang-gön, Kyŭn-whŭn decided on a desperate venture and suddenly -appearing before that town laid siege to it. After ten days of -unsuccessful assault he retired but Wang-gön followed and forced an -engagement at Mok-p‘o, now Yŭng-san-p‘o, and gave him such a whipping -that he was fain to escape alone and unattended. - -Meanwhile Kung-ye’s character was developing. Cruelty and capriciousness -became more and more his dominant qualities. Wang-gön never acted more -wisely than in keeping as far as possible from the court of his master. -His rising fame would have instantly roused the jealousy of Kung-ye. - -Sil-la had apparently adopted the principle “Let us eat and be merry for -to-morrow we die.” Debauchery ran rife at the court and sapped what -little strength was left. Among the courtiers was one of the better -stamp and when he found that the king preferred the counsel of his -favorite concubine to his own, he took occasion to use a sharper -argument in the form of a dagger, which at a blow brought her down from -her dizzy eminence. - -In 911 Kung-ye changed the name of his kingdom to Tă-bong. It is -probable that this was because of a strong Buddhistic tendency that had -at this time quite absorbed him. He proclaimed himself a Buddha, called -himself Mi-ryŭk-pul, made both his sons Buddhists, dressed as a high -priest and went nowhere without censers. He pretended to teach the -tenets of Buddhism. He printed a book, and put a monk to death because -he did not accept it as canonical. The more Kung-ye dabbled in Buddhism -the more did all military matters devolve upon Wang-gön, who from a -distance beheld with amazement and concern the dotage of his master. At -his own request he was always sent to a post far removed from the court. -At last Kung-ye became so infatuated that he seemed little better than a -madman. He heated an iron to a white heat and thrust it into his wife’s -womb because she continually tried to dissuade him from his Buddhistic -notions. He charged her with being an adultress. He followed this up by -killing both his sons and many other of the people near his person. He -was hated as thoroughly as he was feared. - -The year 918 was one of the epochal years of Korean history. The state -of the peninsula was as follows. In the south-east, the reduced kingdom -of Sil-la, prostrated by her own excesses, without an army, and yet in -her very supineness running to excess of riot, putting off the evil day -and trying to drown regrets in further debauchery. In the central -eastern portion, the little kingdom of Kung-ye who had now become a -tyrant and a madman. He had put his whole army under the hand of a -young, skillful, energetic and popular man who had gained the esteem of -all classes. In the south-west was another sporadic state under -Kyŭn-whŭn who was a fierce, unscrupulous bandit, at swords points with -the rising Wang-gön. - -Suddenly Kung-ye awoke to the reality of his position. He knew he was -hated by all and that Wang-gön was loved by all, and he knew too that -the army was wholly estranged from himself and that everything depended -upon what course the young general should pursue. Fear, suspicion and -jealousy mastered him and he suddenly ordered the young general up to -the capital. Wang-gön boldly complied, knowing doubtless by how slender -a thread hung his fortunes. When he entered his master’s presence the -latter exclaimed “You conspired against me yesterday.” The young man -calmly asked how. Kung-ye pretended to know it through the power of his -sacred office as Buddha. He said “Wait, I will again consult the inner -consciousness.” Bowing his head he pretended to be communing with his -inner self. At this moment one of the clerks purposely dropped his pen, -letting it roll near to the prostrate form of Wang-gön. As the clerk -stooped to pick it up, he whispered in Wang-gön’s ear “Confess that you -have conspired.” The young man grasped the situation at once. When the -mock Buddha raised his head and repeated the accusation Wang-gön -confessed that it was true. The King was delighted at this, for he -deceived himself into believing that he actually had acquired the -faculty of reading men’s minds. This pleased him so greatly that he -readily forgave the offence and merely warned the young man not to -repeat it. After this he gave Wang-gön rich gifts and had more -confidence in him than ever. - -But the officials all besieged the young general with entreaties to -crush the cruel and capricious monarch and assume the reins of -government himself. This he refused to do, for through it all, he was -faithful to his master. But they said “He has killed his wife and his -sons and we will all fall a prey to his fickle temper unless you come to -our aid. He is worse than the Emperor Chu.” Wang-gön, however, urged -that it was the worst of crimes to usurp a throne. “But” said they “is -it not much worse for us all to perish? If one does not improve the -opportunity that heaven provides it is a sin.” He was unmoved by this -casuistry and stood his ground firmly. At last even his wife joined in -urging him to lay aside his foolish scruples and she told the officials -to take him by force and carry him to the palace, whether he would or -not. They did so, and bearing him in their arms they burst through the -palace gate and called upon the wretch Kung-ye to make room for their -chosen king. The terrified creature fled naked but was caught at -Pu-yang, now P‘yŭng-gang, and beheaded. - -Tradition says that this was all in fulfillment of a prophecy which was -given in the form of an enigma. A Chinese merchant bought a mirror of a -Sil-la man and in the mirror could be seen these words: “Between three -waters—God sends his son to Chin and Ma—First seize a hen and then a -duck—in the year Ki-ja two dragons will arise, one in a green forest and -one east of black metal.” The merchant presented it to Kung-ye who -prized it highly and sought everywhere for the solution of the riddle. -At last the scholar Song Han-hong solved it for him as follows. “The -Chin and Ma mean Chin-han and Ma-han. The hen is Kye-rim (Sil-la). The -duck is the Am-nok (duck-blue) River. The green forest is pine tree or -Song-do (Pine Tree Capital) and black metal is Ch‘ŭl-wŭn (Ch‘ŭl is -metal). So a king in Song-do must arise (Wang-gön) and a king in -Ch‘ŭl-wŭn must fall (Kung-ye).” - -Wang-gön began by bringing to summary justice the creatures of Kung-ye -who seconded him in his cruelty; some of them were killed and some were -imprisoned. Everywhere the people gave themselves up to festivities and -rejoicings. - -But the ambitious general, Whan Son-gil, took advantage of the unsettled -state of affairs to raise an insurrection. Entering the palace with a -band of desperadoes he suddenly entered the presence of Wang-gön who was -without a guard. The King rose from his seat, and looking the traitor in -the face said “I am not King by my own desire or request. You all made -me King. It was heaven’s ordinance and you cannot kill me. Approach and -try.” The traitor thought that the King had a strong guard secreted near -by and turning fled from the palace. He was caught and beheaded. - -Wang-gön sent messages to all the bandit chiefs and invited them to join -the new movement, and soon from all sides they came in and swore -allegiance to the young king. Kyŭn-whŭn, however, held aloof and sought -for means to put down the new power. Wang-gön set to work to establish -his kingdom on a firm basis. He changed the official system and -established a new set of official grades. He rewarded those who had been -true to him and remitted three years’ revenues. He altered the revenue -laws, requiring the people to pay much less than heretofore, manumitted -over a thousand slaves and gave them goods out of the royal storehouses -with which to make a start in life. As P‘yŭng-yang was the ancient -capital of the country he sent one of the highest officials there as -governor. And he finished the year with a Buddhist festival, being -himself a Buddhist of a mild type. This great annual festival is -described as follows:—There was an enormous lantern, hung about with -hundreds of others, under a tent made of a net-work of silk cords. Music -was an important element. There were also representations of dragons, -birds, elephants, horses, carts and boats. Dancing was prominent and -there were in all a hundred forms of entertainment. Each official wore -the long flowing sleeves and each carried the ivory memo tablet. The -king sat upon a high platform and watched the entertainment. - -The next year he transferred his court to Song-do which became the -permanent capital. There he built his palace and also the large -merchants’ houses and shops in the center of the city. This latter act -was in accordance with the ancient custom of granting a monopoly of -certain kinds of trade and using the merchants as a source of revenue -when a sudden need for money arose. He divided the city into five wards -and established seven military stations. He also established a secondary -capital at Ch‘ŭl-wŭn, the present Ch‘un-ch‘ŭn, and called it Tong-ju. -The pagodas and Buddhas in both the capitals were regilded and put in -good order. The people looked with some suspicion upon these Buddhistic -tendencies but he told them that the old customs must not be changed too -rapidly, for the kingdom had need of the help of the spirits in order to -become thoroughly established, and that when that was accomplished they -could abandon the religion as soon as they pleased. Here was his grand -mistake. He riveted upon the state a baneful influence which was -destined to drag it into the mire and eventually bring it to ruin. - -In 920 Sil-la first recognised Koryŭ as a kingdom and sent an envoy with -presents to the court at Song-do. - -[Illustration: _THE SOUTH GATE OF NA-JU._] - -Wang-gön looked out for the interests of the people in the distant parts -of the country as well as for those near the capital. In order to break -the force of the attacks of the wild people beyond the Tu-man River he -built a wall across the northern border of Ham-gyŭng Province. It is -said to have been 900 _li_ long. But there was a still stronger enemy on -the south. Kyŭn-whŭn had by this time come to see that he had no hope of -overcoming the young kingdom of Koryŭ and so he bent his energies to the -securing of his position against the danger of interference, especially -in his plans against Sil-la. For this reason he sent a messenger to -Song-do with presents and tried to make friends with his old time enemy. -His next move was to attack Sil-la. Wang-gön took up the cudgels in -support of the king of Sil-la and by so doing secured the lasting enmity -of the bandit who from this time determined upon war without quarter -against his northern enemy. Wang-gön said to the Sil-la envoys, “Sil-la -has three treasures; the nine storey pagoda, the Buddha six times the -height of a man, and the jade belt. As long as these three remain intact -Sil-la will stand. The first two are in Sil-la. Where is the jade belt?” -The envoy answered that he did not know, whereupon Wang-gön blamed him -sharply and sent him home. When Sil-la finally fell, the jade belt -passed into the hands of Wang-gön. - -In 921 the Mal-gal tribe, Heuk-su, made a treaty with Wang-gön. This -bears evidence to the rapidly growing power of the young king. The -Heuk-su Mal-gal were the most feared of all the semi-savage tribes of -the north. The following year the Kŭ-ran, usually called Kitan in -Chinese histories, followed the example of the Heuk-su people by sending -an envoy with presents. It was not till 923 that Wang-gön thought fit to -send an envoy to China to offer his compliments. - -When the last king of Sil-la, but one, ascended the throne in 924 -important events were following thick and fast upon each other. Sil-la -was now so weak that the records say the king had nothing left but his -genealogy. Kyŭn-whŭn sent a force to begin operations against Koryŭ, but -without success, and in the following year Wang-gön retaliated with such -good success that Kyŭn-whŭn was fain to send his son to Song-do as a -hostage. He thus bound himself to keep the peace. Having done this he -sent to China desiring to secure backing against Koryŭ. The Emperor so -far complied as to confer upon him the title of King of Păk-je, thus -following the time-honored policy of pitting one power against another. - -The year 926 saw the first envoy come from the kingdom of T‘am-na on the -island of Quelpart. He arrived at the capital of Koryŭ, where he was -well received. The fame of Wang-gön was spreading far and wide among the -northern tribes. The Kŭ-ran, or Kitan tribe, having overcome the Păl-ha -tribe, made overtures to Wang-gön relative to annexation. These advances -were cordially responded to but we are not informed that the union was -actually effected. - -Kyŭn-whŭn, who was at this time on the island Chŭl-yong-do, sent a -present of horses to Wang-gön but a few days later he found a book of -prophecy which said that in the year when he should send a gift of -horses to Song-do his power would come to an end. He therefore sent a -swift messenger begging Wang-gön to return the gift. The King laughed -long and loud when he saw this message and good-naturedly sent back the -horses. - -The last King of Sil-la, Kyŭng-sun, ascended the throne in 927. It -happened on this wise; Kyŭn-whŭn was keeping up a double fight, one -against Wang-gön and the other, an offensive one, against Sil-la. He was -badly defeated in an engagement with Koryŭ forces but had good success -in his other venture. He burned and pillaged right up to the gates of -Sil-la’s capital, and, while a Sil-la envoy was posting to Song-do to -ask for aid, entered the city with a picked band of men. Succor in the -shape of 10,000 Koryŭ troops was on its way but came too late. At the -hour when Kyŭn-whŭn entered the city the king, his son, the queen and -many of the courtiers were feasting at Po-sŭk summer-house. When the -unwelcome news arrived, there was no time for preparation. The king and -queen fled south without attendants. The palace women were seized and -the palace occupied. The king was soon run to earth and was compelled to -commit suicide. Kyŭn-whŭn ravished the queen and delivered over the -palace women to the soldiery. The palace was looted and the entire band, -sated with excess and debauchery, and loaded down with the treasures of -the palace, started back on the homeward road. But not until Kyŭn-whŭn -had appointed a relative of the murdered king to succeed him. - -When Wang-gön heard of these atrocities, he hastened forward his troops -and overtook the army of Kyŭn-whŭn in O-dong forest where a sharp -engagement ensued. For some reason, whether it be because the soldiers -of Kyŭn-whŭn were more familiar with the locality or because the Koryŭ -soldiers were exhausted by their long forced march, the assault was -unsuccessful and the Koryŭ forces withdrew. This was doubly unfortunate -for it not only did not punish the ruffians for their atrocities at the -Sil-la capital but it inspired them with confidence in their own power. -Shortly after this Kyŭn-whŭn sent a letter to Wang-gön saying “I became -Sil-la’s enemy because she sought aid from you. You have no cause for -warring against me. It is like a dog chasing a rabbit; both are tired -out to no purpose. It is like a king-fisher trying to catch a clam; when -he thrusts his bill into the shell the clam closes it and he finds -himself caught”. To this epistle Wang-gön replied “Your actions at the -Sil-la capital are so outrageous that I cannot endure the thought of any -compromise. Your present course will lead you to speedy ruin”. - -Elated over his successful repulse of Wang-gön’s army, Kyŭn-whŭn took -the field the following year, with a strong force, and was prepared to -assume the offensive. He assaulted and took two Koryŭ fortresses and -even, at one time, surrounded Wang-gön in Ch’ŭng-ju and caused him no -little anxiety. In the battle which followed Kyŭn-whŭn lost three -hundred men and was pushed back, thus freeing the king from an -embarrassing position; but before the campaign was over Kyŭn-whŭn scored -another victory by capturing the district of Ok-ch’ŭn. In his next -campaign he was still successful, and Eui Fortress fell into his hands -and he killed the general in charge. Here his successes ended, for -Wang-gön awoke to the necessity of using strong measures against him. -The following year Koryŭ forces inflicted a crushing defeat upon the -southern leader, at An-dong. The fight had lasted all day and neither -side had gained any advantage, but that night a picked band of Koryŭ men -ascended Hog’s Head Mountain and made a rush down upon the unsuspecting -camp of the enemy, causing a panic and a stampede in which eight -thousand men were killed. Kyŭn-whŭn himself sought safety in flight. -This seemed conclusive and all the countryside sent in their allegiance -to the victors. A hundred and ten districts in eastern Korea came over -to Wang-gön in a body. Dagelet Island, or Ul-leung as the Koreans call -it, sent presents to Koryŭ. - -The next year after these stirring events, namely 931, Wang-gön made a -visit to Sil-la taking with him an escort of only fifty soldiers. The -king of Sil-la came out to meet him and they feasted there at the -meeting-place together. The king of Sil-la lamented the smallness and -weakness of his kingdom and deplored the ravages of Kyŭn-whŭn. The -evils, he said, were beyond estimation; and he broke down and wept. The -courtiers did the same and even Wang-gön could scarce restrain his -tears. After this they had a friendly talk and the king of Koryŭ -remained as a guest for some twenty days. As he left the capital of -Sil-la the people vied with each other in doing him honor. Poor old -Sil-la had gone out of fashion and the minds of all men were turned -Koryŭ-ward. - -Wang-gön had a strong predilection for P‘yŭng-yang, the ancient capital -of the country. He had already established a school there with -professorships of literature, medicine and incantation. He now in 932 -conceived the project of moving his capital northward to that place. To -this end he erected barracks there for his troops and was making other -preparations for the change, when he was dissuaded from it by some evil -omens. A great wind blew down some of the houses in P‘yŭng-yang and, so -the story goes, a hen became a cock. These portents made it impossible -to carry out the plan. It was about this time that he built a -guest-house outside the walls of Song-do to be used as a reception hall -for envoys and messengers from the wild tribes of the north. Suspicion -as to the object of their coming may have made it seem undesirable to -allow them to enter the city proper, or it may have been simply to -impress them with the importance of the place. - -Kyŭn-whŭn’s right hand man came and swore allegience even though, at the -time, his two sons and his daughter were hostages in the hands of his -former master. When Kyŭn-whŭn heard of it he burned the first son alive -and would have treated the second son and the daughter in like manner -had they not effected their escape to a retreat where they lay in hiding -till his death. This desertion seems to have roused the old man’s ire, -and he longed for the din of battle once more. He could still command a -considerable force; so he entered upon another campaign and as usual was -at first successful. He seized three districts in the east country and -set fire to a large number of towns. It was not until the next year that -Wang-gön sent an expedition against him. This was under the command of -Gen. Yu Gön-p’il, whom the king had banished but had pardoned and -recalled because of his lively efforts while in exile to raise a company -of soldiers. He never seemed to know when he was beaten. He routed the -forces of Kyŭn-whŭn and returned in triumph to Song-do, where he was -hailed as the savior of the people. We may judge from this that -Kyŭn-whŭn was still considered formidable. In another fight Gen. Yu -captured seven of Kyŭn-whŭn’s captains and one of his sons as well. - -As things seemed quiet now, the king made a royal progress through the -north and west, helping the poor, inspecting fortresses, supplanting -unpopular prefects; but when he got back he found his old enemy still -active, and at Un-ju he had his last great fight with him. In this -struggle three thousand of the enemy were killed and thirty-two -fortresses were taken. The year 935 A.D. is another mile-stone in Korean -history. It marks the end of a dynasty which lacked but eight years of -completing a millennium. But we must relate the events of the year in -order. Kyŭn-whŭn had many concubines and more than ten sons. Of the -latter the fourth named Keum-gang, was the one he loved the best, a boy -of robust body and great intelligence. The old man passed by his other -sons and named this one as his successor. This of course made trouble at -once. The first son, Sin-geum, led a conspiracy and the old gentleman -was seized and imprisoned in Keum-san monastery, the young Keum-gang was -put to death and Sin-geum ascended the insecure throne of his father, -now doubly insecure, since it had lost the masterly genius which of late -years had been its only support. But old Kyŭn-whŭn had not played his -last card. After three months imprisonment he succeeded in getting his -guards drunk (jolly monks those) and escaped to Ka-ju from which point -he had the colossal impudence to send a letter to Wang-gön surrendering -and asking for asylum in Koryŭ against his own son. It was granted and -soon a ship of war arrived with a high official on board to escort the -grey old wolf of the south to the Koryŭ capital, where he was received -as a guest, given a comfortable house and plenty of servants and the -revenues of Yang-ju prefecture. From that point we may believe that he -waited patiently to see the overthrow of his sons. - -But these are small events compared with what followed. The king of -Sil-la determined to abdicate and hand over the remnant of his kingdom -to Wang-gön. When he broached the matter to his officials no man raised -his voice. They could not assent and they knew there was no use in -demurring. The crown prince urged his father to submit the question to -the people and to abide by their decision, but the king was determined -and so sent a letter to Song-do offering to lay his scepter at the feet -of Wang-gön. The crown prince was in despair, refused to see his father, -retired to a mountain retreat and ate coarse food as a token of his -grief. He died there of chagrin and sorrow. - -Wang-gön answered by sending one of the highest officials to escort the -ex-king to Song-do. The royal procession was ten miles long, as it -slowly wound its way out of the deserted city amidst the clamorous grief -of the people. Wang-gön met him in person at the gate of Song-do. He did -not want the ex-king to bow to him but the courtiers had decided that as -the country could have but one king this must be done. So the new -arrival did obeisance. Wang-gön gave him his daughter to wife and made -him prime minister, set aside the revenues of an entire district to his -use and conferred high rank upon the Sil-la courtiers. - -And so ended the ancient kingdom of Sil-la which had existed for 992 -years, from 57 B.C. to 935 A.D. Her line of kings included fifty-six -names, which gives an average of about eighteen years to each reign. -From that day the capital of Sil-la was called simply by the name -Kyöng-ju. We believe that history shows few instances of greater -generosity, forbearance, delicacy and tact than are shadowed forth in -the life of this same Wang-gön. Does history show a nobler act than that -of providing a comfortable home where his old enemy Kyŭn-whŭn might -spend his last days in comfort and ease? Does it show more delicacy than -was shown by Wang-gön when he took every means to cover the chagrin of -the retiring king of Sil-la by treating him as a royal guest? - - - - - Chapter II. - -Kyŭn-whŭn’s sons defeated.... Buddhist teachers from China.... The - Emperor recognizes Koryŭ.... Wang-gön refuses to treat with the - Kitans.... makes ten rules.... king marries his sister.... plot - detected.... practical Shogunate.... Buddhism flourishes.... - P‘yŭng-yang.... Chinamen take office in Koryŭ.... slavery.... - examinations.... Chinese favored.... official garments.... incapable - king.... retrogression.... reform.... Confucianism.... Kitan - growing.... bureau of history reorganized.... equilibrium between - Confucianism and Buddhism.... Uk is banished.... quarrel with - Kitan.... concession.... dispute.... China refuses aid.... the - provinces.... the “Emperor” of Kitan gives the king investiture.... - first coinage.... reforms.... conspiracy crushed. - - -Before leaving the kingdom of Sil-la to be swallowed up in antiquity we -must notice a few corollaries. We will notice that Sil-la was the first -power to gain the control of the whole peninsula. It was the language of -Sil-la that became at least the official language of the entire country. -The _yi-t‘u_, or system of diacritical marks, tended to stereotype the -agglutinative endings, so that we find to-day the general -characteristics running through the grammar of Korean are those which -characterized the language of ancient Sil-la. This fact, clearly -grasped, goes a long way toward opening a way for the solution of the -question of the origin of the language. - -As the year 936 opens we see king Wang-gön with his two former rivals, -the peaceful one and the warlike one, gathered under his wing, and the -only cloud upon his horizon the attitude of Kyŭn-whŭn’s sons in the -south. This was soon settled. The king in company with Kyŭn-whŭn, at the -head of an army of 87,000 men, marched southward and engaged the -pitiable force that was all the malcontents could now muster. When they -saw this tremendous army approaching and knew that Kyŭn-whŭn was there -in person, surrender was immediate. Wang-gön’s first demand was “where -is Sin-geum?” He was told that he was in a fortress in the mountains -with a small force and was prepared to fight to a finish. He was there -attacked and 3,200 men were taken and 5,700 killed, which shows how -desperate the battle was. Sin-geum and his two brothers were captured. -The two other sons of Kyŭn-whŭn were executed, because they had driven -their father away, but Sin-geum in some way showed that he had not been -a principal actor in that disgraceful scene and so escaped what we may -well believe was merited punishment. There on the field the old man -Kyŭn-whŭn died. It is said that his death was caused by chagrin that -Sin-geum was not killed with his brothers. - -It was in 938 that Wang-gön went outside the walls of the capital to -meet a celebrated monk named Hong-bŭm, who had come originally from -Ch’un-ch’uk monastery in the land of Sŭ-yŭk. - -All this time interesting reforms were in progress. The names of all the -prefectures throughout the country were changed. This has always been -customary in Korea with a change of dynasty. The next year, 939, the new -king of Koryŭ was formally recognized by the Emperor who sent and -invested him with the insignia of royalty. The crown prince of T‘am-na, -on Quelpart, came and did obeisance at the court of Koryŭ. A -redistribution of the farming lands throughout the country was effected, -by which, the records say, the worthy received more while others -received less. It would be interesting to know in what way the test of -worthiness was applied. - -In 942 the Kitan power in the north tried to make friendly advances and -sent a present of thirty camels. But Wang-gön remembered the way in -which Kitan had feigned friendship for Pal-hă and then treacherously -seized her; and for this reason he showed his opinion of Kitan now by -banishing the thirty men and tying the thirty camels to Man-bu bridge -and starving them to death. - -King Wang-gön was now sixty-five years old. His life had been an active -one; first as a warrior and then as the administrator of the kingdom -which he had founded. Feeling that his end was approaching, he set -himself to the task of formulating rules for his successor. As a result -he placed in the hands of his son and heir ten rules which read as -follows: - - (1) Buddhism is the state religion. - - (2) Build no more monasteries. - - (3) If the first son is bad let the second or some other become - king. - - (4) Do not make friends with Kitan. - - (5) Do honor to P‘yŭng-yang, the ancient capital. - - (6) Establish an annual Buddhist festival. - - (7) Listen to good men and banish bad ones. - - (8) As the south is disaffected towards us do not marry from among - the people of that section. - - (9) Look after the interests of the army. - - (10) Be always ready for emergencies. - -After urging his son to lock all these precepts in his heart the aged -king turned to the wall and died. These ten laws are typical of the man. -They inculcated reverence for the best religion that had come under his -notice, but in the same breath forbade the disproportionate growth of -priest-craft, for he had seen what a seductive influence lay hidden -within the arcana of this most mystical of all heathen cults. He advised -temperance in religion. He forbade the throning of a man simply because -he was the king’s firstborn. By so doing he really proclaimed that the -king was for the people and not the people for the king. He hated -treachery and forbade making alliances with the forsworn. He believed in -doing honor to the best of the old traditions and ordered that the -ancient city of P‘yŭng-yang be remembered. He believed in loving his -friends and hating his enemies and forbade descendants taking a wife -from among the people of the south who had so desperately supported the -claims of Kyŭn-whŭn, the one-time bandit. He was a military man and -believed in having a strong army and in treating it in such a way as to -insure its perfect loyalty. It was in the last injunction, however, that -he struck the key-note of his character. Be always ready for -emergencies. Reading his character in the light of his actions we can -well imagine one more precept that would have been characteristic of -him; namely, that it is better to make a friend of an honest enemy than -to kill him. And so in the year 942 the great general, reformer, king -and administrator was laid to his fathers and his son Mu reigned in his -stead. The latter’s posthumous title is Hye-jong. - -The reign of this second king of Koryŭ starts with the statement that -the king gave his own sister to his brother for a wife. It was one of -the peculiar institutions of the dynasty that whenever possible the king -married his own sister. In this instance he gave his sister to his -brother, but the king had probably already married another of his -sisters. This custom, which has prevailed in other countries besides -Korea, notably in ancient Egypt, rests upon the assumption that by -marrying one’s own sister more of royalty is preserved in the family and -the line is kept purer, the royal blood not being mixed with any of -baser quality. We are told that, in order to make it seem less -offensive, the sister, upon marrying her brother, took her mother’s -family name. This shows that the custom was looked down upon, else this -device would not have been resorted to. We find also that the kings of -Koryŭ were accustomed to have more than one real wife, contrary to the -custom of the present dynasty. We read that this king, who had none of -the elements of his father’s greatness, took as his sixteenth wife the -daughter of one Wang-gyu and by her had a son. Through her influence -Wang-gyu had risen to the position of prime minister and it was his -ambition to see his daughter’s son ascend the throne. It had been the -king’s plan to give the throne to his brother Yo and the prime minister -began by plotting against the life of this possible successor. The king -learned of this and frustrated it by immediately abdicating in favor of -his brother. Wang-gyu seems to have possessed considerable power -independently of the king for we learn that he not only was not punished -but that he continued to plot against Yo even after he had assumed the -reins of power. An assassin whom he had hired to kill the king was -himself killed by the king while attempting to carry out the deed. When -the king fell ill he was advised to move secretly to another palace for -safety. He did so and that very night the myrmidons of Wang-gyu broke -into the palace that he had left, but found that their bird had flown. -In spite of all this the king did not proceed against his minister but -went about with an armed escort. This signal failure to punish a traitor -is said to have been the reason why, during the whole dynasty, the -officials overruled the king and made a puppet of him. In fact many -times during the dynasty we find the condition of affairs somewhat like -those in Japan where the emperor himself had little practical power but -the government was carried on by a shogun. But at last this Wang-gyu met -his deserts for he was banished to Kap-whan and there executed, and with -him 300 men who had been in his pay. - -It is interesting to notice how soon after the death of Wang-gön his -ill-considered advice about Buddhism was to bear its legitimate fruit. -The third king of Koryŭ was thoroughly in the hands of the sacerdotal -power. He was a devout worshipper of Buddha and spent large sums of -money upon the priesthood. He favored the monks in every way and thus -added one more blow to the wedge which ultimately split the land and -brought the dynasty to a close. - -Following the directions of Wang-gön in regard to the city of -P‘yŭng-yang, he decided to make this town a secondary capital. In the -prosecution of this work many people were compelled to give their time -and labor, and great suffering was the natural result. Many of the -people of Song-do were compelled to move to the northern capital. This -was very distasteful to them, and, joined with the king’s blind -adherence to Buddhism, made it easy for the people to rejoice when in -970 he died and his younger brother So became king. His posthumous title -is Kwang-jong. He in turn married his own sister, and the records -intimate that another reason for marrying in the family was that it kept -out undesirable connections who would naturally expect to receive -positions under the government. - -When in 953 the emperor sent an envoy to the court of Koryŭ approving of -the coronation of the new king, he was accompanied by a great scholar, -Sang Geui, who found such favor in the eyes of the king that he remained -and took office under the government. It is said that this caused a -serious set-back to the fortunes of Buddhism. Well would it have been -could he have seen that insidious power crushed and driven from the -country. But it had gained too strong a foothold to be overcome by the -teaching or example of a single man or coterie of men. It is not -unlikely that it was at the suggestion of this man that the king changed -the law concerning slavery. Heretofore slavery had been the punishment -for comparatively venial offences and the country was overrun with -slaves. The king manumitted many of these and by so doing gained the -enmity of many who thus lost valuable property. It also resulted in -outbreaks among slaves, incipient riots, because this humane tendency in -the king emboldened them to claim more than he had intended. It showed -that sometimes the indiscriminate franchisement of slaves may be a -dangerous thing. - -The most radical reform instituted at the advice of this Sang Geui was -the establishment of a national competitive examination similar to those -held in China. In Korea it is called the _kwaga_. The examination was a -six-fold one; (1) heptameter verse, (2) hexameter verse, (3) commentary, -(4) historic citation, (5) medicine, (6) divination. - -Communication with China seems to have become more frequent and close, -for we find that in 960 an envoy went to China carrying as gifts 50,000 -pounds of copper and 4,000 pieces of rock crystal used in making -spectacles. This was likewise a period of Chinese immigration, -encouraged without doubt by the flattering reception given to Sang Geui. -The king gave the visitors a hearty welcome, provided them with houses, -gave them office and even secured them wives. So far did he go in the -way of providing houses that he incurred the resentment of some of his -highest officials, one of whom, So P‘il, asked the king to take his fine -residence from him as a gift. In surprise the king asked him why he -wanted to give it up. The answer was, “It will be seized anyway when I -die and I would rather give it up now and spend the rest of my days -preparing a little home somewhere for my children.” This threw the king -into a rage; but the shot told, for he stopped the form of injustice -from that very day. - -The following year, 961, a sweeping change was made in the style and -color of official garments. This was also under the direction of Sang -Geui. For the highest rank purple was used, and for the second rank red, -for the third rank deep red, and for the fourth rank blue. - -How far this king had degenerated from the standard set by the founder -of the kingdom, less than fifty years before, is apparent from the fact -that he was the pliant instrument of anyone who had access to his ear. -He believed anybody and everybody. Enemies accused each other before him -and he accepted every statement as true. The result was that the prisons -were simply bursting with inmates and the executioner’s axe was busy -night and day. Hundreds of men were executed whose only crime was that -they had been accused before the king. Added to this was a prodigal -waste of treasure in the building of palaces, the assumption throughout -of Chinese clothes and the entertainment of countless “friends” who came -from across the border, on the principle, no doubt, that where the -carcass is there will the eagles be gathered together. This state of -things continued up to 969, going from bad to worse. That year the king -took to himself two Buddhist monks as mentors. He suddenly awoke to the -fact that many murders lay at his door and he began to have twinges of -conscience. He thought to make it right by a wholesale favoring of -Buddhism. He put himself entirely into the hands of the monks and let -them manage all the affairs of state to suit themselves. But this, while -it may have eased his conscience, brought no betterment to the state. He -was imposed upon in the grossest manner and never once guessed it. He -lost the respect of all men of sense and reason. His useless reign -dragged on till 976 when the country was relieved of the mighty incubus -by his death. The prisons were overrun with innocent men, priestcraft -had wound its octopus tentacles about every branch of the government. -Energy and patriotism had been eradicated; for, the moment a man -possessing these traits appeared, jealousy caused him to be accused to -the credulous king and he was thrown into prison. - -But now his son, Chu, came to the throne. His posthumous title is -Kyong-jong. His first act was to open the prison doors and liberate all -who were not condemned felons. This act of mere justice was greeted by -applause from the people. It was the signal for a general reform in the -methods of administration. The monks were sent back to their -monasteries. The competitive examinations were renewed and an impetus -was given to the study of the classics. The king in person examined the -papers of the candidates. But death put an end to his promising career -after six short years and in 982 his younger brother, Ch’i, posthumous -title Song-jong, ascended the throne. Fortunately he was of the same -mind as his deceased brother and the good work went on unchecked. He -first did away with the senseless festivals described under the reign of -Wang-gön, at which all manner of animals were represented. He changed -the names of official grades to correspond with those of the Tang -dynasty in China. Intercourse with China was revived and frequent envoys -passed back and forth. It was in the second year of his reign, namely -983, that the time-honored custom was instituted of the king plowing a -piece of land in person each year. This too was borrowed from China. -Confucianism received a great impetus during these days; an envoy to -China brought back a picture of the emperor’s shrine, of the patron -genius of China, of Confucius’ shrine, and a history of the seventy-two -disciples of the great sage. Financial affairs engaged his attention -too, for we find that in this year 984 the legal rate of interest on -money was set at ten per cent _per mensem_. The defenses of the country -were not neglected. A fortress was begun on the banks of the Yalu River -but the people of the Yŭ-jin tribe caused the work to be suspended. - -The Kitan tribe were still in the ascendant and so ominous was the -growth of their power that the envoy from China who came to perform the -ceremony of investiture of the new king, intimated that China would be -glad to join the forces of Koryŭ in an invasion of the Kitan territory. -We are not told what reply was given but nothing seems to have come of -it. Buddhistic encroachments were checked and a stop was put to the -seizure of houses for the purpose of erecting monasteries. Mourning -customs were changed; the three years’ limit was shortened to one -hundred days, the one year limit to thirty days, the nine months’ limit -to twenty days, the six months’ limit to fifteen days and the three -months’ limit to seven days. Special instructions were given to the -governors of the provinces to foster agriculture, and prizes were -offered for superior excellence in agricultural methods as proved by -their results. The governors were allowed to take their families with -them to the provincial capitals. This marks a long step in advance, for -it would seem that heretofore the families of provincial governors had -been held at the national capital as a guarantee of good behavior on the -part of the governors while in the country. - -The king caused the erection of great store-houses in the various parts -of the country for the storage of rice to be used in time of famine. The -students in the Confucian school were encouraged by gifts of clothes and -food, and several were sent to China to prosecute their studies. In 987 -the soldiers’ implements of war were beaten into agricultural -implements, especially in the country districts. A second trial was made -of liberating slaves but without satisfactory results. It made those -that were not freed so arrogant that the attempt was given up. A further -invasion was made into the territory of priest-craft by the -discontinuance of certain important festivals, but the fact that the law -against the killing of any animal in the first, fifth or ninth moons was -still in active force shows that Buddhism was still a powerful factor in -the national life. Kyöng-ju, the ancient capital of Sil-la, was made the -eastern capital of the kingdom, a merely honorary distinction. - -The annals state that this reign beheld the inauguration of the humane -custom of remitting the revenues, in part or in whole, in times of -famine, also the custom of the king sending medicine to courtiers who -might be ill. - -The growing power of Kitan in the north was a cause of uneasiness for we -find that in 989 the whole north-east border was thoroughly garrisoned. -The time was approaching when this half-savage tribe would add another -proof that conquest is usually from the cooler to the warmer climate. - -During the commotion incident upon the founding of the dynasty and the -extinction of the kingdom of Sil-la, the bureau of history had been -largely neglected. Now it was reorganized and the annals of the kingdom -were put in proper shape. - -The king was apparently trying to steer a middle course between Buddhism -and Confucianism, for the pen of the annalist records that no animals -were to be killed on the king’s birthday, and in the next stroke that -wives were to be rewarded for unusual virtue, and again that the king -went out of the city to meet an envoy bringing the great Buddhistic -work, Tă-jang-gyŭng, from China, and still again that the first -ancestral temple was erected. Well would it have been could this -equilibrium have been maintained. - -One of the sons of Wang-gön was still living. His name was Uk. He was -the author of a court scandal which illustrates the lax morals of the -time. He formed a liaison with the widow of his younger brother. The -king learned of it and visited his anger upon the offender by banishing -him. The woman bore a son and then went forth and hanged herself on a -willow tree. The nurse brought up the child and taught it the word -father. One day the child was brought into the presence of the king, -when it rushed forward, caught the king by the garments and cried -father. The king was deeply moved and sent the child to its father in -banishment. When Uk died the boy was brought back to the capital and -given office. He eventually became king. - -In 993 the cloud in the north began to assume a threatening aspect. A -feeble attempt was made to stem the march of the now powerful Kitan -tribe, but without avail. The Kitan general, So Son-ryŭng, made this a -_casus belli_, and, mustering a strong force, pushed down into Koryŭ -territory. The king put Gen. Păk Yang-yu at the head of the Koryŭ forces -and himself went with the army as far as P‘yŭng-yang. At that point news -came that the enemy was going around the flank and had already taken one -important fortress there. The king hurried back to Song-do. Gen. So -Son-ryŭng sent a curt message saying “Ko-gu-ryŭ once belonged to Kitan. -We have come to claim only our own. It remains therefore only for you to -surrender and become our vassals.” In answer the king sent Yi Mong-jun -to negotiate a peace on the best possible terms. Arriving at the camp of -Gen. So he boldly demanded why the northern tribe had presumed to break -across the boundary. Gen. So replied that the land was the property of -his master and the sooner the king acknowledged it and accepted Kitan as -his suzerain the better for all parties. The envoy returned to the -capital and a great council of war was held. Some advised to surrender, -but some said “Offer them all the territory north of the Tă-dong River -as a compromise measure.” The king chose the latter alternative and -began by having the people there throw into the river all grain that -they could not carry away, so that it might not fall into the hands of -the enemy. The Kitan general was highly pleased with this concession but -his pride had a fall when, a few days later, he was defeated by the -Koryŭ forces under Gen. Yu Bang. Thereupon he modified his demands to -the mere recognition of the suzerainty of Kitan; but this the king was -unwilling, under the circumstances, to agree to. Gen. So was not -satisfied with the grade of the general sent to negotiate the treaty and -demanded that the prime minister of Koryŭ be sent to do it. A high -official was therefore sent but he refused to bow before the Kitan -general. The latter said, “You are from Sil-la and we are from -Ko-gu-ryŭ. You are trespassing on our territory. We are your neighbors. -Why do you persist in sending envoys to the court of China? That is the -reason we are now at war with you. Restore our land, become our vassals -and all will go well.” The envoy refused to agree to this. He said “We -are Ko-gu-ryŭ people. How else could our land be Koryŭ? The capital of -Ko-gu-ryŭ was at P‘yŭng-yang and you formed a small part of that -kingdom; so why do you claim that we have usurped the power? Our -territory extended far beyond the Yalu River, but the Yŭ-jin people -stole it from us. You had better first go and recover that part of -Ko-gu-ryŭ which the Yŭ-jin stole and then we will gladly bow to you as -suzerain.” What there was in this argument that convinced the hardy -warrior of the north we cannot say, but it served its purpose, for he -first spread a great feast and afterwards broke camp and marched back to -his own country without obtaining the coveted surrender. The king, in -order to maintain the semblance of good faith, adopted the Kitan -calendar. The next step, however, showed the true bent of his mind, for -he sent a swift messenger to the court of China with an urgent request -for aid against the arrogant people of the north. But the Sung emperor -apparently thought he had his own hands full in watching his own borders -and declined to send the aid requested. This put an end to the -friendship between Koryŭ and the Chinese court, and all communication -was broken off. The king of Kitan sent a commissioner to Koryŭ to look -after his interests there and when he returned to the north he took a -large number of women as a gift from the Koryŭ king to his master. - -It was now, near the end of the tenth century, that Koryŭ was first -regularly divided into provinces. There were ten of them. Their names -and positions were as follows. Kwan-nă, the present Kyŭng-geui; -Chung-wŭn, now Chung-ju; Ha-nam, now Kong-ju; Yong-nam, now Sang-ju; -Kang-nam, now Chŭn-ju; San-nam, now Chin-ju; Hă-yang, now Na-ju; -Sak-pang, now Ch‘un-ch‘ŭn, Kang-neung and An-byŭn; P‘ă-su, now -P‘yŭng-yang; and Kă-sŭng, another name for Song-do. These were rather -the provincial centers than the provinces themselves. - -In pursuance of the policy adopted in reference to the kingdom of Kitan, -ten boys were sent northward to that country to learn its language and -marry among its people. The final act of suzerainty was played when in -996 the “emperor” of Kitan invested the king of Koryŭ with the royal -insignia. The end of the reign was approaching, but before it was -reached one of the most important events of that century transpired. It -occupies little space on the page of history. Many a court intrigue or -senseless pageant bulks larger in the annals, but it was one of the most -far-reaching in its effects. It was the first coining of money. It was -in this same year, 996. These coins were of iron but without the hole -which so generally characterizes the “cash” of to-day. - -In 998 the king died and his nephew, Song, posthumous title Mok-jong, -ascended the throne. His first act was to revise the system of taxation, -probably by causing a remeasurement of arable land. Officials received -their salaries not in money nor in rice, but to each one was assigned a -certain tract of land and his salary was the produce from that -particular tract. In the third year of his reign, 1000 A.D., he received -investiture from the Kitan emperor. His fifth year was signalized by a -five days’ eruption of a volcano on the island of Quelpart. This reign -was destined to end in disaster. The widow of the late king formed a -criminal intimacy with one Kim Ji-yang, whom she raised to a high -official position. The whole kingdom was scandalized. She had the walls -of her palace decorated with sentiments expressive of the epicurean -dictum “Eat, drink and be merry”; and curiously enough expressed the -belief that after enjoying all this world had to give they would all -become Buddhas in the next. This is probably a fair sample of the -Buddhistic teaching of the times, at least this was its legitimate -fruit. She and her lover soon began to plot against the young king. The -latter was ill at the time but knew well what was going on. He sent for -Sun, the illegitimate son of Uk, of whom we spoke in the last chapter, -with the intention of nominating him as his successor. At the same time -he sent post-haste to the country and summoned Gen. Kang Cho, a faithful -and upright man. On his way up to the capital the general was falsely -told that it was not the king who had summoned him but the queen -dowager’s lover. Enraged at being thus played upon, the stern old -general marched into the capital and seized the lecherous traitor and -gave him his quietus. He then turned upon the king and put him to death -as well. He had not looked carefully into the case, but he deemed that -the whole court needed a thorough cleaning out. He completed the work by -driving out the queen dowager who deserved the block more than any -other; and then he seated the above-mentioned Sun on the throne. His -posthumous title is Hyön-jong. This was in 1010 A.D. - - - - - Chapter III. - -Reforms.... eclipses.... Kitan declares war.... Koryŭ on guard.... Kitan - troops cross the Yalu.... diplomacy.... Gen. Kang Cho taken.... - before the emperor.... P‘yŭng-yang besieged.... the king submits.... - siege of P‘yŭng-yang raised.... king moves south.... Kitan - deceived.... Song-do taken.... a rebel governor.... Koryŭ’s - victories.... Kitan forces retreat across the Yalu.... king returns - to Song-do.... Gen. Ha Kong-jin executed.... reconstruction.... - military and civil factions.... king overthrows the military - faction.... Kitan invasion.... overwhelming defeat.... envoys.... - Buddhism versus Confucianism.... Koryŭ on the increase.... the - “Great Wall” of Koryŭ.... Buddhism flourishes.... primogeniture.... - the disputed bridge.... Japanese envoys.... Buddhism rampant.... new - laws.... progress of Buddhism. - - -The first act of king Hyön-jong after announcing to Kitan his accession -to the throne was to raze to the ground the palace of the queen dowager -who had dragged the fair fame of Koryŭ in the mire. His next move was to -build a double wall about his capital. Evidently coming events were -casting ominous shadows before, and he saw the storm brewing. - -We should say at this point that during all these reigns the annals make -careful note of every eclipse. This is brought prominently to our notice -by the statement in the annals that in the sixteenth year of this reign -there should have been an eclipse but that it did not take place. This -throws some light upon the science of astronomy as practiced in those -dark days. The common people looked upon an eclipse as an omen of evil, -but this would indicate that among the educated people, then as to-day, -they were understood to be mere natural phenomena. In 1010 the storm, -which had already given sharp premonitions of its coming, broke in all -its fury. It must have come sooner or later in any event, but the -immediate pretext for it was as follows: Two Koryŭ generals, Ha Kong-jin -and Yu Chŭng, who had been placed in charge of the forces in the north, -when Gen. Kang-cho was recalled to the capital, took matters into their -own hands and looked for no orders from headquarters. The desperate -state of things at the capital partly warranted them in this, but they -carried it too far. Of their own accord they attacked the eastern Yŭ-jin -tribe and though they did not succeed in the attempt they impressed -those people so strongly that an embassy came bringing the submission of -that tribe. The two generals who seem to have partially lost their -balance with the increase of their importance, wantonly killed every -member of this embassy. As soon as the young king heard of this he -promptly stripped them of their honors and banished them. This, however, -did not mend matters with the outraged Yŭ-jin people, and they hastened -to inform the Kitan emperor of the whole matter. Thereupon the -proclamation went out from the Kitan capital, “Gen. Kang-cho has killed -the king of Koryŭ. We will go and inquire into it.” - -As a preliminary, a messenger was sent to Song-do to demand why the king -had been put to death. The officials were thrown into a panic and -hastened to send and envoy to Kitan to explain matters. He was held a -prisoner by the emperor. The king sent again and again, ten envoys in -all, but an ominous silence was the only answer. It appeared that -something serious was about to happen, but just what it was could not be -surmised. In order to be ready for any emergency, the king sent Generals -Kang Cho and Yi Hyŭn-un to T‘ong-ju (now Sŭn-ch‘ŭn) in the north to -guard against a sudden surprise. - -Early in December the spell was broken and the watchers by the Yalu -hurried in with the news that a cloud of Kitan warriors was already -crossing the stream. The invading army 400,000 strong, so say the -records, pushed forward and surrounded the Koryŭ forces at Heung-wha -camp. When it was found, however, that they would stand their ground and -fight, the invaders sent presents of silk and other valuables and -advised them to surrender, and said “We liked the king whom Kang Cho -killed, and we are determined to overthrow the murderer. You assist us -in this. If not we will destroy you root and branch.” The reply was “We -prefer to die rather than surrender.” Thereupon the enemy sent more -costly presents still but the answer was the same. When it became plain -that there was to be bloodshed before Koryŭ would come to terms, the -Kitan emperor divided his immense army into two divisions, sending -200,000 men to the vicinity of Eui-ju and 200,000 to T‘ong-ju. Gen. Kang -Cho cunningly disposed his little army between two creeks where he was -protected on either flank. It is said that he had a species of battle -chariot with swords attached to the axles of the wheels so that when -they charged among the ranks of the enemy the latter were mown down. On -this account the little Koryŭ army was at first successful. Then Gen. -Kang Cho was seized by that common infatuation of fancied security and -in the midst of the fighting he sat down in his pride and began playing -a game of go-bang. A messenger hurried up with the news that the line of -battle had been broken on the west and that the enemy were pouring in. -Gen. Kang Cho laughed and said “Do not come to me with such an -insignificant piece of news. Wait till they come in numbers worthy of my -sword; then come and tell me.” Soon a messenger came saying that the -Kitan forces were approaching in full column. Thereupon Gen. Kang arose -and prepared for battle. While doing so the annals say that the spirit -of the murdered king appeared before him and chided him for scorning the -power of Kitan. He took off his helmet, and, bowing before the -apparition, said “I have committed an offence worthy of death.” The -Kitan soldiery rushed in and seized him. They bound him in a cart and -took him away. - -Nothing now lay between the invading army and universal rapine. The army -penetrated far into the territory of Koryŭ, cut off 30,000 heads and -ravaged right and left. - -When Gen. Kang Cho and Gen. Yi Hyŭn-un were brought before the Kitan -emperor the bonds of the former were cut and he was bidden to stand -forth. “Will you become my subject?” “I am a Koryŭ man. How can I be -your subject?” They cut his flesh with knives but he remained firm. When -the same question was put to Gen. Yi Hyŭn-un he replied: “As I now look -upon the sun and moon, how can I remember any lesser light?” Such were -the words of his apostacy. Kang Cho cried out upon him as a traitor, and -then bowed his head to the axe. - -The Kitan army was now in full march on P‘yŭng-yang, but the broken -remnants of the Koryŭ army united at “Long Neck Pass” and successfully -opposed the progress of the invaders. A little diplomacy was now made -use of by the Kitan general. He sent a letter to Heung-wha camp, -purporting to be from Kang Cho, ordering them to surrender, but the -commander, Yang Kyu, replied “I listen only to the king.” - -Kwak-ju (now Kwak-san) and Suk-ju (now Suk ch‘ŭn) fell in quick -succession and soon the victorious army of Kitan was thundering at the -gates of P‘yŭng-yang. The general in command was Wŭn Chong-sŭk and his -two lieutenants were Chi Ch‘oa-mun and Ch‘oé Ch‘ang. The commander was -willing to surrender without a fight and went so far as to write out the -surrender, but the other two prevented this by seizing the paper, -tearing it up and putting the Kitan messenger to death. The camp of -these generals was without the city, but the panic of the people inside -increased to such an extent that all the forces entered the city to -insure quiet. - -The Kitan general-in-chief now received from the king an offer of -surrender. It caused the greatest satisfaction in the Kitan camp and -orders were given that the soldiers should cease ravaging the -surrounding country. Ma Po-u was sent as Kitan commissioner in Song-do -and was accompanied by an escort of a thousand men under the command of -Gen. Eul Neum. - -We can see how little connection there was between the capital and the -army in the field by the fact that this submission on the part of the -king did not lead to the surrender of P‘yŭng-yang nor to a cessation of -hostilities by the generals who commanded the forces there. When a -second messenger was sent into the city to ask why the former one did -not return he too was put to death. - -Gen. Eul Neum was ordered to reduce P‘yŭng-yang and he approached to -attack it but was driven back with a loss of 3,000 men. This attempt -failing, the conquerors decided to lay siege to the town. When the -inmates saw this they knew that the end was near. A plan was made -whereby a part of the troops should make a sally from the West Gate and -another part from the East Gate and together they hoped to dislodge the -enemy. But one of the generals, instead of following out the plan, -improved the opportunity to make good his escape. The other party was -therefore in a trap and had to surrender. But still two generals held -the city. - -Meanwhile a band of 1,000 soldiers under Gen. Yang Kyu attacked Kwak-ju -by night, and put the Kitan garrison to the sword, and took seven -thousand people away to Tong-bu for safety. - -When the Kitan forces found they were likely to have difficulty in -bringing P‘yŭng-yang to terms they gave it up and marched away eastward. -Thereupon the general Chi Ch‘oa-mun hastened to Song-do and announced -that he had fled from P‘yŭng-yang. The “residency” of Ma Po-u seems to -have been a short-lived one and terminated when it was found that the -submission of the king amounted to little when the armies would not -surrender. Courtiers urged an immediate surrender but Gen. Kang -Kam-ch‘an said “If we could put them off a while and gain time they -would be gradually worn out. The king should move south out of harm’s -way for a time.” So that very night the king and queen and a large -number of officials together with 5,000 troops moved southward to -Chŭk-sŭng. The king’s southward flight was by no means an easy one. The -very first night out from the capital the house where he slept was -attacked by a band of traitors and malcontents. The king escaped to the -mountains where he was attended by the faithful Gen. Chi. From this -retreat he recalled the two generals who had been banished for attacking -Yŭ-jin without orders, and restored them to their positions. Escorted by -Generals Chi, Ch‘o and Chu, the king slowly retreated toward Wang-ju. -All his numerous escort had left him excepting his two wives, two palace -women and two intimate friends. Gen. Chi kept a sharp lookout for the -bands of robbers who were roaming about the country. Once when hard -pressed by these irresponsible gentry, Gen. Chi spirited the king away -under cover of night and concealed him in To-bong monastery in Yang-ju a -little to the northeast of the present Seoul, and the robbers were -thrown completely off the scent. - -Gen. Ha Kong-jin told the king that the Kitan forces had invaded Koryŭ -for the purpose of punishing Gen. Kang Bho, and as this had been -accomplished all difficulty between Koryŭ and Kitan could be easily -settled by a letter from the king to his northern suzerain. The letter -was written and sent by the hand of a trusty man. It said that the king -had left Song-do for an expedition into the country to quell certain -disturbances there. When the messenger was asked how far the king had -gone he answered that he had gone several thousand _li_. This seemed -plausible to the Kitan court and soon its army was working its way -slowly back to the boundary, the first stop being made at Ch‘ang-wha. - -This retreat was more with a view to obtaining a wintering place than -with a desire to favor Koryŭ, for no sooner had the next season, 1011, -come than the Kitan army marched straight down through the peninsula and -entered the capital and burned the palaces and most of the common -houses. The king was in Kwang-ju but, learning of this disaster, he -hurried still further south with his two wives to Ch‘ŭn-an in the -present Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province. From there he continued south to Chŭn-ju -where he was treated very cavalierly by the governor who met him in -common clothes and without the ceremony befitting a royal visitor. In -fact this governor had determined to put the king out of the way. To -this end he hired three men to go by night and assassinate him. But the -door was guarded by Gen. Chi who bolted it firmly and then mounted the -roof and cried loudly to all who were loyal to the king to rally round -him. The next day the governor was summoned before the king. Some of the -generals were clamorous for his death but Gen. Chi who was as wise as he -was faithful vetoed this, for the king was not in a position to face the -opposition that the execution of the governor would arouse in the -province. It will be remembered that Wang-gön had left command that as -the south was disaffected none of his descendants should marry among its -people. This shows that the king when he went south found it unwise to -exercise all the prerogatives of royalty. So the governor was left -intact and the king moved further south to Na-ju. - -Meanwhile the Kitan forces were not having it all their own way in the -north. Gen. Kim Suk-heung of Kwi-ju attacked a powerful force of the -enemy and secured a signal victory. It is said that he put 10,000 men to -death. Then Gen. Yang Kyu made a dash at the enemy at Mu-ro-da near -Eui-ju and killed 2,000 and recovered 3,000 prisoners. Also at Yi-su -there was a battle in which 2,500 Kitan men were killed and 1,000 -captives rescued. At Yo-ri-ch‘ŭn also 1,000 more were killed. These -three desperate engagements occurred on the same day. - -Gen. Ha Kong-jin was at this time a hostage in the Kitan capital, and he -managed to send a letter to the King informing him that the forces of -Kitan were slowly retreating. This made it possible for the king to -start on his way back to the capital. The first stage was to Chŭn-ju. - -The retreating forces of Kitan were again engaged at A-jin but as heavy -reinforcements arrived at the moment, the Koryŭ generals, Yang Kyu and -Kim Suk-heng, lost the day and fell upon the field of battle. This -victory, however, did not stop the retreat of the invading army. There -had been very heavy rains, and many horses had perished and many -soldiers were practically without arms. Gen. Chon Song, who assumed -command after the death of the two generals at K-jŭn, hung on the flanks -of the retreating enemy and when half of them had crossed the Yalu he -fell upon the remainder and many of them were cut down and many more -were drowned in mid-stream. When it became known that all the Kitan -forces were across the border it took but a few days to re-man the -fortresses which had been deserted. - -The king now hastened northward stopping for a time at Kong-ju where the -governor gave him his three daughters to wife. By the first he begat two -sons both of whom became kings of Koryŭ, and by the second he begat -another who also became king. He was soon on the road again, and ere -long he reentered the gates of his capital which had undergone much -hardship during his absence. His first act was to give presents to all -the generals and to order that all the bones of the soldiers who had -fallen be interred. He followed this up by dispatching an envoy to the -Kitan thanking them for recalling their troops. He banished the governor -of Chŭn-ju who had attempted his life. He repaired the wall of the -capital and rebuilt the palace. - -Gen. Ha was still in the hands of the Kitan but he was extremely anxious -to return to Koryŭ. He therefore feigned to be quite satisfied there and -gradually gained the entire confidence of his captors. When he deemed -that it was safe he proposed that he be sent back to Koryŭ to spy out -the condition of the land and report on the number of soldiers. The -emperor consented but changed his mind when he heard that the king had -returned to Song-do. Instead of sending Gen. Ha back to Koryŭ he sent -him to Yun-gyŭng to live and gave him a woman of high position as his -wife. Even then the general did not give up hope of escaping and was -soon busy on a new plan. He purchased fleet horses and had them placed -at stated intervals along the road toward Koryŭ with trusty grooms in -charge of each. Someone, however, told the emperor of this and, calling -the exile, he questioned him about it. Gen. Ha confessed that his life -in exile was intolerable. When the emperor had offered him every -inducement to transfer his allegience and all to no avail, he commanded -the executioner to put an end to the interview. When news reached -Song-do that Gen. Ha had preferred death to disloyalty, the king -hastened to give office to the patriot’s son. - -[Illustration: _A BUDDHIST MONUMENT (EIGHT HUNDRED YEARS OLD)._] - -The work of reconstruction was now commenced, in 1012. Kyöng-ju was no -longer called the eastern capital but was changed back to a mere -prefecture. The twelve - -The twelve provinces were reconstructed into five and there were -seventy-five prefectures in all. This plan however was abandoned two -years later. Now that Koryŭ had regained control of her own territory, -the Yŭ-jin tribe thought best to cultivate her good will and so sent -frequent envoys with gifts of horses and other valuables. But when the -Emperor of Kitan, angry because the King refused on the plea of ill -health to go to Kitan and do obeisance, sent an army and seized six of -the northern districts this side the Yalu, the Yŭ-jin turned about and -ravaged the northeast boundary. The next year the Yŭ-jin joined Kitan -and crossed the Yalu but were speedily driven back by Gen. Kim Sang-wi. - -In 1014 the King came to the conclusion that he had made a mistake in -casting off the friendship of China and sent an envoy to make -explanations; but the Emperor Chin-jong (Sang dynasty) was angry because -he had been so long neglected and would have nothing to do with the -repentant Koryŭ. - -In the autumn the Kitan army was again forced back across the border. -The Koryŭ army had now grown to such proportions that the question of -revenue became a very serious one and the officials found it necessary -to suggest a change. They had been accustomed to “squeeze” a good -proportion of the soldiers’ pay and now that there was danger of further -change which would be only in the officials’ favor, the soldiers raised -a disturbance, forced the palace gates, killed two of the leading -officials and compelled the King to banish others. They saw to it that -the military officials took precedence of civil officials. From that -time on there was great friction between the military and civil -factions, each trying to drive the other to the wall. - -The next year, 1015, the Kitan people bridged the Yalu, built a wall at -each end and successfully defended it from capture; but when they -attempted to harry the adjoining country they were speedily driven back. -The military faction had now obtained complete control at the capital. -Swarms of incompetent men were foisted into office and things were going -from bad to worse. The King was much dissatisfied at this condition of -affairs and at some-one’s advice decided to sever the knot which he -could not untie. He summoned all the leaders of the military faction to -a great feast, and, when he had gotten them all intoxicated, had them -cut down by men who had lain concealed in an adjoining chamber. In this -way nineteen men were put out of the way and the military faction was -driven to the wall. - -Year by year the northern people tried to make headway against Koryŭ. -The Sung dynasty was again and again appealed to but without success. -Koryŭ was advised to make peace with Kitan on the best terms possible. -The Kitan generals, Yu Pyul, Hăng Byŭn and Ya-yul Se-chang made raid -after raid into Koryŭ territory with varying success. In 1016 Kitan -scored a decisive victory at Kwak-ju where the Koryŭ forces were cut to -pieces. Winter however sent them back to their northern haunts. The next -year they came again and in the following year, 1018, Gen. So Son-ryŭng -came with 100,000 men. The Koryŭ army was by this time in good order -again and showed an aggregate of 200,000 men. They were led by General -Kang Kam-ch‘an. When the battle was fought the latter used a new form of -strategem. He caused a heavy dam to be constructed across a wooded -valley and when a considerable body of water had accumulated behind it -he drew the enemy into the valley below and then had the dam torn up; -the escaping water rushed down the valley and swept away hundreds of the -enemy and threw the rest into such a panic that they fell an easy prey -to the superior numbers of the Koryŭ army. This was followed by two more -victories for the Koryŭ arms. - -The next year, again, the infatuated north-men flung themselves against -the Koryŭ rock. Under Gen. So Son-ryŭng they advanced upon Song-do. The -Koryŭ generals went out thirty miles and brought into the capital the -people in the suburbs. Gen. So tried a ruse to throw the Koryŭ generals -off their guard. He sent a letter saying that he had decided not to -continue the march but to retire to Kitan; but he secretly threw out a -strong force toward Song-do. They found every point disputed and were -obliged to withdraw to Yŭng-byŭn. Like most soldiers the Koryŭ forces -fought best when on the offensive and the moment the enemy took this -backward step Gen. Kang Kam-ch‘an was upon them, flank and rear. The -invaders were driven out of Yŭng-byŭn but made a stand at Kwi-ju. At -first the fight was an even one but when a south wind sprang up which -lent force to the Koryŭ arrows and drove dust into the eyes of the enemy -the latter turned and fled, with the exulting Koryŭ troops in full -pursuit. Across the Sŭk-ch‘ŭn brook they floundered and across the -fields which they left carpeted with Kitan dead. All their plunder, arms -and camp equipage fell into Koryŭ hands and Gen. So Son-ryŭng with a few -thousand weary followers finally succeeded in getting across the Yalu. -This was the greatest disaster that Kitan suffered at any time from her -southern neighbor. Gen. So received a cool welcome from his master, -while Gen. Kang, returning in triumph to Song-do with Kitan heads and -limitless plunder, was met by the King in person and given a flattering -ovation. His Majesty with his own hands presented him with eight golden -flowers. The name of the meeting place was changed to Heung-eui-yŭk, -“Place of Lofty Righteousness.” When Gen. Kang retired the following -year he received six honorary titles and the revenue from three hundred -houses. He was a man of small stature and ill-favored and did not dress -in a manner befitting his position, but he was called the “Pillar of -Koryŭ.” Many towns in the north had been laid waste during the war and -so the people were moved and given houses and land. The records say that -an envoy came with greetings from the kingdom of Ch‘ŭl-ri. One also came -from Tă-sik in western China and another from the kingdom of Pul-lă. -Several of the Mal-gal tribes also sent envoys; the kingdom of T‘am-na -was again heard from and the Kol-bu tribe in the north sent envoys. In -1020 Koryŭ sent an envoy to make friends again with her old time enemy -Kitan and was successful. The ambition of the then Emperor of Kitan had -apparently sought some new channel. Buddhism, too, came in for its share -of attention. We read that the King sent to Kyöng-ju, the ancient -capital of Sil-la, to procure a bone of Buddha which was preserved there -as a relic. Every important matter was referred in prayer to the -Buddhistic deities. As yet Confucianism had succeeded in keeping pace -with Buddhism. In 1024 the King decreed that the candidates in the -national examinations should come according to population; three men -from a thousand-house town, two from a five hundred-house town and one -each from smaller places. Several examinations were held in succession -and only those who excelled in them all received promotion. The great -struggle between Buddhism and Confucianism, which now began, arrayed the -great class of monks on the side of the former and the whole official -class on the side of the latter. The former worked upon the -superstitions of the King and had continual access to him while the -latter could appeal to him only on the side of general common sense and -reason. Moreover Buddhism had this in its favor that as a rule each man -worked for the system rather than for himself, always presenting a solid -front to the opposition. The other party was itself a conglomerate of -interests, each man working mainly for himself and joining with others -only when his own interests demanded. This marked division of parties -was strikingly illustrated when, in 1026, in the face of vehement -expostulations on the part of the officials, the King spent a large -amount of treasure in the repairing of monasteries. The kingdom of Kitan -received a heavy blow when in 1029 one of her generals, Tă Yŭn-im, -revolted and formed the sporadic kingdom of Heung-yo. Having -accomplished this he sent to the King of Koryŭ saying “We have founded a -new kingdom and you must send troops to aid us.” The Koryŭ officials -advised that advantage be taken of this schism in Kitan to recover the -territory beyond the Yalu which originally belonged to Ko-gu-ryŭ and to -which Koryŭ therefore had some remote title. Neither plan was adopted. -It seemed good to keep friendly with Kitan until such time as her power -for taking revenge should be past, so envoys were sent as usual, but -were intercepted and held by the new King of Heung-yo. This policy -turned out to be a wise one, for soon the news came that Kitan had -destroyed the parvenu. - -Now that the fortunes of Koryŭ were manifestly in the ascendant, many -people in the north sent and swore allegiance to her, thus following the -example of a certain Kitan envoy who at this time transferred his -citizenship voluntarily from Kitan to Koryŭ. - -The King died and his son Heum, posthumous title Tŭk-jong, came to the -throne in 1032. He married his own sister. All friendly relations with -Kitan were broken off, because the bridge across the Yalu was not -destroyed. It did not seem a friendly act to leave this standing menace -to the peace of Koryŭ. In view of this the King ordered a wall to be -built across the entire peninsula from the Yalu River to the Japan Sea. -It was nearly a thousand _li_ long. This would seem almost incredible -were it not that the facts are given in such detail. The wall was -twenty-five _cha_ high and the same in breadth and stretched from -Ko-gung-nă Fortress, near Eui-ju on the Yalu, to Yöng-heung near the -Japan Sea. The Kitan people tried to hinder this work but without avail. -This period marks the acme of Koryŭ’s power and wealth. She had reached -her zenith within a century and a quarter of her birth and now for three -centuries she was destined to decline. - -The younger brother, Hyöng, of this King Tŭk-jong, succeeded him in -1035, after a short reign of three years. He continued the work of -making impregnable the defenses of the north. He built a wall from -Song-ryŭng Pass in the west to the borders of the Yŭ-jin tribe in the -north-east. He also built a Fortress Chă-jŭn, now Ch‘ang-sŭng. His reign -beheld the riveting of Buddhistic chains upon the kingdom. Those who -could read the signs of the times surmised this when, in 1036, the King -decreed that, if a man had four sons, one of them must become a monk. -Because of the Buddhistic canon against the spilling of blood the death -penalty was commuted to banishment. Another Buddhistic anniversary was -instituted. The King also inaugurated the custom of having boys go about -the streets bearing Buddhistic books upon their backs from which the -monks read aloud as they passed along. This was for the purpose of -securing blessings for the people. - -In order to counteract the tendency toward luxury, the King forbade the -use of silk and gold and went so far as to burn up the whole stock of -silk held by the merchants. He made a new law of primogeniture. The -first son is to succeed. If he dies, the son of the first son succeeds. -If there is no grandson the second son succeeds. If there is no son by -the wife the son by a concubine succeeds. If there is none then a -daughter succeeds. The Yŭ-jin tribe came with rich gifts and promised -faithfully to refrain from raiding the frontier again. In 1047 the King -was succeeded by his younger brother, Whi, posthumous title Mun-jong, -who was destined to sit upon the throne for thirty-seven years. After -announcing to his suzerain his accession, he followed the custom of his -house and married his sister. - -This monarch at first showed a blending of Buddhistic and Confucian -influences, for the annals state that in his second year he fed ten -thousand monks in the palace and gave them lodging there, and that -shortly after this he built a Temple to Heaven before the palace. The -Yŭ-jin tribe broke their promise and made a descent upon the border -fortresses but were driven back; and not only so, but the Koryŭ forces -followed them to their haunts and burned their villages to the ground. - -In 1053 the system of taxation was overhauled and a new schedule of -weights was made. The King sent a letter to Kitan complaining that the -bridge across the Yalu still stood, that a wall had been built to secure -it and that a horse relay system had been established, with this bridge -as one of its termini. It seemed, in the words of the letter, that -“Kitan was the silk-worm and Koryŭ was the mulberry leaf.” The King was -anxious to attempt an embassy to China and for that purpose suggested -that a boat be built on the island of Quelpart but the officials -dissuaded him from the attempt. - -The year 1056 was signalised by the arrival of an envoy from Japan. It -is probable that the strong Buddhistic tendency which had developed in -Japan had tempted the Japanese to send and secure further instruction in -that cult and to secure relics and paraphernalia. The envoy may have -asked that Buddhist teachers be sent, but the records say nothing to -this effect. - -Buddhism was making steady advances. A large quantity of metal intended -for the manufacture of arms was taken by order of the King and made into -nails for use in building monasteries. He took away houses from many -wealthy people, among them some of his own relatives, and gave them to -the monks. The law requiring that of four sons one must become a monk -was now revised so as to read that one of every three should don the -cowl. Nearly every house furnished its monk. The King said “From the -very first our Kings have encouraged Buddhism and each generation has -paid attention to the building of monasteries. By so doing many -blessings have been received. Now that I have become King I find that -many evils are oppressing the state because of the neglect of the -important precept. I will now mend this breach in our conduct and -restore to the country her former prosperity.” So he built monasteries -in various places. The officials all used their influence against this -but the monks carried the day. A Buddhist book called Tal-jang-gyŭng was -sent by Kitan as a gift to Koryŭ. - -This period was not without some hopeful signs. A law was passed that no -man should be punished before being tried before three judges. The -government built a fleet of a hundred and six sailing vessels to carry -the government rice from one port to another. The boats made six trips a -year. - -But the advances, or rather retrogressions, in a Buddhistic line were -still more marked. In 1065 the King’s son Ku cut his hair and became a -monk. A law was promulgated that no beast should be killed in the land -for three years. A monastery was being built in Song-do containing 2,800 -_kan_, each _kan_ being eight feet square. It took twelve years to -complete it. When it became ready for occupancy there was a magnificent -festival at which all monks within a radius of many miles were present. -The feasting lasted five days. There was an awning of silk, covering a -passage-way from the palace to this monastery. Mountains and trees were -represented by lanterns massed together. The King dressed in the robes -of a high priest. In this monastery was a pagoda on which 140 pounds of -gold and 427 pounds of silver were lavished. - - - - - Chapter IV. - -Revenue.... mathematics.... the bridge removed.... friends with China - again.... Confucianism wanes.... Buddhist book from Japan.... - frontier defence.... prophecy.... Han-yang made a secondary - capital.... new laws.... cash counterfeited.... Yŭ-jin taken.... - botany.... beginnings of the Kin power.... between Kitan and Kin.... - kingdom of Wŭn.... China allies herself with Kitan.... Kin seeks the - good will of Koryŭ.... dancing-girls and Buddhism.... Kin demands - Koryŭ alliance.... refused.... defense of the north.... an ambitious - official.... Kitan falls.... Sung dynasty falls.... harbor - improvement.... Buddhist trickery.... rebellion quelled.... - historical work, Sam-guk-sa.... an abject king.... Kin - immigrants.... a good governor for Quelpart.... military faction - dominant.... criminals, houses destroyed.... king banished.... a - plot foiled.... the emperor suspicious.... military and monastic - factions.... attempted revolution.... monastic revolt. - - -It is evident that population and revenue are proportionate. Not often -is the question of population touched upon in the Korean annals but some -light is thrown upon it by the statement that at this time the revenue -from the north, from the most distant places only, was 49,000 bags of -rice. From this we must infer that the north was fairly well populated. - -An interesting point in connection with the mathematical knowledge of -the time is brought out in the statement that the system of land tax was -changed and was collected at a certain rate per each square of -thirty-three paces; but if the field was large the tax was a certain -amount for each tract forty-seven paces square. The square of -thirty-three is 1089 and the square of forty-seven is 2209, which is the -nearest possible to twice the square of thirty-three. It would seem then -that they had some notion of the properties of geometrical figures. - -It was about this time that Kitan changed its name to Yo. She at once -sent an envoy announcing the fact. These were the golden days of Koryŭ’s -relations. The Yŭ-jin tribe of To-ryŭng-ko-do-wha came and swore -allegiance as also did the Chang-man and Tu-hul tribes. A few years -later a Japanese ruler named Sal-ma sent gifts to the Koryŭ court as -also did the people of Tsushima. - -During the latter years of this reign the Kitan people were induced to -break down the bridge across the Yalu but it was done only by sending an -abject letter in which the Koryŭ king said “As all the world is yours -and all the people in the world belong to you, you have no need of a -bridge to bind us to you.” - -In 1077 an envoy came from the Emperor of China (Sung dynasty) asking -aid against the Kitan. The king might well have turned and answered that -as the Emperor had remained deaf to Koryŭ’s entreaties for help so now -Koryŭ would decline to respond. But he did nothing of the kind; this -opportunity to reëstablish friendly relations with China was hailed with -delight by all classes. The king, though ill, was carried on his bed -outside the city walls to meet this welcome messenger. The latter was -treated royally and was loaded with so many gifts that he could not take -them back with him. He had no intention, however, of leaving them -entirely, for he sold them and took the money instead. This sort of -thrift was something new to the Koreans and they showed their disgust by -ridiculing him; and when he left they spat upon the ground in token of -their contempt. We are not told that Koryŭ gave the aid requested. And -yet the friendly relations were continued, as is seen from the fact that -in 1079 the emperor sent physicians and medicines to Koryŭ. We have here -the first definite mention of gold mining in the statement that the -people of Hong-wŭn dug a hundred ounces of gold and a hundred and fifty -ounces of silver, which they sent to the king. He graciously gave it -back to them. - -In 1084 the king died and his adopted son Hun, posthumous title -Sun-jong, came to the throne; but he died almost immediately and was -succeeded the same year by his younger brother Un, posthumous title -Sŭn-jong. When the messenger announcing this arrived at the gates of the -Kitan capital he was refused entrance, for they said there must be some -underlying cause for the sudden death of king Sun-jong. - -Under the new king, Buddhism continued its rapid advance. In the first -year of his reign he instituted a Buddhist examination to take the place -of the ordinary examination which was at bottom Confucian; and so -Buddhism scored a decided victory over her rival. It was a blow from -which Confucianism recovered only by the extinction of the dynasty. -These examinations the king attended in person, a Buddhist book being -carried before him. He sent the prince to China to learn more about the -tenets of the popular faith and when he returned the king went out to -welcome him home. The young man brought back 1,000 volumes of Buddhistic -books. Later the king secured 4,000 volumes more from the same source. -The records distinctly state that he sent also to Japan to secure still -other Buddhistic books. This is a strong indication that Japan did not -obtain her Buddhism largely from Korea. It proves at least that she had -a more direct channel for the procuring of Buddhist literature than by -way of Korea, otherwise Koryŭ would hardly have applied to her for -books. The king married his own sister. The bridge across the Yalu had -been destroyed but it would seem that it had been again built, for now -in 1088 the records say it was finally destroyed. - -King Sŭn-jong could not do enough for Buddhism. A vast amount of -government rice was turned from its legitimate uses and found its way -into the store-rooms of monasteries. The king constructed a -thirteen-storey pagoda in the palace. His mother made frequent visits to -one of the monasteries. - -The only act of this king which was not with special reference to -Buddhism was the stationing at Eui-ju of a large number of war chariots -to be used in defense of the frontier. - -In 1095 the king was succeeded by his son Uk, posthumous title Hön-jong, -who was only eleven years old. His uncle Ong become regent but proved -unfaithful and in the following year drove the boy from the throne and -proclaimed himself king. His title was Suk-jong. The most important -events of his reign were in connection with the founding of a second -capital as Han-yang, the present Seoul. The monk Tosun who, it will be -remembered, had taught the young Wang-gön the science of war, had also -left a prophecy to the effect that after 160 years it would be well for -the kingdom if the site of the capital be changed. The preliminary -arrangements were made early in this reign but it was not until the year -1104 that a palace was actually constructed there, nor was the royal -residence changed either at this time or at any later period, for any -considerable length of time. A few important laws were promulgated; that -if relatives intermarried they could not receive official position; that -the nomination of an heir to the throne should be made only after -consultation with the court of the northern suzerain; that candidates -who failed to pass the government examinations should be solaced by -receiving military rank. - -It is said that in 1100 copper cash had begun to circulate for the first -time with freedom among the people. Buddhism also made material advances -during this reign and riveted its fetters more firmly upon the body -politic. On the whole it was a very clean reign, when we remember that a -usurper was on the throne. - -In 1106 Suk-jong’s son U, posthumous title Ye-jong, came to the throne. -At the very first he was confronted by a new problem. The people had yet -to learn that the coinage of money is a purely government monopoly. The -readiness with which cash circulated tempted some to attempt to -counterfeit it. The king consequently promulgated a law inflicting a -heavy penalty upon this offense and at the same time made a law against -the adulteration of food. - -Having, in his third year, married a near relative he took as a teacher -a monk named Un-jin, another indication of the steady progress of that -cult. The talk about the change of site for the capital resulted in the -building of a palace at P‘yŭng-yang and several royal progresses to each -of the proposed sites. - -The tribe of Yŭ-jin had repeatedly promised to remain peaceful and had -as often broken their word; so now when they began to grow restless -again, the king decided to make an end of the matter. He sent a strong -force into their territory, killed 4,800 men and took several thousand -prisoners. The territory was divided into four administrative districts. - -In 1115 the king developed a fad. He became an enthusiastic botanist. He -ransacked the kingdom for rare and beautiful plants and sent them to -China in exchange for many kinds that were not indigenous. - -We have now arrived at the threshold of events which were destined to -result in the founding of a great dynasty. In order to explain we must -go back a few years. Early in this dynasty a Koryŭ monk from -P‘yŭng-yang, named Keum-jun, had fled, for some reason not stated, to -the town of A-ji-go among the Yŭ-jin tribe. He had there married a -Yŭ-jin woman and gotten a son whom he named Ko-eul. He in turn begot -Whal-ra, and to him were born many sons, the eldest of whom was -Hyo-ri-bal and the second Yong-ga. The latter was unusually bright and -popular and eventually became chief; but on his death the son of his -brother Hyo-ri-bal, named O-a-sok, took his place. O-a-sok died and his -younger brother, A-gol-t‘a, became chief. Yŭ-jin was at this time a -small weak tribe under the sway of the Ki-tan court, but now the -masterly genius of A-gol-t‘a had come to her help, matters were destined -to assume a different complexion. - -It was now in 1114 that the little tribe of Yŭ-jin broke off its -allegiance to Kitan and prepared to carve out a career for herself under -her great leader. Soon an envoy came in haste from the capital of Kitan -commanding the king to stand ready to drive back the Yŭ-jin tribe if -they attempted to escape into his territory, for the emperor of Kitan -was about to chastise his recalcitrant vassal. - -The next year A-gol-t‘a with sublime presumption proclaimed himself -emperor and named his kingdom Kin. At the same time he changed his own -name to Min. - -The Kitan emperor sent again demanding a contingent of Koryŭ troops. -After anxious consultation it was decided to keep the soldiers near home -and guard the interests of Koryŭ. In the war between Kitan and Kin the -former were severely handled and again appealed to Koryŭ for help, but -now with no hope of success. - -The next year, 1116, a Koryŭ envoy Yun Eun-sun was sent to the Kitan -court but he did not return, so a second one was dispatched to learn the -cause. The fact is, the first envoy had fallen into the hands of a new -power named Wŭn which had been set up in eastern Kitan by a man named Ko -Yöng-ch‘ang. War was still raging between Kitan and Kin and the whole -country was in a state of turmoil and confusion. The second envoy from -Koryŭ fell into the hands of the Wŭn people but got out of the -difficulty by promptly stating that he was accredited to them by the -king of Koryŭ; and he forthwith laid out his present. This made the -upstart “emperor” of Wŭn wild with delight and, loading the envoy with -rich presents, he sent him back home. Instead of going back to the king, -however, the envoy returned secretly to his own home, and it was only by -accident that the king learned of his return. When he did learn of it he -sent for the man and inflicted summary punishment. Of course the Wŭn -people liberated the other envoy and sent him home. Him also the king -punished for having saved his life by seemingly offering allegiance to -Wŭn. - -The emperor of China sent an envoy to Koryŭ with gifts of musical -instruments and took advantage of the occasion to ask the Koryŭ king -about the Kitan people. The king answered, “Of all the savage tribes -they are the worst.” When this reply reached the Chinese court some of -the courtiers said that the king of Koryŭ was trying to keep China from -knowing Kitan, since there was treasure there which Koryŭ wanted to -secure for herself. The emperor therefore sent and made an alliance with -Kitan, which, as the sequel shows, cost him dear. - -Kitan was being hard pressed by Kin, and Gen. Ya Ryul-lyŭng wanted to -escape and find asylum somewhere, so the king sent him a verbal -invitation to come to Koryŭ. He replied that he could not do so without -a written invitation. The Koryŭ statesmen feared that this covered some -kind of trickery and the written invitation was not sent. - -Koryŭ desired to put out a feeler to see how she stood with the Kin -power so she sent a message saying “The district of P‘o-ju is rightfully -Koryŭ territory and we should be pleased to have it turned over to us.” -The answer was given without an hour’s delay “Certainly, take it and do -with it as you wish.” Evidently the great Kin leader did not intend to -let a single district stand between him and the good-will of a power -which might cause him serious trouble while he was prosecuting his -designs upon China. - -The year ended with a great feast at the capital of Koryŭ at which -dancing girls from all parts of the country congregated. The records say -that they came “in clouds” which indicates the social status of the -country. Buddhism had her representative in every home, but no severe -asceticism would seem to have characterized the people, if this report -is true. - -The year 1117 beheld repeated triumphs of the Kin leader over the Kitan -forces, the flight of the Kitan general Ya Ryul-lyŭng by boat, the -burning of the Kitan fleet and the cession to Koryŭ of two more -districts, thus placing her border again at the Yalu River. But this -concession was of design for it was followed by a letter from the Kin -court which read as follows: “The elder brother, the Emperor of the -Great Kin, to the younger brother, the king of Koryŭ; we were a small, -weak tribe and were badly treated by the Kitan power but now we are -about to destroy it. The King of Koryŭ must now make with us a firm -treaty which shall be binding to the ten thousandth generation.” - -This met with an almost universal negative among the wise-heads of -Koryŭ, but one voice was heard saying “They may be in a position to do -us great harm and we should comply with this demand.” The latter opinion -did not prevail. Three years later another envoy came from the king of -Kin with gifts but the accompanying letter was couched in low language -which was construed into an insult and was answered in the same tone. -The king then hastened to repair the fortresses in the north and to -increase the height of the wall stretching across the country; but the -Kin emperor sent and forbade it. When he received as answer the question -“What affair is it of yours?” he kept his temper and did not press the -demand for he was anxious just then to be on good terms with his -southern neighbor. - -We must not imagine that these years were barren of events of importance -within the bounds of Koryŭ herself. Splendid monasteries were built, -notably the beautiful An-wha monastery; embassies and gifts were -received from China; the king made trips to P‘yŭng-yang and Han-yang. In -spite of the height to which Buddhism had climbed, we read in the annals -that the king frequented the society of dancing girls to such an extent -that he drew down upon himself the censure of one of his highest -officials, whom he consequently banished. - -In 1123 the king’s son Hă, posthumous title In-jong, came to the throne. -An official, Yi Ja-gyŭm, who had risen to the highest position under the -former king seemed to think himself in a sense on an equality with the -young king now on the throne, and wanted to have him bow to him, but the -other officials interfered and prevented it. In order to make his -position the more secure, and to strengthen his influence over the king, -Yi Ja-gyŭm bestowed upon him his four daughters to wife. Naturally he -incurred the bitter enmity of the other officials, who sought means for -destroying him, but without success. As a last resort they sent a band -of soldiers to the palace to kill him. But he escaped to his private -house, taking the king with him. From that place he governed the land as -he wished. Finding the king an incumbrance he tried to do away with him -by the use of poisoned bread, but someone warned the king, and instead -of eating the bread he threw it out of the window and the magpies, which -soon discovered it, fell dead on the spot. Thereupon the king sent a -secret message to one of his generals and soon the traitor was -travelling southward into exile and all his connections and followers -were put where they could do no more harm. - -It was in the third year of this King, 1124, that the Kin armies finally -overthrew the Kitan power. The false report came to Koryŭ that China had -defeated the Kin forces and that the leader of the defeated power was -coming to find asylum in Koryŭ. The king was advised by some to take -this opportunity of dealing Kin a staggering blow, but the more cautious -advised delay until the report should be authenticated. This was -fortunate, for the report proved false. - -It was in 1126 that the northern Sung dynasty came to an end at the -hands of the all-conquering Kin. The records state that Kin leaders -carried the last emperor of the Sung dynasty away and set up one Chang -Pang-ch‘ang as king in his stead, and changed the name of the dynasty to -Ch‘o. When this had been effected the Kin emperor sent Gen. Ya Ryul -Ka-geum to Koryŭ bearing his commands to the king, but what those -commands were the records do not tell. - -The influence which priestcraft had exercised in Koryŭ was well -illustrated by a monk Myo-chung of P‘yŭng-yang who told the King that -there was no more “king Spirit” in the soil of Song-do, but if he should -move the capital to P‘yŭng-yang the Kitan, Kin and Sung would all become -subject to him. The king believed every word of this and ordered a -palace to be built there for his occupancy. A year or so later, after -sending the Kin court his abject submission, he essayed to move to the -northern city by boat, but a fresh breeze sprang up and he quickly -changed his mind and hurried back to Song-do. The coastwise trade must -have been of considerable importance, for we read that the water on the -bar at Hong-ju harbor, was too shallow for boats of large burden to -cross, so the king put several thousand men to work to deepen the -channel; but to no effect. - -The fight between Confucianism and Buddhism went steadily on. The king -was the puppet of the latter but could not always carry out his plans. -He wanted to take away the support of Confucian schools and turn over -the funds to the monks, but this called out such a storm of -remonstrances that he hastened to recall the order. He had not forgotten -the flattering words of the monk Myo-chung, and now in 1130 he took -occasion to visit the city of P‘yŭng-yang. The tricky monk had made -preparation for his coming. Hollow loaves of bread were prepared with -holes in their sides after the style of a Jack-o’-lantern. Oil was -placed inside and as the king approached the town at dusk these were -floated down the stream, and the oil on the water, shining in the light -of the setting sun, reflected all the hues of the rainbow. The monk told -the king that this was the dragon’s breath. This was to convince the -king of the truth of his former statement. But the king’s attendants -were sceptical and sent messengers who returned with the bread floats, -thus unmasking the trickster. They demanded the head of the monk but the -king did not consent. - -Foiled in this the ambitious monk laid new plans. In 1135 they were -ready to be put in execution. Together with a fellow traitor, Cho Kwang, -he massed soldiers at P‘yŭng-yang and set up a kingdom of his own which -he named Ta-wi. He called the army the “Celestial Army,” perhaps to keep -them in good humor. The government forces easily overcame these -insurrectionary forces and Cho Kwang, finding that the end was -approaching, tried to buy pardon by cutting off the head of the monk and -bringing it to the capital. The king forgave him, but no sooner had he -re-entered the gates of P‘yŭng-yang than he raised the standard of -revolt again. The royal forces laid siege to the city, and having broken -down a portion of the wall effected an entrance. Cho Kwang, seeing that -there was no longer any chance of safety, set fire to his house and -perished in the flames. - -We find in the records the curious statement that the law against murder -was revised, making that crime a greater one than the killing of a cow. -The following year there was a Buddhistic festival at which 30,000 monks -were present. - -In the year 1145 occurred an event of great importance. A century and a -quarter had now passed since the kingdom of Sil-la had fallen and as yet -the annals of Sil-la, Ko-gu-ryŭ and Păk-je had not been worked up into a -proper history. This year it was done and the great work entitled -_Sam-guk-sa_, or History of the Three Kingdoms, was the result. This -work which, though rare, exists to-day, is the thesaurus of ancient -Korean history, and it is the basis upon which all subsequent histories -of ancient Korea are founded. Its compiler, Kim Pu-sik, is one of the -celebrated literary men of Korea and may truly be called the father of -Korean history. - -In-jong was succeeded in 1147 by his son Hyön, posthumous title -Eui-jong. Never before had a king given himself over so abjectly to the -priesthood. The people were thoroughly discontented with his course, but -he would listen to no remonstrances. It would have been better had he -been a more consistent Buddhist but his drinking, gambling and -licentiousness gave the lie to his religious pretentions and left the -impression that he was in reality only the tool of the priesthood. It is -said that his visits to a certain monastery were so frequent that an -awning had to be erected from the palace to its gates, and if at any -time the king was not to be found they looked for him in this monastery. -He was an object of ridicule to the whole people. A diviner told him -that if he built a palace at Păk-ju (now Pă-ch‘ŭn) in Whang-hă Province, -in seven years he would overcome both Kitan and Kin. The king was simple -enough to follow his advice. He wasted the public treasure on the -wildest debaucheries, gave high positions to monks and surrounded -himself with a vile set of men who debauched the palace women. - -In 1165 numbers of the Kin people crossed the Yalu and settled at In-ju -and Chŭng-ju. The magistrates raised a force of soldiers on their own -account without royal authority and drove out the intruders and burned -their houses. The Kin emperor made the king restore them to their places -but the magistrates again drove them out; so the Emperor sent a body of -troops and seized sixteen of the country officials. - -The officials desired to stop the king’s frequent visits to his favorite -monastery. One day as he was passing along his covered passage-way they -made his horse rear violently and at the same time one of them let fall -an arrow before him. The king was terrified, supposing that someone had -shot at him, so he returned to the palace in haste and barred the gates. -He charged a slave of his brother’s with having shot the arrow and after -wringing a false confession from him by torture put him to death. - -In 1168 Ch’oe Ch’ŭk-kyŭng became prefect of T’am-na (Quelpart). He was -well liked by the people and when he was removed and another man put in -his place they rose in revolt, drove out the successor and said they -would have no governor but Ch’oe. So the King was obliged to reinstate -him. These people of Quelpart were very unruly. It was only during the -reign of this king’s father that the first prefect had been sent to that -island. - -The king sent a commission to Dagelet island off the east coast to find -out whether it was habitable. They brought back an adverse report. - -Besides his partiality to Buddhism the king added another burden to -those which the people already carried. He made the eunuchs his -instruments to exact money from the people, and to such as supplied him -with the most money from this illegal practice he gave rank and honors. -The king was continually feasting, but none of the military men enjoyed -his favor or shared his hospitality. Matters came to a crisis when in -1170 one of the military officials was struck by a civil official of a -lower grade in the presence of the king while at a monastery outside the -city. The matter was hushed up for the moment but when the company -separated some of the generals assembled the palace guards and seized -and killed the two leading civil officials. One, Han Roe, escaped and -hid behind the king’s bed. In spite of this the generals entered and -dragged him away to his death. Then they began to slaughter the civil -officials and eunuchs indiscriminately. The records say that the dead -bodies were piled “mountains high.” The military officials had a sign by -which they might be distinguished. The right shoulder was left bare and -they wore a head-dress called the _pok-tu_. Whoever was found lacking -these two signs was cut down. The king was in mortal fear and tried to -propitiate the leading general by the gift of a beautiful sword. He -accepted it but the work of death went on. They took the king back to -the capital and, arriving at the palace, cut down ten leading men at -that point. Then they went to the palace of the crown prince and killed -ten more. Proclamation was made in the main street “Kill any official -wearing the garments of the civil rank”. This was the sign for a general -slaughter and fifty more of the officials were murdered. After this, -twenty eunuchs were beheaded and their heads were set upon pikes. - -Though the king was badly frightened he continued his evil course of -life without abatement. The generals wanted to kill him but were -dissuaded. The persecution of the civil officials continued but there -was some discrimination, for two of them who were better than the rest -were spared and protected. A civil official, returning from China, -learned of this _emeute_ and, gathering forces in the country, -approached the capital; but at a certain pass an unfavorable omen was -seen in the shape of a tiger sitting in the road. The omen was true, for -the improvised army was defeated by the insurrectionists. One Chöng -Chung-bu was the leading spirit in this business and he now proceeded to -pull down all the houses of the civil officials, turning a deaf ear to -the expostulations of those who pitied the widows and orphans. From this -time dates the custom of destroying the house of any official or -gentleman who is guilty of any serious crime against the king. - -Gen. Chöng came to the conclusion that the king was a hopeless case and -so he banished him to Kö-je in Island, Kyŭng-sang Province, and the -Crown Prince to the island of Chin-do, and made way with a large number -of the king’s relatives and hangers-on. He then put the king’s younger -brother Ho on the throne. His posthumous title is Myŭng-jong. This was -in 1171. - -Then all the offices were filled by military officials, Gen. Im -Keuk-ch’ung becoming Prime Minister. Mun Keup-kyŭm was one of the civil -officials who were spared, and he now feigned to be well content with -the condition of things and gave his daughter to the son of one of the -generals in marriage. An envoy was sent to the Kin court saying that as -the king was old and sick his brother had been given the reins of power. - -One of the generals, Yi Ko, desired to effect a revolution and, -gathering his friends about him, promised them high honors in case the -attempt should succeed. Thereupon he took with him to a feast a number -of his followers with swords hidden in their sleeves. Gen. Ch’oa Wŭn, -however, suspected something and communicated his suspicions to Gen. Yi -Eui-bang who managed to get Gen. Yi Ko out into the anteroom and there -felled him to the ground with an iron mace and dispatched him. His -followers were also seized and killed. - -The emperor suspected that the deposed king had been forcibly ejected -and so sent a letter severely blaming his successor. An envoy was -dispatched to the Kin court to explain matters. He talked well but the -emperor still suspected something and refused to answer the king’s -letter. The envoy thereupon sat down and deliberately began to starve -himself to death. This secured the desired answer and the envoy returned -to Song-do. The emperor sent a commission to enquire into the matter. -The commissioner was feasted at the capital and told that the deposed -king was old and sick and had gone away to a distant part of the country -and could not be produced. - -The ill-will between the military and the monks was well illustrated -when the palace caught fire. General Chöng saw many monks running toward -the burning buildings, but rather than have them enter he locked the -gates and let the buildings burn to the ground. - -The remnant of the civil officers were ever on the lookout for -opportunities to get the upper hand again and drive out the military -party. To this end Kim Po-dang sent letters to prefects far and wide and -a time for a rising was agreed upon. The banished king was put in the -van of the army thus improvised and they advanced as far as Kyöng-ju. -But the plan miscarried and Kim, its originator, was seized by the -people and sent to Song-do where he was put to death. Before dying he -exclaimed “I was in league with all the civil nobles.” This was probably -not true, but it caused a fresh outbreak of the military party upon the -civil nobles, and scores of them were killed. At last a reaction set in -and the military leaders, feeling that they had gone too far, tried to -make amends by giving their daughters to the sons of the civil officials -in marriage. - -At this point occurred one of the most revolting events that blot the -pages of Korean history. Gen. Chöng, hearing that the banished king had -come as far as Kyöng-ju sent Gen. Yi Eui-mun to put him out of the way. -After the leader and two hundred members of the ex-king’s guard had been -treacherously killed the ex-king himself was spirited away to a -neighboring monastery. He was taken out to the brink of a pond behind -this monastery and there Gen. Yi, who was a man of immense stature, -seized him in his arms and crushed his ribs, killing him instantly. The -body was wrapped in blankets, placed in two kettles, which were placed -mouth to mouth, and thrown into the pond. When this monster, Gen. Yi, -returned to Song-do he was loaded with honors. Later a monk, who was a -good swimmer, raised the body and gave it decent burial. - -In spite of the overwhelming power exercised by the military party, the -king was devoted to Buddhism. The monks were very anxious to kill Gen. -Yi, who had taken such an active part in deposing the late king; so they -massed in front of the palace and set fire to it by first firing the -adjoining houses. Gen. Yi made a sudden sally with a strong guard and -killed a hundred of the monks. He followed this up by demolishing five -monasteries whose sacred vessels and other utensils he confiscated. - - - - - Chapter V. - -Rebellion quelled.... cannibalism.... anarchy....“faith cure”.... - reformation.... Ta-na well.... the Queen restored.... slaves - revolt.... the Mongols.... envoy killed.... Kin weakens.... Kitan - refugees.... civil strife.... Kitan driven back.... Mongol - allies.... Mongols drive Kitans into Koryŭ.... Mongol savages.... - Kitan remnant surrenders.... Mongol envoy.... jealousy.... Mongol - demands.... rebels’ heads sent to Song-do.... Mongol demands - tribute.... brutal envoy.... a new wall.... Japanese pirates.... - Mongol envoy killed.... Mongol allies.... driven back.... prime - minister duped.... pirates again.... a Korean “Shogun”.... Mongols - cross the Yalu.... a Mongol letter.... the Mongols reach Song-do.... - leave it untaken.... the “Shogun” flees.... a brave prefect.... - Mongol terms.... King surrenders.... Mongol residency. - - -Cho Wi-jong was a P‘yŭng-yang man with a towering ambition, and he now -deemed the time ripe to put the wheels in motion. He therefore drew -about him a strong body of troops. All the districts about P‘yŭng-yang -joined him excepting Yŭn-ju, which remained loyal to the king. The -people of that place were afraid of the rebel but the loyal prefect Hyŭn -Tŭk-su forged a letter purporting to be from the royal army _en route_ -for P‘yŭng-yang. This gave the people courage to hold out. - -Cho and his troops marched toward Song-do and encamped not far to the -west of the town. Gen. Yi Eui-bang, having first seized and killed all -the P‘yŭng-an officials who happened to be in the capital, marched out -against the rebels. At the first attack the seditious force broke and -fled. Gen. Yi chased them as far as the Ta-dong River. He crossed that -river and lay siege to P‘yŭng-yang; but winter was coming on and he was -obliged to retire to Song-do. Cho then made two or three attempts to -overthrow the loyal town of Yŭn-ju, but without success. - -Gen. Yi was a ruthless man, who had no love of humanity in him, but -would kill his best friend if it served his purpose. For this reason -Gen. Chöng did not dare to associate with him, but threw up his -commission and went into retirement. His son got a priest to dog the -footsteps of Gen. Yi and wait for a chance to kill him. This he finally -accomplished and Gen. Yi and many of his relatives were killed; and the -queen, who was his daughter, was driven away. - -As Cho Wi-jong, the P‘yŭng-yang traitor, was gradually losing power he -desired to get help from the Kin emperor. For this purpose he sent two -envoys, but one of them killed the other on the way and them fled to -Song-do. Cho sent another, but him the Kin emperor seized and sent a -prisoner to the Koryŭ capital. In the spring the royal forces besieged -Cho in P‘yŭng-yang again and famine within the walls became so great -that men ate each other. Many of the towns-people came out by stealth -and as they were well received by the besieging force, well-nigh all the -civilians in the city came over the walls by night. When the city fell, -Cho was killed and his wife and children were sent to Song-do where they -were hung in the center of the city. - -The rebel forces were scattered but reunited in various places and -terrorized the whole north, so that envoys to the Kin court had to go a -round-about way to avoid them. The whole country in fact was in a state -of anarchy. In the south whole sections of the country were disaffected -toward the government and bands of men roamed the country. There was a -rising also in Whang-hă Province. In P‘yŭng-yang the people rose and -drove out the governor. The king was forced to begin the correction of -abuses. He sent all about gathering information as to how the people -were governed and as a consequence eight hundred officials were -cashiered. But the attempt at renovation came too late. In the west the -bands of robbers looted right and left and could not be apprehended. The -capital itself swarmed with thieves. The ancestral temple itself was -robbed of its utensils. But all this time the king kept up a round of -carousals and debaucheries at which he himself played the buffoon, and -danced for the delectation of his guests, and that too at a monastery. A -sacred place truly! - -In the twelfth year of the reign, 1182, we find an interesting -application of what goes in these days under the name of “faith cure.” A -priest claimed to be able to cure any disease. Being called before the -king he said, “If anyone drinks water in which I have washed my hands he -will be immediately cured.” He further explained “After drinking the -water, pray earnestly to Buddha. Then rise and say ‘I am cured’, and if -you really believe you are cured, you will be so.” Crowds of people -applied to him for treatment. He seduced many of the women who came to -him. - -Gen. Yi Eui-mun was now court favorite and he usurped all the leading -offices and acted as pander-in-general to the King by seeking out and -forcibly carrying to the palace young and handsome girls. This seemed -intolerable to such loyal men as Gen. Ch‘oe Chung-heun, and he, in -company with his brother, surrounded the palace, killed Yi Eui-mun and -many others of his ilk, chased away many illegitimate sons of the king, -who had become monks, and would not let them enter the palace again. -This all happened in 1196, and two years later the reformer continued -the good work by deposing the old and indolent king, banishing the crown -prince to Kang-wha and putting the king’s brother Mun on the throne. His -posthumous title is Sin-jong. The banishing of the crown prince and his -wife was effected in a very heartless manner. They were ordered out of -the palace at a moment’s notice and, coming forth entirely unprepared -for the journey, were mounted on horses in a cold rain and hurried away -to Kang-wha. A terrible storm raged the day the King was deposed, as if -in sympathy with the throes through the country was passing. - -There was a saying current among the people which shows at once how -superstitious they were and to what an extent the eunuchs were wont to -abuse their power. They said “If the King uses water from the Ta-nă Wall -many eunuchs will arise and will cause the government to be administered -badly;” so the well was filled up. Another instance shows what a -terrible temptation there was for the people to abuse their power. This -same reformer Ch’oe Chung-heun, though himself a man of perfect -uprightness, had a brother who now took advantage of his position to -force the king to take his daughter as queen. To do this the real queen -had to be banished. As it happened, the king was deeply attached to her, -but he was in no position to refuse to do the bidding of the powerful -courtier. After a tearful parting she went into exile. This was as yet -unknown to the reformer, but when he learned of it his indignation was -deep and fierce. Cloaking his feelings, he called his brother to a feast -and there reminded him that they were not of a high enough family to -furnish a queen, and he charged him to give up the attempt. The next -day, the villain changed his mind again. His mother expostulated with -him and he felled her to the floor. Gen. Ch‘oe was told of this and, -surrounding himself with a strong body-guard, he proceeded to the palace -gate. When his niece was brought in her chair and was about to enter to -become queen, the faithful old general disputed the passage and a fight -ensued between his men and his brother’s. The former were successful and -the wretch betook himself to flight, but was pursued, taken and killed -by the general himself. The rightful queen was restored to her station. - -The six years of this king’s reign were one long scene of turmoil and -strife. In the first place the slaves revolted. They said “The high men -are not made so by the decree of heaven. Great men are those who do -well. Let us fight for our rights; Gen. Ch‘oe is from as low a grade as -ourselves. Let us become high men too.” They rendezvoused at Heung-guk -monastery and decided as a preliminary measure to demand from their -masters the deeds of themselves (for slaves as well as houses were -deeded property) and to burn them. They were betrayed to Gen. Ch‘oe who -trapped a hundred of them, tied stones about their necks and drowned -them in the river. The south was overrun by marauding parties whom the -king bought off by gifts of food, clothes and land. In Chin-ju the -governor’s servants locked him in his private dungeon, gathered a band -of men and put to death all who would not join their standard. It is -said that 6,400 men were killed because of refusal to join them. The -same scenes were enacted in various places, notably in Quelpart and -Kong-ju. - -In the midst of these scenes the king died and was succeeded in 1205 by -his son Tok, posthumous title Heui-jong. - -We have now arrived at the threshold of events which were destined to -make Asia one great battle-field and to cause the sovereigns of Europe -to tremble on their thrones. - -The Mongols lived north of Yŭ-jin and were in a sense connected with -them. Their first great chief was Ya-sok-hă (Yusuka) who first led the -revolt which separated the Mongol power from the Yŭ-jin. He together -with Keui-ak-on conquered forty of the northern tribes in quick -succession and brought them all under his flag. His son’s name was -Chŭl-mok-jin, the great Genghis Khan. It was now in the second year of -Heui-jong, in 1206, that the great Genghis proclaimed himself emperor -and named his empire Mong. - -Meanwhile Ch‘oe Chung-heun was not proof against the seductions of -ambition and power, and we next find him seizing the people’s houses and -building himself a magnificent residence adjoining the palace. People -said of him that he buried a boy or a girl under each corner post. - -When the spring of 1212 opened, an envoy was sent to the Kin court but -was intercepted by Mongol videttes who had by this time worked their way -southward to a point that commanded the road between Koryŭ and Kin. The -Kin people recovered the body and sent it back to Koryŭ. - -Gen. Ch‘oe had acquired so much power that he was in reality the ruler -of the land, holding much the same position that the Shogun of Japan is -said to have occupied. He may not inappropriately be styled the Shogun -of Koryŭ. For this reason the king desired to get him out of the way. To -this end he put upon his track a number of monks, but as they began by -attacking his servant he quietly slipped into a chest and they could not -find him. His body-guard became aware of his predicament and forced the -palace gates, killing right left; and they would have killed the king -had not the wily old general stepped out of his hiding place and -prevented it. The latter banished the king to Kang-wha and the crown -prince to Chemulpo and set upon the throne one Chong, whose posthumous -title is Kang-jong. - -The only event recorded of this reign is the arrival of an envoy from -the Kin court, who wanted to enter the palace by the central or royal -gate. He insisted upon it until he was asked the question “If you enter -by the royal gate, by what gate would your master enter should he come -here?” This silenced him. - -Kang-jong was succeeded in 1214 by his son Chin, posthumous title -Kang-jang. This was destined to be the longest and by far the most -eventful reign of the dynasty for it lasted forty-five years and -witnessed the great Mongol invasion. - -The Kin power was now trembling under the Mongol onslaught and envoys -came demanding aid from Koryŭ in the shape of rice and horses. The king -ostensibly refused but allowed the envoys to purchase rice and carry it -away with them. - -Again a dark cloud hung over Koryŭ’s northern border. It was not the -Mongols as yet, but the remnant of the Kitan forces who were unable to -withstand the Mongols and so had fled south into Koryŭ territory. At -first the Koryŭ forces were able to keep them in check but as they came -in ever increasing numbers they broke down all opposition and were soon -ravaging Whang-hă Province, making P‘yŭng-yang their headquarters. The -lack of Koryŭ soldiers was so evident that men of all classes, even the -monks, became soldiers. It was of no avail. They were cut down like -stubble and Whang-ju fell into Kitan hands. The enemy was soon only -eighty _li_ from the capital. Consternation reigned in the city and the -people all procured swords or other weapons and manned the walls. - -To this outward danger was added the terror of civil strife for the -priests took this inopportune moment to attack the old general, Ch‘oe, -who still ruled with a high hand. He turned on them however and cut down -three hundred. He then instituted an inquisition and as a result 800 -more were killed. - -Such then was the desperate position of Koryŭ; a powerful enemy at her -door, the south rife with rebellion, and in the capital itself -“mountains of dead and rivers of blood.” Victorious Kitan came sweeping -down on Song-do, but for some reason, perhaps because they had heard -that the town was well defended, they made a detour, appearing next on -the banks of the Im-jin River half way between Song-do and the present -capital. There they suffered defeat at the hands of the Koryŭ forces as -they did also later at the site of the present capital. In view of these -defeats the Kitan army retired to Tă-băk San. Now another cause of -anxiety appeared in the shape of the Yŭ-jin allies of the Mongols who -crossed the Yalu and took Eui-ju. But Koryŭ, wide awake to the danger, -threw upon them a well equipped force which destroyed 500 of them, -captured many more and drove the remaining 300 across the river. The -king now built a royal residence at Pă-gak San to the east of Song-do, -for he had been told that by so doing he would be able to hold the north -in check. - -Myŭn Ku-ha of east Yŭ-jin, being defeated by the Mongols, came in his -flight towards the Yalu, but the Koryŭ general, Chŭng Kong-su, caught -him and sent him safely to the Mongol headquarters. This pleased the -Mongols hugely and they said “We must make a treaty of friendship.” We -must remember that the Mongols were at war with Kitan and had driven her -army across into Koryŭ, but at first did not pursue them. Now, however, -an army of 10,000 men under Generals T‘ap Chin and Ch‘al Cha, were sent -to complete the destruction of the Kitan power. They were joined by -Yŭ-jin allies to the number of 20,000 men under Gen. Wan-an Cha-yŭn. As -these allies were advancing against the doomed army of Kitan, the -remnant of which, 50,000 strong, was massed at Kang-dong, a great -snowstorm came on and provisions ran low. Koryŭ was asked to supply the -deficiency which she did to the extent of 1,000 bags of rice. This still -more helped her into the good graces of the Mongols. But the records -state that the Mongols were so little beyond the condition of the savage -that there could be little real friendship between them and the people -of Koryŭ. The latter showed it too plainly and the Mongols of course -resented it. - -In this army that was marching to the annihilation of Kitan there was a -contingent of Koryŭ forces under Gen. Kim Ch‘ui-ryo who is described as -being a giant in size with a beard that reached his knees. He was a -favorite with the Mongol generals and was treated handsomely by them. - -The siege of Kang-dong was prosecuted vigorously and soon the greatest -distress prevailed within the walls. The leader finally gave up hope and -hanged himself, and the 50,000 men came out and surrendered. Gen. T‘ap -reviewed them, took off the heads of a hundred of the leaders and -released the remainder. The Mongol leader wished to make a visit to -Song-do to see the king but he could not leave his army, so he sent an -envoy instead. He gave the Koryŭ generals rich presents and released 700 -Koryŭ captives that had been previously taken. Many Kitan captives were -put into the hands of the Koryŭ generals as a result of the decisive -termination of the war against Kitan and many of the heretofore -inaccessible parts of the north were opened up, and they were called the -“Kitan District.” - -Ere long the Mongol envoy approached Song-do and the king sent out a -messenger to meet him, but this did not satisfy him, for he exclaimed -“Why did not the king come out to meet me?” It took some persuasion to -induce him not to turn back. When he had audience with the king he wore -the heavy fur clothing of his native country with a fur head-dress, and -carried a sword and a bow. Approaching the king he seized his hand and -showed him the letter from the Mongol emperor, Genghis Khan. The king -turned pale and was exceedingly embarrassed at this familiarity, and the -officials asked each other how the presence of this barbarian could be -endured. They induced him to retire and assume Koryŭ garments, after -which he reappeared and the king presented him with gifts of gold, -silver, silk and linen. - -Gen. Cho Ch‘ung accompanied the retiring Mongol and Yŭ-jin allies as far -as the Yalu where they bade him an affectionate adieu and declared that -he was a man of whom Koryŭ should be proud. The Mongol general, Hap -Chin, left forty men at Eui-ju to learn the Koryŭ language and told them -to stay there till he returned. Gen. Cho then returned to P‘yŭng-yang -where he was lionized and fêted. The old man Ch‘oe Chung-heun feared -that Gen. Cho would attempt to throw him down from his high position and -thought it would be better to have him near by, where he could watch -him; so he forged a letter purporting to be from the king, ordering him -to come down to the capital. He obeyed. - -It seemed at this time that the relations of Koryŭ and the Mongols would -remain friendly, but if Koryŭ thought this she was destined to be rudely -awakened. The Mongol and Yŭ-jin allies sent to Myŭng-sŭng and said -“Koryŭ must send an envoy and do obeisance each year.” This was said in -so offensive a way that it seemed to be an attempt to provoke war. We -are not told what answer was given but it sufficed for the time to -secure peace. - -The great Ch‘oe Chung-heun who had carried things with such a high hand -now fell ill and died. This caused more commotion than the death of -several kings. He was buried with royal honors. He left many sons, of -whom U and Hyang were first and second. Hyang was a bold and powerful -man, and before the father died he warned U against him. U succeeded to -his father’s position which, as we have seen, corresponded closely with -that of the Shogun of Japan. - -A serious rebellion broke out in the north under two leaders, Han Sun -and Ta Chi, the cause being the illegal exactions of the prefects. When -the king found that it could not be put down by peaceful means he sent -Gen. Kim Ch‘ui-ro to put it down by force. The east Yŭ-jin leader, Myŭn -Ku-ha, at first sided with the rebels but later changed his mind, -invited Han Sun and Ta Chi to a feast, got them intoxicated, -assassinated them, put their heads in a box and sent it to the king, -thereby earning the good will of the latter. The king then reformed the -abuses in the rebellious section and peace was at last secured. - -The Mongols were not to be content with an empty friendship, and in 1221 -they sent a demand for revenue, consisting of 10,000 pounds of cotton, -3,000 rolls of fine silk, 2,000 pieces of gauze, 100,000 sheets of paper -of the largest size. The envoy who brought this extraordinary letter was -provided commodious quarters and excellent food but he expressed his -dissatisfaction at everything by shooting arrows into the house posts, -and by acting in a very boorish manner generally. The only man who could -do anything with him was Kim Heui-jo who charged him with killing a man -in Eui-ji, and threatened to have him imprisoned. Thus meeting bluster -with bluster he made the brutal northerner listen to reason. When the -envoy was about to go to an audience with his weapons in hand, this same -Kim made him lay them aside. Other Mongol and Yo-jin messengers came and -Kim managed them all so well that no trouble arose. - -It was becoming apparent that the Mongols were likely at any time to -make a descent upon Koryŭ; so, in the following year, 1222, a wall was -built near the Yalu river, extending from Eui-ju to Wha-ju. It is said -that this was completed in the marvelously short space of forty days, a -feat which shows not only how great a power Koryŭ could exert when -necessary but how important she deemed it that this wall should be -built. - -1223 A.D. marks the beginning of that long series of depredations which -Japanese freebooters inflicted upon Koryŭ between 1200 and 1400. In this -year they landed on the coast of Kyŭng-sang Province and ravaged the -district of Keum-ju. With the opening of the next year, a Mongol envoy -came modifying the demand for tribute to sea otter skins only. The Kin -dynasty was now tottering to its fall but was destined to cling to life -for another ten years. This year saw it nearly fall before the Mongol -power. Koryŭ therefore discarded the Kin calendar. The friendship -between the Mongols and Koryŭ was destined to be rudely broken in the -year 1225, and through no fault of the latter except the inability to -keep order in her own territory. The Mongol envoy, returning to the -north, was set upon by a Koryŭ highwayman and was robbed of the gifts -which he was carrying home. Thus all friendly relations were ruptured -and another step was taken toward the final catastrophe. This year also -witnessed another Japanese raid in the south. - -[Illustration: _FERRY ACROSS THE HAN._] - -The Yŭ-jin who had now assumed the Mongol clothes, and were in reality -an integral part of the Mongol power, made a descent upon Koryŭ in 1226 -in the vicinity of Eui-ju. The prefect deemed it too pressing a matter -to wait till word could be received from Song-do, so he sent a thousand -men immediately against the raiders and drove them back. The king -forgave the irregularity but refused to reward him. - -Ch‘oé U who, as we know, was the prime minister, was duped by a diviner -into believing that he was to become king some day, and he foolishly -divulged the secret to a certain Kim, and soon it became common -property. As punishment for this, as well as to get himself out of -trouble, Ch‘oe U had both Kim and the diviner drowned. - -The depredations of the Japanese were without the cognizance of the -Japanese government and were against its wish. This appears from the -fact that when in 1227 an envoy, Pak In, was sent to Japan to -remonstrate against them, the government of that country acquiesced and -arrested and killed a number of the corsairs. - -Both this year and the next Yŭ-jin bands ravaged the northern part of -Koryŭ, but at the same time asked that a treaty be concluded. The ink -was hardly dry on this before it was broken by the very ones who -advocated it. - -Ch‘oe U followed in his father’s steps and having established himself in -the viceroyship began to abuse the people, stealing houses and lands -from them wherewith to build himself a princely mansion, two hundred -paces long. In the court of it he had mock battles and the soldiers -played at ball. The expense of this was borne by the people, whose faces -were already being ground to furnish the regular revenue. His younger -brother, Hyang, who long since been had banished, attempted to raise an -insurrection in favor of the exiled king; but Ch‘oe U sent a strong -force and chased his brother until he was run to earth in a cave among -the mountains where he was killed. - -It was now the year 1231, the year which saw the outbreak which had been -threatening ever since Genghis Khan came to the chieftainship of the -Mongol armies. As the spring opened a powerful Mongol army moved -southward across the Yalu under the leadership of Sal Ye-t‘ap and took -the fortress of Ham-sin near Eui-ju. They followed this up by storming -Ch‘ŭl-ju which ended only after the prefect had set fire to his house -and destroyed his whole family and he and his associates had cut their -own throats. - -The king did not intend to submit without a struggle. He sent Generals -Pak Sö and Kim Kyöng-sol at the head of a large army to operate against -the invaders. They rendezvoused with all their forces at Ku-ju, the four -gates of which were strongly barricaded. The Mongols commenced the -attack at the south gate. The Koryŭ soldiers made five brilliant sallies -and forced the enemy to retire. The honors of this victory fell to Gen. -Kim who pursued the enemy some distance and then returned to the town in -triumph. The Mongols, who seem to have been independent of any base of -supplies and made the country through which they passed supply them, now -left this town untaken and the Koryŭ army undefeated in their rear, and -marched boldly southward, taking Kwak-ju and Sŭn-ju. From this point the -Mongol general Sal Ye-t‘ap sent a letter to the king saying “Let us make -peace. We have now taken your country as far as Han-sin and if you do -not come to terms with us we will draw reinforcements from Yŭ-jin and -crush you.” The messenger who conveyed this very candid letter got only -as far as P‘yŭng-ju where he was seized by the people and imprisoned. -While waiting for an answer, the invaders tried another attack on Ku-ju -but with no better success. Not only so, but they were badly defeated at -Au-puk fortress. - -The king now reinforced the army in the north and at the same time -feasted 30,000 monks at the capital in order to influence the celestial -powers to bring about a cessation of war. But at the same time the -Mongol forces were reinforced by Yŭ-jin troops and with high spirits -crossed the Ta-dong river and swept down to P‘yŭng-ju to wreak their -vengeance on that place where even yet the Mongol messenger with the -letter for the king was languishing in durance vile. By a night attack -they took the place, burned it to the ground, killed the prefect and -even destroyed every dog and other domestic animal in the place. Then -they advanced toward Song-do and soon appeared beneath its walls. There -the Mongol generals P‘o-do, Chŭk-kŭ and Tang-go went into camp. They -supplied their army by foraging all through the surrounding country, in -which operation thousands of people were killed, their houses destroyed -and their goods confiscated, especially all kinds of food. The people in -the capital were in the greatest distress. Ch‘oe U, the viceroy, -stationed all the best troops about his own house and left the inferior -troops to guard the palace. - -The Mongol general Sal Ye-t‘ap was now in the north. The king had -already sent one messenger to ask for terms of peace and had received -the following answer; “I am emperor. If you wish to fight it out then -come on and fight. If not then surrender, and be quick about it, too.” -The king now sent another messenger on a similar errand. He returned -with two Mongol commissioners and three more soon followed. They were -immediately admitted to an audience and a conference followed, after -which the king sent rich presents to Gen. Sal Ye-t‘ap who seems now to -have joined the main army before Song-do, and also to the other -generals. What the result of the conference was is, for some reason, not -stated in the records, but that it was not entirely satisfactory to the -Mongols, or if satisfactory not sufficiently so to make them forego the -pleasure of plundering, is seen from their next move, for they left -Song-do and went southward to the center of the peninsula, the rich -province of Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng. - -The cowardly prime minister showed his colors by sending a man to find a -retreat for him on the island of Kang-wha, but the messenger fell into -the hands of Mongol foragers. - -Gen. Sal Ye-t‘ap had gone north and joined another division of the -Mongol army and again he attacked Ku-ju. He made engines of war called -_ta-p‘o-ch‘a_, a sort of catapult, with which to reduce this town, but -the magistrate, Pak Sö also made similar instruments which hurled huge -stones, and the besiegers were compelled to retire to a distance and -take refuge behind various kinds of defenses. The Mongols made three -attempts to deceive the prefect by forged letters purporting to be from -the king and saying “I have surrendered and therefore you must submit,” -but Pak Sö was not to be caught by so simple a trick. The besiegers then -tried huge scaling ladders, but these were cut down by the defenders as -fast as they were put in place. An aged Mongol general, who made a -circuit of the town and marked the splendid state of defense into which -the place had been put, declared that he had never seen a place so well -defended. - -So the little town stood and the great Mongol general was forced to seek -other fields for the display of his prowess. He sent a letter to the -king finding fault because of the death of the first Mongol messenger -and modestly suggesting that peace could be secured if he would -surrender and give 20,000 horse-loads of clothing, 10,000 pieces of -purple silk, 20,000 sea-otter skins, 20,000 horses, 1,000 boys, 1,000 -girls and 1,000,000 soldiers, with food, to help conquer Japan. In -addition to this the king must go to the Mongol court and do obeisance. -These were the terms upon which Koryŭ could secure peace. - -With the beginning of the next year, 1232, the king sent two generals -bearing a letter of surrender. With it he sent seventy pounds of gold, -thirteen pounds of silver, 1,000 coats and a hundred and seventy horses. -He moreover stated that the killing of the Mongol messenger was not the -work of the Koryŭ government but of a band of insurgents and robbers. -The officials had to give their garments in order to make up the number -that was sent. Each prefect along the route was charged with the duty of -seeing that the Mongols were in no way molested. - -But Pak Sö the prefect of Ku-Ju was an obstinate man and would not give -up his fortress even when he knew the king had surrendered. It was only -after a great deal of argument and expostulation that he at last -capitulated. The Koryŭ people wanted to kill him for his obstinacy but -the Mongols said “He is your greatest man and you should prize him -highly.” - -So ended the first act of the tragedy, but it was not to be the last. A -Mongol residency was established at Song-do and Mongol governors were -stationed at important centers throughout the country. The Mongol -resident insisted upon entering the palace by the middle gate which the -king alone used, but it was shut and barred and he was not able to carry -his point. When the tribute above mentioned reached Gen. Sal Ye-t‘ap he -expressed the greatest dissatisfaction with it because it fell so far -short of what was demanded and he imprisoned the messenger who brought -it. The king sent an envoy to the Mongol capital saluting the emperor as -suzerain for the first time. - - - - - Chapter VI. - -The king moves to Kang-wha.... a slave rebellion.... Mongol anger.... - second invasion.... Mongol charges.... popular insurrections.... - palace building.... the north occupied by Mongols.... Mongols not - good seamen.... suffering and distress.... nature of Mongol - occupation.... diplomacy.... temporary peace.... Gayuk Khan.... - Mangu Khan.... efforts to get the king out of Kang-wha.... great - invasion of 1253.... an urgent letter.... king decides not to - remove.... great fortress falls.... impossible demands.... siege of - Ch‘un-ch‘ŭn.... Ya Gol-dă meets the king.... the king promises to - return to the capital.... a ferocious governor-general.... exchequer - depleted.... Cha Ra-dă before Kang-wha.... a beautiful reply.... a - new viceroy.... succession of disasters.... viceroy overthrown.... - Mongol ravages.... the north defenseless. - - -That neither the Koryŭ king nor any of the officials believed that the -end of the trouble had come is evident. No sooner had the tumult of war -subsided than the question arose in the Koryŭ councils as to the moving -of the court. Some objections were made, but Choe U silenced them by -killing off a few of the objectors. As for the king, he could not make -up his mind to go; but the viceroy showed no hesitation. Seizing the -government carts he loaded his household effects upon them and moved to -the island of Kang-wha. He also urged the people to do likewise, and put -up placards threatening with death anyone who should speak against -removing. Meanwhile the people throughout the country were rising in -revolt against the Mongol governors and were driving them out. This was -sure to call down upon the troubled land another invasion, and the king -at last made up his mind to follow the example of his viceroy and move -to Kang-wha. A palace had been prepared for him there and on the -appointed day a start was made from the capital. It happened to be in -the midst of the rainy season when the roads are well-nigh impassable. -The whole cavalcade soon found itself mired, and torrents of rain added -materially to the discomfort. Even ladies of noble rank were seen wading -with bared limbs in the mud and carrying bundles on their heads. The -wailing and crying of this forlorn multitude was audible for a long -distance. Gen. Kim Chung-gwi was left to guard the capital. When the -king at last arrived on the island he found that the palace was not -ready for occupancy and he was obliged to live in a common house while -the officials shifted for themselves. Messengers were immediately sent -in all directions ordering the people to leave the mainland and seek -refuge on the islands. - -The common people in Song-do were in utter confusion. Anarchy stared -them in the face. A slave by the name of Yi T‘ong gathered about him a -band of slaves and raised an insurrection. The general who had been -placed in charge was driven out, the monks were summoned to help in the -sack of the town and all the government buildings were soon looted. It -is hardly complimentary to Buddhism that her monks were invited by this -seditious rabble to help in these lawless acts but it is probably a true -picture of the times. When this came to the ears of the king he sent -Gen. Yi Cha-sung to put down the insurrection. The slaves barricaded the -road but the general dispersed them and at night gained admittance to -the city by feigning to be a deserter. Once within, he caught the slave -leader Yi T‘ong and the rest soon dispersed. - -When the news of this exodus from the capital and the driving out of the -Mongol governors reached the Mongol capital is caused a sensation. The -emperor, in a white heat, sent a messenger post-haste to Song-do and -behind him came a powerful army. The demand was “Why have you changed -the capital? Why have our people been driven out?” The king replied that -the capital was changed because all the people were running away, but he -affirmed that although he had removed to Kang-wha his friendly feelings -toward the Mongols had not changed. To this the Mongols made the only -answer that was to be expected from them. They fell upon the northern -towns and put them to indiscriminate slaughter. Men, women and children -fell beneath their swords. Gen. Sal Ye-t‘ap himself came to attack -Cho-im fortress. In that place there was a notable archer. He shot with -unerring skill and every arrow found its victim. Aided by this man the -garrison offered such a stubborn resistance that the Mongols at last -fell back in disorder. It is said that Gen. Sal Ye-t‘ap himself was one -of the victims of this man’s superb marksmanship. The king offered him -official position but he would not accept it. - -The spring of 1233 found the emperor’s anger somewhat abated and instead -of sending another army he sent another envoy with four formulated -charges. (1) No Koryŭ envoy had come to do obeisance. (2) Highwaymen had -killed a Mongol envoy. (3) The king had run away from his capital. (4) -The king had given false figures in the census of Koryŭ. We are not told -whether these were answered but we may infer that they were, and in the -humblest tone. - -It would be singular indeed if, in such lawless times, there were not -many insurrections in the country. A considerable insurrection was -gotten up in Kyŭng-sang Province but was put down with a heavy hand, for -the records say that after the battle between the rebels and the loyal -troops the road for six miles was lined with dead. In P‘yŭng-yang -likewise there was a rising led by one Pil Hyŭn-bo. The King sent Gen. -Chöng I alone to settle the difficulty. He had already been a -P‘yŭng-yang prefect and had put down one insurrection. He was feared -throughout the whole section. As he approached the northern city his -servant besought him not to enter it, but he replied that such were the -king’s orders. So he went to his death, for the insurrectionists, -failing to win him over to their side, gave him his quietus. The viceroy -then sent 3,000 picked troops to the rebellious city. They took the -rebel leader, cut him in two and sent the fragments of his body to the -king. The second in command named Hong Pok-wŭn, fled to the Mongols, by -whom he was warmly welcomed. He became their guide in many subsequent -expeditions. These renegades were a source of constant trouble between -Koryŭ and the Mongols; so much so that the King took pains to show favor -to the parents and relatives of those who had fled to the Mongol flag. -This same year a second wall was built about Kang-wha. The king sent -asking the Mongols to recall the rest of their troops, and it was done. - -With the opening of the following year, 1234, great numbers of people -were summoned to help in the building of a palace on Kang-wha. At this -time the utmost favor was shown to Buddhism. Sacrifices were offered on -all the mountains and beside the streams with the hope of enlisting the -sympathy of the gods. The viceroy also looked out for himself, for we -are told, probably with some exaggeration, that he built himself a house -twenty _li_ in circumference. It was in this same year that the Kin -dynasty became extinct. - -With the opening of the next year the real occupation of the land by the -Mongols commenced. The north was systematically occupied, scores of -prefects being seized. The king of Kang-wha meanwhile was trying to -secure a cessation of these hostilities by turning sun-worshipper, for -every morning from seven to twelve the officials spent their time -worshipping that very useful, but hardly divine, luminary. The year -following increased the hopelessness of Koryŭ’s position a hundred fold, -for the Mongols established seventeen permanent camps in P‘yŭng-an and -Whang-hă Provinces. They came as far south as Han-yang, the present -Seoul. They then proceeded southward to the very extremity of the -peninsula, and camps were established through all that portion of the -land. The only reverse the Mongols met in this triumphal march was at -the hands of Son Mun-ju the prefect of Chuk-ju, now Chuk-san, who had -learned the tactics of the Mongols while serving in the north. Every day -he foretold successfully at what point the enemy would make the next -attack. People said he was inspired. - -It would seem that the Mongols, however, did not remain long in the -south, for we read that when the standard of revolt was raised the -following year at Na-ju, the Koryŭ forces, sent by the king, speedily -overcame them. This would hardly have been likely had the Mongols been -in force in that vicinity. - -We must remember that the Mongols were continental people and knew -nothing of the sea. Even the narrow strip of water between Kang-wha and -the mainland daunted them. And so it was that the king from his island -retreat defied the tremendous Mongol power. - -By 1238, when the Mongols again flooded the country with their soldiery, -the people had mostly found refuge among the mountains and on the -thousands of islands which lie off the western coast of Korea. It would -be impossible for anyone to imagine the suffering and distress entailed -by these invasions. The records say that the people simply left their -houses and fields and fled to these places of refuge. What did these -hundreds of thousands of people live on as they fled, and after they -reached their places of retreat? What breaking of old bonds of -friendship and kinship, what rending of family ties and uprooting of -ancient landmarks! It is a marvel that the land ever recovered from the -shock. These Mongols were fiercer and more ruthless than the Japanese -who overran the country three centuries later and they were far more -numerous, besides. Plunder being their main motive, their marauding -bands covered a much greater territory and mowed a much wider swath than -did the soldiers of the great Hideyoshi, who kept to comparatively -narrow lines of march. Nor did these Mongols meet the opposition which -the Japanese met. The Mongols made a clean sweep of the country, and -never again do we read of those splendid armies of 200,000 or 300,000 -men which Koryŭ was once able to put into the field, even when groaning -under the weight of a corrupt court and a rampant priesthood. It is from -these days that dates that utter prostration of Koryŭ’s power which left -her an easy prey to every Japanese freebooter who had 100 good swords at -his back. - -After ravaging to their hearts’ content the Mongols withdrew in 1236 to -their own territory but sent a messenger ordering the king to go to -Peking and bow before the Mongol emperor. He refused, but sent instead a -relative by the name of Chŭn with a letter asking the emperor to excuse -him from attempting the difficult journey to the Mongol court. Again the -next year the same demand was made, but this time the king simply -declined to go. The Mongols then modified their demand and ordered the -King to come out from his island retreat and return to Song-do. This the -king had no intention of doing; but the next year he sent another -relation named Sun as a hostage to the Mongol court asserting that this -was his son. The emperor believed this and married Sun to one of his own -near relatives. - -The Mongol emperor Ogdai died in 1242 and the queen dowager took charge -of affairs during an interval of four years, until 1246, when Gayuk -became emperor. This brought peace to troubled Koryŭ for a period of -five or six years. During this time, all that was left of her resources -was used up in sending five or six embassies to the Mongol court each -year. The moment the pressure of war was raised the king followed once -more the bent of his inclinations, and while the country was in the very -lowest depths of distress he feasted royally in his island retreat, -while the viceroy vied with him in the splendor of his entertainments. -It is said that at one feast 1300 musicians performed. Meantime the -people were slowly returning to their homes. - -Gayuk Khan came to the Mongol throne in 1246, and it was the signal for -the renewal of hostilities against Koryŭ. At first four hundred men -came, ostensibly to catch sea-otter but in reality to spy out the -country and learn the mountain passes of the north. The king was not -expecting a renewal of hostilities, or else was too much taken up with -his feasting to attend to the defenses of the north; so the people fled -in panic before this handful of invaders. Many of them took refuge on -Wi-do Island off P‘yŭng-an Province and there engaged in agriculture. -They built a great dam across an estuary of the sea and reclaimed a -large tract of cultivable land, but they suffered badly from lack of -wells. - -In 1249 Gayuk died and the regency again devolved upon the queen -dowager. Peace again reigned for a time, broken only by a single -attempted invasion by the Yŭ-jin people, which was unsuccessful. The -king began the erection of a new palace at Song-do in order to make it -appear that he intended to obey the standing injunction of his suzerain -to go back to the capital. - -The Mongol regency ended in 1251 and Mangu Khan became emperor. An envoy -was immediately despatched to inquire whether the king had yet obeyed -this command, but as the answer was unsatisfactory the Koryŭ envoy who -appeared at the emperor’s court the following year was thrown into -prison and a last envoy was sent with instructions to settle the -question definitely. If the king would come out and return to his -capital the people might remain on Kang-wha, but if the king refused, -the envoy was to return with all haste to the Emperor and war would be -declared at once. A certain Korean, hearing about these instructions, -hastened forward and informed the king and urged that he go out and meet -the envoy. To this the king did not assent. When the envoy arrived the -king set a great feast for him, in the midst of which the Mongol arose -and, assuming a terrible aspect, demanded loudly why the king did not -leave the island and return to Song-do. Without waiting for an answer to -the question he strode out of the hall and posted back to the north. The -people were in dismay and said to each other, “This means war again.” - -When the lengthening vernal sun of 1253 had melted the northern snows -this prophetic word was verified. The renegade Koryŭ general, Hong -Pok-wŭn, told the emperor that the king had triple-walled the island of -Kang-wha and would not move therefrom. War, ever welcome to these first -Mongol emperors, was now afoot. The first detachment of 10,000 troops -was led by the Emperor’s brother Song-ju. With many allies from the -Yŭ-jin and other tribes he crossed the Yalu. Then the Mongol general, A -Mo-gan, and the renegade Hong crossed and advanced as far as the Ta-dong -River. Following these came Gen. Ya Gol-dă with sixteen chieftains in -his train and with a formidable array of troops. - -The envoy Sun who, we will remember, had married a Mongol princess, now -wrote an urgent letter to the king saying “The emperor is angry because -you persist in disobeying him and he is sending seventeen kings against -you. But he says that if you will leave the island and follow out his -commands he will even now recall the army. You have now an opportunity -of giving your country a lasting peace. If you leave the island, send -your son to the emperor and receive the Mongol envoy well, it will be a -blessing to the kingdom of Koryŭ. If you will not do this, I beg of you -to put all my family to death.” - -Beneath this last appeal lay a terrible threat and the king realized it. -A great council was convened and the universal voice was in favor of -compliance; but a single voice was raised in opposition. It said “How -much treasure have we squandered on this insatiable barbarian, and how -many good men have gone as envoys and never returned. Let the king go -out now from this place of safety and when we behold him a corpse our -condition will be enviable indeed!” This word startles the assembly. -Cowards that they are, they rise to their feet and with one voice -applaud the stirring words and charge the king to stay in his island -fortress and still defy the savage of the north. - -Gen. Ya Gol-dă now sent a messenger to the King purporting to be from -the Emperor saying “I have begun from the rising sun and I will conquer -to its going down. All people rejoice but you, who do not listen. I now -send Gen. Ya Gol-dă. If you receive him well, I will leave you in peace; -if not, I will never forgive the offense.” Immediately putting his -troops in motion the redoubtable general approached the strongest -fortress in Whang-ha Province. It was surrounded by almost perpendicular -precipices. The commandant laughed at the Mongols and defied them, and -feasted in their sight. But the Mongols, directing all their energy at a -single point, soon battered down a portion of the wall, set fire to the -buildings with fire arrows, and with scaling ladders effected an -entrance. The commandant hanged himself, and 4,700 of the garrison were -put to the sword. All children above ten years old were killed and all -the women were ravished. - -Gen. Ya Gol-dă, being at To-san in Whang-ha Province, received a -plaintive letter from the king asking him to retire from the country. He -told the bearer of this missive “The Emperor says the king is too old to -bow. I am going to find out whether this is true. I will give him just -six days to get here.” The messenger argued the dangerous condition of -the road and said it could not be done in that time. Then the Mongol -forces turned eastward and began to destroy the fortresses and loot the -store-houses, at the same time sending to the king saying “If every -prefect in the land will send in a written surrender I will retire.” -This was impossible in the present state of turmoil, and it probably was -a mere pleasantry on the part of the Mongols. - -The town of Ch‘un-ch‘ŭn was a rather formidable place and its siege and -fall offer some interesting indications of the method of Mongol warfare. -First a double fence or stockade was built around the town and outside -this a bank six feet high and a ditch correspondingly deep. Ere long the -supply of water in the town gave out and the people killed their cattle -and drank the blood. The distress was terrible. Cho Hyo-ip, a leading -man, seeing that there was no escape, first burned up his family and -then killed himself. The prefect fought until he was exhausted and then -threw himself into a burning house and perished. A party of the -strongest of the remaining soldiers made a fierce attack upon one -portion of the stockade and succeeded in breaking through, but they -could not force the bank and trench beyond. The enemy entered, razed the -town and burned the grain, and the women were carried away. During this -time the king was using the only means left for turning the tide of war. -He was worshipping every spirit that he could think of, and before every -large boulder. He raised all his ancestors several rounds in the ladder -of apotheosis; but it all seemed to have little effect upon the progress -of events. Another renegade, Yi Hyŭn, arose in the north and forced many -districts into his following. - -In the course of time Gen. Ya Gol-dă arrived before the town of -Ch‘ung-ju in Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province, but being unable to reduce it -without a regular siege, he left his main army there and came north to -the vicinity of Kang-wha. He then announced, “If the King will come out -and meet me here I will take my forces back across the Yalu.” With this -message he sent ten Mongol generals to the king. The latter complied, -and with a heavy guard came across the straits and met Ya Gol-dă at -Seung-ch‘ŭn-bu. Gen. Mong Go-dă was present with Ya Gol-dă at the -interview which followed. The Mongol general said “After we crossed the -Yalu into Koryŭ, thousands of your people fell every day. Why should you -think only of your own comfort while your people are dying thus by tens -of thousands? If you had consented to come out sooner, many lives would -have been saved. We now ought to make a firm treaty.” He added that -Mongol prefects must be placed in each district and that a force of ten -thousand in all must be quartered upon Koryŭ. To this the king replied -that with such conditions it would be extremely difficult for him to -return to Song-do. In spite of this the Mongol leader placed one of his -men in each of the prefectures. The only question which was discussed in -the royal councils was how to get rid of the Mongols. One man dared to -suggest that the Crown Prince be sent to intercede with the emperor. The -king flew into a rage at this but soon he was so far mollified as to -consent to sending his second son, Chang, with rich gifts to the Mongol -court, a course of procedure which once more drained the royal coffers -to the last farthing. The king had promised the Mongols to go back to -Song-do “gradually” as fast as preparations could be made, and also to -destroy the palaces in Kang-wha. The Mongols kept their word and retired -but as they went they plundered and ravaged. When they had gone the king -caught the renegade Yi Hyŭn and killed him and his son, and banished all -his adherents. This was a dangerous course, for this man had acted as -guide to the Mongols and the latter were more than likely to resent his -death. So it turned out, for an envoy came post from the Mongol court -complaining that only the king alone had come out from Kang-wha, and -that a man who had helped the Mongols had been slain for it. Whether the -king answered these complaints satisfactorily we do not know, but soon -the emperor developed a new plan. He sent Gen. Cha Ra-dă with 5,000 -troops to become governor-general of Koryŭ. The emperor little knew what -sort of a man he was letting loose upon Koryŭ. No sooner had this beast -in human shape crossed the frontier than he began a systematic course of -extermination. He killed right and left, every living thing. The king -hastened to remonstrate but he answered “Unless all the people have -their hair cut I shall continue to kill.” The records say that he -carried into captivity the enormous number of 206,800 souls, both men -and women, and that of the dead he left behind no estimate was ever -made. When the emperor heard of this, even his fierce heart was touched, -and the next year, 1255, he recalled the monster. The latter obeyed but -on his way north he built fortified camps along the way, for future use. - -In spite of the thanks which the Koryŭ king sent to the emperor for this -deliverance, the latter allowed this same general to come back with a -powerful force, and accompanied by the same former envoy, Sun, who had -married the Mongol princess. The king had to go out and meet them and -waste his remaining treasure in useless presents. So thoroughly was his -exchequer depleted that his own table was but ill supplied. - -The two countries were now nominally at peace, but as Gen. Cha seemed -bent on fighting, there seemed to be nothing to do but to fight. Some of -his soldiers were roughly handled at Chung-ju where a thousand were -killed. Again in the east a large detachment of his troops were heavily -defeated. - -At last Gen. Cha came, in his sanguinary wanderings, to the vicinity of -Kang-wha and displayed his banners in sight of that island, to the great -uneasiness of its occupants. Sun, the renegade, was now a Mongol general -and was as bitter against Koryŭ; as any of the northern savages. - -The king, in despair, sent Kim Su-gan to the emperor to make a last -appeal to his clemency, but the emperor replied “I cannot recall my -troops, for your king will not come out from his retreat”. To this the -envoy made the beautiful reply, “The frightened quarry will not come -forth from its hole till the hunter has departed. The flower cannot -spring from the frozen sod”. Upon hearing this the emperor immediately -gave orders for the recall of the ruthless Gen. Cha. - -Ch‘oe Hang the son of Ch‘oe U, had held the position of viceroy for -eight years. His course had been one of utter selfishness and -oppression. Many honorable men had met their death at his hands. He now -died, leaving a son, Ch‘oe Chung, a young man of considerable power. -When the viceroy died his retainers did not announce the fact until the -household had been put in readiness for any emergency and a strong armed -guard had been stationed at every approach. We can argue from this fact -that the viceroyalty was anything but pleasing to the king and that in -case the viceroy died the king would be glad of an opportunity to -abolish the office altogether. Subsequent events proved the truth of -this supposition. When everything was in readiness the death was -announced and the young man Ch‘oe Chung was put forward as viceroy. The -king was obliged to confirm him in the office. He had no power to -refuse. Ch‘oe Jung was a son by a concubine and from this time the -annals contain no mention of men’s birth on the mother’s side. This was -because Ch‘oe Jung killed everybody who was heard speaking slightingly -of his birth. If anyone had a spite against another he could always -effectually vent it by charging him with having said that Ch’oe Chung -was of common birth. - -Disaster and distress followed each other thick and fast in these days. -An insurrection arose in Kang-wŭn Province under the leadership of one -An Yul, but was put down. A famine wasted the country and the poor were -fed out of the government supplies. The Mongols though nominally at -peace with Koryŭ seemed to consider the territory as their legitimate -foraging ground, and now they came walking through the land, coming even -to the gates of Song-do. The king sent Gen. Yi Eung and feasted the -unwelcome guests in the hope of inducing them to leave the unhappy -country. It was a vain hope. They turned southward and continued their -thieving across the Han River even to Chik-san. The king feasted them -again and asked them to desist. The leader replied that he would do so -if the king would come out of Kang-wha and send the Crown Prince to the -Mongol court. As this leader was that same Gen. Cha who had once been -recalled by the emperor for cruelty, we may easily understand how -anxious the king was to be rid of him, at any cost. He therefore -consented to the conditions, and Gen. Cha retired as far as Yŭn-ju and -ordered all the detachments of his army to desist from plundering. The -king kept his word, in part at least, for he sent not the Crown Prince -but his second son together with Ch’oe Chung. - -Ch’oe Chung used his wits for the purpose of personal emolument and his -credulity also led him into all kinds of difficulties. His grand mistake -was in casting off an aged slave, Kim In-jun, who had served his father -and grandfather faithfully and deserved better treatment at the young -man’s hands. The worm, thus trodden upon, turned and bit to the bone. It -was as follows. The aged servant, gaining access to the king, told him -that the young viceroy was dead and in a moment secured another man as -leader of the soldiers. Clad with his new power the vengeful old man -caught and killed some of the most intimate friends of the viceroy and -in the early morning gained access to the viceroy’s house and hunted him -from room to room. He found him hidden in a disused chimney flue from -which he was speedily drawn forth and dispatched. When the old slave -announced this to the king the latter said “You have done me a great -favor”, and could hardly refrain from tears. The king then destroyed the -picture of Ch’oe Chung-heun who had founded the viceroyalty, and -distributed the ill-gotten wealth of the Ch’oe family among the people. -It is said that even the lowest citizen received at least three bags of -rice or other grain. At the same time all Ch’oe’s following were -banished. - -The year 1258 had now come, the last that the aged king Ko-jang was -destined to see. In this year the Mongols came again as usual. They -began by building and garrisoning a fortress at Eui-ju. Then Gen. Cha -Ra-dă with a small body of a thousand troops came southwards as far as -Su-an in Whang-hă Province. It shows how utterly shorn of power Koryŭ -was, that this general should dare to penetrate so far into the land -with only a thousand men at his back. Hearing of this the aged king -decided to try a little artifice. He came out of Kang-wha, across the -straits to Tong-jin on the opposite bank, in order to make it appear -that he had complied with the emperor’s command. Gen. Cha demanded that -the crown prince also come out. He made a line of camps all the way from -Song-do to Tong-jin and settled down as if he intended to stay and see -his orders obeyed. The king had retired to the island again upon the -near approach of the Mongols and now the latter redoubled their demands -and ravaged more remorselessly than ever. They swarmed all about -Kang-wha and nothing but a narrow strip of water lay between the king -and that more than half savage army. The water proved, however, an -effective barrier. All this time another Mongol force under Gen. San -Gil-dă was wasting the northern and eastern districts, The people of -Wha-ju and of fourteen other towns, led by one Sin Chip-pyŭng sought -refuge on Cho-do island but finding this insecure, moved to another; but -some Koryŭ renegades led Mongol troops there and overthrew the little -colony. - -The king now altered his tactics. Sending an envoy to China he said “I -have desired to obey the emperor but hitherto I have been prevented by -the powerful officials. Now that the viceroy has been put out of the way -I will go back to Song-do and do as you shall direct. But we are -surrounded by your soldiery and it is hard to move. We are like mice -when the cat is about. Let them be ordered back home and I will do as -you direct.” - -Meanwhile two traitors in the north had overpowered the Koryŭ general -and had gone over to the enemy. The whole north was therefore without a -single defence and was being held by these two traitors under Mongol -orders. Such was the unhappy condition of affairs when the year 1258 -came to a close. - - - - - Chapter VII. - -The Mongols a fixture.... a royal envoy.... his reception.... palaces on - Kang-wha destroyed.... the regency.... Mongol troops ordered - away.... standing complaint.... a singular custom.... pirates.... - the prince finds Kublai Khan.... the prince returns to Korea.... - Mongol policy conciliatory.... again suspicious.... tribute - remitted.... king goes to China.... Sun silenced.... Chinese envoys - to Japan.... accompanied by Korean envoys.... Kublai’s message to - Japan.... specified charges against Koryu.... Mongol general - murdered.... envoys to Japan shabbily treated.... Kublai orders - Koryu to aid in the invasion of Japan.... Kim Ehun destroyed.... - Japanese captives sent to Peking.... revolution.... the emperor - threatens.... king reinstated.... king goes to China.... his - requests.... returns.... sedition.... preparations to invade - Japan.... officials’ wives restored.... a remarkable - commissioner.... Kublai proclaims the Yuan empire.... Japanese - envoy.... rebellion on Quelpart.... finances in bad shape.... Koryu - falsely accused.... rebellion stamped out.... Koreans build boats - for the Mongols.... the army of invasion.... the expedition sets - sail.... attack.... driven back by storms.... the king’s Mongol - queen.... Mongol coiffure and dress.... argument for plurality of - wives.... women’s rights.... another envoy to Japan. - - -The year 1259 opened with the sending of an envoy to China but he was -waylaid, robbed and killed by Koryŭ ruffians; thus Koryŭ was ever -discredited in the eyes of China. The Mongols now began to make fields -about P‘yŭng-yang with the intention of making that city a permanent -Mongol center. They repaired the walls of the town and constructed new -war boats on the river. - -The king came to the decision that there was no possibility of ridding -himself of this incubus but by sending the crown prince to China. When -Gen. Cha Ra-dă heard of this he was highly pleased. Of course it would -appear that he had brought about this happy result. This was in the -third moon and Gen. Cha expected the arrival of the prince the following -month. When he heard that he was not to start till the fourth moon he -was angry; the king therefore hurried the preparations and sent the -prince off in the third moon. The escort consisted of forty men, and -there were three hundred horse-loads of gifts. In good time all arrived -at the court of the Mongol emperor. Gen. Cha however did not enjoy his -triumph, for at this very time he sickened and died. - -When the prince arrived at the Chinese court the emperor was away on a -campaign against the Sung Empire in the south; so he announced himself -to the official in charge at the capital, Song Kil. The latter asked if -the king had as yet gone back to Song-do, to which the prince replied in -the negative, but added that the king would go as soon as possible if -the emperor demanded it. Song Kil rejoined “How can we recall the -soldiers so long as the king does not leave Kang-wha?” The Prince -replied “Gen. Cha said that if I came the troops would be recalled. If -they are not recalled the people will have no hope except in flight.” -When Song Kil heard this he countermanded an order which had been given -for additional troops to be sent into the peninsula. Word was sent, -instead, ordering the destruction of the palaces on Kang-wha. The order -was obeyed and it is said that the fall of the buildings sounded like -distant thunder. But the aged king who had suffered so many vicissitudes -of fortune was not to survive this great shame, and in the summer of -1259 he passed away. - -Koryŭ was now without a king and the crown prince was far away in China. -It was decided to form a regency to act until the return of the prince. -At first it was conferred upon the second son of the deceased king but -the officials, remembering that the dying king had said “Put my grandson -in as regent until the prince returns”, made the change, and the crown -prince’s son, Sun, became regent pending his father’s return. - -As the Mongol troops continued their depredations in the north an envoy -was again dispatched to the emperor’s court. As the latter was still -away campaigning in the south the envoy made bold to follow him up. He -passed Chŭk-san and finally found the emperor at Hyŭp-ju and delivered -his message. The emperor said “If you profess to be friendly with me why -are you always talking about my troops being in the way? Yet since the -crown prince has come to China I am willing to show you this favor”. He -thereupon sent an order for the retirement of all Mongol troops from -Korea. - -Some busybody told the emperor that Koryŭ had no desire to hold faith -with China and in consequence an envoy came in haste to Song-do -demanding why the people who had fled to the islands did not return to -their homes. The reply was that the detention of the prince in China was -a cause of uneasiness and that even if he returned it would take at -least three years to get the people back to their homes; how much less -could it be done with the prince in China. This then became the standing -complaint of the Mongols, that the Korean people would not come back to -the mainland. - -By this time the uncertainty of affairs and the fact that the central -government was weak and the Mongols still numerous caused great -instability in the north. The people were easily induced to revolt on -the slightest provocation. It became a regular custom for the people, if -they did not like their prefect, to kill him and transfer their -allegiance to the Mongols. The central government did not dare to punish -them, for this would provoke the Mongols, and reprisals would be in -order. At the same time there was trouble in the south, for pirates from -both Japan and the Sung kingdom of southern China kept ravaging the -island of Quelpart. An official was sent from Song-do to take in hand -the defense of the island but the people found him worse than the -pirates had been. - -It was in 1260 that the crown prince followed the emperor southward, but -soon after reaching the emperor’s camp the latter died in the town of -Hap-ju and Gen. A-ri Pal-ga took the reins of power arbitrarily. The -prince knew that the great general Hol-p‘il-ryŭl (Kublai) would -doubtless become emperor in spite of this seditious movement on the part -of A-ri Pal-ga; so he secretly effected his escape from the latter’s -camp and struck directly across the country to Kang-nam where he found -Hol-p‘il-ryŭl in charge of an army, and, informing him of the emperor’s -decease, they both hastened toward Peking. It was not till the crown -prince returned to Peking that he learned of his father’s death and he -hastened to assume the mourner’s garb. - -The emperor, Kublai Khan, sent him back to Koryŭ with great honor, -believing that, as he was to become king of Koryŭ, the vassal power -would thus become more closely united to China. Two Mongol generals came -with him as escort. These were Sok Yi-kă and Kang Wha-sang. On the way -these generals were told by a Koryŭ renegade that the crown prince would -change the capital to Quelpart. They asked the prince to face this man -and deny the charge but he assumed a royal attitude and exclaimed “I -would cut off my hair and become a slave before I would meet the -villain”. The generals were ashamed to press the matter. As they -approached Kang-wha the prince’s son, the acting king came with a great -retinue to meet them at Che-jung Harbor, where they all took boat and -crossed to the island. As the Mongol generals strongly urged the king to -go back to Song-do, the latter sent many of the officials back there in -order to make it appear as if he would follow shortly. All Mongol -soldiers were now recalled from Koryŭ and all their prefects as well. -The emperor likewise gave the king a present of seals, clothing, bows, -arrows, silks and other articles of value. The king so far conceded to -the wishes of his suzerain as to remove from Kang-wha to Tong-jin on the -adjacent mainland, from which, however, it was but half an hour’s sail -across to the island again. In addition to this the king sent the heir -apparent to China with gifts, of which, in view of the depletion of -Koryŭ’s treasury, the officials gave the greater part out of their -private means. The main request preferred at Kublai’s court was that he -would not listen longer to the representations of Koryŭ renegades whose -one object was to stir up strife and keep the countries at war with each -other. The emperor assented to this. - -In 1261 the emperor made a requisition upon Koryŭ for a large amount of -copper and lead. The king did not have the copper and yet did not dare -to refuse; so he sent to A-t‘o in China and bought copper and delivered -it as ordered, but told how he had procured it. The emperor charged him -with lying and claimed that he was remiss in her duties as a vassal. He -moreover ordered that the king take a census of Koryŭ, establish a horse -relay system, train soldiers and prepare provisions for an army. The -king was unable to comply and an estrangement grew up between him and -the emperor which was unfortunate for both. Hong Ta-gu, a Koryŭ -renegade, took advantage of this to charge the Koryŭ prince, who was -then in Peking, with having insulted the Mongol crown prince. The -emperor believed the charge and cut off the Koryŭ prince’s revenues and -treated him with marked coldness. Hong also poisoned the emperor toward -Koryŭ by intimating that she would soon attempt to throw off the yoke of -China. But by the following year the relations seem to have become -cordial again, for when the king asked that the tribute be remitted on -the ground of the heavy expense of rebuilding palaces at Song-do, the -emperor not only consented but sent a present of 500 sheep. Koryŭ was -also fortunate in the sending of an envoy to Japan, for he returned with -a large amount of rice and cloth from Tsushima, which had been stolen by -Japanese corsairs. - -In 1263 the king was ordered to repair to Peking. A long discussion -followed, some of the courtiers advising one thing and some another. The -monks at this time said, in effect, “I told you so”, for they had long -ago promised the king that if he would favor them he would not be called -to Peking. But go he did, leaving his son to administer the kingdom in -his absence. Sun, whom we will remember as the Koryŭ gentleman who had -married a Mongol princess and who was thoroughly Mongolized, told the -emperor that there were 38,000 troops in Koryŭ and that someone should -go and bring them to China where they could act as allies for the -Mongols in their conquests. To this Yi Chang-yung, who was in the king’s -retinue, answered. “Formerly we had that number of soldiers but many -have died and few are left. If the emperor cannot believe this let him -send Sun with me to Koryŭ and we will review all the troops and learn -the truth.” This was a telling blow, for Sun knew that if he once -crossed into Koryŭ territory his life would not be worth an hour’s -ransom; so he discreetly held his peace. The king came back to Song-do -in December of the same year. - -In 1264 the Japanese pirates made another descent upon the shores of -southern Koryŭ but were driven away by the royal forces under Gen. An -Hong. - -In 1265 the seed was sown that led to the attempted invasion of Japan by -the Mongols. A Koryŭ citizen, Cho I, found his way to Peking and there, -having gained the ear of the emperor, told him that the Mongol power -ought to secure the vassalage of Japan. The emperor listened favorable -and determined to make advances in that direction. He therefore -appointed Heuk Chŭk and Eun Hong as envoys to Japan and ordered them to -go by way of Koryŭ and take with them to Japan a Koryŭ envoy as well. -Arriving in Koryŭ they delivered this message to the king and two -officials, Son Kun-bi and Kim Ch‘an were appointed to accompany them to -Japan. They proceeded by the way of Kö-je Harbor in Kyŭng-sang Province -but were driven back by a fierce storm and the king sent the Mongol -envoys back to Peking. The Emperor was ill satisfied with the outcome of -the adventure and sent Heuk Chŭk with a letter to the king ordering him -to forward the Mongol envoy to Japan. The message which he was to -deliver to the ruler of Japan said “The Mongol power is kindly disposed -toward you and desires to open friendly intercourse with you. She does -not desire your submission but if you accept her patronage the great -Mongol empire will cover the earth.” The king forwarded the message with -the envoys to Japan, and informed the emperor of the fact. - -Meanwhile the emperor was being worked upon by designing men who were -seeking to injure Koryŭ. They succeeded so well in their designs that he -sent an envoy bearing a list of specified charges against the king. (1) -You have enticed Mongol people to Koryŭ. (2) You did not feed our troops -when they were in Koryŭ. (3) You persistently refuse to come back to the -capital. (4) When our envoy went to Koryŭ you had a spy watch him. (5) -Your tribute has not been at all equal to the demand we made. (6) You -brought it about that the Japanese did not accept our offer. The -emperor’s suspicions continued to increase until finally he sent a -general, U-ya Son-dal, to demand that Yi Chang-yong and Kim Chun, two of -the most influential officials of Koryŭ, together with the father and -son of the latter, be brought to Peking. Kim Chun, on learning of this, -advised that the envoy be promptly killed and that the king remain in -some island, out of harm’s way. But the king knew that such a course -would be suicidal and firmly refused. So Kim Chun himself put Gen. U-ya -Son-dal to death and then announced the fact to the court. The king and -court were dumbfounded at his temerity but dared not lay hands on him, -though they all felt sure they would suffer for his rash act. -Fortunately for them, however, other events of great importance were -happening which distracted the attention of the emperor and secured -immunity from punishment. These events we must now relate. - -The Mongol and Koryŭ envoys, upon reaching the Japanese capital, were -treated with marked disrespect. They were not allowed to enter the -gates, but were lodged at a place called T‘ă-jă-bu, outside the west -gate of the city. There they remained five months, and their -entertainment was of the poorest quality. And at last they were -dismissed without receiving any answer either to the emperor or to the -king. - -Kublai Khan was not the kind of a man to relish this sort of treatment -and when he heard the story he sent a messenger straight to Koryŭ -telling the king “I have decided to invade Japan. You must immediately -begin the building of one thousand boats. You must furnish four thousand -bags of rice and a contingent of 40,000 troops.” The king replied that -this was beyond his power, for so many of the people had run away that -workmen could not be secured in sufficient numbers. The emperor, -however, was resolute and soon sent an envoy to see if his orders were -being carried out, and to make a survey of the straits between Koryŭ and -Japan, in the vicinity of Heuk-san Island. The emperor could scarcely -believe that the Japanese would dare to treat his envoy so -disrespectfully as had been reported and he suspected that it was some -sort of ruse that the king of Koryŭ had been playing on him; so he -decided to send his envoy Heuk Chŭk once more to Japan. This time also -he was accompanied by a Koryŭ envoy, Sim Sa-jŭn. - -Meantime Kim Chun finding that his foul murder of the Mongol envoy went -unpunished, became prouder and more headstrong. His son stole two -boatloads of vegetables intended for the king’s own table. This roused -the ire of the king. Kim Chun might kill all the Mongol envoys he wished -but when it came to stealing from the king’s table something must be -done. There was only one official, Im Yun, who hated Kim Chun worse than -he feared him and the king selected this man for the work in hand. -Sending away all the other officials to a neighboring monastery to -sacrifice to Buddha for his health, he summoned Kim Chun and, when he -had him at his mercy, let Im Yun fall upon him with a club and take his -life. Kim Chun’s brother likewise fell the same day and the household of -the offender was broken up. The usual impotence of the king was -illustrated here by the very trick to which he was forced in order to -rid himself of his traitorous subject. - -The spring of 1268 opened, and still the envoys had not returned from -Japan. The Koryŭ people managed to capture some Japanese from Tsushima -who had come near the Korean coast. They were sent to Peking together -with an envoy. The emperor was delighted, showed the captives all over -the palace and reviewed the army before them. After showing them all the -grandeur of the Mongol court, he sent them back to tell their king about -it and to urge him to make friends with the great Yuan empire. This same -year the crown prince went to the Mongol court. - -Im Yun, whom the king had used as an instrument for the removal of the -obnoxious Kim Chun, did not intend to go without his reward. He began to -plan how he might become a king-maker himself. He desired to depose the -king and put another in his place who would be quite subservient to -himself. To this end he began to banish those who might oppose him in -this scheme, and at last when he had cleared the way and deemed the time -ripe, he surrounded himself with a powerful guard and called all the -officials to a council. He told them that the king desired to kill him, -but rather than die tamely he was resolved to do something desperate. He -asked them if they agreed, but no man dared to open his mouth. Then -putting on his armor he led the way to the palace and proclaimed Chang -as king. This Chang was a distant relative of the king. He also made all -the officials bow to him. The records say that this deed was accompanied -by a tremendous storm of rain in which the deposed king was driven forth -on foot. Im Yun and his lewd followers then proceeded to loot the -palace. - -The parvenu Chang, at the instance of Im Yun sent an envoy to the Mongol -court saying that the king had handed over the reins of government to -him. The king’s son, who had gone but lately to the Chinese court, was -now on his way home. He arrived at night on the farther bank of the Yalu -River and was there met by a secret messenger who had crossed in the -dark to tell him that Chang had usurped the throne and that soldiers had -been stationed at Eui-ju to kill him when he arrived. So the Prince -turned and hastened back to the emperor and a letter was immediately -dispatched demanding the reinstatement of the rightful sovereign. After -two such appeals had remained unanswered the emperor threatened to send -an army to enforce the demand. The officials thereupon became afraid and -reluctantly put the rightful king back upon his throne. The emperor then -ordered both the king and the man who had deposed him to go to China in -order that the matter might be investigated. The king went but Im Yun -refused and sent his son instead. The emperor ordered the king to write -out the cause of the trouble but the latter feared that if he did so it -would make trouble for him when he went back, for Im Yun was a powerful -and unscrupulous man. He therefore told the emperor that he was troubled -with a lame hand that prevented his writing. Later however, in private, -he made the matter bare before the emperor and as a consequence Im Yun’s -son was thrown into prison. Before returning to Koryŭ the king asked the -emperor to bestow upon his son, the crown prince, the hand of one of the -Mongol princesses, to give him a Mongol escort back to Koryŭ, to place a -Mongol governor at P‘yŭng-yang and to return to the control of Koryŭ the -northern districts of the peninsula. The emperor consented to all but -the last of these requests. When the king came back to Song-do, Im Yun -attempted to oppose him but was speedily put down and decapitated. - -Arriving at the capital the king went into camp outside the walls to -await the completion of the palace which was in course of construction. -The troops oppressed the people, and when the king ordered them to -disband they marched out in a body and went by boat to Chŭl-la Province -and began to act in a rebellious manner. A royal army, sent against -them, chased them into the island of Chin-do where they forced the -people to join their standards. Mongol and Koryŭ troops were sent -against them, but the people hated the Mongols so heartily that this -rather added to the difficulty than otherwise, and the disaffection, -spreading with increased rapidity, began to assume serious proportions. -The emperor learned of this and, believing that the king was hardly -equal to the task of managing the affairs of the government, sent a -commissioner to assume control at Song-do. - -Matters stood thus when in 1270 the emperor determined to send another -envoy to Japan. Cho Yong-p‘il and Hong Ta-gu were appointed to this -important mission and they were joined in Koryŭ by the representative of -that country, by name Yang Yun-so. This embassy was charged with the -somewhat dangerous task of demanding the submission of Japan. The -emperor did not anticipate success in this, as is shown by the fact that -he had rice fields made in Pong-san, Koryŭ, to raise rice for an army of -invasion which he intended to launch upon Japan. For this work he -ordered the king to furnish 6000 plows and oxen, as well as seed grain. -The king protested that this was quite beyond his power, but as the -emperor insisted he sent through the country and by force or persuasion -obtained a fraction of the number demanded. The emperor aided by sending -10,000 pieces of silk. The Koryŭ army had dwindled to such a point that -butchers and slaves were enrolled in the lists. The rebel army had been -driven out of Chin-do, but a remnant had crossed over to Quelpart where -the kingdom of T‘am-na still flourished. Many of these rebels had been -captured on Chin-do and had been taken as captives to China. Now at the -request of the king they were sent back to Song-do for punishment. A -curious complication arose in connection with this. These rebels, when -they first went to Kang-wha had stolen the wives of many of the -officials there and had carried them south. These women accompanied -their newly acquired husbands to China; but now that they were all -returned to Song-do many of them again met their former husbands. Some -were received back gladly while others were not wanted, owing to new -arrangements which were quite satisfactory. But the king commanded that -all officials who found their former wives should take them back. - -The emperor, influenced by evil-minded men who exaggerated the wealth of -the peninsula, demanded that Koryŭ send a large amount of timber to -China, but the king answered that he could not accomplish -impossibilities. The commissioner who had been sent was a capable man -and was well liked by the people in spite of his Mongol nationality. The -commissioner fell ill and was fast approaching his end. The king sent -him some medicine but he refused to take it, saying that if he took it -and yet died the emperor might charge the king with having made away -with him by poison. So the disease ran its course and the commissioner -expired amid the lamentations of the people. Their appreciation of this -Mongol’s kindness shows how badly they were accustomed to being -governed. Their high appreciation of his mild and just government -overcame even their prejudice against his birth. - -It was in this same year that Kublai Khan proclaimed the name of his -empire Yuan. - -When the Mongol and Koryŭ envoys returned from Japan they were -accompanied by a Japanese envoy. The king hurried them on to Peking -where they were received by the emperor with great delight, who hoped -that he had now gained his point. But he did not relax his preparations -for an invasion, for he commanded the king to hasten the construction of -boats and the collection of provisions. Everything however was hindered -by the rebels on Quelpart who built there a strong fortress and made it -a center from which to harry the southern islands and even parts of the -mainland. The exchequer was exhausted and the people could not endure -further taxation. Many of them fled from their homes to escape the -exactions of the government. It is said that one day the king himself -had to get along without any side dishes or condiments. - -The land seemed doomed to misfortune. A marauding party of Japanese -landed at Keum-ju and the people, in fear of their lives, treated them -well and gave them whatever they asked for. This the renegade Hong Ta-gu -told the emperor with embellishments of his own and averred that Koryŭ -was making friends with Japan with a view to an invasion of China. The -action of the people of Keum-ju made this seem probable. This fed the -emperor’s suspicions of Koryŭ’s bad faith and added materially to the -overwhelming difficulties under which the land was already staggering. - -The matter of the Quelpart rebels came to an issue when they began -ravaging the coast of Chŭl-la Province, burning at one place between -twenty and thirty ships and carrying away a number of Mongol soldiers as -prisoners. The following spring a strong body of Mongol and Koryŭ troops -crossed to Quelpart, overthrew the stronghold of the rebels and placed -there a garrison of 500 Mongol and 1000 Koryŭ troops. - -The eventful year 1273 opened with a vigorous demand on the part of the -emperor that the king prepare 300 vessels, for which he was to supply -not only the labor but the materials as well. At the same time the -vanguard of the army of invasion, 5000 strong, came to Koryŭ, perhaps to -see that the commands of the emperor were promptly complied with. They -brought 33,000 pieces of silk to use in purchasing supplies for their -maintenance. Silk was the very last thing that the poverty-stricken -people of Koryŭ wanted, but it was forced upon them and they had to buy -whether they wished or not. The king in attempted obedience to the -Emperor’s demands assembled 3500 carpenters and other artisans necessary -to the building of the boats, and the work was begun. - -The Mongol governor who had been placed at P‘yŭng-yang was a man of dark -and fierce aspect and he was universally feared and hated. He also -demanded the society of the fair sex and seized women right and left. -Famine stared the capital in the face and the emperor was obliged to -send 20,000 bags of rice to relieve the distress. In spite of the -inauspiciousness of the times the crown prince who had been plighted to -a Mongol princess was sent to Peking where the nuptials were celebrated. -No sooner had this been done than the emperor sent to Koryŭ the main -body of the army which was to cross the straits and attack Japan. It -consisted of 25,000 men. Thus slightingly did the great conqueror gauge -the prowess of the Island Empire. - -King Wŭn-jong died while the prince was in China and the emperor -hastened to confer upon the latter the insignia of royalty and send him -back to take charge of affairs at home. This prince’s name was Ko, -posthumous title Ch‘ung-ryŭl. The princess, his wife, did not accompany -him to Koryŭ at first but waited to follow at leisure. When the young -king arrived at Song-do has first act was to send an escort to bring his -Mongol queen to him. - -The events above recorded had followed thick and fast upon each other -and now the great and long contemplated invasion of Japan was about to -become an accomplished fact. The entire army of invasion rendezvoused on -the southeastern coast of Korea, opposite the islands of Japan. It -consisted of 25,000 Mongol troops under Generals Hol Ton, Hong Ta-gu and -Yu Pok-hyöng; and 15,000 Koryŭ troops under Gen. Kim Pang-gyŭng. The -flotilla that was to carry this army across the straits consisted of 900 -boats. Sailing from the shores of Korea the fleet made for the island of -Iki near the mainland of Japan. Entering the harbor of Sam-nang they -found a small garrison stationed there. Generals Kim and Hong attacked -and routed this outpost, returning to the fleet, it is said, with 1000 -heads. From this point they approached the mainland, landing at several -points for the purpose of making a general advance into the country. The -Japanese however attacked them briskly and checked the advance, but were -themselves checked by a Koryŭ General, Pak, whom the Mongols praised -highly for his valor. - -It was a foregone conclusion that the allied Koryŭ and Mongol forces -must retire sooner or later. Forty thousand men could do nothing on the -Japanese mainland. So they retired slowly back to their boats. Nature -aided the Japanese, for a storm arose which wrecked many of the boats -and many more were scattered, so that the total loss to the allied -forces was something over 13000. The scattered remnants of the fleet -rendezvoused as best they could at the harbor of Hap and from there made -their way back to Koryŭ. So ended the first attempt to subdue the Land -of the Rising Sun. - -Meanwhile events were not at a standstill in the peninsula. The king -went as far as P‘yŭng-yang to meet his bride. Escorting her back to the -capital he gave her a palace of her own, fitted up according to her -fancy. The records say that she had sheep skins hanging in the doorways. -This would probably be in accord with Mongol ideas. The former Queen was -lowered to the position of second wife or concubine. The Mongolizing -tendency had now gone so far that the king ordered the officials to -adopt the Mongol coiffure. The order was not obeyed until after long and -heated debate, but at last the conservatives were voted down and all -submitted to the new style. At the same time the Mongol dress was also -adopted. - -An amusing incident is reported as having occurred about this time. A -courtier named Pa-gyu observed to the king, “The male population of the -country has been decimated but there are still plenty of women. For this -reason it is that the Mongols take so many of them. There is danger that -the pure Koryŭ stock will become vitiated by the intermixture of wild -blood. The king should let each man take several wives and should remove -the restrictions under which the sons of concubines labor.” When the -news of this came to the ears of the women they were up in arms, as -least the married portion; and each one read to her spouse such a -lecture that the subject was soon dropped as being too warm to handle. -When the king passed through the streets with Pa-gyu in his retinue the -women would point to the latter and say “There goes the man who would -make concubines of us all.” - -In spite of the failure of the plan of invasion, the emperor could not -believe that Japan was serious in daring to oppose his will and so sent -another envoy demanding that the Japanese sovereign come to Peking and -do obeisance. We may well imagine with what ridicule this proposition -must have been received in the capital of the hardy islanders. - - - - - Chapter VIII. - -A Queen huntress.... general tax.... a jealous Queen.... tribute.... a - thrifty Queen.... lack of filial piety.... a termagant.... Mongol - influence at its zenith.... second invasion planned.... corrupt - court.... preparations for the invasion.... expedition sets sail.... - difficulties .... terrible catastrophe.... survivors.... retreat.... - new preparations.... the plan given up.... corruption.... famine in - China.... northern cannibals.... at last driven back.... a son’s - rebuke.... Timur Khan makes changes.... king abdicates.... family - difficulties.... an abject king.... new slave law.... king goes to - Peking.... Ch‘ung-sŭn ascends the throne.... a disgusted - courtier.... a kingless country.... eunuchs elevated.... - reconstruction.... king of Mukden.... pander to the Mongol court.... - king’s father banished.... silver coin. - - -The sporting proclivities of the Mongol queen of Koryŭ were an object of -wonder and disgust to the people, for she was accustomed to accompany -the king in his expeditions and was as good a horseman as any in the -rout. It may well be imagined that the finances of the country were in -bad shape, and it was found necessary to reconstruct the revenue laws to -meet the constantly recurring deficit. For the first time in the history -a general tax was levied on all the people, high and low alike. Hitherto -taxes had been levied only on the better class of people. This tax was -called the _hop‘o_ which means “house linen,” for the tax was levied in -linen cloth. This shows that although coin circulated, barter was as yet -the main method of interchange of commodities. - -The custom of dressing in white must be a fairly ancient one for we -learn that at this time the government ordered the use of blue instead -of white, as blue is the color that corresponds to east. The birth of a -son to the king’s Mongol consort was the signal for great rejoicings and -festivities. Everyone offered congratulations, even the discarded queen. - -It is said that the king paid some attention to this former queen and -that it aroused the fierce jealousy of the Mongol queen. She declared -that she would write and complain to the emperor that she was being ill -treated. She was dissuaded from this by the earnest entreaties of the -officials. At the same time a further concession was made to the -Mongolizing tendency by changing the names of official grades to those -in use among the Mongols. - -The emperor had not given up his plan of subduing Japan, and for this -purpose he began the preparation of boats in the south of Korea, calling -upon the Koreans to supply all the requisites. But this was not the only -use to which he put his Koryŭ vassal, for he also demanded women and -pearls; the former were taken from the men and the latter from the -women; and both were sent to the Mongol court. - -The Mongol queen of Koryŭ was a thrifty woman and let no small scruples -stand in the way of the procuring of pin-money. She took a golden pagoda -from one of the monasteries and melted it down. The bullion found a -ready market. She also went into the ginseng raising business on her own -account, taking people’s fields by force and marketed the crop of -ginseng in Nanking, where it brought a good price. She thus turned an -“honest” penny. But it all went against the aristocratic tendencies of -the king. That the queen was not without a touch of superstition is -shown by the fact that she desisted from accompanying the king to the -grave of Wang-gön when told that the spirit of the founder of the -dynasty was a strong one and that if she went she might be attacked by -some dangerous disease. - -When some one hinted to the queen that the former queen was plotting -against her life she promptly had her seized and put to the torture, and -it would have cost her her life had not the officials interfered and won -the inquisitors over to clemency. But her oppression of the people went -on unchecked and she sequestered so much of their property that hundreds -of people were driven into actual mendicancy. Even when news of her -mother’s death reached her she stopped feasting but a short time, to -shed a few conventional tears, and then resumed her revels. This was -perhaps her greatest offence in the eyes of the people of Koryŭ. But her -affection for her husband was very real for we learn that when he was -taken sick and she was told that it was on account of her lavish use of -money, she stopped building, sent away her falcons and restored a gold -pagoda to the monastery from which she had taken it. She had ideas of -her own as to the proper treatment of women by the sterner sex, for when -the king preceded her in one of the processions she turned back and -refused to go. The king went back to pacify her but she struck him with -a rod and gave him a round scolding. She was meanwhile doing a stroke of -business in sea-otter skins. She kept a large number of men hunting -these valuable animals, but when she found they were “squeezing” half -the catch she imprisoned the offenders. - -It was not till 1279 that all the officials, high and low, military and -civil, had adopted the Mongol coiffure and dress. It was now that the -Mongol influence was at its zenith in the peninsula. In this year the -whole royal family made a journey to Peking and it was the signal for a -grand festival at that capital. It put an end once for all to the -suspicions entertained by the emperor relative to the loyalty of the -king of Koryŭ. The busybodies therefore found their occupation gone. On -their return the queen resumed building operations, seized over 300 of -the people’s houses and had a thousand men at work erecting a palace. - -Meanwhile what of the Mongol envoy who had been sent to Japan with his -daring demand that the Japanese sovereign go to Peking and do obeisance? -He had been promptly killed, as might have been anticipated. When the -king sent word to Peking that the emperor’s envoy had been killed, -another invasion was immediately decided upon; and the king was charged -with the duty of preparing 900 vessels to transport a great army of -invasion across the straits. The king was hardly prepared for such an -undertaking. He was spending his time in revelry and debauchery. He -called to Song-do all the courtezans, sorceresses and female slaves and -had them join in singing obscene songs for the delectation of his -guests. His manner of life was in no sense worthy of his position. It is -not surprising therefore that famine found its way to Koryŭ the -following year, and the emperor had to give aid to the extent of 20,000 -bags of rice. - -The king wanted to lead the army of invasion, and so the emperor called -him to Peking to discuss the matter. But Hong Ta-gu talked the emperor -over and secured the post of general-in-chief himself. He raised 40,000 -regular troops and another general raised 100,000 more among the vassal -tribes. The king advised that only the men from the dependent tribes be -sent, but that their number be increased. To this the emperor did not -consent, and soon the king came back to his capital where he went to -work preparing the 900 boats, 15,000 sailors and 10,000 bags of rice, -together with many other things that would be needed. The emperor sent -Hong to superintend these preparations and the king, being thrown -completely into the shade, could do nothing but obey orders. Hong was so -obnoxious to the king that he requested the emperor to remove him and -let Gen. Kim Pang-gyŭng superintend the work of preparation. To this -consent was given. - -[Illustration: _CARRYING GOLD ORE TO THE MILL._] - -It was in the next year, 1282, that all the troops rendezvoused at -Hap-p‘o, now Ch‘ang-wŭn, and prepared to embark. The king went down from -the capital to review the whole array. There were 1000 boats in all. Of -Koryŭ soldiers there were 20,070, of Mongols there were 50,000. The -soldiers from the dependent tribes, of which there were 100,000, had not -yet arrived. It is hard to say just who these 100,000 men were. The -records say they were from Kang-nam but they are also designated by -another character in the records which would imply a different origin. - -Then the whole flotilla sailed away to the conquest of Japan. They made -for Tă-myŭng Harbor where the first engagement with the Japanese took -place. At first the invaders were victorious and 300 Japanese fell, but -when the latter were reinforced the Mongols drew back with great loss. -The allied forces then went into camp where it is said that 3000 of the -Mongols died of fever. Gen. Hong was very anxious to retreat, but Gen. -Kim said, “We started out with three month’s rations and we have as yet -been out but one month. We cannot go back now. When the 100,000 -contingent arrives we will attack the Japanese again.” Soon the -reinforcements came. - -The invading army now pulled itself together and sailed for the mainland -of Japan. As they approached it a storm arose from the west and all the -boats made for the entrance of the harbor together. As it happened the -tide was running in very strong and the boats were carried along -irresistibly in its grip. As they converged to a focus at the mouth of -the harbor a terrible catastrophe occurred. The boats were jammed in the -offing and the bodies of men and the broken timbers of the vessels were -heaped together in a solid mass, so that, the records tell us, a person -could walk across from one point of land to the other on the solid mass -of wreckage. The wrecked vessels contained the 100,000 men from the -dependent tribes, and all of them perished thus horribly, excepting a -few who managed to get ashore. These afterwards told their story as -follows: “We fled to the mountains and lay hidden there two months, but -the Japanese came out and attacked us. Being in a starving condition, we -surrendered, and those of us who were in fair condition were made slaves -and the rest were butchered.” - -In that great catastrophe 8,000 Koryŭ soldiers perished, but the -remaining Koryŭ and Mongol forces, beholding the miserable end of the -main body of the invading army, turned their prows homeward and furled -their sails only when they entered a Koryŭ harbor. - -At first the emperor was determined to continue the attempt to subdue -the Japanese, and immediately sent and ordered the king to prepare more -boats and to furnish 3,000 pounds of a substance called in the records -_tak soé_. The character _tak_ means a kind of wood from whose pulp -paper is made, and the character for _soé_ means metal, especially such -as is used in making money. Some have conjectured that this refers to -paper money, others that it simply meant some metal. - -A Koryŭ citizen, Yu Ju, advised the emperor to use only Koryŭ troops and -the men from Kang-nam in his next invasion of Japan and to provide in -advance 200,000 bags of rice in the peninsula. The emperor thereupon -ordered the king to lay aside 40,000 bags with this end in view. The -king answered that if all his officials could get but ten thousand bags, -this greater number was surely out of the question. So he was told to -set aside as many as he could. - -The following year, 1283, changed the emperor’s purpose. He had time to -hear the whole story of the sufferings of his army in the last invasion; -the impossibility of squeezing anything more out of Koryŭ and the -delicate condition of home affairs united in causing him to give up the -project of conquering Japan, and he countermanded the order for the -building of boats and the storing of grain. - -The record of the next few years is hardly worth writing. The royal -family went to Peking with 1,200 men as escort and remained there six -months. Returning, they spent their time in trampling down good -rice-fields in the pleasures of the chase and in seeking ways and means -of making government monopolies of various important commodities, -especially salt. On a single hunting expedition 1,500 soldiers -accompanied the royal party afield. The queen developed a strange -propensity for catching young women and sending them to her people in -Peking. A law was promulgated that before a young man married he must -notify the government. This was done for the purpose of finding out -where marriageable girls lived so that they could be the more easily -seized and sent to China. One official cut off his daughter’s hair when -he found that she was to be sent to China. The king banished him for -this and beat the girl severely. It is said that these girls upon -arriving in China became wives, not concubines. - -In 1289 a famine in China resulted in a demand for 100,000 bags of rice -from Koryŭ. The king was at his wits end but by great exertion and -self-sacrifice on the part of the officials 60,000 bags were collected. -They were sent by boat, but 6000 were destroyed in a storm and 300 men -were lost. - -But now in 1290 a new element of danger appeared in the shape of the -wild tribe of T‘ap-dan across the northern border who began to ravage -the outlying Koryŭ towns. When they had penetrated the country as far as -Kil-ju the king sent an army against them, but more than 20,000 came -swarming down from the north and seized two districts in Ham-gyŭng -Province. They ate the flesh of men and dried the flesh of women for -future consumption. The Koryŭ troops held them in check at first. The -emperor sent 13,000 troops to reinforce the Koryŭ army. In spite of -this, however, the king felt obliged to take refuge in Kang-wha for fear -of surprise. The following year the T‘ap-dan savages came as far south -as Kyŭng-geui Province and all the officials and many of the people fled -before them. It was a literary man of Wŭn-ju who was destined to be the -first to bring them to a halt. Wŭn Ch‘ung-gap gathered about him all the -strong men of the neighborhood and drove back the van of the invading -force. Then the great body of the savage horde came and surrounded the -town. Wŭn killed the messengers they sent demanding surrender, and sent -back the heads as answer. A desperate attack was made but the little -garrison held firm till by a lucky chance a rumor of some kind caused a -panic among the attacking forces and in the stampede that followed every -man’s sword was at his neighbor’s throat. While this was going on Wŭn -and his fellows made a sudden sally and captured the savage chief To -Cha-do, and sixty of his attendants were cut down. The rabble then took -to their heels and from that day never dared to attack any considerable -town. The spell of terror which had held the people of Koryŭ was now -broken and they found no more difficulty in keeping these savages at -arm’s length. Ten thousand Mongol troops arrived and began a campaign -against these freebooters and in Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province had a splendid -victory over them, leaving, it is said, a line of thirty _li_ of dead as -they pursued the flying enemy. When the Mongol troops went back home, -their general told the emperor that the war had destroyed the crops of -Koryŭ and that 100,000 bags of rice must be sent. The emperor consented, -but when the rice arrived the officials and men of influence divided the -rice among themselves, while the people went without. - -All this time the crown prince was suffering a lively feeling of disgust -at the sporting propensities of his father, and now that he was about to -return from Peking he wrote his father a very sarcastic letter saying, -“As all the public money has been used up in hunting tournaments you -must not lay an extra expense upon the treasury by coming out to meet -me.” The king was ashamed and angry but went as far as P‘yŭng-ju to meet -his son and took advantage of the occasion to hunt along the way. - -That Kublai Khan harbored no ill-will against the Japanese on account of -his failure to conquer them is shown by his sending back to their -country several Japanese whom the Koreans had caught and carried to -Peking. Two Koryŭ men carried them back to Japan; but the Japanese did -not return the courtesy, for the two Koryŭ messengers were never seen -again. - -The king and queen were both in China when the emperor Kublai died and -they took part in the funeral rites, although the Mongol law forbade any -outsider to participate in them. Timur Khan succeeded Kublai. He -apparently had no intention of invading Japan, for of 100,000 bags of -rice which had been stored in Koryŭ for that purpose, he sent 50,000 to -the north to relieve a famine-stricken district. He also gave back to -Koryŭ the island of Quelpart which had been in Mongol hands since the -time when the Mongol and Koryŭ soldiers had put down the rebellion. From -this time dates the use of the name Ché-ju, which means “District across -the water,” and by which the island has ever since been known. - -The king had now completed his cycle of sixty-one years and the -soothsayers were appealed to to read the future. They said evils were in -store and he was advised to give amnesty to all but capital criminals, -repair the tombs of celebrated men, give rice to the poor and remit -three years’ revenue. But gray hairs had not brought wisdom to the king. -His time was spent in frivolity and sensuality. The crown prince looked -with unfriendly eye on these unseemly revels and when, in the following -year, 1297, his mother, the Mongol princess, died, he claimed that her -death was due to one of the favorite concubines, and as a consequence -the suspected woman was killed. The prince had married a Mongol princess -in China and now at her summons he went back to China. The old man, -bereft of both wife and concubine, wrote the emperor that he wished to -surrender the reins of power into the hands of his son. The emperor -consented and in the following year the prince was invested with the -royal insignia, while his father was honored with the title “High King.” -The new queen was a Mongol and as she came to the Koryŭ capital a new -palace was constructed for her. But her royal husband saw fit to follow -the example of his forebears and take to himself a concubine. The queen, -by her frequent exhibitions of jealousy, lost what little love her lord -had ever felt for her. She was not long in letting the state of affairs -be known at Peking and soon an imperial mandate arrived consigning the -concubine and her father to prison. Then another came remanding both to -China. Then a high monk came to mediate between the king and queen. This -proved ineffectual and the emperor commanded both king and queen to -appear before him in Peking. It was done and the royal seals were put -back into the hands of the aged king. The prince and his unhappy queen -were kept in China ten years. - -The close of the century beheld an old dotard on the throne of Koryŭ, so -incapable of performing the duties of his high office that the emperor -was obliged to send a man to act as viceroy while the old man spent his -time trifling with mountebanks and courtesans. The records state that he -had lost all semblance to a king. - -The viceroy whom the emperor had sent was named Whal-yi Gil-sa, and one -of his first proposals was to do away with slavery; but objection was -raised that then a slave might become an official and use his influence -to wreak vengeance upon his former master. So a law was made that only -the eighth generation of a manumitted slave could hold office. - -In 1301 an envoy was sent to Peking to make the audacious proposal that -the crown prince’s wife should be made the wife of a Korean official -named Chong. This was because the Koryŭ officials believed she had been -criminally intimate with him and they were anxious to get the prince -back on the throne. An official originated the scheme of having this -Chong take the prince’s wife and ascend the throne himself, but the -emperor ordered him thrown into prison. When this had been done the aged -king sent an envoy pleading that the prince be sent back to him. As this -was not granted the king himself went to Peking where he lodged at first -at his son’s house, but after a quarrel with him moved to the house of -the discarded princess, his daughter-in-law. The emperor tried to -mediate between father and son but without effect. Then he tried to send -the old man back to Koryŭ; but rather than go back the aged king took -medicine to make himself ill and so incapable of travel. He was fearful -that he would be assassinated on the way by his son’s orders. - -The emperor died in 1308 and was succeeded by Guluk Khan. This young man -was the friend of the prince, and as a consequence the old king was -thrown into prison, his nearest friends killed or banished and the young -man was raised to a high position under the Chinese government and his -friends, to the number of a hundred and eighty, were made officials. But -it was the old man that the emperor finally sent back to Koryŭ to rule -at the same time he making the prince king of Mukden. Though so far away -from the capital of Koryŭ the prince was the one who really ruled Koryŭ, -so the records say. The father soon died and the prince immediately -proceeded to Song-do and assumed the throne in this same year 1308. His -posthumous title was Ch‘ung-sŭn. - -He had been kept out of his own so long that he now proceeded to make up -for lost time, and vied with his father’s record in revelry and -debauchery. It is said that a courtier took an axe and went to the -palace, where he asked the king to decapitate him as the sight of these -excesses made him hate life. The king was ashamed, though we are not -told that he mended his ways. - -In his second year he revived the government salt monopoly and put the -money into his private purse. Heretofore it had been divided between -certain monasteries and officials. The Mongol empress made him furnish -large quantities of timber from Păk-tu Mountain, floating it down the -Yalu. It was used in the building of monasteries. The whole expense was -borne by the king. The latter was now spending most of his time in -Peking. The Koryŭ officials earnestly desired him to come back to -Song-do, but he refused. There was a constant flow of eunuchs and -courtesans from Koryŭ to Peking and it would be difficult to imagine a -more desperate condition of affairs in the king-deserted country. How it -was being governed we do not know. It was probably governing itself. The -rural districts, which had been laid waste by the Mongol armies and -which had been deserted by their occupants, were probably being -gradually occupied again and the less they heard of Song-do the better -they liked it. - -In the third year of his reign the king killed his son because some -busybodies told him that the young man was conspiring to drive him from -the throne. This shows the depths to which the court had sunk, when -kings were not sure but that their own sons were their worst enemies. -Orders kept coming from Peking to make certain eunuchs Princes. These -orders could not be disregarded. These eunuchs had doubtless been in -Peking and were known to be devoted to Mongol interests. All this time -the king was in Peking where his presence began to be something of a -bore. The mother of the Emperor urged him to go back to Koryŭ. He -promised to go in the following autumn, but when the time came he -changed his mind and abdicated in favor of his second son. - -The new king, named To, posthumous title Ch‘ung-suk, came to the throne -in 1314. One of his first acts was to take a thorough census of the -people. Unfortunately the result is not recorded. The revenue laws were -also changed and a new measurement of the fields was ordered with a view -to a more effective collection of the revenue. The king likewise had -ambitions along religious lines, for he sent 150 pounds of silver to -Nanking to purchase books; and 10,800 were secured. The emperor also -gave 4,070 volumes. These were doubtless Buddhist books and it is more -than likely that many of the books in the Sanscrit or Thibetan -character, still found in the monasteries in Korea, are copies of the -works introduced into Koryŭ during these times. - -The king who had abdicated was sent back with his son, though he had -abdicated solely for the purpose of being able to live permanently in -Peking. He spent his time in attending Buddhist festivals, but when he -saw into what ruins the palaces in Song-do had fallen he said, “If my -father had feasted less I should have had better palaces.” He soon -returned to China where he devoted himself to letters. The emperor -offered to make him his Prime Minister but he declined the honor. He -mourned over the lack of letters in Koryŭ and came to realise that it -was Buddhism that had proved the curse of the dynasty. He accepted the -post of King of Mukden and later became Prime Minister to the emperor. - -The young king went to Peking in 1317 to marry a Mongol Princess, and -like his father was very loath to come back. We infer that the position -of king in Song-do was so hedged about by priestcraft that it was much -pleasanter for the king to reside at the Chinese court. Koryŭ must have -been exceedingly poor after the desperate struggles she had been through -and life in Peking with his hand in the imperial exchequer must have had -its attractions. - -At the end of a year however the king and his bride came back to -Song-do. The records say that in order to induce him to come they had to -bribe the soothsayers to tell him that if he did not come he would be -involved in war. As soon as he arrived he began to search for unmarried -women to send to Peking. He had turned pander to the Mongol court. The -men of the upper classes hid their daughters and denied their existence -for fear they would be seized and sent to Peking. He himself put in -practice the principles he had imbibed at the Mongol court, and spent -his days in hunting and his nights in high revelry. - -The king’s father who had been made king of Mukden, made a trip into -southern China, or at least as far south as Chŭl-gang and Po-ta San -where he engaged in Buddhist worship. Two years later he asked -permission to repeat the visit and the emperor consented. But he was -suddenly called back to Peking and ordered to go straight to Koryŭ. He -refused and the emperor compelled him to cut his hair and to become a -monk. He was banished to T‘o-bŭn or San-sa-gyŭl in the extreme north. -This was because one of the Peking eunuchs, who had formerly been a -Koryŭ man and hated the king, told the emperor that the ex-king had on -foot a scheme to raise a revolt in China. - -At this time there was silver money in Koryŭ in the form of little -bottle-shaped pieces of silver, but it was much adulterated by an alloy -of copper. The king gave thirty of these bottles and the officials -contributed a number more; and with them a silver image of Confucius was -made, indicating a slight reaction against Buddhism. - -1322 the emperor, being deceived by the lying representations of the -king’s cousin who wished to secure the throne of Koryŭ, ordered the king -to Peking. The latter was glad to go, but was obliged to get away -secretly by night for fear of being prevented by his officials. When he -got to Peking the emperor took away his royal seal and ordered him to -remain there, which he doubtless was nothing loath to do. The officials -of Koryŭ joined in a letter begging the emperor to send him back, but -without success, till in 1324 the emperor died and his successor -proclaimed a general amnesty, of which the aged ex-king took advantage -to return to Peking from his place of banishment in the north. The king -and Queen returned to Koryŭ in the following year. No sooner were they -settled in their palace again than they went on a pleasure trip to the -Han River; but the trip ended disastrously for while away on the journey -the Queen was confined and died in giving birth to a son. This shows to -what extremes the passion for the chase led the court. - - - - - Chapter IX. - -Horrible excesses.... a royal desperado.... martial implements - proscribed.... another scapegrace.... general suffering.... taxes - increased.... emperor furious.... a general cleaning out.... the - kings.... beginning of the great Japanese depredations.... king - supplanted.... a memorial.... omens of the fall of the dynasty.... - Buddhism ascendent.... a traitor falls.... costly festival.... - trouble in China.... the rising Ming power.... restiveness under the - Mongol yoke.... Yi Whan-jo appears upon the stage.... genealogy.... - place of origin.... Mongol adherents try to make trouble.... Mongol - power opposed.... coinage.... a new capital.... divination.... first - mention of founder of present dynasty.... alarming Japanese - raids....“the mighty fallen”.... a curious spectacle....“Red Head - robbers”.... they invade Koryŭ.... a council.... P‘yŭng-yang - taken.... panic at the capital “Red Heads” beaten.... king favors a - Mongol pretender.... the dreaded Japanese.... king removes to - Han-yang. - - -With the year 1329 begins a series of events that almost baffles -description. The worst excesses of Rome in her decline could not have -shown more horrible scenes than those which made the Koryŭ dynasty a -by-word for succeeding generations. The king’s cousin, who was king of -Mukden, was always slandering him to the emperor, for he was itching for -the crown of Koryŭ himself. Meanwhile the king was building “mountains” -and pleasure-houses without end and his hunters were his favorites by -day and the courtezans his boon companions by night. His son was in -Peking learning the ways of the Mongol court and preparing to prove as -abandoned a character as his father. In 1331, at the request of the -king, the Emperor made the young man king. The cares of office seem to -have interfered with his debaucheries. The prince’s name was Chung, -posthumous title Ch‘ung-hyé. He was sent to Song-do and his father -called to Peking. This was well, for the young man hated his father -intensely. No sooner had he assumed the reins of power then he ran to -ten times the excess of riot that even his father had done. The whole of -his newly acquired power was applied to the gratification of his -depraved appetites and within a year so outrageous were his excesses -that the emperor had to recall him in disgrace to Peking and send back -the father to administer the government. This added fuel to the son’s -hatred of his father. - -The reinstated king continued his old courses and added to his former -record another desperate crime, in that he frequently stopped a marriage -ceremony and forcibly carried away the bride to become a member of his -harem. It was a marvel that the people did not rise and drive such a -villain from the country. When he made a trip to Peking in 1336 the -emperor made him carry his son back to Koryŭ. He was such a desperate -scapegrace that Peking itself was not large enough to hold him. - -The following year the emperor promulgated a singular order and one -whose cause it is difficult to imagine. It was to the effect that all -swords, bows and other martial implements be put away from all Koryŭ -houses and that no one be allowed to ride a horse; but all must go -afoot. This may have been a precautionary measure to prevent the -acquiring of skill in the use of weapons or in horsemanship, so as to -render less probable the future use of such acquirements in an attack -upon China. - -At last, in 1340, the king died and it looked as if the desperate -character who for one short year had played fast and loose with Koryŭ -royalty would become king. A courtier, Cho Chŭk, surrounded the palace -with soldiers with a view to assassinating the young man who had not yet -received investiture from the emperor, and at the same time a message -was sent to the deceased king’s cousin, the king of Mukden, summoning -him to Song-do. The young Prince, bad as he was, had a considerable -following, and a desperate fight ensued in which he was wounded in the -shoulder. But Cho Chŭk’s forces were routed and he himself caught and -beheaded. The emperor learning of this through the Prince’s enemies, -called him to Peking and took him to task for killing Cho Chŭk, the -friend of the king of Muk-den; but the facts soon came out, and the -Prince was exhonerated and sent back to Song-do, having been invested -with the royal insignia. Unlike his father and grand-father, he did not -marry a Mongol Princess but took as his Queen a Koryŭ woman. He likewise -took a large number of concubines. Not content with this he had illicit -commerce with two of his father’s wives. The almost incredible statement -is made in the records that on one occasion, feigning drunkenness, he -entered the harem of his dead father and had the women seized and -violated them. They tried to escape to China but he prevented them from -securing horses for the purpose. His profligate life was the curse of -the country. Nothing was too horrible, too unnatural, too beastly for -him to do, if it afforded him amusement. He sent 20,000 pieces of cloth -together with gold and silver to purchase many things of foreign -manufacture, but what these were we are not informed. One of his -amusements was the throwing of wooden balls at a mark but when this lost -piquancy he substituted men for the target and frequently engaged in -this truly humane pastime. General distress prevailed. Many died of -starvation and many ran away to distant places and many became monks in -order to escape the king’s tyranny. Sons cut off their hair and sold it -in order to secure food for aged parents. The prisons were full to -overflowing. Suicide was a thing of daily occurence. - -The king sent to Kang-neung to levy a tax on ginseng, but as none could -be found the messenger levied on the well-to-do gentlemen of the place -and this was so successful that the king widened the scope of his -operations and made it as hard to live in the country as at the capital. -Everything that could possibly be taxed was put on the roll of his -exactions. No form of industry but was crushed to the ground by his -unmitigated greed. When amusements failed he tried all sorts of -experiments to awaken new sensations. He would go out and beat the drum, -to the sound of which the workmen were building the palace. This -building had iron doors, windows and roof. If the king’s pander heard of -a beautiful slave anywhere she was seized and brought to this palace -which was also her prison and where she spent her time in weaving in -company with many other women who had been similarly “honored.” Often by -night the king would wander about the city and enter any man’s house and -violate any of its inmates. - -When this all came to the ears of the emperor he was furious. An envoy -was sent to Song-do with orders to bring the wretch bound to Peking. The -king came out to meet this envoy but the Mongol raised his foot and gave -the wretch a kick that sent him sprawling on the ground. He was then -bound and locked up and after things had been put in some sort of shape -in the capital the king was carried away to Peking to answer to the -emperor. Many of the king’s intimates were killed and many fled for -their lives. A hundred and twenty concubines were liberated and sent to -their homes. - -When the king was brought before the emperor the latter exclaimed “So -you call yourself a king. You were set over the Koryŭ people but you -tore off all their flesh. If your blood should become food for all the -dogs in the world justice would still be unsatisfied. But I do not care -to kill any man. I will send you to a place from which you will not soon -return.” So he was placed on a bier, the symbol of humiliation, and sent -away to Ké-yang “twenty thousand _li_ away,” so the records say. No man -went with him save his bearers. They carried him from village to village -like a dead man. He died on the journey at Ak-yang before reaching his -place of exile. When the people of Koryŭ heard of this there was general -rejoicing; and a proverb was made which runs, _Aya mangoji_. The _Aya_ -refers to Ak-yang where he died and _mangoji_, freely translated, means -“damned.” - -The heir to the throne of Koryŭ was a lad of eight years. The emperor -asked him, “Will you be like your father or like your mother?” The lad -replied, “Like my mother,” and thereupon he was proclaimed king of -Koryŭ. His posthumous title is Ch’ung-mok. Orders were sent to Song-do -to discharge all the servants and officials of the late king, and to put -an end to all the evils which had been fastened upon the people. The -iron palace was turned into a school. The examination laws were changed. -Heretofore the examination had been simply with a view to ascertaining -the candidate’s knowledge of the classics. Now it was made to include an -exegesis of obscure passages and exercises in penmanship. This was -followed by an essay on “What is the most important question of the -time.” The emperor also ordered the establishment of a new department, -to be called the Bureau of General Oversight. - -The empress of China at this time seems to have been a Koryŭ woman and -her relatives, who abounded in the Koryŭ capital, expected to have their -own way in all matters. This new department, however, arrested and -imprisoned many of them and a number died in consequence. The empress -therefore sent a swift messenger demanding the reasons for this. The -reasons seem to have been good, for the matter was dropped. Of course -the young king was not of an age to guide the affairs of state in -person. We are left in ignorance as to what form of regency administered -the government for him. - -In 1348 the boy king died and the question as to succession arose. The -king’s younger brother Chi was in Koryŭ at the time; but Keui, the son -of Ch‘ung-suk, the twenty-seventh monarch of the line, was in China. The -Koryŭ officials asked that Keui be made king, probably because he was of -a proper age to assume the responsibilities of royalty; but the emperor -refused, and the following year, 1349, Chi was made king at the age of -twelve, posthumous title Ch‘ung-jong. Keui, the unsuccessful candidate, -was married to a Mongol princess, perhaps as a consolation for his -disappointment. - -With the year 1350 begins a series of Japanese depredations on the -coasts of Koryŭ which were destined to cover a period of half a century -and which, in their wantonness and brutality, remind us strongly of -similar expeditions of the Norse Vikings on the shores of western -Europe. In the second year of the young king these corsairs came, but -were driven off with a loss of 300 men. Soon, as if in revenge, over 100 -Japanese boats were beached on the shores of Kyŭng-sang Province; the -government rice was seized and many villages wantonly burned. - -That same year a kingdom called Ul-lam sent an envoy with gifts to the -king of Koryŭ. - -In 1351 again the Japanese corsairs came and ravaged the islands off -Chul-la Province. - -The emperor, for some reason not stated, decided to make Keui, his -son-in-law, king of Koryŭ. He was therefore proclaimed king at the -Mongol court and started for Song-do. This was the distinct wish of the -Koryŭ officials and of course the boy upon the throne was helpless. He -fled to Kang-wha and the next year was killed by poison, but by whose -hand administered or at whose instigation is neither known nor recorded. -This new king’s posthumous title is Kong-min. - -The Japanese cared for none of these changes but steadily pursued their -ravages, gradually creeping up the western coast. - -A Koryŭ man, Yi Săk, who had studied profoundly and had passed the civil -examinations in China, now returned to Koryŭ and memorialised the king -in reference to five special points; to wit, (1) The necessity of having -definite boundaries for the fields. (2) Defense against the Japanese -corsairs. (3) Making of implements of war. (4) The fostering of study -and learning. (5) The evils of Buddhism. - -All during this reign, so say the records, there were signs and omens of -the fall of the dynasty. There were earthquakes, eclipses and comets; -worms ate the leaves of the pine trees in the capital, and as the pine -tree was the emblem of the dynasty this was ominous; red and black ants -had war among themselves; a well in the capital became boiling hot; -there was a shower of blood; for many days a fog like red fire hung over -the land; black spots were seen on the sun; there was a shower of white -horse hair three inches long; hail fell of the size of a man’s hand; -there was a tremendous avalanche at Puk-san, near the present Seoul. -These _ex post facto_ prophecies show the luxuriance of the oriental -imagination. - -In spite of the Confucian tendency which had manifested itself Buddhism -had no intention of letting go its hold on the government, and we find -that in his second year the king took a Buddhist high priest as his -teacher, and thus the direction was given to his reign that tended to -hasten it toward its fall. He also conferred high positions upon -Buddhist monks and so alienated the good will of all the other -officials. This hostile feeling took definite shape when Cho Il-si -surrounded the palace with a band of soldiers, killed many of the -leaders of the party in power together with many of the relatives of the -Mongol empress, and announced himself prime minister. To screen himself -he told the king that it was not he who had caused the execution, but -two other men; and he even went to the extreme of putting to death two -of his confiding friends in order to give color to this statement. But -Cho Il-si had overestimated his strength and the king, by secret -negotiations, was soon able to decorate the end of a pole with his head. -Twelve of his accomplices were also killed. - -As the Mongol empress was a Koryŭ woman, the maternal grandmother of the -crown prince of China was of course a Koryŭ woman. She was living in -state in Song-do when her grandson came from Peking to make her a visit. -It is said that in the festivities which graced this unusual occasion -5,100 pieces of silk were used in making artificial flowers. Such a -feast had never before been seen at the capital of Koryŭ, however -frequent they may have been at Peking. - -The records state that in 1355 there was a great rebellion in China. We -must remember that between the years 1341 and 1368 affairs were in a -chaotic state in China. The last Mongol emperor, Tohan Timur, came to -the throne in 1333 and gave himself up to licentiousness and luxury. No -attention was paid to the filling of offices according to the -time-honored law of literary merit, but the best positions were given to -Mongols by pure favoritism. This caused widespread dissatisfaction among -the Chinese and from that time the doom of the Mongol dynasty was -sealed. In 1355 the low-born but brilliant leader Chu Yuan-chang, at the -head of the insurrectionary army, crossed the Yang-tse river and took -Nanking. This was the great rebellion spoken of in the Koryŭ annals and -soon an envoy arrived from Peking demanding aid in the shape of -soldiers. Twenty-three thousand men were sent on this forlorn hope. In -1356 a Mongol envoy brought incense to be burned in all the Koryŭ -monasteries, doubtless with a view to securing supernatural aid against -the rising Ming power. At the same time great uneasiness was again -caused by raids of the Japanese, which increased in frequency and -extent. One gang of robbers alone carried out of Kyŭng-sang Province, at -one time, 200 boat-loads of rice. This year also saw the Ming forces -pressing on toward Peking and driving the Mongols back step by step. As -the fortunes of the Mongols waned the loyalty of Koryŭ waned -accordingly. For the mass of the Koryŭ people, the Mongol yoke had never -been less than galling, and they hailed the signs of the times which -pointed toward her overthrow. - -This tendency to restlessness under the Mongol yoke was shown when the -Mongol envoy was carrying the incense about the country to various -monasteries. Everywhere he treated the people like abject slaves and -trampled on their prejudices and rights. When he came to Chul-la -Province the governor promptly threw him into prison and put his son to -death. The Mongols in Peking were of course too busy with their own -troubles to attempt to chastise Koryŭ for this; and this very impunity -added impetus to the anti-Mongol feeling. - -In this same year, 1356, we see the first rising of the cloud that was -soon to spread over the country and, breaking, clean the land of the -corruption which had so long been festering at her core. This event was -the coming to the capital of the father of the man who founded the -present dynasty, on the ruins of Koryŭ. This man was Yi Cha-ch‘un whose -posthumous title, given after the founding of this dynasty, was Whan-jo. -As his son founded this dynasty it will be fitting to inquire briefly -into his antecedents. His great-grandfather was Yi An-sa, a Koryŭ -official who died in 1274, and who was afterwards given the title -Mok-jo. His son was Yi Hăng-yi, born in Tŭk-wun in Ham-gyŭng Province, -who was compelled by the Mongols to take office under them while they -held possession of the north. His posthumous title is Ik-jo. His son was -Yi Ch‘un, born in Ham-heung in Ham-kyŭng Province, who held rank under -Koryŭ between 1340 and 1345. His posthumous title is To-jo. His son was -Yi Cha-ch‘un of whom we are now speaking. He was born in 1315 and at the -time of which we are writing he was made prefect of his native place, -Sang-sŭng, in Ham-gyŭng Province. This part of Koryŭ had been held by -the Mongols during the whole period of their occupation of Koryŭ until -their loosening grasp let it fall back into the hands of Koryŭ and the -king hastened to reorganise his government there. - -The relatives of the Mongol empress still nursed the delusion that they -could do as they pleased in Koryŭ, secure in the possession of such -powerful friends at Peking. But they soon discovered their mistake, for -their misdeeds met the same punishment as did those of others. -Infuriated at this they planned an insurrection. They thought this newly -acquired district of Sang-sŭng would be the most likely to co-operate -with them in this scheme; so they opened negotiations with its people. -The king therefore summoned Yi Whan-jo to Song-do and warned him against -these traitors. Foiled here, the empress’ relatives appealed to the -country to rise in defense of the Mongol supremacy, which was being thus -rudely flouted. They learned what Koryŭ thought of Mongol supremacy when -they were incontinently seized and put to death and their property -confiscated. The next step was the sending back to China of the Mongol -“resident.” This was followed by an expedition into trans-Yalu territory -which seized all the land there which formerly belonged to Koryŭ. -Fearing, however, that he was going a little too fast, the king sent an -envoy to Peking to tell the emperor that the local governor of the north -was responsible for these reprisals and not the central Koryŭ -government. Troops were nevertheless stationed in each of these newly -acquired districts and fields were cultivated to provide for their -maintenance. - -Not long after this the important question of coinage came up. We have -already seen that the medium in Koryŭ was little bottle-shaped pieces, -but as these were each a pound in weight they could be used only for -large transactions. Each one of them was worth a hundred pieces of -linen. It was decided to change to a system of regular coinage, and so -the silver was coined into “dollars” each worth eight pieces of -five-strand linen. It is probable that in all small transactions barter -was the common method of exchange although there may have been a metal -medium of exchange as far back as the days of ancient Chosŭn, a thousand -years before Christ. - -The question again came up as to the advisability of moving the capital -to Han-yang, the present Seoul. Enquiry was made at the ancestral temple -but what answer the spirits made, if any, we are not told. All dishes -and implements as well as tile were made black because the peninsula is -nearly surrounded by water and black is the color that corresponds to -water according to Chinese and Korean notions. Black was substituted for -the prevailing color in dress which was at that time blue-green, and -men, women and monks all donned the sable attire. - -It was at length decided to change the capital to the other site and -palaces were ordered built there. They were, so some say, probably -outside the present south gate of Seoul. - -It is said that in order to decide about the removal of the capital the -king had recourse to that form of divination which consisted in making -scrawls at random with a pen and then examining them to see what Chinese -characters the marks most resembled. At first they did not favor a -change, but after several trials the favorable response was obtained. - -The year 1359 beheld a recurrence of the dreaded Japanese incursions. At -this time the robbers burned 300 Koryŭ boats at Kak-san. An official, Yi -Tal-jung, was sent to govern the great north-eastern section of the -land. He was a friend of Yi Whan-jo, the prefect of Sang-sŭng. As he -approached that place his friend Yi Whan-jo came out to meet him, -accompanied by his son Yi Song-gye who was to become the founder of the -present dynasty, and whom we shall designate by his posthumous title -T‘ă-jo. When Yi Whan-jo handed his friend a cup of wine he drank it -standing, but when Yi T‘ă-jo handed him one, so the story runs, he drank -it on his knees. When the father demanded why this greater deference was -shown his son the guest replied, “This boy is different from us,” and, -turning to the young man, he continued. “When I have passed away you -must always befriend my descendants.” - -The Japanese raids had now reached such alarming proportions that an -extra wall was built about Song-do and all the government granaries -along the coast were moved far inland to be out of the reach of -piratical parties, who would naturally hesitate to go far from their -boats. - -The breaking up of the Mongol power was foreshadowed by the act of a -certain Mongol district Hă-yang which, with its garrison of 1,800 men, -now came and enrolled itself under the banner of Koryŭ. How had the -mighty fallen! Less than eighty years before the world had trembled -beneath the hoof-beats of the “Golden Horde.” This was followed by the -submission of a wild tribe in the north called Pang-guk-chin, and a -Mongol rebel sent a messenger with gifts to the court of Koryŭ. -Meanwhile the Japanese were ravaging the southern and western coasts -without let or hindrance. It was a curious spectacle, a country eaten up -by its own excesses receiving humble deputations from former masters and -at the same time being ridden over rough-shod by gangs of half-naked -savages from the outlying islands of Japan. - -There was one tribe in the north however, called the Hong-du-jŭk or -“Red-Head Robbers,” who threatened to invade the country, but forces -were sent to guard against it. In the case of the Japanese marauders the -difficulty was to know where they were going to strike next. There was -military power enough left in Koryŭ had it been possible to so place the -forces as to intercept or bring to action the robber gangs. The Japanese -had really begun to threaten Song-do itself and the king wished to move -the capital to Su-an in Whang-hă Province. He went so far as to send a -commissioner to look over the site and report. - -The king was not blessed with an heir, and in 1360 he took a second -wife, which was the cause of constant quarrelling and bickering. - -The “Red-Head Robbers” were led by Kwan Sŭn-sang and P‘a Tu-ban. They -now took the city of Mukden and entering Liaotung, sent a letter to the -king of Koryŭ saying “We have now consolidated our power and intend to -set up the Sung dynasty again.” The Mongols were thus beset on both -sides and were in desperate straits. Three thousand of the “Red-Heads” -crossed the northern border and carried fire and sword into the frontier -towns. A Mongol general, deserting the banners of his waning clan, took -service with these people. His name was Mo Ko-gyŭng. He collected 40,000 -men and crossed the Yalu. Eui-ju fell forthwith and the prefect and a -thousand men perished. Chöng-ju soon fell and In-ju was invested, but a -stubborn resistance was here encountered. The prefect, An U, was the -only prefect in the north who was not afraid of the invaders. He made -light of their power and by swift counter-marches and brilliant -manoeuvers succeeded in making them fall back to Chöng-ju. In the mean -time Gen. Yi An was sent north to P‘yŭng-yang to take charge of the army -of defense. The tide of fortune had turned again and the invaders were -in full march on P‘yŭng-yang. A council of war was held at which it -appeared that all the generals were about equally frightened. With a -powerful force in hand and an easily defended town to hold they still -considered only how best to make a retreat. Some were for burning -everything behind them and retiring to some point more easy of defense; -but Gen. Yi An thought they had better leave a large store of provisions -in the city, for the enemy would pause and feed there until everything -was gone, and this would give the Koryŭ army time to gain needed -reinforcements. This course would also appear so foolish to the enemy -that few preparations would be made to meet the Koryŭ troops later. This -plan was adopted and the army retired into Whang-hă Province and left -the gates of P‘yŭng-yang open to the invaders. This caused the greatest -consternation in the capital, and every citizen was under arms. The king -immediately sent and deprived Gen. Yi An of the office which he had so -grievously betrayed and put the command into the hands of Gen. Yi -Seung-gyŭng. - -The invading host was now feasting in P‘yŭng-yang and the king and queen -in Song-do were practicing horse-back riding with the expectation that -they would be obliged to leave the capital. It was the beginning of -winter and the cold was intense. The Koryŭ soldiers died by hundreds and -the people were being wantonly killed by foraging parties of the “Red -Heads.” The records say that they left “heaps upon heaps” of dead in -their track. - -As in duty bound the Koryŭ forces went north and engaged the invaders at -P‘yŭng-yang. At first the latter were successful and a thousand Koryŭ -troops were trampled under the hoofs of the enemy’s horses; but in the -end the “Red Heads” were defeated and, retreating northwards, were hotly -pursued as far as Ham-jŭng. There they were reinforced and attempted to -make a new stand; but the Koryŭ troops, drunk with success, attacked -them with such abandon that they were obliged to build a palisade within -which they intrenched themselves. The Koryŭ generals surrounded this -stockade and, by a simultaneous assault of horse and foot, broke through -the barrier and put the occupants, numbering 20,000, to the sword. The -leader, Whang Chi-sŭn was taken alive. A remnant fled to the Yŭn-ju -River where the ice broke beneath them and 2,000 perished. The few -survivors made a desperate stand on a hill but were starved out and -compelled to continue their flight, in which hundreds more were cut down -along the road; and at last, out of 40,000 men who had come across the -Yalu, just three hundred recrossed it and were safe. - -Hardly had this happened when seventy boat-loads of these same “Red -Heads” arrived at P‘yŭng-ju and soon after a hundred boat-loads more -disembarked at An-ak and scoured the surrounding country. They were, -however, soon put to flight by Gen. Yi Pang-sil whom the king rewarded -richly for his services. - -It was at this time that the king first received an envoy from Chang -Sa-sŭng, a pretender to the Mongol throne. The king made the first move -toward breaking away from the Mongol yoke by sending an envoy in return. -The Koryŭ court evidently was in great doubt as to just how matters were -going to turn out in the struggle that was under way in China. By -favoring these advances on the part of a Mongol, whether of the imperial -family or not, it is probable that the king lost the good-will of the -Mings who, as we shall see, looked with satisfaction upon the overthrow -of Koryŭ and the founding of the present dynasty. - -The alarming increase both in the frequency and the violence of the -Japanese incursions gave scope for the development of the military -genius of Gen. Yi Whan-jo, the father of the founder of this dynasty. He -was appointed general of the west to guard against the freebooters. The -people of Song-do were in dismay over the proximity of the dreaded -Japanese and over the defeat of all the armies sent to put them down. -Many civil officials took part in the martial preparations and even took -the field in defense of their country. The Japanese were now penetrating -Kyŭng-geui Province. In this year, 1360, they landed on Kang-wha, killed -three hundred men and stole 40,000 bags of rice. So many men were in -mourning that the king was obliged to curtail the period of mourning -from three years to only a few days. The palace in Han-yang had now been -completed and the king removed to that place, apparently because it was -further from the sea shore and more difficult of access by the Japanese. - - - - - Chapter X. - -An unnecessary warning.... “Smoke-house Soldiers”.... Yi Whan-jo - dies.... Yi T‘ă-jo takes his place.... new invasion by “Red - Heads”.... Song-do evacuated.... the enemy revel in the capital.... - cannibals.... plans for defense.... the “Red Heads.” badly - beaten.... Gen. Yi distinguishes himself.... the monster Kim - Yong.... Gen. Yi brings Nap-t‘ap-chul to terms.... Quelpart - revolts.... “tax without reason”.... the Mongols proclaim a new king - for Koryŭ.... a bold envoy.... a faithful eunuch.... Kim Yong - destroyed... Mongol invasion.... order restored.... Gen. Yi drives - back the Mongols.... Japanese advances.... a conscientious - official.... the Japanese creep nearer to Song-do.... king - inconsolable.... he meets Sin-don.... who becomes his favorite.... - king’s oath to Sin-don.... disgraceful practices.... an heir to the - throne.... Sin-don’s policy.... Japanese swarm along the coast.... - Sin-don the “Tiger”.... he chides the king. - - -With the opening of the year 1361 Yi Whan-jo was appointed general of -all the forces in the north and north-east. This was done against the -advice of one of the officials who told the King that as Gen. Yi was -from the north-east it was dangerous to appoint him general over the -forces there, for untoward events were likely to happen. The king turned -a deaf ear to this warning, which indeed was unnecessary, for the king -had no more loyal subject that Yi Whan-jo. The king, having feasted the -new appointee, sent him on his mission and himself returned to Song-do. - -Ere long came reports of new and terrible ravages by the Japanese along -the southern coast, especially at Nam-hă, Ko-sŭng, Kö-je and Ul-ju, -while at Fusan they stole a large number of Korean boats. A garrison had -been stationed in the south to be used in just such emergencies, but it -had been used for so many different things that it could not be -concentrated upon any given point; so levies were made on the common -people. These levies went under the name of Yŭn-ho-gun, or “Smoke-house -Soldiers” because from every house where smoke was seen arising a man -was requisitioned. At the same time the governor of Chŭl-la Province -advised the establishment of a horse relay system, but the suggestion -was not acted upon. - -At this time the king lost the services of Gen. Yi Whan-jo who died at -his post. His son, Yi Sŭng-gye, better known by his title Yi T‘ă-jo, -stepped into his father’s place. At the very beginning of his martial -career an opportunity presented itself for him to perform a signal -service for the king. A certain Pak Eui deemed that the time was ripe -for an insurrection and he began to take steps in that direction, but -the king sent the young general, Yi T‘ă-jo, against him and the little -blaze was promptly stamped out. As a consequence the young man was -confirmed in the position of military governor of the north and east, -and under his command was placed a large body of troops. - -And now there burst upon the country another storm of fire and blood. -The “Red Heads” had been gaining ground rapidly and were now ready to -take their revenge for the terrible reverses they had suffered during -the previous invasion. They crossed the Yalu 200,000 strong under the -leadership of generals Pan-sŭng Sa-yu and Kwan Sŭng-săng. The king -promptly sent Gen. Yi Pang-sil against them and hastened to swell the -army to as high a point as possible, The officials and monks and other -people of means brought horses or provisions, while the walls of Song-do -were guarded with jealous care. - -In the very first engagement the Koryŭ army was crumpled up like paper -and one of the leading generals was killed. The “Red Heads” sent a -letter to the king saying “We have ten million men and there is no -escape for you except in prompt surrender.” It seemed true, for the -invading army swept like a cyclone though the north, and in Song-do -panic reigned. Flight seemed imperative. The women and children -belonging to the royal household were sent away first and the king was -about to follow, when the defeated Gen. Yi Pang-sil came hurrying in and -implored the king not to run away but to rally the people about him and -stand the siege. The king went to the center of the city, “Big Bell -Street,” and submitted the question to the people, asking whether they -would rally round him. Just two men responded. This settled the matter -and the king and queen, each on horse-back, rode out the south gate, -while behind them came a weeping crowd of old men, women and children. -Such was the confusion that parents lost their children and families -were scattered. The king’s escort consisted of only ten men. When he -arrived at the Im-jin river he sent messengers in all directions -summoning all loyal soldiers to rally round him. - -The northern savages swept down upon the devoted city, sat down in its -palaces and gave themselves up to every form of excess. They feasted -upon the cattle and horses, hanging their hides upon the city wall and -pouring water over them and letting it congeal, thus preventing the -citizens from making their escape from the city clandestinely. - -The king in his flight carried terror with him, for the people thought -the enemy would be in hot pursuit; so they scattered in every direction. -This displeased the king so much that when he arrived at the capital of -Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province he imprisoned the governor. From that point he -hurried southward as far as Pak-ju, now An-dong, in Kyŭng-sang Province. - -Day by day the horrible orgies of the savages in Song-do increased in -barbarity. It is said that they cooked and ate little children and that -they cut off the breasts of women and fed on them. - -In the midst of these vicissitudes the king appointed Chöng Se-un as -general-in-chief of all the Koryŭ forces. He was a wise and loyal man -and was ever thinking of ways and means of checkmating the invaders. He -advised the king to send out a general letter encouraging the people and -calling all the soldiers to rally to the defense of the country. The -officials were also encouraged and made to feel that their utmost -endeavors must be put forth in the good cause. The generals were all -exhorted to do their best and were threatened with death in case they -proved unfaithful. So the campaign was opened. The savages had looted -all the towns about Song-do and had taken Wŭn-ju and killed its prefect. -They also went north to An-byŭn in Ham-gyŭng Province where the people -pretended to surrender, but, having gotten their conquerors intoxicated, -they fell upon and killed them. The same tactics were tried in Kang-wha -with equal success. - -Gen. Chöng Se-un now appeared before Song-do with 200,000 troops. These -figures must surely be an exaggeration for we can hardly suppose Koryŭ -able at that time to put that number of men in the field. Snow and rain -added to the difficulties of the situation. A spy returned and said that -the troops of the enemy were massed inside the South Gate and that if a -picked body of men could gain entrance somewhere and attack them from -behind they could be easily overcome. At the dead of night a picked body -of horsemen gained admittance somewhere in the rear of the city and fell -with fury upon the garrison. At the same time the main body advanced to -attack the South Gate. The savages, not knowing the size of the -attacking force and being surprised from behind were thrown into -confusion and attempted to run away. Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo distinguished -himself by pursuing and capturing Kwan Sŭn-săng the leader of the -hostile force. In this stampede the routed savages trod on and killed -each other by hundreds. In the center of Song-do the dead were piled in -heaps. It is said, though it must be an exaggeration, that 100,000 men -perished miserably on that night. As a result of this battle several -Mongol seals which the savages had taken in previous fights with the -imperial armies, were recovered. - -Some of the generals advised that a remnant of the enemy be spared; so -the Sung-in and T‘an-hyŭng gates were thrown open and Pa Tu-ban and his -remaining followers hastened out and made for the Yalu River. - -It is related that during the fight on that eventful night a body of -Koryŭ troops collided with a company of the enemy and a melée ensued -near the East Gate, where the soldiers trod on each other. Gen. Yi -T‘ă-jo was there and was stabbed in the back with a spear. Finding -himself in extremely narrow quarters he drew his sword and, hewing a -path through the enemy, leaped the wall, horse and all, for he was in -the saddle. The spectators thought he was a spirit. A volume might be -filled with the stories of the wonderful achievements of this man, but -most of them are figments of the imagination, invented at a later period -to add lustre to the name of the founder of the dynasty. - -The capable leader Gen. Chöng Se-un, met the fate which has been the -curse of Korean history from the beginning to the present time. Kim -Yong-an, a jealous official, forged a royal order for his execution and -sent it to Gen. An U who promptly carried it out. When the king learned -of this he thought it was an incipient revolution but soon the other -generals joined in a letter to His Majesty saying that it had been done -because the murdered man was a traitor. The king accepted this as true -and rewarded the murderers. - -The fortress of Sang-sŭng near the Tu-man River had long been under -Mongol control and was governed by a Koryŭ renegade Cho Whi and -afterwards by his descendants as a hereditary fief. Now when Koryŭ once -more assumed control, Cho So-săng, the then chief of this anomalous -settlement, fled to Mukden where he joined the banners of a wild tribe -under the lead of Nap-t‘ap-chul, and proposed to them to make a raid -into Koryŭ. This they did, crossing the Yalu and ravaging as far as -Puk-ch‘ung and Hong-wŭn. This promised to become a serious matter, but -the difficulty of the situation for Koryŭ was increased tenfold by a -fresh invasion of the south by Japanese. The king was on his way back to -Song-do when news of these two disasters reached him. Things looked -desperate, but to add to the hopelessness of the situation the same Kim -Yong-an who had murdered Gen. Chöng now compelled the king to kill Gen. -An U on the ground that it was he who had killed Gen Chöng. The monster -then proceeded to killed his own brother, and induced the king to put to -death generals Yi Pang-sil and Kim Teuk-pă, two of the best surviving -generals. It is a wonder that Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo was spared. Song-do had -been so roughly handled that the king feared the historical records -would be lost or destroyed; so he now sent men to look them up and put -them in a place of safety. - -The wild Nap-t‘ap-chul having been so successful in their first venture, -now once more entered Koryŭ territory and as the general sent against -them was not able to check their advance Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo was appointed to -this place. The enemy was encamped in Hong-wŭn in Ham-gyŭng Province. -Gen. Yi attacked them there and routed them with a loss of 1,000 men. -Near Ham-hung they made a stand and defended themselves desperately, but -he soon had them in full flight once more. Taking 600 picked cavalrymen -he pursued them to Ch‘a-ryăng Pass and secured another victory. Only one -of the enemy fought well. This man fought aways in front of Gen. Yi. The -latter feigned flight to draw him on and then suddenly turning attacked -his pursuer and laid him low with an arrow from his unerring bow. The -women who followed the camp of the invading army came out and taunted -the men saying “You have overcome everyone but these Koryŭ people; them -you cannot conquer. You had better retreat and make for home.” The enemy -called a truce and told Gen. Yi that they had come not to attack Koryŭ -but the “Red Heads.” This was a mere ruse to save time. Gen. Yi knew -this and drawing an arrow to the head shot one of the leaders of the -enemy through the body. At last he gave orders to his archers to shoot -the horses from under the enemy. This decided the battle and the -Nap-t‘al-chul sued for peace. In recognition of these services the king -appointed him general of all the forces in the north. The general then -proceeded to annihilate all the colonies and settlements of the -obnoxious Nap-t‘ap-chul throughout the entire north, and having placed -them where they belonged, showed them that their only hope was in making -a lasting treaty with Koryŭ. This they were quite willing to do. - -As the king came slowly north toward the capital the officials urged -that Song-do was too small for the capital and too near the sea to be -well protected from the Japanese corsairs. They therefore urged him to -remain for a time at Ch‘ŭng-ju, and he gave consent. - -And now, strange to relate, Quelpart, at the instigation and under the -leadership of Ho-dok-ko Pul-wha, who had been stationed there three -years before to take charge of the horse-breeding industry, revolted -from the sway of Koryŭ and became at least nominally a part of the Yuan -empire. - -In order to reward the soldiers who had done such good work in the north -the king levied a special tax on the people which they gave with such -poor grace that they called it the “tax without reason.” - -In 1362 the emperor of China, led to it by the empress, whose seditious -relatives had forfeited their lives in Koryŭ, proclaimed one Hye, called -Prince Tok-heung, a relative of the king, as king in his place. But -Koryŭ well knew that the old time power of the Mongols was gone and so -prepared to resist the order. - -Early in 1363 the king at last re-entered his deserted capital. A strong -force was sent north to guard against the pretender and an envoy was -sent to Peking to ask why there were two kings for Koryŭ. The emperor -replied that the newly appointed one was the right one and that he must -be received in Koryŭ. To this the envoy replied “Though you kill me and -smear my blood upon my clothes I will not accompany the pretender back -to Koryŭ.” The emperor praised the envoy’s bravery and did not insist -upon the demand. - -A Koryŭ official named Kim Yong-an, whose evil deeds we have already -related, now desired to kill the king and bring in the pretender. A -eunuch, An To-jok, knew of the plot and on the appointed night -personated the king and was killed by the assassin’s hand. The plotter -was forthwith seized, drawn and quartered and his limbs were sent -throughout the land as a warning to other malcontents. The emperor was -urged to send the pretender as a prisoner to Koryŭ but of course he -refused. Not only so, but he also ordered the king to send the royal -seals to Peking. The king refused and began preparations for defense -against a possible invasion. - -He did not have to wait long, for with the opening of the year 1364 a -Mongol army 10,000 strong crossed the Yalu and besieged Eui-ju. In the -fight at that point the Koryŭ forces were completely routed, though not -till after great valor had been shown by Gen. An U-gyŭng against -overwhelming odds. The Koryŭ forces retreated in disorder to An-ju. -Panic prevailed among all the people of that section for they thought -the horrors of the former Mongol invasion were about to be repeated. - -The king sent Gen. Ch‘oe Yŭng with a considerable force to An-ju where -he made all his generals swear to stand by the colors to the last. He -executed a number of fugitives as an example to the rest and soon -succeeded in restoring some semblance of order in the camp. Gen. Yi -T‘ă-jo was ordered with 1,000 soldiers from the northeast province to -An-ju. Also generals Yi Sun, U Che, and Pak Ch‘un were ordered to the -same point, and the army thus consolidated assumed large proportions, -but the men were miserably dressed and fed, and the death rate was high. -Desertions were of frequent occurence. - -Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo’s influence in the northeast is proved by the commotion -that followed when he left. The remnant of the Yŭ-jin tribe, led by Sam -Seun and Sam Ka seized the whole of this northeast and the people were -longing for the return of Gen. Yi. These two Sams were cousins of Gen. -Yi and they had fled beyond the northern border and joined the wild -Yŭ-jin folk. - -The combination of the generals gave great confidence to the troops and -when the battle was joined at Chöng-ju the Mongol forces were badly -defeated. A Mongol general’s body was taken and sent all about that -section to encourage the people and make them believe their troubles -were near an end. Gen. Yi blamed the other generals for not following up -their advantage and they became angry and said “If you are so brave, you -had better try it yourself.” So the very next day he led the army out -and surrounded the Mongol forces at Su-ju near the sea, where another -glorious victory was won. That night the remnant of the Mongols fled -back to the Yalu. Gen. Yi gave chase and it is said that only seventeen -of the Mongol army got back in safety across that Rubicon of Korea. This -done, Gen. Yi returned to his northeast province and drove back to their -haunts the wild tribe who had taken advantage of his absence. - -Gen. Yi T’ă-jo was steadily rising in favor although like Wang-gön he -wisely stayed as far as possible from his royal master. The king now -conferred upon him the title of Mil-jik-sa which means “The Messenger -who Restores Confidence and Firmness.” - -The Japanese had not ceased their incursions. Only a year had passed -since 200 boat loads had ravaged the southern coast and now a like -number swept the island of Kal-do in the south, so that from many a -district no revenue rice was forthcoming. It is to be feared that this -was the principal cause of uneasiness in Song-do—the loss of revenue. -Troops were sent and a fleet of eighty war boats to guard the coast and -to convoy the revenue junks, but these unexpectedly fell in with a -Japanese fleet and were all lost. This disaster caused a panic among the -people of Kang-wha and Kyo-dong Island. The governor of Chŭl-la Province -came northward with troops guarding the revenue but he too met Japanese -and lost all the rice and half his men. - -This same year 1364 a Mongol official told the emperor that the king of -Koryŭ ought to be allowed to retain his position; and the emperor -listened to him. The renegade Ch‘oe Yu was sent back to Koryŭ where he -was imprisoned and executed. The Koryŭ envoy Yi Kong-su also returned -from Peking. A very neat story is told of him. As he was pursuing his -way across a wide plain which seemed to have no inhabitants he was -obliged to feed his animals with the standing grain. When he was -preparing to resume his way he took a bolt of linen and wrote upon it -“The price of grain,” and left it among the standing barley. His -attendants said, “But the owner of the grain will never get it. Someone -will steal it.” The envoy replied, “That is not my affair. I will have -done my duty.” The king wished the emperor to send the would-be king to -Koryŭ but to this consent was not given. - -The Japanese crept nearer and nearer to Song-do with every new -expedition. They went into the temple to the dead and carried away a -picture of the king. It was with great difficulty that they were -dislodged and driven away. - -In 1365 when the queen was confined the king ordered the monks to -worship on every mountain top and at every monastery to ensure a safe -delivery, but all to no avail. She died in giving birth to the child and -the king was inconsolable. Treasure was poured out like water to make -the funeral the most imposing that had ever been seen in Koryŭ. For -three years following the king ate no meat. - -It was in this year that the king had that singular dream which led to -such disastrous results. He dreamed that someone attempted to stab him, -but a monk sprang forward and by intervening saved his life. The face of -this monk remained stamped on his memory. Soon after this he met a monk, -Sin-don, whose face was the same as that of the monk who had saved his -life in the dream. He was the son of a slave in Ok-ch‘ŭn Monastery and -he was looked down upon and despised by the other Monks. The king took -this Sin-don to himself, raised him to high position and lavished upon -him wealth and honors. As a fact this Sin-don was a most unprincipled, -licentious and crafty man, but always when in the presence of the king -he assumed the sedate demeanor of the philosopher and for many a year -completely hoodwinked his royal master. The other officials expostulated -in vain. In vain did they urge that this monk was a beast in human -shape. The king considered him well-nigh inspired. He believed that it -was jealousy that prompted their antagonism and rather enjoyed getting -an outsider in and showing them that office and honors did not always go -by inheritance. This new favorite soon began to urge the banishment of -this or that official and the king always complied. On this account the -feeling against him rose to such a pitch that the king was obliged to -send him away for a time lest he should be killed. He remained in this -retreat until the king had put to death some of his worst enemies. At -last the king sent and recalled him; but the crafty man answered “I -cannot go back. It is not right that I should hold office.” When the -king reiterated his pressing invitation the monk replied “I am afraid -that you will listen to my enemies.” To this the king made answer “I -swear by the sun, the moon, the stars, heaven and earth that I will -listen to no one but you.” So the wily man came back and from that day -completely dominated the king. He exaggerated the faults of his enemies -and so gradually supplanted them with his creatures. It is claimed of -him that he built a dark vaultlike room where he indulged in almost -incredible excesses. He gave out that he could cure barrenness, and by -his evil practices brought down upon himself the maledictions of the -whole people. The king alone would believe no ill of him. He said he was -the greatest prodigy in the world. - -At this time the Mongol empire was on the verge of its fall and Koryŭ -envoys found it impossible to force their way through to Peking and so -were compelled to desist. It is a noteworthy fact that though Koryŭ -hated the Mongols she nevertheless held fast to them till the very last -moment. - -At this time it happened that the king was without an heir and both he -and the court were anxious about the succession. - -The records say that he was so anxious to have a son that he committed -an act almost if not quite unparalleled in the history of any land, -civilized or savage. Having become prematurely old by his terrible -excesses, he introduced a number of young men into the palace and gave -them the _entre_ into the queen’s apartments, hoping thereby that his -hopes might be realised. In this he was disappointed. One day while -passing an hour in the apartments of his favorite, Sin-don, he noticed -there a new-born babe, the son of one of Sin-don’s concubines. He seemed -pleased with the child and Sin-don asked him to adopt it as his own. The -king laughed but did not seem averse to the proposition. Returning to -the palace he summoned the officials and told them that for some time he -had been frequenting the apartments of Sin-don and that he had gotten a -son by one of the women there. He knew well enough that if he proposed -to adopt Sin-don’s son the opposition would be overwhelming, so he took -this means of carrying out the plan. Of course it is impossible to -verify the truth of this statement. It may have been a fabrication of -the historians of the following dynasty in order to justify the founder -of the new dynasty in overthrowing Koryŭ. The annals of the Ming dynasty -say that it was the king’s son and not Sin-don’s. - -In 1366 the opposition to the favorite increased in intensity and the -king was almost buried beneath petitions for his banishment or death. -These the king answered by banishing or killing the senders and by this -means the open opposition was put an end to. The wily monk knew that he -needed more than the king’s favor in order to maintain his position of -honor, and so he began to take away the fields and other property of -high officials and distribute them among the people in order to curry -favor with them. This brought from the officials a new and fiercer -protest and they told the king that these acts would make his reign a -subject of ridicule to future generations. While this did not move the -king to active steps against Sin-don it caused a coolness to spring up -between them. The favorite saw that he had been going too far and he -tried to smooth the matter over by returning the property that had been -sequestered. At the same time he secured the liberation of many slaves. -Here, too, he was [...] - -All this time the Japanese were busy at the work of pillage and -destruction. They took possession of an island near Kang-wha with the -intention of fortifying it and making of it a permanent rendezvous. They -landed wherever they pleased and committed the most horrible excesses -with impunity. The Koryŭ troops were in bad condition. They had no -uniforms and their arms were of the poorest kind and mostly out of -order. They dared not attack the Japanese even when there was good hope -of success. The generals showed the king the ways and means of holding -the freebooters in check but he would not follow their advice, probably -on account of the expense. He paid dearly for his economy in the end. - -The mother of the king could not be brought to treat Sin-don with -respect. When the king expostulated with her and told her that the -favorite was the pillar of the state she declared that he was a low-born -adventurer and that she would not treat him as her equal. From that time -she incurred the deadly enmity of the favorite who used every means in -his power to influence the king against her. He became suspicious of -everyone who held any high position and caused many of the highest -officials to be put to death. He was commonly called “The Tiger.” The -depth of the king’s infatuation was shown when in this same year he went -to a monastery to give thanks to Buddha for the cessation of famine, -which he ascribed to his having taken Sin-don as counsellor. It is also -shown in the impunity with which Sin-don took the king to task in public -for certain things that displeased him. The favorite was playing with -fire. The people sent to the king repeatedly asking if the rumors of the -favorite’s drunkenness and debaucheries were correct. But the king’s -eyes had not yet been opened to the true state of affairs and these -petitioners were severely punished. - - - - - Chapter XI. - -Sin-don’s pride.... Mongol Emperor’s plan of escape to Koryŭ.... Mongol - Empire falls.... Japanese envoy snubbed.... an imperial letter from - the Ming court.... ill treatment of Japanese envoy bears fruit.... - more trouble in Quelpart.... census and revenue.... Gen. Yi - promoted.... Koryŭ adopts Ming dress and coiffure.... Gen. Yi makes - a campaign across the Yalu.... the Japanese come north of the - capital.... Sin-don is overthrown.... popular belief regarding - him.... trouble from three sources at the same time.... a Mongol - messenger.... the Japanese burn Han-yang.... a new favorite.... a - laughing-stock.... Chöng Mong-ju an envoy to Nanking.... plans for a - navy.... useless army.... Ming Emperor demands horses.... Quelpart - rebels defeated.... king assassinated.... Ming Emperor refuses to - ratify the succession.... Mongols favored at the Koryŭ court.... a - supernatural proof.... Japanese repulsed.... Japanese deny their - responsibility for the action of corsairs. - - -The year 1367 saw no diminution of the symptoms that proclaimed the -deep-seated disease that was eating at the vitals of Koryŭ. Sin-don even -dared to flout the emperor by scornfully casting aside an imperial -missive containing a notification of his elevation to an honorary -position. The king continued to abase himself by performing menial -duties in Buddhistic ceremonies at his favorite monastery. Sin-don added -to his other claims the power of geomancy and said the king must move -the capital to P‘yŭng-yang. He was sent to look over the site with a -view to a removal thither, but a storm of hail frightened him out of the -project. Returning to Song-do he refused to see the king for four days, -urging as his excuse the fatigue of the journey. His encroachments -continued to such a point that at last he took no care to appear before -the king in the proper court dress but came in the ordinary dress of the -Koryŭ gentleman, and he ordered the historians not to mention the fact -in the annals. - -The Mongol horse-breeders still ruffled it in high style on the island -of Quelpart where they even saw fit to drive out the prefect sent by the -king. For this reason an expedition was fitted out against them and they -were soon brought to terms. They however appealed to the emperor. As it -happened the Mongol emperor was at this time in desperate straits and -foresaw the impossibility of long holding Peking against the Ming -forces. He therefore formed the plan of escaping to the island of -Quelpart and there finding asylum. For this purpose he sent large store -of treasure and of other necessaries to this place. At the same time he -sent an envoy to the court at Song-do relinquishing all claim to the -island. In this way he apparently hoped to gain the good will of Koryŭ, -of which he feared he would soon stand in need. The king, not knowing -the emperor’s design, feared that this was a device by which to raise -trouble and he hastened to send an envoy declaring that the expeditions -to Quelpart were not in reference to the Mongols there but in order to -dislodge a band of Japanese freebooters. The former prefects had always -treated the people of Quelpart harshly and had exacted large sums from -them on any and every pretext; but the prefect now sent was determined -to show the people a different kind of rule. He even carried jars of -water from the mainland rather than drink the water of Quelpart. So at -least the records affirm. Naturally the people idolized him. - -The year 1368 opened, the year which beheld the demolition of the Mongol -empire. It had risen less than a century before and had increased with -marvelous rapidity until it threatened the whole eastern hemisphere. Its -decadence had been as rapid and as terrible as its rise. The Mongols -were peculiarly unfit to resist the seductions of the more refined -civilizations which they encountered. The Ming forces drove the Mongol -court from Peking and the dethroned emperor betook himself northward -into the desert to the town of Sa-mak. - -This year also witnessed the arrival of a friendly embassy from Japan -bearing gifts to the king. Here was Koryŭ’s great opportunity to secure -the coöperation of the Japanese government in the work of putting down -the pirates who were harrying the shores of the peninsula. Proper -treatment of this envoy and a little diplomacy would have saved Koryŭ -untold suffering, but the low-born but all-powerful favorite, Sin-don, -took advantage of the occasion to make an exhibition of his own -importance and he snubbed the envoy so effectually that the latter -immediately returned to Japan. The foolish favorite went so far as to -withhold proper food from him and his suite, and addressed them in low -forms of speech. The same year, at his instigation, the whole system of -national examinations was done away with. - -[Illustration: _A FORM OF SEPULTURE._] - -Early in 1369 the first envoy, Sŭl Sa, from the Ming court arrived in -Song-do. He was the bearer of an imperial letter which read as follows:- - -“After the Sung dynasty lost its power, a hundred years passed by -without its recovering from the blow, but heaven hated the drunkenness -and licentiousness of the Mongols and now after eighteen years of war -the fruition of our labors has been reached. At first we entered the -Mongol army and there beheld the evils of the Mongol reign. Then with -heaven’s help we went to the west, to Han-ju and overcame its king Chin -U-ryang. Then we raised the standard of revolt against the Mongols. In -the east we overcame the rebel Chang Sa-sŭng and in the south the -Min-wŏl kingdom. In the north the Ho-in fell before us and now all the -people of China call us emperor. The name of our dynasty is Ming and the -name of this auspicious year is Hong-mu. We call upon you now as in duty -bound to render allegiance to us. In times past you were very intimate -with us for it was your desire to better the condition of your people -thereby.” - -Such was the importance of this embassy that the king went out in person -to meet it. Splendid gifts were offered which, however, the envoy -declined. - -In accordance with the summons contained in this letter the king -formally put away the Mongol calendar and assumed that of the Mings -instead. An envoy was immediately sent to the Ming court to offer -congratulations and perform the duties of a vassal. The emperor -responded graciously by sending back to Koryŭ all citizens of that -kingdom who had been held in semi-durance by the Mongols. - -The criminal neglect of opportunity in driving away the friendly -Japanese envoy now began to bear its bitter fruit. Many Japanese had -from time to time settled peacefully in southern Koryŭ and the king had -given them a place to live at Nam-hă in Kyŭng-sang Province. They now -broke their oath of fealty to the government, rose in open revolt and -began ravaging the country right and left. - -As the emperor of the Mongols had fled away north and his scheme for -taking refuge in Quelpart had come to naught we would suppose the Mongol -horse-breeders in that island would act with considerable -circumspection; but on the other hand they kept up a continual -disturbance, revolting and surrendering again in quick succession much -to the annoyance of the central government. - -In the latter part of the year 1369 the government again took a census -of the arable land of the peninsula in order to make a re-estimate of -the revenue to be received. This indicates that there had been a certain -degree of prosperity in spite of all untoward circumstances and that the -margin of cultivation had moved at least a little way up the hill-sides, -and that waste land had been reclaimed. It is only by inferences from -chance statements like this that we get an occasional imperfect glimpse -of the condition of the common people. Oriental histories have not been -written with reference to the common people. - -The king had now handed over to Sin-don the whole care of public -business and he was virtually the ruler of the land. Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo had -shown his wisdom in staying as far as possible from the capital and in -not crossing the path of the dangerous favorite. He was now appointed -general-in-chief of all the north-eastern territory and at the same time -Gen. Yi Im-in was appointed to a similar position in the north-west. -There was some fear lest fugitive Mongols might cross the border and -seek refuge in Koryŭ territory. The chief business of the army there was -to guard all the approaches and see to it that such fugitives were -strictly excluded. In the following year, 1370, Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo even -crossed the Yalu, probably in the vicinity of the present Sam-su, into -what was then Yŭ-jin territory, and took 2000 bullocks and 100 horses, -but gave them all to the people to be used in cultivating the fields. - -Now that the Ming dynasty was firmly established the emperor turned his -attention to Korea. He began by investing the king anew with the -insignia of royalty and presenting him with a complete outfit of clothes -of the style of the Ming dynasty. He also gave musical instruments and -the Ming calendar. The important law was promulgated that after a man -had passed the civil examinations in Koryŭ he should go to Nanking and -there undergo further examination. The king received all the emperor’s -gifts and commands with complacency and soon the Ming dress was adopted -throughout by the official class and more gradually by the common -people. It is the style of dress in vogue in Korea today, whereas the -Chinese themselves adopted later the dress of their Manchu conquerors. -In this respect the Koreans today are really more Chinese than the -Chinese themselves. - -With the opening of 1371 Gen. Yi led an army across the Yalu and -attacked Ol-ja Fortress. The whole territory between the Yalu and the -Great Wall was at this time held by the Yŭ-jin people or by offshoots of -the Mongol power. The Ming emperor had as yet made no attempt to take it -and therefore this expedition of Koryŭ’s was not looked upon as an act -of bad faith by China. Just before the attack on Ol-ja began, there came -over to the Koryŭ forces a general who, formerly a Koryŭ citizen, had -long been in the Mongol service. His name was Yi In-bok. Gen. Yi sent -him to Song-do where the king elevated him to a high position. A bridge -had been thrown across the Yalu and the army had crossed in safety, but -a tremendous thunder storm threw the army into confusion, for they -feared it was a warning voice from a deity who was angered by this -invasion of trans-Yalu territory. With great presence of mind one of the -leaders shouted that it was a good sign for it meant that the heavenly -dragon was shaking things up a bit as a presage of their victory. Their -fears were thus allayed and the attack upon the fortress was successful. -Gen. Yi then led his forces toward the Liao Fortress but cautiously left -all the camp baggage three days in the rear and advanced, with seven -days rations in hand. The advance guard of 3000 reached the fortress and -began the assault before the main body came up. When the garrison saw -the full army approach they were in despair but their commander was -determined to make a fight. As he stood on the wall and in person -refused Gen. Yi’s terms it is said that the latter drew his bow and let -fly an arrow which sped so true that it struck off the commander’s -helmet, whereupon Gen. Yi shouted, “If you do not surrender I will hit -your face next time.” The commander thereupon surrendered. So Gen. Yi -took the place and having dismantled it and burned all the supplies, -started on the return march. Provisions ran low, and it was found -necessary to kill the beasts of burden. They were in some danger from -the detachments of the enemy who hung upon their rear but they were kept -at a respectful distance by an ingenious strategem of Gen. Yi’s, for -wherever he made a camp he compelled the soldiers to make elaborate -preparations even to the extent of erecting separate cattle sheds and -water closets. The enemy finding these in the deserted camps deemed that -the army must be in fine condition and so dared not attack them. Thus -the whole army got safely back to An-ju. - -As the Japanese pirates, emboldened by the impunity with which they -could ravage Korea, now came even north of the capital and attacked -Hă-ju the capital of Whang-hă Province, and also burned forty Koryŭ -boats, Gen. Yi was detailed to go and drive them away, which he speedily -did. - -The royal favorite was now nearing the catastrophe toward which his -criminally corrupt course inevitably led. He was well known to all but -the king whom he had infatuated. But now he began to see that the end -was not far off. He knew that soon the king too would discover his -knavery. For this cause he determined to use the little power he had -left in an attempt to overthrow the government. What the plan was we are -not told but it was nipped in the bud, for the king discovered it and -arrested some of his accomplices and by means of torture learned the -whole truth about the man whom he had before considered too good for -this world. The revulsion of feeling was complete. He first banished -Sin-don to Su-wŭn and then at the urgent advice of the whole court sent -an executioner to make way with him. The messenger of death bore a -letter with him in which the king said, “I promised never to move -against you but I never anticipated such actions as those of which you -have been guilty. You have (1) rebelled, (2) you have numerous children, -though a monk and unmarried, (3) you have built yourself a palace in my -capital. These things I did not agree to.” So Sin-don and his two sons -perished. - -It is said of Sin-don that he was mortally afraid of hunting-dogs and -that in his feasts he insisted upon having the flesh of black fowls and -white horses to eat. For these reasons the people said that he was not a -man but a fox in disguise; for Korean lore affirms that if any animal -drinks of water that has lain for twenty years in a human skull it will -have the power to assume at will any form of man or beast. But the -peculiar condition is added that if a hunting-dog looks such a man in -the face he will be compelled to resume his original shape. - -With the opening of 1372 troubles multiplied. Nap T‘ap-chul, a Mongol -chieftain at large, together with Ko-gan, led a mixed army of Mongol and -Yŭ-jin adventurers across the Yalu and began to harry the northern -border. Gen. Chi Yun was sent to put down the presumptuous robbers. At -the same time the Quelpart horse-breeders again revolted and when the -king, at the command of the emperor, sent a man to bring horses as -tribute to China the insurrectionists put him to death. But the common -people of Quelpart formed a sort of militia and put down the -insurrection themselves. The Japanese also made trouble, for they now -began again to ravage the eastern coast, and struck as high north as -An-byŭn, and Ham-ju, now Ham-heung. They also carried on operations at -Nam-han near Seoul, but in both instances were driven off. - -It is said that at this time the king was given over to sodomy and that -he had a “school” of boys at the palace to cater to his unnatural -passions. The people were deeply indignant and talk ran very high, but -the person of the king was sacred, and his acts were not to be accounted -for; so he went his evil way unchecked, each step bringing him nearer -the overthrow of the dynasty which was now not far away. - -Late in the year the king sent a present of fifty horses to the Ming -emperor. - -No sooner had the spring of 1373 opened than the remnant of the Mongols -in the north sent to the king and said “We are about to raise a mighty -force to overthrow the Ming empire, and you must cooperate with us in -this work.” The messenger who brought this unwelcome summons was -promptly clapped into prison, but later at the advice of the courtiers -he was liberated and sent back home. - -It would be well-nigh impossible to describe each successive expedition -of the Japanese to the shores of Koryŭ, but at this time one of unusual -importance occurred. The marauders ascended the Han River in their small -boats and made a swift attack on Han-yang the site of the present -capital of Korea. Before leaving they burned it to the ground. The -slaughter was terrific and the whole country and especially the capital -was thrown into a state of unusual solicitude. The Japanese, loaded down -with booty, made their way to the island of Kyo-dong just outside the -island of Kang-wha, and proceeded to kill and plunder there. - -The boy whom the king had called his son but who was in reality an -illegitimate son of Sin-don, was named Mo-ri-no, but now as he had -gained his majority he was given the name of U and the rank of -Kang-neung-gun, or “Prince who is near to the king.” As Sin-don was dead -the king made Kim Heung-gyŭng his favorite and pander. Gen. Kŭl Săng was -put in charge of the defensive operations against the Japanese but as he -failed to cashier one of his lieutenants who had suffered defeat at the -hands of the Japanese the testy king took off his unoffending head. Gen. -Ch‘oe Yŭng was then put in charge and ordered to fit out a fleet to -oppose the marauders. He was at the same time made criminal judge, but -he committed so many ludicrous mistakes and made such a travesty of -justice that he became a general laughing stock. - -As the Ming capital was at Nanking the sending of envoys was a difficult -matter, for they were obliged to go by boat, and in those days, and with -the craft at their command, anything but coastwise sailing was -exceedingly dangerous. So when the Koryŭ envoy Chöng Mong-ju, one of the -few great men of the Koryŭ dynasty, arrived at the emperor’s court, the -latter ordered that thereafter envoys should come but once in three -years. In reply to this the king said that if desired the envoy could be -sent overland; but this the emperor forbade because of the danger from -the remnants of the Mongol power. - -The eventful year 1374 now came in. Gen. Yi Hyŭn told the king that -without a navy Koryŭ would never be able to cope with Japanese pirates. -He showed the king a plan for a navy which he had drawn up. His majesty -was pleased with it and ordered it carried out, but the general affirmed -that a navy never could be made out of landsmen and that a certain -number of islanders should be selected and taught naval tactics for five -years. In order to do this he urged that a large part of the useless -army be disbanded. To all of this the royal assent was given. The -quality of the army may be judged from the action of the troops sent -south to Kyŭng-sang Province to oppose a band of Japanese. They ravaged -and looted as badly as the Japanese themselves. And when at last the two -forces did meet the Koryŭ troops were routed with a loss of 5,000 men. -Meanwhile the Japanese were working their will in Whang-hă Province, -north and west of the capital, and as to the details of it even the -annals give up in despair and say the details were so harrowing that it -was impossible to describe them. - -The emperor of China was determined to obtain 2,000 of the celebrated -horses bred on the island of Quelpart and after repeated demands the -king sent to that island to procure them. The Mongol horse-breeders -still had the business in hand and were led by four men who said, “We -are Mongols, why should we furnish the Ming emperor with horses?” So -they gave only 300 animals. The emperor insisted upon having the full -2,000 and the king reluctantly proceeded to extremities. A fleet of 300 -boats was fitted out and 25,000 men were carried across the straits. On -the way a gale of wind was encountered and many of the boats were -swamped, but the following morning the survivors, still a large number, -arrived at Myŭng-wŭl, or “Bright Moon,” Harbor where they found 3,000 -men drawn up to oppose their landing. When the battle was joined the -enemy was defeated and chased thirty _li_ but they again rallied in the -southern part of the island at Ho-do where they made a stand. There they -were surrounded and compelled to surrender. The leader, T‘ap-chi was cut -in two at the waist and many others committed suicide. Several hundreds -others who refused to surrender were cut down. To the credit of the -officers who led the expedition be it said that wherever they went the -people were protected and lawless acts were strictly forbidden. - -The king had now reached the moment of his fate. The blood of many -innocent men was on his hands and he was destined to a violent death -himself. He was stabbed by one of his most trusted eunuchs while in a -drunken sleep. The king’s mother was the first to discover the crime and -with great presence of mind she concealed the fact and hastily summoning -two of the courtiers consulted with them as to the best means of -discovering the murderer. As it happened the eunuch was detected by the -blood with which his clothes were stained. Put to the torture he -confessed the crime and indicated his accomplice. The cause of his act -was as follows. One of the king’s concubines was with child. When the -eunuch informed the king the latter was very glad and asked who the -father might be. The eunuch replied that one Hong Mun, one of the king’s -favorites, was the father. The king said that he would bring about the -death of this Hong so that no one should ever know that the child was -not a genuine prince. The eunuch knew that this meant his own death too, -for he also was privy to the fact. So he hastened to Hung Mun and they -together matured the plan for the assassination. - -U, the supposed son of the king, now ascended the throne. His posthumous -title is Sin-u. An envoy was sent to Nanking to announce the fact, but -the emperor refused to ratify his accession to the throne. The reason -may have been because he was not satisfied as to the manner of the late -king’s demise, or it may be that someone had intimated to him that the -successor was of doubtful legitimacy; and now to add to the difficulties -of the situation the Ming envoy on his way home with 200 tribute horses -was waylaid by Korean renegades who stole the horses and escaped to the -far north. When news of this reached Nanking the Korean envoy there -hastened to make good his escape. - -A conference was now held at the Koryŭ capital and as the breach with -the Ming power seemed beyond remedy it was decided to make advances to -the Mongols who still lingered in the north; but at the earnest desire -of Chöng Mong-ju this decision was reversed and an envoy was sent to -Nanking to explain matters as best he could. The eunuch and his -accomplice who had killed the king were now executed and notice of the -fact was sent to the Chinese court. - -There was great dissatisfaction among the Koryŭ officials for they all -knew that the king was a mere usurper and it was again suggested that -approaches be made to the Mongols. About this time also a Mongol envoy -came demanding to know whose son the present king was. They wanted to -put the king of Mukden on the throne, as he was of course favorable to -the Mongols. A great and acrimonious dispute now arose between the -Mongol and Ming factions in the Koryŭ court. But the Mongol sympathizers -carried the day. This, however, came to nothing for when news came that -the king of Mukden and many Koryŭ renegades were advancing in force on -the Koryŭ frontier to take by force what the officials had decided to -give unasked, there was a great revulsion of feeling and troops were -sent to hold them in check. This was in 1376, and while this was in -progress the Japanese were carrying fire and sword through the south -without let or hindrance. - -Pan-ya the real mother of the king came forward and claimed her position -as such, but another of the former king’s concubines, Han, had always -passed as the boy’s mother and she was now loath to give up the -advantages which the position afforded. For this reason she secured the -arrest and imprisonment of Pan-yu. It was decided that she must die and -she was carried to the water’s edge and was about to be thrown in when -she exclaimed, “When I die one of the palace gates will fall as a sign -of my innocence and the truth of my claim.” The story runs that when she -sank beneath the water this came true and all knew, too late, that she -was indeed the mother of the king. - -The Japanese now made their appearance again in Ch‘ung-Ch‘ŭng Province -and took the town of Kong-ju. The Korean forces under Gen. Pak In-gye -were there routed but not till their leader had been thrown from his -horse and killed. Then an army under Gen. Ch‘oé Yŭng met them at -Hong-san. The general rushed forward ahead of his men to attack the -marauders and was wounded by an arrow in the mouth but he did not retire -from the fight. The result was a glorious victory for the Koryŭ forces. -The Japanese were almost annihilated. - -Some time before this the king had sent an envoy Na Heung-yu to Japan to -ask the interference of the Japanese Government against the pirates, and -the reply was now brought by the hand of a Japanese monk Yang Yu. It -said. “The pirates all live in western Japan in a place called Ku-ju and -they are rebels against us and have been for twenty years. So we are not -at fault because of the harm they have done you. We are about to send an -expedition against them and if we take Ku-ju we swear that we will put -an end to the piracy.” But the pirates in the meantime ravaged Kang-wha -and large portions of Chŭl-la Province. - - - - - Chapter XII. - -A Mongol proposal.... “The Revellers”.... friends with the Mongols.... - Gen. Yi takes up arms against the Japanese.... victorious.... envoys - to and from Japan.... gun-powder.... defeat turned into victory by - Gen. Yi.... fire arrows.... vacillation.... prophecy.... Japan helps - Koryŭ.... jealousies.... a reckless king.... Gen. Yi’s stratagem.... - a triumphal return.... the emperor loses patience.... a coast - guard.... stone fights.... heavy tribute.... the capital moved.... - Japanese repelled.... lukewarm Koryŭ.... a disgraceful act.... Gen. - Yi victorious in the north.... the emperor angry.... Japan sends - back Koryŭ captives.... a skillful diplomat.... fine sarcasm.... a - grave error.... victory in the northeast.... untold excesses.... - “Old Cat”.... tribute rejected. - - -Toward the close of 1377 the Mongol chieftain In-puk-wŭn sent the king a -letter saying, “Let us join forces and attack the Ming power.” At the -same time he sent back all the Koryŭ people who had been taken captive -at various times. The king’s answer was a truly diplomatic one. He said, -“I will do so if you will first send the king of Mukden to me, bound -hand and foot.” We need hardly say that this request was not granted. - -The next attack of the Japanese extended all along the southern coast. -The general who had been placed in the south to guard against them spent -his time feasting with courtezans and he and his officers were commonly -known as “The Revellers.” Fighting was not at all in their intentions. -When the king learned of this he banished the general to a distant -island. Affairs at the capital were not going well. Officials were so -numerous that the people again made use of the term “Smoke House -Officials,” for there were so many that nearly every house in the -capital furnished one. They tampered with the list of appointments and -without the king’s knowledge slipped in the names of their friends. So -the people in contempt called it the “Secret List.” - -The coquetting with the Mongols brought forth fruit when early in 1378 -they invested the king of Koryŭ and he adopted the Mongol name of the -year. It is said that this caused great delight among the Mongols and -that they now thought that with the help of Koryŭ they would be able to -again establish their power in China. - -After the Japanese had ravaged to their hearts’ content in Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng -Province and had killed 1000 men on Kang-wha and had burned fifty boats, -the king did what he ought to have done long before, namely, appointed -Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo as General-in-chief of the Koryŭ forces. He took hold of -the matter in earnest and summoned a great number of monks to aid in the -making of boats for coast defence. The pirates now were ravaging the -east and south and were advancing on Song-do. The king wanted to run -away but was dissuaded. The Japanese were strongest in Kyŭng-sang -Province. Gen Yi’s first encounter with them was at Chi-ri Mountain in -Chŭl-la Province and he there secured a great victory, demonstrating -what has always been true, that under good leadership Koreans make -excellent soldiers. When the Koryŭ troops had advanced within 200 paces -of the enemy a burly Japanese was seen leaping and showing himself off -before his fellows. Gen. Yi took a cross-bow and at the first shot laid -the fellow low. The remainder of the Japanese fled up the mountain and -took their stand in a solid mass which the records say resembled a -hedge-hog; but Gen. Yi soon found a way to penetrate this phalanx and -the pirates were slaughtered almost to a man. But Gen. Yi could not be -everywhere at once and in the meantime Kang-wha again suffered. Gen. Yi -was next seen fighting in Whang-hă Province at Hă-ju, where he burned -the Japanese out from behind wooden defenses and slaughtered them -without quarter. - -The Japanese Government had not been able as yet to put down the -pirates, but now an envoy, Sin Hong, a monk, came with gifts declaring -that the government was not a party to the expeditions of the -freebooters and that it was very difficult to overcome them. And so the -work went on, now on one coast of the country and now on another. The -king sent an envoy to the Japanese Shogun, P‘ă-ga-dă, to ask his -interference, but the shogun imprisoned the envoy and nearly starved him -to death and then sent him back. The king wanted to send another, but -the courtiers were all afraid. They all hated the wise and learned Chöng -Mong-ju and told the king to send him. He was quite willing to go and, -arriving at the palace of the shogun, he spoke out fearlessly and -rehearsed the friendly relations that had existed between the two -countries, and created a very good impression. He was very popular both -with the shogun himself and with the Japanese courtiers and when he -returned to Koryŭ the shogun sent a general, Chu Mang-in, as escort and -also 200 Koreans who had at some previous time been taken captive. The -shogun also so far complied with the king’s request as to break up the -piratical settlements on the Sam-do or “Three islands.” - -A man named Im Sŭn-mu had learned among the Mongols the art of making -gunpowder and a bureau was now formed to attend to its manufacture but -as yet there were no firearms. - -With the opening of 1379 things looked blacker than ever. The Japanese -were swarming in Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province and on Kang-wha. The king was in -mortal fear and had the walls of Song-do carefully guarded. Gen. Ch‘oe -Yŭng was sent to hold them in check. The Japanese knew that no one but -he stood between them and Song-do so they attacked him fiercely and soon -put him to flight; but in the very nick of time Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo came up -with his cavalry, turned the retreating forces about and attacked the -enemy so fiercely that defeat was turned into a splendid victory. A -messenger arrived breathless at the gate of Song-do saying that Gen. -Ch‘oé had been defeated. - -All was instantly in turmoil; the king had all his valuables packed and -was ready to flee at a moment’s warning. But lo! another messenger -followed hard upon the heels of the first announcing that Gen. Yi had -turned the tide of battle and had wrested victory from the teeth of the -enemy. - -The good will of the Japanese government was shown when a prefect in -western Japan sent sixty soldiers under the command of a monk, Sin Hong, -to aid in the putting down of the corsairs. They made some attempts to -check their lawless countrymen but soon found that they had undertaken -more than they had bargained for, and so returned to Japan. As the -pirates were ravaging the west coast as far north as P‘yŭng-yang, the -king sent against them Generals Na Se and Sim Tŭk-pu who had been -successful before. By the use of fire-arrows they succeeded in burning -several of the enemy’s boats at Chin-p‘o and of course had the fellows -at their mercy, for they had no means of escape. - -It is evident the king did not know his own mind in relation to Chinese -suzerainty. Now he favored the Mongols and now the Mings. A year or so -before this he had adopted the Mongol name of the year but now he turns -about and adopts the Ming name again. It was this vacillation, this -playing fast and loose with his obligations, that alienated the -good-will of the Ming emperor and made him look with complacency upon -the dissolution of the Koryŭ dynasty. - -Late in the autumn of 1379 the Japanese were again in dangerous -proximity to the capital and the king wanted to move to a safer place. -The geomancers’ book of prophecies indicated Puk-so San as “A narrow -place and good for a king to live in,” but the courtiers opposed it, -saying that there was no large river flowing near by, on which the -government rice could be brought by boat to the capital. So it was given -up. - -There was a Mongol general named Ko-ga-no who had become independent of -the main body of the Mongols and had set up a separate government on his -own responsibility in Liao-tung. He was wavering between natural ties on -the one hand, which bound him to the Mongols, and the dictates of common -sense on the other, which indicated the rising fortunes of the Ming. He -chose a middle course by coming with his 40,000 men and asking the -privilege of joining Koryŭ. The records do not say whether permission -was given or not, but we may easily believe it was. - -In 1380 the Japanese government sent 180 soldiers under the command of -Gen. Pak Kŭ-sa to aid in driving the pirates out of Koryŭ. In the midst -of these dangers from freebooters, jealousy was undermining the -government at Song-do. Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo had a friend named Gen. Yang -Păk-yŭn who now under false charges, enviously made by officials near -the king, was banished and then killed. It was wonderful that the fame -of Gen. Yi did not bring about his murder. - -The Ming emperor thought, and rightly, that the king was a very fickle -individual and sent a letter asking him why it was that he had no -settled policy but did everything as the impulse of the moment led. The -king’s reply is not recorded but that he did not take to heart the -admonitions of the emperor is quite evident, for he plunged into greater -excesses than ever. His ill-timed hunting expeditions, his drunkenness -and debauchery were the scandal of the country. The people thought he -ought to be hunting Japanese pirates rather than wild boar and deer. -Even while the Japanese were ravaging Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province the king -was trampling down the people’s rice-fields in the pursuit of game. He -stole the people’s cattle and horses whenever he needed them and if he -chanced to see a good looking girl anywhere he took means to possess -himself of her person by fair means or foul. He was indeed the son of -Sin-don both by blood and by disposition. - -This year the ravages of the freebooters exceeded anything that had been -known before. The southern provinces were honeycombed by them. Generals -Pă Keuk-yŭm and Chöng Chi were sent against them but without result. At -last the Japanese laughingly asserted that they soon would be in the -city of Song-do. They might have gone there if Gen. Yi had not been sent -in person to direct the campaign against them. Hastening south he -rallied around him all the available troops and came to Un-bong in -Chŭl-la province. He ascended Chöng San which lay six miles from the -camp of the enemy. From this point he perceived that there were two -roads leading to this camp; one broad and easy and the other narrow and -rough. With great sagacity he judged that the Japanese would take the -narrow road, hoping to make a counter march on him. So he sent a -considerable force by the broad road but selected a band of trusty men -to form an ambush on the narrow one. The Japanese acted precisely as he -had foreseen. When they learned that the Koryŭ army was approaching they -hastened away by the narrow road and so fell into the ambush, where they -were severely handled. Fifty of their number were left dead. The -remainder sought safety in the mountains but were soon brought to bay. -The whole Koryŭ army was called up and the attack upon the Japanese -position was begun. It was necessary to attack up a steep incline and -Gen. Yi had two horses shot out from under him, and an arrow pierced his -leg; but he drew it out and continued the fight. Among the enemy was a -man stronger and larger than the rest. He stood spear in hand and danced -about, urging on his comrades. He was encased in armor and on his head -was a copper helmet. There was no opening for an arrow to enter; so Gen. -Yi said to his lieutenant, Yi Tu-ran, “Make ready an arrow and when I -strike off his helmet do you aim at his face.” Gen. Yi took careful aim -and struck off the man’s helmet and swift behind his arrow flew that of -his lieutenant which laid the fellow low. This demoralized the enemy and -they were soon hewn down. It is said that for days the stream near by -ran red with blood. As the result of this victory 1600 horses were taken -and a large amount of spoil, including implements of war. - -When the victorious general returned to Song-do he was given a triumphal -entry and fifty ounces of gold and other gifts were distributed among -the generals who assisted him. It is said that, from that time on, -whenever the news came that a Japanese band had disembarked on the -southern coast the first word that was spoken was, “Where is Gen. Yi -T‘ă-jo?” - -The long-suffering emperor at last tired of the erratic course of the -Koryŭ king and decided to bring a little pressure to bear upon him in -order to bring him to his senses. He ordered the king to send him each -year a thousand horses, a hundred pounds of gold, five thousand ounces -of silver and five thousand pieces of cotton cloth. This was beyond the -means of the king, but he succeeded in sending three hundred ounces of -gold, a thousand ounces of silver, four hundred and fifty horses and -four thousand five hundred pieces of cotton. This large amount of -tribute was delivered into the hands of the governor of Liao-tung to be -sent to the imperial court, but the governor declared that as the tax -was a penal one and not merely for tribute he could not accept less than -the full amount required. So he drove the envoy away. - -In 1382 the government adopted a new policy in the matter of coast -defense. In all the larger seaport towns generals were stationed in -charge of considerable bodies of troops and in the smaller towns -garrisons of proportional strength. The constant coming and going of -these troops was a terrible drain upon the resources of the people but -there was no help for it. The piratical raids of the Japanese had now -become so frequent that no attempt was made to keep a record of them. It -would have been easier for the people to bear had the king showed any of -the characteristics of manhood, but his feasts and revels saw no -abatement. Frequently he was so intoxicated that he fell from his horse -while hunting. He peopled the palace with dancing-girls and it may be -said of him as it was of Nero that he “fiddled while Rome was burning.” -As the king rode forth to hunt with falcon on wrist the eunuchs rode -behind him singing ribald Mongol songs. When other pleasures cloyed he -invented a sort of mock battle in which stones were used as missiles. It -is believed by many that this was the beginning of the popular -“stone-fight,” which is such a unique custom of Korea today. Once he -amused himself by pretending that he was going to bury one of his -officials alive behind the palace, and he hugely enjoyed the poor -fellow’s shrieks and struggles. He made this same official put up his -hat as a target, than which hardly anything could be a greater disgrace, -for the hat in Korea is the badge of citizenship and is held in such -esteem that no one will attend to the duties of nature without taking -off his hat and laying it aside. - -Being hard pressed by the emperor in the matter of tribute it is said -that in 1383 he sent to the Ming court a hundred pounds of gold, ten -thousand ounces of silver, ten thousand pieces of linen and a thousand -horses. The records say the emperor refused to take it, for it fell -short of his demands. It is probable that this means not that it was -sent back but that the emperor refused to give a receipt in full of all -demands. - -In this same year, 1383, the capital was again moved to Han-yang. The -reasons alleged were that so many misfortunes overtook the dynasty that -it seemed as if the site of the capital must be unpropitious. It was -also said that wild animals entered the city, which was a bad sign. The -water in the wells had boiled, fish fought with each other, and a number -of other fictions were invented, all of which made it necessary to move -the capital. It was effected, however, in the face of great opposition. -Meanwhile the Japanese were working their will in the south, for Gen. Yi -was in the north repelling an attack by the Yŭ-jin forces. - -In spite of the sending of tribute to the Ming court, Koryŭ was on good -terms with the Mongols. In 1384 the Mongol chief Nap-t‘ap-chul came with -gifts to the king and frequent envoys were exchanged. Koryŭ was neither -hot nor cold but lukewarm and for this reason it was that the Mings -finally spewed her out of their mouth. The capricious king now moved -back to Song-do and the courtiers were put to no end of trouble and -expense. When they returned to Song-do with the king they burned all -their houses in Han-yang so as to make it impossible to return. - -One of the most disgraceful acts of this king was his attempt to possess -himself of his father’s wife, or concubine. Meeting her one day he -commented on her beauty and said she was more beautiful than any of his -wives. He tried to force his way into her apartments at night but in -some way his plan was frustrated. When one of the courtiers took him to -task for his irregularities he tried to shoot him through with an arrow. - -Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo was having a lively time in the north with the Yŭ-jin -people. Their general was Ho-bal-do. His helmet was four pounds in -weight. He wore a suit of red armor and he rode a black horse. Riding -forth from the ranks he shouted insulting words to Gen. Yi and dared him -to single combat. The latter accepted the gage and soon the two were at -work striking blows that no ordinary man could withstand. Neither could -gain the advantage until by a lucky chance the horse of Gen. Ho -stumbled, and before the rider could recover himself Gen. Yi had an -arrow in his neck. But the helmet saved him from a serious wound. Then -Gen. Yi shot his horse under him. At sight of this Gen. Ho’s soldiers -rushed up, as did also those of Gen. Yi, and the fight became general. -The result was an overwhelming victory for Koryŭ. These flattering -statements about the founder of the present dynasty are probably, in -many cases, the result of hero-worship but the reader has the privilege -of discounting them at discretion. - -The Ming court knew all about Koryŭ’s coquetting with the Mongols and -sent a severe letter warning her that the consequences of this would be -disastrous. The king was frightened and sent an envoy in haste to the -Ming court to “make it right,” but the emperor cast him into prison and -sent demanding five years’ tribute at once. We may well believe that -this demand was not complied with. - -That there were two opinions in Japan as regards Koryŭ is shown by the -fact that immediately after that government sent back 200 Koryŭ -citizens, who had been carried away captive, a sanguinary expedition -lauded on the coast of Kang-wŭn Province near the town of Kang-neung and -ravaged right away north as far as Nang-ch‘ŭn. - -The king, in partial compliance with the emperor’s demands sent, in the -spring of 1385, 2000 horses to China. It was the faithful Chöng Mong-ju -who accompanied this peace offering, and when he arrived in Nanking the -emperor saw by the date of his commission that he had come in extreme -haste. This mollified his resentment to such an extent that he gave the -envoy a favorable hearing and that careful and judicious man made such -good use of the opportunity that friendly intercourse was again -established between China and her wayward vassal. - -The state of affairs in Koryŭ was now beyond description. The _kwaga_, a -literary degree of some importance, was frequently conferred upon -infants still in their mothers’ arms. The people, with fine sarcasm, -called this the “Pink Baby-powder Degree.” The king was struggling to -pay up his arrears of tribute, but he could not secure the requisite -number of horses. In lieu of these he sent large quantities of silver -and cloth. The pendulum had now swung to the other extreme and a Mongol -envoy was denied audience with the king. - -In 1386, the year following the above events, the Ming emperor formally -recognized the king of Koryŭ. This event was hailed with the greatest -delight by the court. But it did not have the effect of awakening the -king to the dignity of his position for he gave freer rein to his -passions than ever. He seized the daughter of one of his officials and -made her his concubine although she was already affianced to another. -This is a most grave offense in the east, for a girl affianced is -considered already the same as married. - -It is a relief to turn from this picture and see what Gen. Yi was doing -to free his country from Japanese pirates. He was in the northeast when -a band of these men landed in his vicinity, near the mouth of the Tu-man -River. When they found that Gen. Yi was near by they wanted to make -their escape but he forced them into a position where they either had to -fight or surrender. He informed them that immediate surrender was the -only thing that could save them. They agreed to his terms but when they -had thus been thrown off their guard he fell upon them and the slaughter -was so great that it is said the plain was filled with the dead bodies. -The records make no attempt to conceal or palliate this act of bad faith -on the part of this great general. It was not an age when nice -distinctions were made. The Japanese were not waging a regular warfare -against the Koryŭ government but were killing helpless women and -children and burning their houses. Their one aim was plunder and this -put them outside the pale of whatever code of military honor prevailed. - -The king’s vagaries now took a new turn. Like Haroun al Raschid he went -forth at night and roamed the streets in disguise accompanied by -concubines and eunuchs. Crimes that cannot be described and which would -have brought instant death upon a common citizen were committed with -impunity. No man’s honor was safe. Not only so, but other evil-minded -people masquerading at night and in disguise committed like -indescribable outrages under the cover of the king’s name. In his -hunting expeditions the king rode forth preceeded by a host of harlots -and concubines dressed in male attire and wherever he went the people -lost their horses and cattle and whatever else the royal escort took a -fancy to. - -The continual trouble in Quelpart arising out of the horse-breeding -business grew so annoying that the king finally sent Gen. Yi Hăng with -instructions to bring away every horse and to do away entirely with the -business. This was done and from that day Quelpart had peace. - -Kim Yu the envoy to Nanking was closely questioned by the emperor as to -the cause of the late king’s death and he told that potentate that it -was done by Yi In-im, which indeed was true; but to the question as to -whose son the king might be he returned an evasive answer. As a result -of his frankness in telling who murdered the former king he was -banished, for Yi In-im was all-powerful at court. The sentence of -banishment meant death for he was sent to a distant place of banishment -as such a break-neck pace that no man could live through it. He died of -fatigue on the way as was intended. This Yi In-im and his following held -the reins of power at the capital and they sold all offices and took -bribes from all criminals. They thus succeeded in defeating the ends of -justice and the people “gnashed their teeth” at him. He caused the death -of so many good men that he earned the popular soubriquet of “Old Cat.” - -The year 1387 was signalized by a closer union between Koryŭ and her -suzerain. The Ming emperor sent 5000 pieces of silk to purchase horses -but when the animals arrived at his capital they were such a sorry lot -that he rejected them and charged the king with bad faith. The Koryŭ -officials all adopted the dress and the manners of the Ming court. This -they had done before but had dropped them again when they turned back to -the Mongols. From that time on until the present day the clothes of the -Korean have followed the fashions of the Ming dynasty. - - - - - Chapter XIII. - -King determines to invade Liao-tung.... why unwise.... the emperor’s - letter and the answer.... preparations.... Gen. Yi’s argument.... - royal threat.... Gen. Yi marches northward.... the troops appealed - to.... the Rubicon of Korea.... an omen.... advance toward - Song-do.... the capital in Gen. Yi’s hands.... popular song.... Gen. - Yi’s demands.... attempted assassination.... king banished.... a new - king.... reforms.... the “Red Grave”.... envoy to China.... Koryŭ - takes the offensive against the Japanese.... the emperor’s offer.... - a real Wang upon the throne.... the banished kings executed.... - unsuccessful plot.... Gen. Yi opposes the Buddhists.... capital - moved to Han-yang.... people desire Gen. Yi to be made king.... he - is reluctant.... his son active.... Chöng Mong-ju assassinated.... - all enemies silenced.... the king’s oath.... the king abdicates in - favor of Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo. - - -Koryŭ was now whirling in the outer circles of the maelstrom that was -destined to engulf her. So long as the king revelled and hunted only and -did not interfere with outside affairs he was endured as an necessary -evil but now in the opening of the year 1388 he determined upon an -invasion of Liao-tung, a plan so utterly foolhardy as to become the -laughing-stock of reasonable men. It was an insane idea. The constant -inroads of the Japanese demanded the presence of all the government -troops, for the sending of any of them out of the country would be the -signal for the Japanese to pour in afresh and with impunity. In the -second place the king could not hope to cope with the great Ming power -that had just arisen and was now in the first blush of its power. The -kingdom of Koryŭ was essentially bound to the Mongols and she pursued -her destiny to the bitter end. In the third place the Ming power had now -obtained a firm foothold in Liao-tung and an invasion there would look -much like a plan to finally attack that empire itself. In the fourth -place the finances of the country were utterly disorganised and the -unusual taxes that would be required to carry out the plan would take -away all popular enthusiasm for it and desertions would decimate the -army. But in spite of all these drawbacks the stubborn king held to his -point and as a preliminary measure built a wall about Han-yang where he -sent all the women and children for safety. By this act he acknowledged -the extreme hazard of the venture. It is not unlikely that he was so -tired of all other forms of amusement that he decided to plunge into war -in order to make sport for himself. - -The emperor seems to have been aware of the plan for he now sent an -envoy to announce to the Koryŭ court that “All land north of Ch‘ŭl-lyŭng -belongs to the Mongols, and I am about to erect a palisade fence between -you and them.” When this envoy arrived at Song-do the king feigned -illness and would not see him. A letter was sent in reply saying “We own -beyond the Ch‘ŭl-lyŭng as far as Sang-sŭng, so we trust it will please -you not to erect a barrier there.” He then called in all the troops from -the provinces in preparation for the invasion. His ostensible reason was -a great hunting expedition in P‘yŭng-an Province for he knew the people -would rise in revolt if they knew the real purpose. The Japanese were -wasting the south, the people were fainting under new exactions to cover -the expense of the repairs at Han-yang and it is said the very planting -of crops was dispensed with, so disheartened were the people. - -Having made Ch‘oe Yŭng general-in-chief of the expedition, the king -accompanied the army north to Pong-ju, now Pong-san. Gen. Ch‘oe never -divulged the fact that this was an army of invasion but told all the -troops that they must be strong and brave and ready for any work that -might be given them to do. Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo was made lieutenant-general in -connection with Gen. Ch‘oe. He made a powerful plea against the war and -the main points of his argument are preserved to us. His objections were -(1) It is bad for a small country to attack a powerful one. (2) It is -bad to make a campaign in summer when the heavy rains flood the country, -rendering the transporting of troops almost impossible and decimating -them with disease. (3) It is bad to drain off all the soldiers from the -country when the Japanese are so constant in their ravages. (4) The heat -and moisture of summer will spoil the bows and make them break easily. -To all these objections the king replied that having come thus far the -plan must be carried out. Gen. Yi hazarded his neck by demurring; still -asserting that it would mean the overthrow of the kingdom. The king in -rage exclaimed “The next man that advises against this war will lose his -head.” This was an end of the debate and as the council of war dispersed -the officers saw Gen. Yi weeping, and to their questions he answered “It -means the destruction of Koryŭ.” - -The Yalu was quickly bridged and Gen. Yi in company with one other -general started north from P‘yŭng-yang with 38,600 troops, 21,000 of -whom were mounted. At the same time the king discarded the Ming -calendar, dress and coiffure. The Mongol clothes were again adopted and -the hair cut. The Japanese knowing that the troops had gone north, -entered the open door thus invitingly left ajar and seized forty -districts. - -But we must follow the fortunes of the expedition that was to attack the -empire of the Mings. When Gen. Yi arrived at the Yalu his plans were not -laid as to what he should do. For one thing, he intended to make no -invasion of China. So he crossed over to Wi-ha island, in the mouth of -the Yalu, and there made his camp. Hundreds of his troops deserted and -went back home. Some of these the king seized and beheaded; but it did -not stop the defection. From that island a general, Hong In-ju, made a -dash into Liao-tung territory and was highly complimented by the king in -consequence. But Gen. Yi remained impassive. He sent a letter to the -king imploring him to listen to reason and recall the army, urging -history, the flooded condition of the country and the Japanese reasons -for it. But the king was stubborn. Rumor said that Gen. Yi had fled but -when another general was sent to ascertain whether this were true or -false he was found at his post. The two generals wept together over the -hopeless condition of affairs. At last they summoned the soldiers. “If -we stay here we will all be swept away by the rising flood. The king -will not listen to reason. What can we do to prevent the destruction of -all the people of Koryŭ? Shall we go back to P‘yŭng-yang, depose the -general-in-chief, Ch‘oe, who urges on this unholy war against the -Mings?” The soldiers shouted out acclamations of glad assent. Nothing -could please them better. - -As Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo mounted his white steed and with his red bow and white -arrows stood motionless upon a mound of earth watching his soldiers -recross the Yalu to the Koryŭ side against the mandate of their king and -his, we see a new Caesar watching his army cross the Rubicon, an army as -passionately devoted to their leader as the Roman legions ever were to -Caesar. And Caesar suffers in the comparison, for he went back not to -restore the integrity of the state and prevent the waste of human life, -but rather to carry out to its tragic end a personal ambition. We have -seen how once and again Yi T‘ă-jo had plead with the king and had risked -even his life to prevent this monumental folly; and we shall see how he -used his power not for personal ends but with loyalty to his king, until -circumstances thrust him upon the throne. - -The records say that no sooner had Gen. Yi followed his army across the -stream than a mighty wave, fed by mountain streams, came rolling down -the valley and swept clean over the island he had just left. The people -looked upon this as an omen and a sign of heaven’s favor, and they made -a song whose refrain runs “The son of wood will become king.” This -refers to the Chinese character for Gen. Yi’s name. It is the union of -the two characters “wood” and “son.” The whole army then took up its -march toward Song-do. A magistrate in the north sent a hasty message to -the king saying that the army was in full march back toward the capital. -The king was at this time in Song-ch‘ŭn, north of P‘yŭng-yang. He knew -many of the generals were opposed to the war and thought that they would -obey him better if he were near by, and so had come thus far north. - -Hearing this startling news he immediately dispatched Gen. Ch‘oe -Yu-gyŭng with whatever force he had, to oppose the march of the -rebellious Gen. Yi. The associate of the latter urged him to push -forward with all speed and seize the person of the king, but he was no -traitor, and he replied “If we hurry forward and encounter our -countrymen many will fall. If anyone lays a finger on the king I will -have no mercy on him. If a single citizen of Koryŭ is injured in any way -I will never forgive the culprit.” So Gen. Yi came southward slowly, -hunting along the way in order to give the king time to get back to -Song-do in a leisurely manner as becomes a king. At last the king -arrived at his capital and the recalcitrant army came following slowly. -The people along the way hailed them as the saviors of the nation and -gave them all manner of provisions and supplies, so that they lacked for -nothing. - -When Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo reached the neighborhood of Song-do he sent a letter -to the king saying, “As General-in-chief Ch‘oe-yŭng does not care for -the welfare of the people he must die. Send him to me for execution.” -But Gen. Ch‘oe did not intend to give up without a struggle, however -hopeless his case might be; so he took what troops were left and manned -the walls of Song-do. It was a desperate move, for all saw what the end -must be. Hundreds of soldiers who had deserted now flocked again to the -standards of Gen. Yi. - -When the attack came off, Gen. Yi stormed the South Gate and Gen. Yu -Man-su the West Gate, and soon an entrance was effected. It is said that -after entering the city the first attack upon the royal forces was made -by Gen. Yu alone and that he was driven back. When this was told Gen. Yi -he seemed not to care but sat on his horse and let it crop the grass -along the path. After a time he partook of some food and then leisurely -arose, drew up his forces and in full view of them all took a shot at a -small pine that stood a hundred paces away. The arrow cut it sheer off -and the soldiers hailed it as a sign of victory, for was not the pine -the symbol of Koryŭ? So they marched on the palace. The old men and boys -mounted the city walls and cheered the attacking forces. Gen. Yi did not -lead the attack in person and his lieutenant was beaten back by the -royal forces under Gen. Ch‘oe. Gen. Yi thereupon took in his hand a -yellow flag, crossed the Sön-juk bridge and ascended South Mountain from -which point he obtained a full view of the interior of the palace. He -saw that Gen. Ch‘oe and the king, with a band of soldiers, had taken -refuge in the palace garden. Descending the mountain he led his troops -straight through every obstacle, entered the palace and surrounded the -royal party. Gen. Ch‘oe was ordered to come out and surrender but as -there was no response the garden gate was burst open and the king was -discovered holding the hand of Gen. Ch‘oe. As there was no longer hope -of rescue the king, weeping, handed over the loyal general to the -soldiers of Gen. Yi. He stepped forward and said “I had no intention of -proceeding to these extremes, but to fight the Ming power is out of the -question. It is not only useless but suicidal to attempt such a thing. I -have come back to the capital in this manner because there was no other -way open to me, because it was a traitorous act to attack our suzerain, -and because the people of Koryŭ were suffering in consequence of the -withdrawal of protection.” Gen. Ch‘oe was then banished to Ko-yang and -Gen. Yi, as he sent him away, wept and said “Go in peace.” - -The records say that long before this the evil-minded Yi In-im had -foretold to Gen. Ch‘oe that one day Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo would become king, -but at the time Gen. Ch‘oe laughed at it. Now he was forced to grant -that the prophecy had been a true one. A popular song was composed at -this time, whose refrain states that - - “Outside the wall of P‘yŭng-yang there is a red light, - Outside the wall of An-ju a snake. - Between them comes and goes a soldier, Yi. - May he help us.” - -When Gen. Ch‘oe had thus been disposed of, Gen. Yi turned to the king -and said “It was impossible to carry out the plan of conquest. The only -thing left was to come back, banish the man who gave such bad advice and -make a new start. We must now be firm in our allegience to the Ming -emperor, and we must change back to the Ming costume.” - -The emperor, hearing of the threatened invasion, had sent a powerful -army into Liao-tung, but now that the invaders had retired he recalled -the troops. - -We can easily imagine how the king, who had never been balked of his -will, hated Gen. Yi. The moment an opportunity occurred he called about -him eighty of his most trusted eunuchs, armed them with swords and sent -them to kill the obnoxious dictator. But they found him so well guarded -that the attempt proved abortive. - -It will be remembered that this king was the son of Sin-don and was -therefore not of the royal stock. So now the courtier Yun So-jŭng told -Gen. Yi that they ought to find some blood relative of the Wang family, -the genuine royal stock, and put him on the throne. To this the dictator -assented. As a first move all arms were removed from the palace. The -king was left helpless. He was ordered to send away one of his -concubines who had formerly been a monk’s slave but he replied “If she -goes I go.” The generals went in a body to the palace and advised the -king to leave the capital and retire into private life in Kang-wha. This -was a polite way of saying that he was banished. He plead to be allowed -to wait till the next day as it was now well along toward night. And so -this evil king took his concubines, which he had always cherished more -than the kingdom, and passed off the stage of history. He it was who -most of all, excepting only his father, helped to bring about the fall -of the dynasty. - -Gen. Yi now, in 1388, was determined to put upon the throne a lineal -descendant of the Wang family, but Cho Min-su with whom he had before -conferred about the matter desired to put Chang, the adopted son of the -banished king, on the throne. Gen. Yi demurred, but when he learned that -the celebrated scholar Yi Săk had favored this plan he acquiesced. The -young king wanted to give Gen. Yi high official position but he was not -anxious to receive it and it was only by strong pressure that he was -induced to take it. So the records say, but we must remember in all this -account that hero worship and desire to show the deeds of the founder of -the new dynasty in the best light have probably colored many of the -facts which occurred at this time. - -As this king was never acknowledged by the emperor nor invested with the -royal insignia, his name is dropped from the list of the kings of Koryŭ. -Neither he nor his foster-father were given the regular posthumous -title, but were known, the father as Sin-u and the son as Sin Chang. - -An envoy was dispatched to Nanking telling of the banishment of the king -and the appointment of his successor. Cho Min-su who had been -instrumental in putting this new king on the throne was not so modest as -the records try to make us believe Gen. Yi was. He now held almost -unlimited power. It spoiled him as it has spoiled many another good man, -and he gave way to luxury and ere long had to be banished, a victim of -his own excesses. - -Reform now became the order of the day. First they changed the unjust -and shameful manner of appointing officials that had prevailed under the -banished king. The laws respecting the division of fields was changed, -making the people more safe in the possession of their property. The -defenses of the south were also looked to, for Gen. Chöng Chi went south -with a powerful force and scored a signal victory over the corsairs at -Nam-wŭn. Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo was now general-in-chief of all the royal -forces. His first act was to have the banished king sent further away, -to the town of Yö-heung; and at the same time the banished Gen. Ch‘oe -Yŭng was executed. The old man died without fear, at the age of seventy. -He was not a man who had given himself over to luxury and he had many -good qualities, but he was unlettered and stubborn and his crime in -desiring to attack China brought him to his death. The records say that -when he died he said “If I am a true man no grass will grow on my -grave,” and the Koreans say that his grave in Ko-yang is bare to this -day and is called in consequence “The Red Grave.” - -The emperor’s suspicions had been again roused by the new change of face -on the part of Koryŭ. The celebrated scholar Yi Săk stepped forward and -offered to go to the emperor’s court and smooth things over. Gen. Yi -praised him highly for this act of condescension and he was sent as -envoy. He took with him Gen. Yi’s fifth son who is known posthumously by -his title T‘ă-jong. He was destined to become the third king of the new -dynasty. He was taken to China by Yi Săk because the latter feared that -Gen. Yi might usurp the throne while he was gone and the son would then -be a sort of hostage for good behavior on the part of the father. The -two great men of Koryŭ, when it fell, were Chöng Mong-ju and this Yi -Săk. They were both men of education and experience and were both warm -partizans of the Koryŭ dynasty. They were loyal to her even through all -the disgusting scenes herein described, but their great mistake was -their adherence to the Mongol power when it had plainly retired from -active participation in the affairs of Asia. Yi Săk now sought the court -of China not so much with a view to helping Koryŭ as to find means to -get Gen. Yi into trouble. But to his chagrin the emperor never gave him -an opportunity to say what he desired to say about the great dictator. - -The questions the emperor asked gave no opportunity to mention the topic -nearest his heart. His chagrin was so great that when he got back to -Koryŭ he spoke slightingly of the emperor, to the great displeasure of -the court. The king himself desired to go to Nanking and do obeisance to -the emperor but was forbidden by the latter. - -The year 1389 beheld some interesting and important events. In the first -place Gen. Yi decided to take the offensive against the Japanese; so a -hundred boats were fitted out. The expedition arrived first at Tsushima -where three hundred of the enemy’s boats were burned as well as many -houses; and more than a hundred prisoners were brought away. Secondly, -the emperor, being asked to let the king go to Nanking and do obeisance, -replied, “This having a pretender on the throne of Koryŭ is all wrong. -If you will put a real descendant of the royal family on the throne you -need not send another envoy to my court for twenty years if you do not -wish.” Gen Yi, to show his good will, sent a messenger to the banished -king and gave him a feast on his birthday. The king of the Loo Choo -Islands sent an envoy to Song-do with gifts, declaring his allegiance to -Koryŭ. At the same time he sent back some Koryŭ captives who had fallen -into his hands. Gen. Yi came to the conclusion that if the dynasty was -to continue, a lineal descendant of the royal family must be put at the -head of affairs. At this time Gen. Yi was of course the actuating spirit -in the government and at his desire the young king, who had been on the -throne but a year and who had not been formally recognised by the -emperor, was sent away to Kang-wha and the seventh descendant of the -seventeenth king of the line was elevated to the seat of royalty. His -name was Yo and his posthumous title Kong-yang. He was forty-five years -old. This move on the part of Gen. Yi was doubtless on account of the -pronounced views of the emperor. A busybody named Kang Si told the newly -appointed king that Gen. Yi did this not because he cared for the Wang -dynasty but because he feared the Mings. When Gen. Yi learned of this -the man’s banishment was demanded but not insisted upon. One of the -first acts of the new sovereign was to banish Yi Săk and Cho Min-su who -had insisted upon putting the parvenu Chang upon the throne. An envoy -was also dispatched to China announcing that at last a genuine Wang was -now on the throne of Koryŭ. - -The officials urged that the two banished kings be killed but when the -matter was referred to Gen. Yi he advised a more lenient policy, saying, -“They have been banished and they can do no more harm. There is no sense -in shedding useless blood.” But the king replied, “They killed many good -men and they deserve to die;” so executioners were sent and the two men -were executed at their places of banishment. It is said that the wife of -the elder of the two took the dead body of her lord in her arms and -said, as she wept, “This is all my father’s fault, for it was he who -advised the invasion of China.” The records say that for ten days she -ate nothing and slept with the corpse in her arms. She also begged rice -and with it sacrificed before the dead body of the king. - -In 1390 a dangerous conspiracy was gotten up with the view to -assassinating Gen. Yi, but it was discovered in time and many men were -killed in consequence and many more were put to the torture. Yi Săk and -Cho Min-su were in some way implicated in this attempt though they were -in banishment. It was advised to put them to death but after torture -they were sent back to prison. The emperor in some way had the -impression that Gen. Yi was persecuting these two men because they had -prevented his invasion of China. Cho was executed but when the -executioner approached the cell of Yi Săk, so the records say, a -terrific clap of thunder was heard and a flood of water swept away part -of the town in which he was imprisoned. For this reason the king dared -not kill him but granted him freedom instead. - -Under the supervision of Gen. Yi a war-office was established and a -system of conscription which secured a rotation of military duty. The -king, true to the instincts of his family, was a strong adherent of -Buddhism and now proceeded to take a monk as his teacher. The whole -official class decided that this must not be, and the monk was forthwith -expelled from the palace. In spite of the suffering it entailed upon the -people the king decided to move the capital again to Han-yang and it was -done, but no sooner was the court transferred to that place than the -king, with characteristic Wang fickleness, went back to Song-do. The law -was promulgated that women must not go to visit Buddhist monasteries. -This was without doubt because the looseness of the morals of the -inmates rendered it unsafe for respectable women to go to them. - -The people throughout the land looked to Gen. Yi as their protector and -it was the almost universal wish that he should become king. His friends -tried to bring this about but they were always thwarted by the aged -Chöng Mong-ju, the only great man who now clung to the expiring dynasty. -He was a man of perfect integrity and was held in much esteem by Gen. Yi -himself though they differed in politics. Chong Mong-ju really believed -it necessary for the preservation of the state that Gen. Yi be put out -of the way and he was always seeking means for accomplishing this end. - -When the crown prince came back from Nanking, whither he had gone as -envoy, Gen. Yi went out to meet him. He went as far as Whang-ju where he -suffered a severe fall from his horse which for a time quite disabled -him. This was Chöng Mong-ju’s opportunity. He hastened to have many of -Gen. Yi’s friends put out of the way. He had them accused to the king -and six of the strongest partisans of the general were banished. Gen. Yi -was at Hă-ju at the time and his son T‘ă-jong hastened to him and -imparted the startling news. The old man did not seem to care very much, -but the son whose energy and spirit were equal to anything and who -foresaw that prompt action at this juncture meant life or death to all -the family, had the aged general carried on the backs of men back to -Song-do. When he arrived, attempts were being made to have the six -banished men put to death, but the coming of the great dictator put a -stop to this. T‘ă-jong urged that something must be done immediately to -save the family name, but the father did not wish to proceed to -extremities. The brunt of the whole business fell upon T‘ă-jong and he -saw that if his father was to become king someone must push him on to -the throne. The first step must be the removal of Chöng mong-ju. Nothing -could be done until that was accomplished. - -Gen. Yi’s nephew turned traitor to him and informed Chöng Mong-ju that -there was danger. About this time Gen. Yi gave a dinner to the officials -and Chöng Mong-ju was invited. The latter decided to go and, by watching -the face of his host, determine whether the report was true. When -T‘ă-jong saw Chöng Mong-ju come to the banquet he knew the time had come -to make the master move. Five strong men were placed in hiding beside -Sön-juk bridge which Chöng had to cross in going home. There they fell -upon him and murdered him with stones, upon the bridge. Today that -bridge is one of the sacred relics of the kingdom and is enclosed by a -railing. On the central stone is seen a large brown blotch which turns -to a dull red when it rains. This is believed to be the blood of the -faithful Chöng Mong-ju which still remains a mute reproach to his -murderers. - -This dastardly deed having been committed, T‘ă-jong conferred with his -uncle, Wha, and they sent Gen. Yi’s eldest living son, who is known by -his posthumous title of Chöng-jong, to the king, to demand the recall of -the banished friends of the general. The king was in no condition to -refuse and the men came back. - -Gen. Yi mourned sincerely for the death of Chöng Mong-ju for he held him -to be a loyal and faithful man, but his son saw to it that the friends -of the murdered man were promptly banished. Even the two sons of the -king who had sided with the enemies of Gen. Yi were banished. Gen. Yi -was asked to put some of the friends of Chöng Mong-ju to death but he -sternly refused and would not even have them beaten. Yi Săk was again -banished to a more distant point, the property of Chöng Mong-ju was -confiscated and so at last all opposition was effectually silenced. - -The energetic T‘ă-jong next proceeded to have the king make an agreement -or treaty of lasting friendship with his father. The officials opposed -it on the ground that it was not in keeping with the royal office to -swear an oath to a subject, but the king who had doubtless been well -schooled by the young intriguer agreed to it. Gen. Yi was very loath to -go and receive this honor at the king’s hand and it was at last decided -that the king should not attend the function in person but should do it -by deputy. The oath was as follows;— - - “If it had not been for you I never could have become king. Your - goodness and faithfulness are never to be forgotten. Heaven and - earth witness to it from generation to generation. Let us abjure all - harm to each other. If I ever forget this promise let this oath - witness to my perfidy.” - -But soon the king began to see the ludicrousness of his position. His -sons had been banished, himself without a particle of power and the -voice of the people clamoring to have Gen. Yi made king. The pressure -was too great, and one day the unhappy king handed over the seals of -office to the great dictator Gen. Yi T‘ă-jo and the Wang dynasty was at -an end. The king retired to private life, first to Wŭn-ju, then to -Kan-Sŭng and finally to San-ch‘ŭk where he died three years after -abdicating. The dynasty had lasted four hundred and seventy-five years -in all. - - END OF PART II. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - PART III. - - MODERN KOREA. - - 1392-1897. - - - - - PART THREE. - MODERN KOREA. - - - - - Chapter I. - -Beginning of the new kingdom.... name Cho-sŭn adopted.... prophecies.... - a man hunt.... a royal dream.... the wall of Seoul built.... capital - moved.... diplomacy in the north.... Buddhism.... three ports set - aside for the Japanese.... plot discovered.... back to Song-do.... - king T‘ă-jo retires.... death blow to feudalism.... Chöng-jong - abdicates.... T‘ă-jong’s sweeping reforms.... copper type.... - sorcerers’ and geomancers’ books burned.... T‘ă-jong’s claims to - greatness.... Se-jong reigns.... his habits.... literary work.... - Japanese islands attacked.... gradual suppression of Buddhism.... - trials for capital offenses.... numerous reforms.... wild tribe - punished.... the far north colonised.... Japanese settlement in the - south.... origin of Korean alphabet.... king Mun-jong dies from - over-devotion to Confucian principles. - - -It was on the sixteenth day of the seventh moon of the year 1392 that -Gen. Yi ascended the throne of Koryŭ, now no longer Koryŭ. He was an old -man, far past the age when he could hope to superintend in person the -vigorous “house-cleaning” that the condition of things demanded. He -called about him all the officials whom he knew to be personally loyal -to himself and placed them in positions of trust and authority. Those -who had contributed to his rise were rewarded, and a tablet was erected -in the capital telling of their merits. He liberated many who had been -imprisoned because of their opposition to the Wang kings and recalled -many who had been banished. - -It was not long before a message came from the emperor saying, “A man -can become king only by the decree of Heaven. How is it then that the -people of Sam-han have made Yi king?” In reply the king hastened to send -an envoy to explain matters and to ask the emperor whether he would -prefer to have the new kingdom called Cho-sŭn, “Morning Freshness” or -Wha-ryŭng, “Peaceful Harmony.” The emperor probably thought there was a -great deal more morning freshness than peaceful harmony in the -peninsula; at any rate he ordered the former name to be adopted. It was -the doubtful loyalty of the Wang kings to the Chinese throne that made -it easy for king T‘ă-jo to smoothe over the displeasure of the emperor. -The seals of the Koryŭ kings were then delivered over to China and new -seals received for the new dynasty. - -According to unwritten law, with the beginning of a new dynasty a new -capital must be founded, and king T‘ă-jo began to look about for a new -site. At first he determined to build his capital at Kye-ryŭng Mountain -in Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province, and he went so far as to begin work on it; -but it was found that in the days of Sil-la a celebrated priest, To-sŭn, -had prophesied that in the days to come Yi would found a capital at -Han-yang, and one of the Koryŭ kings had planted many plum trees at that -place and as fast as they matured had them mutilated, hoping thus to -harm the fortunes of the Yi family; for the Chinese character for Yi is -the same as that for plum. Tradition also says that the king had a dream -in which a spirit came and told him that Kye-ryŭng San was reserved for -the capital of a future kingdom which should be founded by a member of -the Chöng family. Two commissioners were thereupon sent to Han-yang to -make surveys for a palace site. It is said that a monk, Mu-hak, met them -at Ha-yang and told them that the palace should face toward Pă-gak -Mountain and Mong-myŭk Mountain (the present Nam-san,) but they -persisted in making it face the south. “Very well” the monk replied, “If -you do not listen to my advice you will have cause to remember it two -hundred years from now.” His words were unheeded but precisely two -hundred years later, in the year 1592, the Japanese hordes of Hideyoshi -landed on the shores of southern Korea. This is a fair sample of Korean -_ex post facto_ prophecy. - -The courtiers urged the king to destroy the remaining relatives of the -last Koryŭ kings that there might be no danger of an attempt at revolt. -The royal consent was given and a considerable number of those -unfortunates were put in a boat, taken out to sea and abandoned, their -boat being first scuttled. The king thought better of this, however, -before it had gone far and ordered this man-hunt to be stopped. - -As the emperor still seemed to entertain suspicions concerning the new -kingdom the king was fain to send his eldest son as envoy to the Chinese -court where he carefully explained the whole situation to the -satisfaction of his suzerain. - -An interesting prophecy is said to have been current at the time. The -king dreamed that he saw a hen swallow a silk-worm. No one could explain -the meaning of the dream until at last an official more imaginative than -discreet averred that it meant that Kye-ryŭng would swallow Cham-du. Kye -means “hen” and Cham-du means “silk-worm’s head.” But Kye-ryong was the -site of the future capital of the next kingdom according to prophecy, -while “silk-worm’s head” is the name of one of the spurs of Nam-san in -Seoul. So the interpretation was that the new dynasty would fall before -another founded at Kye-ryong, by Chöng. The poor fellow paid for this -bright forecast with his life. - -Cho Chin was charged with the work of building the wall of the new -capital. To this end, in the spring of 1391, 119,000 men were brought -from the provinces of P‘yŭng-an and Whang-hă and they worked steadily -for two months. In the autumn 89,000 men came from Kang-wŭn, Chŭl-la and -Kyŭng-sang Provinces and finished it in a month more. The whole circuit -of the wall was 9,975 double paces. At five feet to the double pace this -would give us about nine and a half miles, its present length. It was -pierced by eight gates, the South Gate, or Suk-nye-mun, the East Gate or -Heung-in-mun, the West Gate, or Ton-eui-mun, the Little West Gate, or -So-eui-mun, the North-east Gate, or Chang-eui-mun, the Water Mouth Gate, -or Kwang-heui-mun, also called the Su-gu-mun, and finally the -Suk-chang-mun, a private gate at the north by which the king may pass in -time of danger to the mountain fortress of Puk-han. At the same time a -law was made that dead bodies could be carried out of the city only by -way of the Little West or the Water Mouth Gates. Neither of these “dead -men’s gates” were roofed at first but were simply arches. - -Immediately upon the completion of the wall the court was moved from -Song-do to the new capital and the new palace was named the Kyŭng-bok -Palace. By this time the news of the founding of a new dynasty had -spread, and envoys came from Japan, the Liu-kiu Islands and from the -southern kingdom of Sam-na. It will be remembered that the Mongols had -absorbed a portion of the northern territory of Korea, especially in -Ham-gyŭng Province. This had never come again fully under Ko-ryŭ -control, so that now the new kingdom extended only as far north as -Ma-ch’ŭn Pass. Between that and the Tu-man River lived people of the -Yŭ-jin tribe. The king sent Yi Tu-ran to give them a friendly -introduction to the newly founded kingdom of Cho-sŭn, and he was so good -a diplomat that soon he was able to form that whole region into 3 -semi-independent districts and in course of time it naturally became -incorporated into Cho-sŭn. The Koryŭ dynasty left a heavy legacy of -priest-craft that was not at all to the liking of the new king. The -monks had far more power with the people than seemed consistent with -good government. Monasteries were constantly in process of erection and -their inmates arrogated to themselves large powers that they did not by -right possess. Monks were not mendicants then as they are today. Each -monastery had its complement of slaves to do all menial work and the law -that declared that the grandson of a slave should be free was a dead -letter. The first of a long list of restrictions upon the priesthood was -a restatement and an enforcement of this salutary law which made -hereditary serfdom impossible. - -Before his accession to the throne he had succeeded in putting down the -Japanese pirates, at least for the time. He now placed high military and -naval officials at all the great southern ports, who offered the people -still further protection. He also set aside the three ports of Ch’e-p’o, -Yŭm-p’o and Pu-san-p’o (Fusan) as places where Japanese envoys and -trading parties might be entertained. At these places he built houses -for the accommodation of such guests. - -King T'ă-jo had a numerous family. By his first Queen, Han, he had six -sons, of whom the second and the fifth later became Kings of Cho-sŭn, -with the posthumous titles of Chöng-jong and T‘ă-jong respectively. By -his second Queen, Kang, he had two sons, both of whom aspired to the -crown but without hope. They were named Pang-sŭk and Pang-bon. Their -ambition led them astray, for now in the sixth year of the reign they -conspired to kill their two rival half-brothers and so prepare the way -for their own elevation. They secured the services of two assassins who -made the attempt, but being foiled they lost their heads. It was well -known that the two princes were at the bottom of the plot, and the king, -knowing that even he could not protect them from justice, advised them -to make good their escape. They fled but were caught just outside the -West Gate and put to death. - -The courtiers were all homesick for Song-do and the king himself -probably missed many of the comforts which he had there enjoyed. -Merchants had not as yet come in large numbers to the new capital and -the number of houses was comparatively small. It must be noticed that -with the change of dynasty it was taken for granted that the citizens of -the old capital were loyal to the fallen dynasty and so the people of -Song-do were not allowed to move to Seoul in large numbers. That city -was reserved as the residence of the friends of the new regime. Song-do -has ever been considered less loyal than any other city in the country -and the rule has been that no native of that city could hold an -important office under the present government. But at first, the new -capital was hardly as pleasant a place to live as the old, and so the -king gave the word and the whole court moved back there for a time. - -We are told that king T‘ă-jo was heartily tired of the constant strife -among his sons as to who should be the successor and he decided to -resign the office and retire to his native Ham-heung. His choice of a -successor fell upon his oldest living son, Prince Yong-an, better known -by his posthumous title Chöng-jong Kong-jŭng Tă-wang. The army and the -people all desired that his fifth son, Prince Chöng-an, who is generally -known as T‘ă-jong, who had been so active in helping his father to the -throne and who was as energetic and enterprising as his brother was -slow, should become their ruler. When they heard that they could not -have their will there was an angry demonstration at the palace. This led -the retiring king to advise that after Chöng-jong had ruled a while he -had better resign in favor of his brother, the people’s choice. - -King Chöng-jong’s first act was a statesman-like one. He commanded the -disbanding of the feudal retainers of all the officials. A few who -rebelled at this as an encroachment upon their rights were promptly -banished, and the rest submitted. Thus the death blow was struck at -feudalism in the peninsula. It never gained the foothold here that it -had in Japan, for it was thus nipped in the bud. The weakness of the -fallen dynasty had been that one or more of the officials had gathered -about their persons such large retinues that they succeeded in overawing -the king and making him a mere puppet. But this was not to be a feature -of the new regime, for King Chöng-jong by this one decree effectually -stamped it out. - -The retired king seemed to be determined not to be disturbed in his -well-earned rest, for when his sons sent and begged him to come back to -the capital and aid the government by his advice, he answered by putting -the messenger to death. Later, however, he relented and returned to -Seoul. - -T‘ă-jo’s third son, Prince Pang, was jealous because his younger brother -had been selected to succeed king Chöng-jong, and so he determined to -have him put out of the way. To this end he conspired with one Pak-po, -but the plot was discovered, Pak Po was killed and the prince banished -to T‘o-san in Whang-hă Province. T‘ă-jong himself, the prospective king, -seems to have chafed at the delay, for we are told that King -Chöng-jong’s Queen noticed his moody looks and advised her lord to -abdicate in his favor without delay, before harm came of it. So King -Chöng-jong called his brother and handed over to him the seals of office -and himself retired to private life with the title Sang-wang, or “Great -king.” - -[Illustration: _THE WHITE BUDDHA._] - -It was in the centennial year 1400 that T‘ă-jong, whose full posthumous -title is T‘ă-jong Kong-jŭng T‘ă-wang, entered upon the royal office. He -was a man of indomitable will, untiring energy and ready resource. It -was he who really entered upon the work of reform in earnest. T‘ă-jo had -been too old and Chöng-jong had lacked the energy. The year 1401 gave -him an opportunity to begin these reforms. The land was suffering from -famine, and the king said, “Why is so much grain wasted in the making of -wine? Let it cease for the present.” When he found that the people would -not obey he said. “It is because I myself have not desisted from the use -of wine. Let no more wine be served in the palace for the present.” It -is said that this practical appeal was successful and the people also -desisted. From the earliest times it had been the custom for the monks -to congregate and pray for the cessation of drought, but now by one -sweep of his pen the king added another limitation to the prerogatives -of the monks by forbidding the observance of the custom. Large tracts of -land were also taken from the monasteries and given back to the people. -The king hung a great bell in the palace gate and made proclamation that -anyone who failed to have a grievance righted by the proper tribunals -might appeal directly to the throne, and whoever struck the drum was -given instant audience. This privilege was seldom abused for it soon -became known that if a man did not have right clearly on his side his -rash appeal to the king brought severe punishment. - -For many a decade letters had languished in the peninsula, and now with -a view to their revival the king ordered the casting of copper types and -provided that, as fast as new characters were found in the leading -Chinese works, they should be immediately cast and added to the font. -The authenticity of this statement cannot be called in question. It is -attested by all the great historical works both public and private. The -method of use was such that the types were practically indestructible -and large numbers exist and are in active use to this day. So far as the -evidence goes these were the first metal type ever made, though -xylography had been known since the very earliest time. - -In 1406 the emperor sent an envoy asking that a copper Buddha on the -island of Quelpart be brought to Seoul for the king to do obeisance to -it, and that it then be forwarded to China. The king, however, refused -to bow before it. During this same year the law was promulgated -forbidding the imprisonment of criminals for long periods of time. It -also beheld the execution of all the brothers of the Queen. We are not -told the reason of this but we may surmise that it was because they had -been implicated in seditious proceedings. - -In 1409 the Japanese, Wŭn-do-jin, was sent to the Korean court to -present the respects of the Japanese sovereign. - -The kings of Koryŭ had set aside large tracts of land in Whang-hă -Province for hunting purposes. These by order of king T‘ă-jong were now -restored to the people and they were ordered to cultivate them. In 1413 -the land suffered from a severe drought and the courtiers all advised -that the monks and the female exorcists and fortune-tellers be called -upon to pray for rain; but the king replied, “Buddhism is an empty -religion and the exorcists and fortune-tellers are a worthless lot. If I -were only a better ruler Heaven would not refuse us rain.” He thereupon -ordered all the sorceresses, fortune-tellers, exorcists and geomancers -to deliver up the books of their craft to the government and a great -fire was made with them in front of the palace. - -King T‘ă-jong’s great sorrow was his son the Crown Prince, Yang-yŭng. -This young man was dissolute and worthless. He would not pursue the -studies prescribed by his tutors but spent his time in hunting, gambling -and in less reputable pursuits. The people cried out against him and -made it known that it was not their will that he should reign over them. -The father saw the justice of the complaint and the young man was -banished to Kwang-ju and the fourth son, Prince Ch‘ung-nyŭng, was -proclaimed heir to the throne. - -King T‘ă-jong retired in 1419 in favor of this son Ch‘ung-nyŭng who is -known by the posthumous title Se-jong Chang-hŭn Tă-wang. - -T‘ă-jong had been a radical reformer and worked a revolution in Korean -life similar to that which Cromwell effected in England. His greatness -is exhibited in three ways. (1) He was the first king who dared to break -away utterly from customs whose only sanction was their antiquity. (2) -He was wise enough not to force all these radical reforms at once, but -spread them over a period of nearly two decades. (3) He recognised that -a king is the servant of the people. It may be in place here to call -attention to a peculiar custom of the east. We refer to the custom of -surrendering the throne to a successor before one’s death. The benefits -of this custom are soon cited. The retiring sovereign becomes the tutor -of the incoming one. The young ruler has the benefit of his practical -suggestions and of his immense influence. He thus does away with much of -the danger of revolution or rebellion which so often accompanies a -change or rulers. If the new king proves inefficient or otherwise -unsatisfactory it is possible, through the father’s influence, to effect -a change. In other words the young ruler is on trial and he undergoes a -probation that is salutary for him and for the people as well. It also -helps greatly in perpetuating a policy, for in such a case the father, -knowing that his son is to assume the reins of government while he still -lives, takes greater pains to initiate him into the secrets of -government and in forming in his mind settled principles which, while -they may not always perpetuate the same policy, at least ensure an easy -gradation from one policy to another. This perhaps was the crowning feat -of T‘ă-jong’s greatness. He knew enough to stop while his success was at -its height and spend some years in teaching his successor how to achieve -even a greater success. Let us see how these principles worked in the -case of this new king. - -The young king began in a modest way by consulting with his father in -regard to all matters of importance. The retired king had taken up his -quarters in the “Lotus Pond District” where he was at all times -accessible to the young king and where he took cognizance of much of the -public business. The new ruler was characterized by great evenness of -temper, great astuteness and untiring diligence. He is said to have -risen each morning at dawn. - -He ordered the making of musical instruments, including metal drums and -triangles. Under his supervision a clypsehydra was made and a work on -astronomy was published. It is said that with his own hand he prepared -works on “The five rules of conduct,” “The duties of King, Father and -Husband,” “Good Government and Peace,” and a work on military tactics. -The custom of collecting rare flowers and plants and growing them in the -palace enclosure was done away and it was decreed that no more of the -public money should be squandered in that way. He built a little straw -thatched cottage beside the palace and compelled the officials to attend -him there in council. He put a stop to the evil practice of letting -concubines and eunuchs meddle with state affairs, for when one of his -concubines asked him to give one of her relatives official position he -promptly banished her from the palace. - -In the second year of his reign, 1420, the king showed his partiality -for literature and literary pursuits by founding a college to which he -invited thirteen of the finest scholars that the kingdom could furnish, -and there they gave themselves up to the pursuit of letters. In the -early summer the dreaded Japanese again began their ravages on the -coasts of Korea. Landing at Pi-in, Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province, they easily -overcame the local forces and marched northward along the coast into -Whang-hă Province. They there informed the Korean generals that they did -not want to ravage Korea but that they were seeking a way into China. -They lacked provisions and promised to go immediately if the Koreans -would give them enough rice for their sustenance, until they should -cross the border into China. Forty bags of rice were given to them, but -when the king learned of it he was displeased and said, “When they -return we must destroy them.” The southern provinces were put into a -state of defense and Gen. Yi Chong-mu was put at the head of a punitive -expedition. It is said that a fleet of 227 war vessels and an army of -107,285 men rendezvoused at Ma-san Harbor. They were provided with two -month’s rations. This powerful flotilla sailed away and soon reached the -island of Tsushima. There it burned 129 Japanese boats and 1939 houses. -Over a hundred Japanese were killed, twenty-one prisoners were taken and -131 Chinese and eight Korean captives were liberated. The fleet then -sailed toward Japan and arrived at Ni-ro harbor. There, the records say, -they lost 120 men and so abandoned the enterprise. This is good evidence -that the numbers of the army are overestimated, for a loss of a hundred -and twenty men from such an immense force would not have caused an -abandonment of the expedition. - -The emperor sent a messenger asking for the four jewels that are -supposed to come from the bodies of good monks when they are -incinerated. - -These were said to be kept at Heung-ch‘ŭn monastery at Song-do. King -Se-jong replied that there were no such jewels in the peninsula. He -ordered the discontinuance of the custom of building monasteries at the -graves of kings, and the people were commanded not to pray to Buddha in -behalf of the king. The great expense incurred in providing for the huge -stone that covered the sarcophagus of a king made him change the custom -and it was decreed that thereafter four smaller ones should be used -instead of the one great one. - -One of his most statesmanlike acts was to decree that every man charged -with a capital offense should have three trials and that detailed -accounts of each of these should be furnished for the royal inspection. -Following out the policy of a gradual suppression of Buddhism, he -interdicted the observance of the festival called the _To-ak_. - -In the fourth year of his reign, his father died. It is said that at the -time of his death there was a severe drought, and on his deathbed he -said, “When I die I will go and ask Heaven to send rain,” and the story -goes that on the very day he died the welcome rain came. To this day it -is said that it is sure to rain on the tenth day of the fifth moon, and -this is called the “T‘ă-jong rain.” We see that under that father’s -tutelage he had continued the policy of reform, but what he had done was -only the beginning. The law was made that if a prefect died the prefects -along the road should furnish transport for his body up to the capital. -The eunuchs were enjoined not to interfere in any way with the affairs -of state. The term of office of the country prefects was lengthened, -owing to the expense entailed upon the people by frequent changes. It -was made a crime to delay the interment of a corpse simply because the -geomancers could not find an auspicious spot for the burial, and all -geomancers’ books were ordered burned. Every adult male was required to -carry on his person a wooden tag bearing his name. This was for the -purpose of identification to prevent the evasion of taxes and of -military service. It is but right to say that this law was never -strictly carried out. Korea has always suffered from the existence of -armies on paper. The king edited a book on agriculture telling in what -districts and in what kinds of soil different species of grains and -vegetables would thrive best. He paid attention to penal laws as well. -Beating was to be administered on the legs rather than on the back; no -murderers were to be bound in prison who were under fifteen years or -over seventy; no prisoner under ten or over eighty was to suffer under -the rod; even the king’s relatives, if guilty of crime, were not to be -exempt from punishment. - -These important reforms occupied the attention of the king up to the -year 1432, the fourteenth of his reign, but now the border wars in the -north claimed his attention. At this time the wild tribes across the -Ya-lu were known under the collective name of Ya-in. These savages were -ravaging back and forth across the border, now successful and now -defeated. King Se-jong decided that the peace of the north was worth the -outlay of some life and treasure; so, early in the year 1433 an -expedition under Gen. Ch’oé Yun-dok crossed the Ya-lu in six divisions, -each consisting of a thousand men or more. These had agreed to make a -common attack on Ta-ram-no, the stronghold of the robbers, on the -nineteenth of the fourth moon. This was successfully done with the -result that 176 of the enemy were left dead, and 236 captives and 270 -head of cattle were taken. All of this was at the cost of just four men. - -The northern portion of Ham-gyŭng province was as yet but sparsely -settled, and reports came in that the Ming people were coming in great -numbers and settling there; so the king felt it necessary to do -something to assert his rights. A great scheme for colonization was made -and people from the southern part of the province were sent north to -occupy the land. But there were two powerful Yŭ-jin chiefs across the -Tu-man river who were constantly crossing and harrying the people along -that border line. These were Ol-yang-t’ap and Hol-ja-on. It was not -until the year 1436 that they were really silenced and then only after -repeated and overwhelming victories on the part of the Korean forces. -During these years thousands of people from the southern provinces were -brought north by the government and given land in this border country. - -About this time a Japanese named Chŭng Seung was Daimyo of Tsushima. He -sent fifty boats across to the Korean shore and the trade relations were -revived which we may feel sure had been sadly interrupted by the long -period of piratical raids. The government made these people a present of -200 bags of rice and beans. Sixty “houses” of people also came from that -island and asked to be allowed to live in the three ports, Ch’ep’o, -Yŭm-p’o and Pu-san-p’o. The king gave his assent and from that time -until about the present day, with only temporary intermissions, the -Japanese have resided in one or other of these three places, although -Pu-san (Fusan) has always been the most important of them. In the year -1443 the custom of giving the Daimyo of Tsushima a bonus of 200 bags of -grain a year was instituted. The number of trading boats that could come -was strictly limited by the Korean government to fifty, but in extreme -cases where sudden need arose through piratical raids or other cause the -number could be increased. This custom continued without interruption -until 1510. - -The most striking feat that King Se-jong accomplished and the one that -had the most far-reaching and lasting effect upon the people was the -invention of a pure phonetic alphabet. This alphabet scarcely has its -equal in the world for simplicity and phonetic power. He was not the -first one to see the vast disadvantage under which the people labored in -being obliged to master the Chinese character before being able to read. -We will remember that in the days of Sil-la the scholar Sŭl-chong had -invented a rough way of indicating the grammatical endings in a Chinese -text by inserting certain diacritical marks, but this had of course been -very cumbersome and only the _ajuns_ or “clerks” were acquainted with -it. Another similar attempt had been made near the end of the Koryŭ -dynasty but it too had proved a failure so far as general use by the -people was concerned. King Se-jong was the first man to dare to face the -difficulty and overcome it by the use not of modifications of the -Chinese characters but by an entirely new and different system, a -phonetic alphabet. It can scarcely be said that he had the genius of a -Cadmus, for he probably knew of the existence of phonetic alphabets, but -when we remember that the Chinese character is considered in a sense -sacred and that it had been in use in the peninsula exclusively for more -than two thousand years we can place him but little lower than the great -Phoenician. - -Korean histories are almost a unit in affirming that the alphabet is -drawn from the Sanscrit and from the ancient seal character of China. -Where then did King Se-jong have access to the Sanscrit? Some have -argued that his envoys came in contact with it at the court of the -Emperor at Nanking. This is possible but it is extremely unlikely that -they gained such a knowledge of it in this way to make it of use in -evolving their own alphabet. On the other hand it is well known that the -monasteries of Korea were filled with books written in the Sanscrit or -the Thibetan (which is an offshoot of the Sanscrit) character. It is -believed by some that Buddhism was entirely crushed in the very first -years of the dynasty, but this is a great blunder. Buddhism had begun to -wane, but long after the end of King Se-jong’s reign it was still the -predominant religion in Korea. Most of the officials, following the lead -of royalty, had given it up, but the masses were as good Buddhists as -ever. The probabilities are therefore overwhelming that when the -histories refer to the Sanscrit they mean the Sanscrit contained in -these Buddhist books and which had been a common feature of Korean -religious life for centuries. - -Comparison reveals the fact that the Korean consonants are mere -simplifications of the Sanscrit consonants. On the other hand there are -no similarities between the Korean and Sanscrit vowels. King Se-jong’s -genius lay in his recognition of the fact that the vowel lies at the -basis of articulate speech, and in this he was in advance of every other -purely Asiatic alphabet. Each syllable was made up of the “mother and -child” the mother being the vowel and the child being the consonant. If -we examine the ancient seal character of China with a view to -ascertaining the source from which the Koreans drew their symbols for -the vowels we shall find at a glance that they consist in the simplest -strokes of those ideographs. Every Korean vowel is found among the -simpler radicals of the Chinese. What more need be added to prove that -the statements of the Korean histories are correct? - -In this work the king made use of the two distinguished scholars Sin -Suk-ju and Sŭng Sam-mun. Thirteen times the latter was sent with others -to Liao-tung to consult with a celebrated Chinese scholar Whang Ch’an, -who was in banishment in that place. For the prosecution of this -literary plan and the work growing out of it the king erected a separate -building in the palace enclosure. There he caused to be compiled and -printed the dictionary of the Korean language in the new alphabet which -was called the _ön-mun_. This celebrated dictionary is called the -Hun-min Chöng-eum. - -King Se-jong died in 1450 and was succeeded by his son Hyŭn whose -posthumous title is Mun-jong Kong-sun Tă-wang. His brief reign of two -years is a good sample of what Confucianism will do for a man if carried -to excess. Upon his father’s death he refused to be comforted and -neglected the necessary precautions for preserving his health. Long -nights he lay out in the cold thinking that by so doing he was showing -respect for the memory of his father. Such excesses joined with the lack -of a proper diet soon made it clear that his health was permanently -undermined. This was a source of great anxiety to the officials and to -the people, for the heir to the throne was a young boy, and the king’s -brother, Prince Su-yang, was a powerful and ambitious man. The king -himself entertained grave fears for his son and shortly before he died -he called together the leading officials and made them solemnly promise -to uphold the boy through every vicissitude. Then he turned to the wall -and died. - - - - - Chapter II. - -Tan-jong becomes king.... “The Tiger”.... conspiracy.... king’s uncle - virtual ruler.... sericulture encouraged.... king abdicates.... - people mourn.... king banished.... a royal captive’s song.... king - strangled.... the usurper’s dream.... character of the new king.... - reforms.... trouble with the emperor.... policy in the north.... - more reforms.... official history of the land.... medicine.... - hostility to Buddhism.... king’s concern for the people.... army - cared for.... literary work.... a standing Buddha.... a voluminous - work.... dangerous rebellion in the north.... emperor pleased.... - king retires.... Great Bell hung.... The _Pyo-sin_.... a new - king.... foreign relations.... Buddhists driven from Seoul.... - examinations.... convents broken up.... war against Buddhism.... a - termagant.... a prosperous land.... law against the marriage of - widows.... military operations in the north.... celebrated history - written.... king reproved.... a foe to Buddhism.... reform in music. - - -It was in 1452 that king Mun-jong died and his little son Hong-wi -ascended the throne. The title of the latter is Tan-jong Kong-eui -Tă-wang, and of all the kings of Korea, whether of this dynasty or of -any other, his fate is the most calculated to excite the pity of the -reader. - -His uncle, Prince Su-yang, was a bold, unscrupulous man with whom -natural affection did not affect the balance by a feather weight. He was -at the head of a powerful faction and it was only the jealous vigilance -of the Prime Minister, Kim Chong-so, that the boy ever came to the -throne at all. The people said that “The Tiger” must be killed before -the boy could come to his rights. Prince Su-yang saw that the people -were with the young prince to a man and he knew that he must brush from -his path these powerful friends of the young king before he ever could -come to the throne himself. To this end he conspired with Kwŭn Nam, Han -Myong-whe and some thirty others. The Prime Minister was the first -object of attack for he was the most strenuous supporter of the king. -Prince Su-yang, in company with one Im Un, armed with iron bludgeons, -went to the house of the Prime Minister and there the former feigned to -have lost one of the wings from his palace hat and asked the Minister to -lend him one for the day. The Minister could not refuse and sent his -little son to bring one, but ere the lad returned the father was laid -dead by a blow from the bludgeon in the hands of Im Un. The prince then -hastened to the palace and told the boy-king that the Prime Minister had -been conspiring against the government and so it had been necessary to -put him to death. Boy though he was, King Tan-jong saw straight through -this falsehood and his first words were, “I beg of you to spare my -life.” From that moment all power slipped from the hands of the king and -the Prince Uncle was virtual ruler of the land. Placing heavy guards at -the palace gates, he sent messengers summoning the king’s best friends, -and as soon as they appeared they were cut down. In this manner Whang -Po-in, Cho Keuk-gwan, Yi Yang, Yun Cho-gong and Min Si were killed. -Besides these many others were banished, so that soon the court was -deprived of almost every supporter of the king except the aged Sŭng -Sam-mun who was such a venerable man and held in such esteem by the -whole nation that even this bold prince did not dare to lay hands on -him. This done, Prince Su-yang began to center in himself all the high -offices of the realm and became an autocrat, dispensing offices and -regulating the affairs of the country according to his own ideas. Yi -Cheung-ok, the governor of Ham-gyŭng Province, was a strong supporter of -the king and so, though far from the scene of this intrigue, emissaries -were sent who murdered him in cold blood. - -The only important act of this short and unfortunate reign was the -encouragement given to sericulture. The young king sent large numbers of -silk worms to various districts and rewarded those who did well with -them and punished those who made a failure of it. - -All the time the wily prince had been urging upon the king the necessity -of abdicating in his favor. We know not what threats and cajolery were -used, but true it is that early in 1456, after all the other uncles of -the king had been banished to distant parts to get them away from the -person of the king, that unhappy boy, as yet but fifteen years old, -bereft of every friend he had ever known, hedged in by the threats of -his unnatural uncle, finally called the officials to a council and -repeated the lesson he had been undoubtedly taught. “I am too young to -govern the realm rightly and I desire to put the reins of government -into the hands of my uncle, Prince Su-yang.” As in duty bound they all -went through the formality of demurring at this but the king was firm -and ordered the seals to be handed to the prince. Among these officials -there were two who looked with disfavor upon this. They were Pak -P‘ăng-yŭn and Sŭng Sam-mun. The former stepped forward as if to give the -seals to the prince, but when they were once in his hands he made a dash -for the door and tried to throw himself into a lotus pond. Sŭng Sam-mun -caught him by the garments and whispered in his ear, “Wait, all this -will be righted, but we must live to see it done.” So the young king -Tan-jong stepped down from the throne. The usurper is known by his -posthumous title Se-jo Hye-jang Tă-wang. - -After King Tan-jong had abdicated he was held under strict surveillance -in the palace and was practically a prisoner. It is said the people -congregated at the Great Bell in the center of the city and wailed over -this fulfillment of their worst fears. - -But the dethroned king was not left entirely without help. Six of the -officials conspired to assassinate the usurper at a dinner given to a -Chinese envoy, but someone betrayed them to him and they were seized, -tortured with red-hot irons, decapitated and dismembered. These six men -were Pak P‘ăng-yŭn, Sŭng Sam-mun, Yi Gă, Ha Wi-ji, Yu Sŭng-wŭn and Yu -Eung-bu. Their wives, parents and children perished with them. - -Chöng In-ji, one of the new king’s creatures, memorialized the throne as -follows:—“All this difficulty arose about the ex-king. He should -therefore be put to death.” This was rather more than the king dared to -do but the unfortunate boy was banished to Yong-wŭl in Kang-wŭn -Province. His brother Yu was also banished at the same time. The -banished king lived beside a mountain stream and is said to have sung -this plaintive song to it: - - A long, long road, a long good-bye. - I know not which way to turn. - I sit beside the stream and its waters, like me, mourn. - And together we weep without ceasing. - -At last when the time seemed ripe, another of Tan-jong’s uncles -memorialized the throne urging that the banished boy be put to death so -that there might be no more cause for conspiracy on the part of any of -the officials. With apparent reluctance the king gave orders that Gen. -Wang Pang-yŭn be detailed to go and administer poison to the boy. When -that official arrived at the place of banishment his hardihood failed -him and instead of giving the boy the poison he prostrated himself -before him. The ex-king exclaimed, “What brings you here?” but before -answer could be given a man named Kong Sang came up behind the banished -king and strangled him with a cord. The story runs that as the murderer -turned to leave the room blood burst from his ears, eyes, nose and mouth -and that he fell dead beside the body of his victim. - -The few palace women who remained in the suite of the banished king -threw themselves into the stream and perished. The body of the young -king would have remained unburied had not a man named Om Heung-do taken -pity on the murdered boy and buried him in Tong-eul-ji. The night the -boy was murdered the usurper dreamed that the dead mother of his victim -came from the grave, and, standing beside his couch, pronounced the -following malediction: “You have stolen the throne and killed my son. -Your’s too shall die.” It is said that when he awoke he found that the -prophecy had already been fulfilled. He therefore dug up the bones of -this prophetess of evil and scattered them upon the water of the river. - -Tradition says that the next seven magistrates who were appointed to the -district where this foul murder was perpetrated died on the very night -of their arrival. The eighth made it his first duty to go to the grave -of the murdered king and sacrifice before it and write an elegy upon -him. From that time there was no more trouble. - -In spite of the way in which King Se-jo obtained the throne he is not -held in ill repute among the people of Korea. The unpardonable crime -which attended his usurpation of the throne augured ill for the reign, -but the truth is there have been few kings of the dynasty who have done -so much for the advancement of the interests of the people as this same -Se-jo. Tradition says that when a boy he was looked upon with wonder -because of his skill with the bow, and he used to climb the mountains -blindfold where others dared not follow with open eyes. One story tells -how once, when he went to China with the embassy, eight elephants that -stood before the palace gate knelt as he approached, thus foretelling -his future greatness. He was a temperate man and hated luxury and -effeminacy. He would not use gold upon his table and when his little son -asked for a silver cup it was refused him. - -He took up the policy of reform at the very point where his father, King -Se-jong, had laid it down five years before. He established pleasant -relations with the people of the Liu Kiu islands and of the wild -northern tribes, by treating their envoys with special attention. Those -who were obstinately unfriendly he crushed with a heavy hand. Among the -latter was an able chieftain, Yi man-su, who had formerly lived in Seoul -and had married a Korean woman but later had fled back to the Yŭ-in -tribes and raised the standard of revolt. The Korean generals were in -some trepidation on this account but Gen. Sin Suk-ju marched against him -and soon drove him back to his retreat. - -By giving rank to a man of the Keum-ju tribe in Manchuria without the -previous permission of the Emperor the king came near getting into -serious trouble with his suzerain, but as it was a first offense it was -overlooked. The Emperor sent word however that a repetition of the -offense would bring down upon the king serious trouble. - -The power of the central government was but weakly felt along the -northern border and so the king paid special attention to that portion -of the country, founding prefectures all along the north-eastern border. -It was doubtless because of this active policy that the Yŭ-jin tribe -came the following year and swore allegiance to Cho-sŭn. Among the -reforms which were effected during the early part of this reign the -following suffice to show the energy and wisdom of this king Se-jo. -Fruit trees were planted in the palace enclosure so that the people -might not be burdened with the duty of providing the king’s table with -fruit. Mulberry trees were planted in all available places in the -grounds of the different government offices, and even in the palace, -where the queen engaged in weaving, together with the palace women. -Dress reform was carried on to the extent of shortening the skirts of -women’s dresses so that they could be more easily distinguished from men -in the street. A school was founded for the study of the Chinese -vernacular. The criminal court was ordered to present the king each -month with a written account of its proceedings. The king saw in person -every official who came up to Seoul from the country on business. A -hospital was founded for the dispensing of medicine for indigestion. - -These were but the beginning of his reforms. He punished at one time -over a hundred prefects who had been oppressing the people. The palace -inclosure was sown with grain when there was prospect of scarcity. In -this reign we find the first reference to the Kuk-cho Po-gam or the -official annals of the dynasty. The great bell which hangs in the center -of the city of Seoul today was cast in his reign and hung at first -outside the South Gate. A medical government bureau was founded and -medical works were published. The king was actively interested in -military matters and called together all the soldiers who could wield a -bow of 120 pounds weight. This was with a view to the invasion of the -territory of the troublesome wild tribes of the north. A census of the -people was taken for the purpose of making army estimates, and during -the whole reign the soldiers were practiced in sham fights both in the -palace enclosure and outside the city walls. His attitude toward -Buddhism was one of distinct hostility. One of his earliest edicts was -that no monk should attend or pray at a funeral. He invented the use of -the split bamboo as a sign between himself and the general upon the -field. He kept half and the general kept the other half and if it was -necessary to send a messenger he would take the piece of wood, which, if -it fitted the piece in the hands of the receiver of the message, showed -that the messenger was properly accredited. He seems to have been much -concerned for the welfare of the people for we find that in the fourth -year of his reign he caused the publication of a book on weaving and had -it extensively distributed among the people, together with another on -military matters and another still on women’s manners. - -King Se-jo was the first of the descendants of the great T‘ă-jo to -observe carefully the precept laid down by the founder of the -dynasty—namely, to take good care of the army; this is evinced by the -fact that at one time he distributed large quantities of medicine among -the soldiers on the northern border and made generous gifts of land to -the troops, thus fostering the military spirit among the people. As a -result we see them successful on every side. The tribe of Ol-yang-hap -was destroyed, the tribes of I-man-ju, Ol-jok-heup and Yan-ba-a-gan came -and swore allegiance. - -In his fifth year he codified the laws and published them. He also -extended his medical work and published a book on veterinary surgery, -and he published works on astronomy, geology, music, writing, the signs -of the times, agriculture, live-stock, foreign relations and arithmetic. -In other words this versatile man was actively interested in military, -political, social, scientific and artistic matters and caused books to -be written about these subjects for the enlightenment of the people. - -It is said that in 1465 he caused the erection of a monastery in Seoul -but he made the Buddha a standing one rather than a sitting one. -Evidently he had little faith in the inanity of the sleepy sitting -Buddha, who with folded hands let the years slip by unheeded. He wanted -something more lifelike. So he set the Buddha on his legs. This image -was carried through the streets at periodic intervals accompanied by a -crowd of musicians and monks. A Japanese envoy was horrified at what he -called sacrilege and foretold that it could not endure. He was right, -not because the Buddha had gotten on its feet but because the people of -Korea had begun to cast off the shackles of Buddhism and, following in -the wake of the court, were learning to take advantage of their -emancipation. This making of a standing Buddha and the occasional -festivals seem to have been more by way of sport than through any -serious intentions on the king and this in itself accounts for the -speedy downfall of the custom. Its novelty, which was all it had to -recommend it, soon wore off. - -In 1467 he ordered the two monks Sin Mi and Chuk Hŭn to cut wooden -blocks for a book to be called the Tă-jang-gyŭng. The love of -exaggeration in the Korean temperament finds play in the statement that -this book contained 8,888,900 pages. The historian evidently did not -have his abacus at hand, for he continues by saying that each of the -fifty volumes contained 7,078 pages, while the above figure would -require 167,778 pages to the volume. - -The last year of King Se-jo’s reign, 1468, witnessed a serious -disturbance in Ham-gyŭng Province. A man named Yi Si-ă gathered about -him a strong body of soldiers and sent word to Seoul that it was simply -with a view to defending his district from the incursions of the -northern barbarians. The provincial general went in person to -investigate, but he was murdered by the followers of Yi Si-ă who were -aided by a courtezan who occupied the general’s room with him and who at -dead of night opened the window and gave ingress to the revolutionists. -A messenger, Sŭl Kyŭng-sin was then sent to Seoul to say that the -general had been killed because he had been conspiring against the king. -At the same time the king was asked to make Yi Si-ă the general of the -northeast. This man told the king that the three Prime Ministers were -implicated in the plot against him. The king was suspicious but did not -dare to let matters progress without investigation. He put the Prime -Ministers in prison and at the same time raised a large army to go and -oppose the too ambitious Yi. Generals Yi Chun, Cho Sŭk-mun and Hŭ Chŭng -were put in charge. The last of these three was one of the great -soldiers of Korea. Tradition says that he was of gigantic stature, that -he ate a bag of rice a day and drank wine by the bucketful. A doughty -man indeed, at least by the trencher. But his feats on the battlefield -were commensurate with his gastronomic prowess for we are told that the -sight of his face struck fear into the stoutest enemy. - -This army found the enemy before Ham-heung whose governor they had -killed. The royal forces soon had the enemy on the run and at last -brought them to bay on Man-nyang Mountain which projects into the sea -and is impregnable from the land side. The royal forces took boat and -stormed it from the sea while part of the force engaged the enemy from -the landward side. The head of Yi Si-ă was taken and forwarded to Seoul. -In this fight it is said that Gen. Hŭ Chŭng found his sword too small, -so throwing it aside he tore up by the roots a pine tree twelve inches -in girth (?) and swept all before him with this titanic weapon. Of -course the king then set free the three Prime Ministers and confessed -his mistake. - -The emperor called upon Korea to help in the castigation of the Keum-ju -tribe beyond the Ya-lu, so the king sent a large force and accomplished -it without the help of Chinese arms. Having destroyed the tribe the -Korean general cut a broad space on the side of a great pine and there -inscribed the fact of the victory. The emperor was highly pleased and -sent handsome presents to the generals engaged. - -This same year the king resigned in favor of his son and retired to a -separate palace to prosecute a line of study in which he was greatly -interested, namely the art of estimating distances by the eye, a subject -of importance to all military engineers and one in which Napoleon -Bonaparte is said to have been an adept. But before the end of the year -he died. - -His successor, Prince Hă-yang, is known by his posthumous title Ye-jong -Yang-do Tă-wang. He was so young at the time that his mother acted as -regent. During the single year 1469 that this king reigned the Great -Bell was brought into the city and hung at the central spot called -Chong-no or “Bell Street.” He also made the law that the palace gates -should never be opened at night unless the one so ordering showed the -royal signet or token, called the _su-gŭl_. This was a round piece of -ivory half an inch thick and three inches in diameter with the word -_sun-jun_ on one side and the king’s private mark on the other. To it -are appended straps of deer skin and it is used when the king wishes to -accredit a man to a certain work. The mere showing of this is accepted -as the royal command. It is commonly called also the _pyo-sin_ “The Sign -to be Believed.” - -This reign saw the division of the city into north, east, south, west -and central districts. It also saw the promulgation of the Kyŭng-guk -Tă-jŭn or “The Great Laws for Governing the Country.” The system had -been inaugurated at the beginning of the dynasty but now for the first -time it was definitely adopted and written out in full for the guidance -of the official classes. It dealt with the minute divisions of -communities, each having an overseer. - -This same year 1469 the young king died and his mother calling the -Ministers together, nominated to the throne Prince Cha-san the cousin of -the deceased king. As he was only thirteen years old the Queen Mother -acted as regent during the first years of his reign. His posthumous -title is Sŭng-jong Kang-jŭng Tă-wang. - -Under the regency of the Queen Mother the first act was the abrogation -of the law requiring the people to wear the _ho-pă_ or wooden -identification tag, which King T‘ă-jong had promulgated. It had become a -mere matter of form and was found quite useless for the purpose -intended, namely a preventative against the evasion of the taxes. - -This reign was marked by increased activity in the field of foreign -relations. First an envoy came from Quelpart with a gift of pearls. -Another came from the town of Ku-ju Si-so in the province of Kwan-sŭ -(Japan) and still another, Chöng Sŭng-hong from the town of Wŭn-jung on -the islands of Tsushima. One embassy from the Liu Kiu Islands came with -a gift of monkeys. The Japanese on the island of Sal-ma sent an envoy -who presented gifts of red pepper, incense and white silk. He asked for -Buddhist books but was refused. Envoys came also from the northern -tribes swearing allegiance to Cho-săn. - -In 1472 all the sorceresses, fortune-tellers and Buddhist monks were -driven from Seoul and forbidden to enter it again. In the following year -an envoy arrived from Japan saying “When Se-jo was king I painted his -portrait and carried it to Japan, but at night a great light would -stream from the picture’s face. So I brought it back and have left it at -Che-p‘o in Chŭl-la Province.” The king immediately sent word to the -governor to build an altar and burn the picture thereon, as it had been -defiled by being carried to Japan. - -Special attention was given by King Sŭng-jong to the matter of -government examinations. He sent to the provinces and commanded the -governors to hold preliminary examinations and to send the successful -men up to Seoul to attend the grand examinations held on the third day -of the third moon and the ninth of the ninth moon. Three men were to be -sent up from each of the provinces except Kyŭng-sang, Chŭl-la and -Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Provinces from which five each were allowed to come. This -shows that then as today the largest part of the population of Korea was -in the south. - -An important change was effected in the matter of criminal procedure. -The king commanded that all men of scholarly rank who offended against -the laws should be arraigned not before the common tribunal of justice -but before the college of scholars. Thus another barrier was built up -between the common people and the nobility. King Sŭng-jong was also a -patron of letters, for besides publishing a work called Che-wang -Myŭng-gan or “The King’s clear Mirror,” and the O-ye-eui or “Five Rules -of Conduct,” he also built a library and collected in it all the -different books that could be found. He was the determined foe of -Buddhism and, having driven out the monks, he now proceeded against the -Buddhist convents in Seoul. He broke them up and made them remove to the -country. There were twenty-three of these convents in Seoul at the time. - -The Queen Mother retired from the regency in 1477 and the king, assuming -his full authority, continued the work of demolishing Buddhistic -influence. He sequestered a monastery at Yong-san and made a school of -it, after throwing out the image of Buddha. He seems to have been also a -moral reformer, for he made a law against dancing-girls and commanded -that boys be taught to dance and to take the place of those unfortunate -women. It had been the custom on the king’s birth-day to have prayers -offered in Buddhist temples for the safety and peace of the kingdom, but -now this was abrogated, for the king said, “What does Buddha know? It is -a worthless custom and must be stopped.” More than this, he compelled -the monks in the country to refund to a man large sums of money which -had been paid for prayers which were intended to ward off harm from the -man’s son. The boy died and the father sued the monks for breach of -contract, and the king upheld the claim. - -In 1478 the queen died and a concubine named Yun was raised to the -position of royal consort. This was destined to bring dire disaster to -the realm. She was a woman of jealous disposition and violent temper and -her hatred of the other concubines led her into trouble. On one occasion -her passions overcame her and in an angry altercation with the king she -scratched his face severely. The king desired to treat her offense -leniently but he was overruled by the officials and the woman was driven -from the palace. She had one son who is commonly known by his posthumous -title Prince Yŭn-san. When the disgraced woman was dying she charged -this son to avenge her disgrace, when he should come to the throne; for -he was the heir apparent. - -The reign saw many reforms of a social character. It was decreed that -grave-plots must not be allowed to interfere with the making of fields. -This indicates that during the years of prosperity the population had -been rapidly increasing and that it was found necessary to increase the -area of arable land in like proportion. The people were reaping the -reward of many years of peace and good government. Nothing could show -more plainly the relation between King Sŭng-jong and the people than the -custom he inaugurated of helping those to marry who were too poor to do -so. - -The only books he caused to be published were four; on marriage, -funerals, ancestor worship and “On Reaching Manhood.” He seems to have -been an ardent Confucianist for among other things he ordered that -widows should not be allowed to re-marry. This striking feature of -Korean life dates from the days of this king. Before this there had been -a certain amount of sentiment against the practice but it had been -common even among ladies of the higher classes up to this time. His -refusal to give books to the Japanese envoys would also lead us to -believe that he was an active Confucianist. - -All these years we hear of no dealings with China on the part of -Cho-sŭn, but at this point we are told that the wild tribe of Yŭ-jin was -harrassing the people of northern China and the Emperor sent a message -to Korea calling upon her to combine with China in an attack upon this -obnoxious tribe. The military policy of his predecessors now stood the -King in good stead, for he was able to put a strong army in the field -immediately and the tribe of Yŭ-jin was speedily chastised. The Emperor -was highly pleased and sent the King a present of silk, gold thread and -cotton cloth. - -In the latter years of his reign the King had the Kuk-cho Po-gam written -up to date, and he successfully withstood an invasion of the wild tribes -of the north. One of his last acts was to order that all impurity and -obscenity should be dropped from the songs and poems. - -In 1482 the King built two forts on the Ya-lu near the town of Kang-gye -because of threatened outbreaks of tribes living on the further side. In -1484 he built the Ch‘ang-gyŭng Palace east of what is now known as the -“Old Palace.” In this same year the great historical work called the -Tong-guk T‘ong-gam or “Complete Mirror of the Eastern Kingdom,” probably -the most celebrated of Korean histories, was published. It brought the -annals of the peninsula down to the beginning of the present dynasty. -Its author was Sŭ Sa-ga, better known by his pseudonym Sŭ Ko-gan. He was -a thorough master of Korean history. - -A little glimpse of this King’s disposition is given in a memorial -addressed to him in 1486 when, after a certain royal tomb had been -struck by lightning he, in terror, asked his officials to mention his -faults that he might mend them and so ward off the judgment of Heaven. -One official brought four charges against him. (1) Love of money; (2) -The selling of offices; (3) Cruel beating of criminals; (4) -Unwillingness to be reproved. Two years later he ordered a remeasurement -of the fields in Ham-gyŭng Province as he believed there was much -taxable property there that was yielding no revenue. - -The year 1489 was marked by a terrible scourge of cholera and one of the -officials advised that the King pray to Buddha to stop it. The King -promptly banished him. This man apparently thought that because the -King’s mother was an ardent Buddhist this advice would not meet with -punishment. But in this case even filial duty did not stand in the way -of stern opposition to Buddhism. Soon a still more striking example was -given. The Queen Mother had a Buddha made and placed in a monastery -outside the East Gate, called Chöng-ok-wŭn. A man named Yi Pyŭk, passing -by, asked what they were doing with the image and when he learned that -the Queen Mother had ordered it set up he struck it and broke it in -pieces. He finished the good work by burning the fragments. It can be -imagined how angry the Queen Mother was and how she urged the King to -destroy the contumacious subject, but in reply the King said “Instead of -death he deserves a gift”, and there the matter dropped. - -In 1490 one Kwŭn Chu memorialized the throne declaring that the musical -instruments in use were those made by the corrupt Sin-don and that they -were destructive of good manners. At his advice the instruments were -destroyed and others were made. The style of music also was changed and -it became purer and more serious. At this time the instrument of war -called the _so-ni_, a kind of catapult, was invented. - -The years 1491 and 1492 were occupied in border wars in Ham-gyung -province, Gen. Hŭ Chŭng at last succeeding in clearing the northern -borders of the enemy. The King died in 1494. - - - - - Chapter III. - -Consternation upon the accession of Prince Yŭn-san.... his character.... - avenges his mother’s disgrace.... reign of terror.... concubines of - former King killed.... sporting proclivities.... noble women - dishonored.... carnival of crime.... plot against the King.... - prisons opened.... King banished.... royal proclamation.... a sad - parting.... abuses corrected.... revolt of Japanese residents in the - south.... diplomatic relations with Japan severed.... reforms.... - money for army made from Buddhist image.... literature.... mistake - in a Chinese history.... puritan simplicity.... color of clothes.... - military activity.... Japanese pirates captured.... the first - compass.... caste.... a Korean-Chinese dictionary.... an extreme - Confucianist.... a dangerous regency.... evil advisers.... good men - murdered.... Japanese return to the southern ports ... omens ... a - Buddhist regent.... conscription.... invasions north and south.... - signal victory over the Japanese.... rebellion. - - -It was in 1494 that Korea had the misfortune to come under the baneful -rule of Prince Yŭn-san. As we have seen, he was the son of the discarded -Queen. He inherited her evil disposition and he had sworn to her that he -would avenge the stigma that had been cast upon her name. He was twenty -years old when the load of empire was placed upon his unworthy -shoulders. - -No sooner had his accession been ratified by the Emperor than the Prime -Minister resigned his position and hastened away to his country home. -When asked his reason for such precipitation he replied, “Look at the -pupil of his eye; with such a King it is difficult to keep the head on -the shoulders. So I have come to the country.” Many tales are told -illustrative of his character. Some time before the last King’s death, -while he was walking in the palace grounds with his son, a tame deer had -come and rubbed its nose on his arm. The youth in wanton cruelty had -brutally kicked the animal and was sharply reprimanded for it by his -father. Now that he had become King he sent for the harmless beast and -drove a spear through it with his own hand. Beholding this vindictive -act, and rightly gauging the evil mind that lay behind it, a high -official, Pak Yŏng, immediately left the court and retired to the -country. The next act of this King was to behead his old tutor, Cho -Chi-sŭ, whom he had learned to hate when a boy, because the faithful -instructor had tried to curb his wild excesses. - -The year 1496 began with a demand for more revenue from Chŭl-la -Province, and a consequent remeasurement of the land under cultivation. -It is said that his mother, dying, had left a napkin, dyed with her -blood, and had said, “When my son becomes King, give this to him and -tell him not to forget his vow to avenge my death.” In pursuance of this -injunction the young King now gathered together all the men in any way -connected with the banishment and death of his mother, all those who -recorded the facts, all the messengers who carried the hateful commands. -In all there were several hundred people. These he decapitated and -dismembered. He also dug up the bodies of those who had been implicated -but had died in the interval, broke their bones in pieces and flung them -into the river or ground them to powder and scattered them to the winds. -The King wanted to have his mother’s picture hung in the ancestral -temple and when he proposed it all the officials assented to it but -three, who said. “She was a criminal and died a felon’s death; her -picture cannot hang in the ancestral hall.” The King in a rage ordered -their instant execution. Their families like wise perished and their -houses were razed to the ground. - -We have seen that Kim Chong-jik, the Prime Minister, had fled to the -country. His enemies now accused him to the King asserting that he had -said that, as King Se-jo had killed King Tan-jong, how could the son of -the former become King. This story was believed and Kim and many of his -friends were seized and beheaded. This was the signal for an exodus of -the better class of the people from the city. The schools were all -closed and a deadly silence reigned for the most part. No one knew who -was to be taken next. As the years passed the reign of terror did not -abate. Debauchery, oppression and theft were the daily practices of the -court and the people were ground to the very lowest point. So much so, -in fact, that in 1504 the people printed placards in the native -character declaring the baseness of the King, and posted them throughout -the city. “These must be the friends of the people whom I have banished” -said the King. So he brought them back from exile and beheaded, poisoned -or beat them all to death. The people of the eight provinces besought -the King to do away with the native script which had brought such -disaster. - -Two concubines of the deceased King were still living and when they were -accused to the King of having brought about his mother’s death, he sent -for them and killed them on the spot. For this he was blamed by the -widow of the dead King; so the wretch went into her apartments, ran at -her and butted her with his head, knocking her to the ground. She said -they might kill her if they wished; she did not care. Having stolen the -beautiful wife of Whang Yun-hŭn the King could not induce her to smile -upon him. So he said, “It is because her husband is still living.” He -therefore sent and had the man killed. - -The King placed dancing girls in all the 369 prefectures of the country -and reserved three hundred of the fairest for the palace. For these he -built sumptuous pavilions and a hospital for their treatment when ill. A -special office was erected for the care of the dogs, falcons, nets and -other instruments of the chase. The royal stables were in Chong-dong -where the United States Legation now stands. Agents were sent into all -the provinces to hunt for fair women and swift horses. Others were sent -to wring from the people special taxes. The King thought the officials -were blaming him behind his back, so he gave each of them a wooden tag -on which was written, “The mouth is the avenue to misery. The tongue is -a sword which may pierce the body. Watch the mouth and guard well the -tongue; so shalt thou dwell in safety.” He changed the Confucian temple -into a play-house, drove out all the students from the dormitories and -put diviners and sorceresses in their places. When his grandmother died -he did not assume mourning, but as two of the officials dared to do so -he killed them. He wiped out the three districts of Ko-yang, P‘a-ju and -Yang-ju to make a hunting ground and forbade anyone to settle there. -Those who disobeyed were killed. This hunting park was then stocked with -all manner of wild beasts. He stole the people’s boats to use in sport -on the palace ponds and restricted the people to the use of a single -ferry-boat on the river. This lessened the traffic to such an extent -that the people of Seoul suffered severely and many inn-keepers were -ruined. An aged eunuch remonstrated, but the King caught up a bow and -shot him through. He taxed the people of the south a bolt of cotton a -head, and they paid it only by taking the cotton out of their clothes -and weaving it. He invited the wives of the courtiers to a feast and had -each of them wear upon the breast the name of her husband. Of these he -dishonored whom he would and gave the husbands official position. His -uncle’s wife was enticed into his net, in consequence of which she -committed suicide. - -Such were a few of the acts of this depraved monarch. We need not -multiply details of his execrable career. It was one long carnival of -murder, lust and oppression. The people were simply the instrument by -which the spendthrift King could fill his coffers. - -It was in the twelfth year of his reign, 1506, that the people were -brought to the limit of their patience. Three men. Song Heui-an, Pak -Wŭn-jong and Yu Sun-jong, conferred together and agreed that unless -there was a change the destruction of the kingdom was inevitable. They -determined to drive the corrupt King from the throne and put in his -place Prince Chin-sŭng, the second son of King Song-jong. One dark night -they met at the Hun-yŭn-wŭn, near the East Gate, with a number of others -who had been let into the dangerous secret. Not a light was to be seen, -and they prepared to act. With a small band of picked soldiers whom they -knew to be faithful they formed a line in front of the palace. The two -Prime Ministers came out and joined them and soon a crowd of people -gathered. Powerful men with iron bars soon forced an entrance and six of -the King’s favorites were seized and beheaded. As a next move the -prisons were all opened and crowds of innocent people were liberated. -They thirsted for revenge and, finding weapons as best they could, -joined the revolutionists. It soon appeared that there was to be no -resistance for even the King’s friends were aghast at his enormities. -The revolutionists proceeded to the Kyöng-bok Palace where the King’s -step-mother lived, the one whom he had treated so brutally, and said to -her, “The King is a wild debauchee. The people are scattered. The -ancestral temple has been desecrated. The people desire to make your son -King.” She modestly replied, “How can my son become King? The King’s son -is old enough to assume the crown.” At this there was a general cry of -dissent and all demanded that she comply and let her son become King. At -last she consented and the youth was brought out. The assembled -multitude bowed before him and swore fealty to him. They then crowned -him and brought him to the palace. The deposed King was banished with -his son to Kyo-dong Island. The honorary posthumous title was never -conferred upon him but he is known as Yŭn-san-ju, or “Lord of Yŭn-san.” - -Throughout the country there was universal holiday. The first -proclamation of this new King who is known by his posthumous title -Chung-jong Kong-eui Tă-wang, gave the keynote of his reign. “The most -important thing in any country is the common people. If the people -prosper the country prospers, if they suffer the country suffers. The -late King was cruel and lawless, and so by the people’s will I have -become King. I have ordered the discontinuance of the evil customs that -have prevailed and I shall do all in my power for the people. Let -everyone rejoice.” - -But a sad event marred the happiness of the new King. His queen’s father -had been on intimate terms with the deposed King and had been killed -upon the day of his banishment. The officials therefore insisted that -the Queen be put away and that another be selected. She was innocent of -any crime, and the King said, “She is the wife of my youth and I cannot -put her away.” But they insisted until finally he was forced to comply -and he tearfully parted from her. - -One of his first acts was to do away with the “Dog and Falcon Bureau” -which had in charge the implements of the chase. He abolished the “Woman -Bureau” which looked after the procuring of concubines for the King. He -gave back to their owners many houses that they had been despoiled of. -He revived the law by which a written report of the proceedings of the -criminal court should be submitted to him every ten days. - -Years before this in the days of King Sŭ-jong Japanese had been -permitted to settle in the three harbors, namely Ch’e-p’o, Yum-p’o and -Pu-san-p’o. They were now having a difficult time. The prefects were -oppressing them sadly, forcing them to work without wages and stealing -their fish or game. This they could not endure; so two of their number, -Ko-jo-mo and Ko-su-jang passed over to the islands of Tsushima and -raised an expedition against the oppressive prefects. Two hundred boat -loads of them crossed the straits and fell upon Fusan, killed its -prefect, attacked Ch’è Harbor and took its prefect alive. They carried -fire and sword into all that region. They ravaged the prefectures of -Ung-ch’ŭn and Tong-nă. The King sent a strong force by land and sea who -cut off the retreat of the invaders and then attacked them. Three -thousand were soon put _hors de combat_ and many hundreds were chased -into the sea where they were drowned. From this time, 1512, until 1572 -diplomatic relations with Japan were practically suspended, though an -occasional envoy came. A small number of Japanese boats were however -allowed to come to the three harbors for the purpose of trade. Access to -the court was strictly denied them. - -King Chung-jong was as active in matters of reform as had been his -father or grandfather. He put an end to the cruel custom of houghing -robbers. He limited the number of blows that could be administered in -the cross-examination of criminals. He published 2940 volumes of the -Sam-gang-hăng-sil and circulated them among the people as well as -another work on filial piety. He made a foundling asylum, or at least -made provision for the support of abandoned children. The custom of -punishing by striking the legs with short, thick clubs was done away, -for this process was almost sure to shatter the bone. - -In the seventh year of his reign, 1512, he turned his attention to the -army and sent out an edict that arms should all be put in good order and -should be ready for use at an instant’s warning. We are not told whether -this was because of any expedition that he was contemplating or any -hostile invasion that he feared. Whichever it was it was unrealized, for -the army under his rule engaged in no offensive or defensive warfare. It -was probably with a view simply of carrying out the policy so wisely -begun by his ancestors of keeping the army in good order. He sent down -to the town of Kyöng-ju in the province of Kyŭng-sang, which had once -been the site of the capital of Sil-la, and brought up a great copper -Buddha and broke it up in order to use the metal in making new arms for -the soldiers. It was the common belief that if anyone prayed to this -image barrenness might be cured. The people cried out against its being -broken up, but the King said “Do not fear. I will take the blame.” -Nothing could show us more clearly the position that Buddhism held at -this time. It had reached its low water mark in Korea, and while it can -scarcely be said to have strengthened its position up to the present -time, it is very doubtful whether an emergency could arise so great as -to induce a King of Korea in these days to break up an image of Buddha. - -The reign of this king was marked by severe disturbances at different -times. In his thirteenth year, 1518, there were severe earthquake shocks -extending over a period of four days and causing much loss of life and -property. - -During his reign literature was on the increase. He ordered the -publication of various books and established a headquarters for books at -Seoul, a sort of central depot or depository. The only relations that he -had with outside countries was the reception of a Japanese envoy who -brought a gift of mirrors. They were considered very valuable. - -In 1518 a historical work came from China in which it was asserted that -king T’ă-jo was not the son of Whang-jo but of Yi Im-in, a traitor, and -that he had founded the new kingdom as a result of treachery. The king -sent an envoy immediately to the court of China asking that the mistake -be corrected. The Emperor replied that it would be done in the next -edition. - -The king’s teacher, Cho Kwang-jo, called “The Confucius of Korea,” told -his master that Buddhism and sorcery were alike useless and urged him to -do away with the headquarters of the diviners and sorcerers. It was done -and the teacher was given the title of “Guardian of Public Morals.” We -are told that this reign was the golden age of Korean morals. The people -revolting from the excesses of the deposed king took on a puritan -simplicity. Men and women walked on opposite sides of the street. If any -article was dropped in the road no one would touch it, but would leave -it for the owner to recover. No one had to lock his doors at night. When -the wild Ya-in of the north ravaged the border and one advised that a -force be sent disguised as laborers to chastise them, the king decided -that it was beneath his dignity to have recourse to trickery, and so -sent the troops openly. The important decennial examination called the -Hyŭn-yang-gwa was now established. - -At this time white clothes were not largely worn. That custom did not -come in till about 1800. Blue, red and black predominated. The king now -established the custom of wearing very light blue at the time of -ancestral worship. - -This reign saw some notable advances along certain lines. Bows were made -which were shot by putting the feet against the bow and drawing the -string with both hands. They were to be used by women in defending walls -while the men might be away. A small powerful bow was made which shot -metal arrows called “needle arrows.” They carried four times as far as -the ordinary bow, and an arrow from one of them would penetrate three -men. A kind of bomb was also invented. It was probably projected from a -catapult of some kind. A spring trap was made whose arrow weighed a -hundred and twenty pounds. - -In 1521 a Japanese So I-jön sent an envoy named Song-gong Pu-su-choa -with a curious gift of three stones that resembled mirrors. The king, -however, declined to accept them. The following year a Japanese named -Teung Wŭn-jung went to the Chinese district of Yŭng-p’a and ravaged, and -on his way home landed with his booty on the coast of Whang-hă Province -in Korea. He was there captured by a Korean and his whole company were -sent to China much to the delight of the Emperor. - -In 1524 P‘yŭng-yang was decimated by the cholera. It is said that there -were 7700 deaths. The following year the envoy to Nanking, Yi Sun, -brought back with him the first compass ever seen in Korea. In 1532 a -royal concubine desired to have her son become king instead of the Crown -Prince. In order to accomplish the destruction of the latter she took a -dead rat, wrote his name on its belly and put it under the Prince’s -room. This is a common way of attempting to do an enemy to death by -witchery. She was discovered in the act and she and her son were put to -death. Some three years later a great mock naval battle was fought on -the river and the king went out and witnessed it. - -The year 1536 beheld an important event in the bringing of the official -history of the dynasty up to date. In the next year an important law was -made, the one which commanded that the people of the upper class should -be distinguished from the lower class by a difference in the clothes. -Heretofore the style had been the same for both classes, but from this -time on the lower class was not allowed to wear the long flowing sleeves -which until recent years have distinguished the Korean gentleman. - -In 1541 Chu Se-bung a noted scholar of Kyŭng-sang Province founded a -school at P‘ung-geui in honor of a noted sage An Yu who had lived there -during the Koryŭ dynasty. In digging the foundations he had found a bar -of copper of three hundred pounds weight. With the profits of the sale -he bought books for the school library. - -The last recorded act of this monarch casts into the shade all his other -work and tells us more by implication about the condition of the people -than any other words could do. That act was the making of the Ok-pyŭn or -Korean-Chinese dictionary, arranged in the order of the Chinese -radicals. This important publication shows first a great advance all -along the line of literature. The demand for such a work argues a -constant pressure along literary lines that finally made it an absolute -necessity. In the second place it showed that the native character, -whatever may be said to the contrary, had taken a firm hold upon the -people and had begun to bring forth substantial fruit. A standard for -transliterating Chinese characters was demanded and the demand could -have sprung from nothing less than a large and constant use of the -native character. The publication of this work marks an era in the -literary life of the peninsula. It fixed the native character firmly -upon the people and made it a factor that can neither be ignored nor -evaded. The Chinese character is still a favorite in Korea but it will -go out before the native phonetic character as surely as the Latin -tongue went out from England before the English. - -It was in 1544 that King Chung-jong closed his long and eventful career. -Forty years upon the throne had seen the country lifted out of the mire -into which it had been trodden by his predecessor, and brought to the -highest point of morals, of literature and of general culture that it -has ever reached. He was succeeded by his son Yi-ho who is known by his -posthumous title In-jong Yŭng-jŭng Tă-wang. - -The career of this monarch affords another illustration of what -Confucianism in its extremer moods can do. When his father died he -fasted six days and became so weak that he could hardly stand even with -the aid of a staff. He continued to refuse sufficient food and mourned -continually for his father. He would sit on the bare ground all night -long even in winter, asking Heaven to kill him or else give him back his -father. He refused medicine saying that his trouble was one that drugs -could not reach. Seeing that his end was approaching he asked that his -half brother Prince Kyön-wŭn be made king after him. When he died the -whole land resounded with wailing. It is said that in a single day the -news travelled by the sound of wailing caught up from village to -village, even to the limits of the kingdom. The new king is called -Myŭng-jong Kong-hön Tă-wang. - -This king at his accession was a lad twelve years old and consequently -the regency devolved upon his mother. This was most unfortunate for she -was a wholly unscrupulous woman and ere the king was old enough to -assume the duties of his high office inflicted serious injuries upon the -state. She had a brother, Yun Wŭn-hyŭng, who was her equal in daring and -intrigue. Yun Im the uncle of the deceased king In-jong was holding -office at this time. He was a faithful and honest man. Being the brother -of the late king’s mother he formed a natural as well as moral -antithesis to the brother of the new king’s mother. Yun Wŭn-hyŭng had a -younger brother Yun Wŭn-no who was his equal in chicanery. They could -not but be enemies and so the elder banished the younger to Hă-nam in -the south. - -From the time when King Chung-jong died the two rival leaders Yun -Wŭn-hyŭng and Yun Im, the trickster and the statesman, had been wooing -fortune for the premiership. The people called Yun Im the “Big Yun” and -Yun Wŭn-hyŭng the “Little Yun.” The people are not seldom the best -judges of their rulers. During the short reign of King In-jong the -friends of Yun Im had been in power and they had sedulously kept all -evil-minded men, including Yun Wŭn-hyŭng, out of office. For this reason -it was that when the latter came into power he found himself at the head -of a crowd of malcontents who thirsted first for the sweets of office -and secondly for the sweets of revenge. Before King In-jong died “Little -Yun” had poisoned the mind of the incoming king’s mother against “Big -Yun” by asserting that he and his friends were conspiring to prevent the -accession of her son. The Queen Mother, as soon as she came to the -regency sent word to “Little Yun” to put “Big Yun” and his associates to -death. He called the Chief of Police and gave orders to that effect but -that careful individual said that the men he was ordered to kill were -honest men and that he would have nothing to do with it. “Little Yun” -then sought audience with the boy king and urged the matter, the Queen -Mother adding her voice to his arguments. The courtiers said that it was -mere hearsay and so long as the new king had ascended the throne without -any attempt at sedition the matter ought to be dropped; whereupon the -Queen Mother flew into a passion and screamed, “Do you want my son to -sit here and be murdered? I will have those men killed like snakes in -the fire.” She then ordered the courtiers to retire, and the bowl of -poison was sent to “Big Yun” and his friends. A relative of the king, -whom the Regent believed they intended to make king instead of her son, -fled to Sŭ-gwang Monastery and hid in a cave behind it, but he was -tracked down and seized. They brought him to Seoul and killed him by -searing his body all over with red hot irons. “Little Yun” was now the -royal favorite, or at least the Regent’s favorite, and the men who had -opposed the appointment of himself and his friends to official position -were banished right and left or else killed. - -We will remember that the Japanese settlers had been driven from the -three southern ports during the reign of King Chung-jong. An envoy now -came saying that the Japanese settlers were not to blame for that -uprising but that it was done by a band of ruffians from the islands, -and they asked to be allowed to resume the old friendly relations. -Consent was given but on condition that twice a year tribute should be -brought to Fusan from Tsushima. The Japanese who headed this embassy was -called So-i Jön-sa. This occurred in the year 1548. The same year saw -the famous books Kang-mok Chŭn-p‘yŭng and Sok-kang-mok, dealing with -Chinese history, and the military works Pal-myŭng Kang-eui, and Mu-gyŭng -Ch‘ong-yo copied in Korea and disseminated throughout the country. These -are among the best known works in Korea today. The common people -execrated the favorite Yun Wŭn-kyŭng and chafed under the regency of the -Queen Mother. They went so far as to put out posters stating that “We -are ruled by a woman, and her creatures are fattening off the revenues -of the land. It means the destruction of the kingdom.” So far from -learning a lesson from this, the Regent said, “It is because we did not -make thorough work with the followers of ‘Big Yun’.” She therefore -seized and killed above seventy more of them, all good and honest men. - -It is generally believed that the hardships endured by the people during -this reign, because of famines, pestilences and other calamities, were a -forerunner of the terrible cataclysm that swept over the land during the -following reign, in the great Japanese invasion. These calamities had -begun in the very first year of the reign when a pestilence swept the -province of Ham-gyŭng. The same year an enormous mass of rock became -detached from the side of Sam-gak mountain back of Seoul and fell with -such a tremendous crash that it was heard and felt in all the adjoining -prefectures. This was followed by disastrous floods in various parts of -the country whereby thousands of people perished and vast amounts of -property were destroyed. In the city of P‘yŭng-yang alone 720 houses -fell and 209 lives were lost. - -It was in 1550 that an astronomical instrument was made, called the -Sŭn-gi-ok-hyŭng or “Heaven Measure.” We are not told the exact nature of -the instrument, but it implies a considerable degree of intellectual -activity and an inclination toward scientific pursuits that is rare in -Korea. - -The Queen Mother, as seems to have been common with women of high degree -in Korea, became a confirmed Buddhist. This tendency became so strong -that in 1552 she had a law made requiring government sanction for a man -to enter the priesthood, and special examinations were also required. A -monk named Po U, an unscrupulous but capable man, exercised immense -influence at the palace. The courtiers besought the king to drive him -away but as yet the Regent was too strong. - -The following year the custom of filling the ranks of the army by -conscription was inaugurated. All men over fifteen years of age were -supposed to give two or three years’ service. But it was not a success. -The military spirit has never been really strong in Korea since the -downfall of ancient Ko-kuryŭ. The profession of arms has always been -looked down upon as an inferior calling and so long as a living could be -gained some other way the army has been shunned. The law of conscription -was soon modified so that the payment of a modest sum, three hundred and -fifty cash a year, bought exemption from service. Later the sum was -raised to 10,000 cash and even to 20,000 in some cases, but this -included a large “squeeze” on the part of the officials. - -The Queen Mother’s power came to an end in 1554 when the king reached -his twenty-first year. From that point matters began to mend. The -ex-Regent and her minions lost a large part of their power, but other -difficulties came up which took the place of those which were thus -overcome. The wild tribe of Kol-gan-bul crossed the northern border and -harried the border towns. When sixty of them had been caught and -beheaded the remainder retired. A Japanese marauding band, returning -from the coast of China laden with booty, landed on the Korean coast and -were there captured and sent to Nanking. The next year seventy -boat-loads of Japanese landed on the Chul-la coast and killed several -prefects but the governor called about him a band of soldiers and routed -the invaders. A hundred and twenty Japanese were killed and all their -arms were captured. - -One of the most signal victories the Koreans ever scored over the -pirates occurred in 1556. A thousand or more of these unwelcome -neighbors landed at Tal-yang in Chŭl-la Province and besieged the town. -Government troops were sent against them but were driven back with great -loss. The O-ran, Ma-do and Ka-ri harbor forts were besieged and taken -and the towns of Chang-heung and Kang-jin were swept by the remorseless -foe. Kim Pin the admiral of Chul-la Province, and the prefect of -Kwang-ju were both badly defeated in their attempts to check this -hostile advance. - -Yi Yun-gyŭng, the prefect of Chŭn-ju raised a force of 2000 men and -marched toward the seat of war. An experienced general warned him that -he could do nothing but he replied “Then let my head pay the price.” He -gave a written promise that if any of his men deserted he would forfeit -his life, so great was his confidence in the quality of his soldiers. -Pushing rapidly forward he first encountered the Japanese at Hyang-gyo -where he threw up breastworks. He was to have been reinforced by his -brother but the latter sent, warning him that it was a hopeless case and -urging him to retreat. He replied by decapitating the messenger and -attacking the enemy single-handed. He warned his men that the first one -to retreat would lose his head. - -The leader of the Japanese rode a powerful white horse and bore in his -hand a yellow flag, and he kept beating his sword against the flagstaff -with terrible clamor. Gen. Yi began the attack not by shooting at the -Japanese themselves but by shooting fire arrows into their camp and -among their baggage. When this was seen to be well ablaze he ordered a -charge and singling out the conspicuous Japanese leader soon laid him -low with one of the famous “needle arrows.” The enemy was soon in full -retreat but their progress was stopped by a high ledge of rocks and -there they were brought to bay. It is said that 1800 Japanese perished -at this point. This is but another sample of what Korean soldiery can do -when properly led. The brilliant young leader was made governor of the -province. The Japanese who escaped made their way across the straits -into the island of Quelpart, where they demanded arms of the prefect, -for they had cast away theirs in their precipitate flight. Instead of -complying the prefect attacked them, brandishing an enormous -battle-club. The victory was complete and the plain was strewed with the -dead bodies of the foe. - -When the king heard of these victories he praised the troops and -remitted all the revenue from the prefectures where the Japanese had -created the disturbance. - -A serious rebellion occupied public attention in the year 1563. A -butcher of Yang-ju named Im Ko-jung gathered about him a band of -desperate highwaymen and began to plunder and burn in that and the -neighboring prefectures. Government troops chased them into Ku-wŭl -Mountains where they were tracked with difficulty owing to the fact that -they wore their shoes reversed in order to deceive their pursuers. But -the army surrounded the whole mountain and, gradually working their way -up, at last brought the offenders to bay and cut them down. - -In 1566 the Queen Mother died, and no sooner was it announced than the -monk who had been such a favorite with her was banished to Quelpart and -there beaten to death. This done, the officials demanded the death of -Yun Wŭn-hyŭng. The King refused to kill his uncle but deprived him of -all official position and drove him away from the capital. - - - - - Chapter IV. - -King Sŭn-Jo takes the throne.... a memorable reign.... reforms.... - northern invasion.... a prophecy.... mourning costume.... rise of - the political parties.... party strife.... literature.... border - war.... condition of affairs in Korea.... charge of effeminacy - untrue.... condition of Japan.... Japanese envoy.... Hideyoshi.... - his demands refused.... second envoy.... delay.... Korea’s condition - acceded to.... renegades executed.... conspiracy.... a coward - envoy.... Hideyoshi’s ultimatum.... Korea refuses.... Tairano.... - the King’s answer to Hideyoshi.... the King informs the Emperor.... - preparations for war.... generals commissioned.... the army of - invasion.... lands on Korean soil.... Japanese firearms.... the - cowardly provincial general.... the fall of Tong-nă.... a faithful - defender.... cowardly officers.... the Japanese move northward.... a - martinet. - - -In 1568, as King Myŭng-jong lay dying, his Queen summoned the officials -to consult about the succession but ere they arrived the King expired. -They asked her to nominate a successor and she named Prince Hă-sŭng a -youth of seventeen, second cousin to the deceased King. He is known by -his posthumous title Sŭn-jo So-gyŭng Tă-wang. The Queen who nominated -him acted as regent until he should reach his majority. - -This reign is perhaps the most memorable of any in this dynasty, for in -it occurred the great Japanese invasion which brought the land to the -verge of destruction and which has ever since colored the Korean -conception of the Japanese. - -The first years of the reign were spent in correcting the abuses brought -about by “Little Yun” and in removing from office all those who had been -connected in any way with him. The whole kingdom was canvassed for wise -and scholarly men to put in the places of those who had been removed. -Books intended for the instruction and elevation of the people were -published and distributed far and wide. - -The wild Ya-in across the Ya-lu were crossing that river and taking -possession of fields in Korea proper, near the town of Kang-gye. The -King sent a force under Gen. Kim Tong-yung to dislodge them. The -intruders were chased across the river and into a narrow defile where -they turned on their pursuers. Taken thus by surprise the Korean forces -were thrown into confusion and were put to flight, but not till after -their general had fallen. A second expedition chased the intruders to -their villages, and burned them out. - -In the following year the Prime Minister Yi Chun-gyŭng died, but before -he expired he gave voice to a prophecy which has become historic. He -said:—“Since I have begun to examine men’s minds I find that opposing -factions will arise and that in their train great evils will follow. The -king should studiously avoid showing favoritism to either of these -factions. The first symptom of the rise of such factions should be met -with stern resistance.” - -In the year 1572, the relations with the Japanese were as follows:—Since -the seventh year of King Chöng-jong, when the Japanese in the three -ports revolted, there had been little communication between the two -countries, but a few Japanese had been allowed to live in the three -settlements by sufferance. But now the Japanese sent a friendly message -asking that the old relations be resumed. The prefect of Fusan added his -influence in favour of granting the request, and the Japanese were -allowed to resume operations at Fusan alone, three _li_ below the -prefecture, which means about half way down the bay from the present -village of Fusan. From that time the former relations seem to have been -renewed, but no envoys went from Korea to Japan. It was decreed by the -Korean government that should a Japanese land anywhere upon the coast -except at Fusan he should be dealt with as a pirate. Officials were set -to watch the Japanese and see to it that they did not overstep the -strict regulations. - -It had not been customary for the people to assume mourning on the death -of a royal personage, but when the Queen Regent died in 1575 the custom -was begun, and each citizen wore a white hat, belt, and shoes. - -This year, 1575, was signalized by another event of far-reaching -importance and one which exerted a powerful influence over all -subsequent Korean history. It was the formation of the great political -parties. At first there were only two, but soon they split into four, -which are known as the No-ron, So-ron, Nam-in, and Puk-in. These mean -“The Old Men’s Party,” “The Young Men’s Party,” “The Southerners,” and -“The Northerners.” These terms are not at all descriptive of the -composition of the various parties but arose from trivial circumstances. -These parties have never represented any principles whatever. They have -never had any “platforms,” but have been, and are, simply political -clans each bent upon securing the royal favour and the offices and -emoluments that go therewith. The story of their rise shows how -frivolous were the causes which called them into being, and the -remainder of these annals will show how they have cursed the country. - -During the palmy days of the odious “Little Yun” of the preceding reign, -a man by the name of Sim Eni-gyŭm happening to see a blanket in the -reception room of the universally hated favorite, asked to whom it -belonged. When he was told that it belonged to one Kim Hyo-wŭn, he -exclaimed “He is called a good man, but if so how can he sleep in the -house of such a man as Little Yun.” So he opposed this Kim with all his -might and was opposed by him in like manner. The matter grew into a -family feud and kept on increasing until at the time of which we are -writing two hostile clans had arisen, the one called Sŭ-in or -“Westerners,” because their leader lived in the western part of Seoul. -The other was at first called Tong-in or “Easterners,” perhaps because -their leader lived in the eastern part of the city. The two men through -whom the quarrel first arose had now left the field of active politics -and the Sŭ-in and Tong-in parties were led respectively by Pak Sun and -Hŭ Yŭp. It is said that from this time impartiality in the distribution -of offices was a thing unknown in Korea. A Sŭ-in would help a Sŭ-in and -a Tong-in would help a Tong-in, right or wrong. - -The long fight was immediately begun. A slave in Whang-hă province was -accused of murder and was held in prison waiting the decision of Pak -Sun, the leader of the party in power. He did not believe the man guilty -and delay followed. Hŭ Yŭp, the leader of the opposition, took advantage -of this and accused his rival of neglect of duty. Then followed a -running fire of charge and counter-charge between the leaders and -between their partisans. The Tong-in, or So-ron as it soon came to be -called, won in this first encounter and two of the opposing faction were -banished. The Prime Minister urged that this fight was utterly useless -and would cause endless trouble. The king agreed and determined to stamp -out the cause of the disturbance; so he banished the two men Kim and Sim -who had originated the factions. This had no effect however upon the now -thoroughly organized parties and affairs kept going from bad to worse. - -In 1579 Păk In-gŭl said to the king, “All the people have taken sides in -this senseless war and even though a man be a criminal there are plenty -who will defend him. This means the ultimate destruction of the kingdom, -and the King should act as a peacemaker between the factions.” Others -urged the same point before the king, but they were unaware that it was -beyond the power of any king to lay the evil spirit of factional strife. -In the fifteenth year of his reign the king threw himself into the cause -of literature. He believed that neglect of the classics was the cause of -the factional strife in his kingdom. He ordered the publication of the -“Religion in the Mind,” “Picture of the Good and Evil Will,” and “The -Legacy of Kim Si-seup.” He called together a large congress of scholars, -and in company with them threw himself into the study of the classics. - -The year 1583 beheld a fierce invasion on the part of the northern -savages under Pon-ho. The prefecture of Kyöng-wŭn, in Ham-gyŭng -Province, was taken by them, but Sil-Yip, the prefect of On-sŭng, went -to its succour, and after a desperate fight before the town, broke the -back of the invasion, drove the marauders back across the Tu-man and -burned their villages. - -[Illustration: _THE HAN RIVER._] - -A novel method was adopted for raising recruits for the army on the -border. A law was made that sons of concubines, who had always been -excluded from official position, might again become eligible by giving a -certain amount of rice or by going themselves and giving three years’ -time to border guard duty along the Ya-lu or Tu-man. Two chieftains, Yul -Po-ri and Yi T’ang-ga, advanced by separate roads upon Kyöng-sŭng with -10,000 mounted followers, but the little garrison of 100 men fought so -stubbornly that the siege was raised and the two chieftains marched on -to attack Pang-wŭn. Fortunately government troops arrived just in time -to drive the invaders back. - -The Minister of War was working faithfully forwarding troops as fast as -they could be gotten ready, but the opposition made charges against him -on the ground of the neglect of some trifling technicality and he -forthwith laid down his portfolio and retired in disgust. When the king -asked the Prime Minister about it, that careful individual, fearing to -compromise himself, would give no definite answer and the king -consequently said, “If my Prime Minister will not tell me the facts in -the case it is time he retired,” so he too lost footing and fell from -royal favor. - -Having reached now the threshold of the great Japanese invasion of Korea -it will be necessary for us to pause and examine the state of affairs in -Japan and institute a comparison between that country and Korea in order -to discover if possible the causes of Japan’s early success and -subsequent defeat. - -Korea and Japan may be said to have been at two opposite poles. -Beginning with Korea, we notice, first, that her relations with the Ming -dynasty were eminently peaceful. Unlike the Mongols of an earlier date -and the Manchus of a later date the Mings did not have their origin in -the north, and therefore were brought less into contact with Korea along -her northern border. They belonged to central China and were not a horde -of brutal pillagers as were the Mongols and Manchus. Hence it was that -so long as Korea was friendly and held her own way quietly the Ming -emperors concerned themselves very little about her. To this day Korea -looks back to the Ming dynasty as her true patron and realizes that the -Manchu supremacy is an alien one. Korea had been strongly unified by the -statesmanship of the first kings of the Cho-sŭn dynasty, the present -one, and had been ruled so well as a general thing that there was no -sense of insecurity and no particular fear from the outside except such -as arose from the occasional irruption of a northern tribe or a -piratical raid of a few boatloads of Japanese. The only need of a -standing army was to guard herself from such attacks. The arts of peace -flourished, the country was peaceful, there is little reason to believe -that she was sunken, as many have averred, into a state of shameful -effeminacy. In fact there is much to indicate the opposite, for almost -up to the very year in which the invasion occurred the policy of reform -instituted by king Se-jong was adhered to and the rulers, however -unwarlike they may have been, surely did much for the sake of -literature, art and public morals. You will scarcely find in the annals -of history that the kings who ruled during times of great public -degeneracy, when luxury sapped the vital power of the nation, spent -their time in giving to the people treatises on moral, scientific, -social and literary topics as these kings unquestionably did even up to -the day when the Japanese cataclysm swept the country. It had not been a -hundred years since an unworthy king had been driven from the throne by -his disgusted people and been refused the posthumous title. That king -was succeeded by one who made the land even puritanic in the severity of -its morals, who fostered the arts and sciences as hardly any other had -done and who crowned his work by publishing the Ok-pyŭn, which marked an -era in the literary life of the people. He had been followed in turn by -a king who continued the work of progress and among other things caused -the construction of a complicated astronomical instrument. The following -reign was the one in which the invasion occurred. No candid reader can -believe that the country was steeped in such absolute degeneracy as the -Japanese annalists would have us believe, and which other writers who -had not access to the Korean annals have described. But some may say -that the good work of Korean kings does not necessarily argue a good -people. This again is a mistake, for there could scarcely be found a -people that has taken their cue more directly from the court than have -the Korean people. When the kings have been lax the people have followed -the example and when the kings have been true men the people have been -brought back to honest living. The refutation of this calumny then needs -but a careful perusal of the Korean annals; not those which have been -written under government sanction and are therefore unreliable but those -which, like these, have been drawn from the private and popular -histories of the dynasty and are presumably reliable. For centuries -Korea had been at peace, except for insignificant uprisings on the -border, and the arts of peace had gradually taken the place of martial -prowess. A man is not an object of contempt simply because he is not a -warrior. If he is, then let us go back to the peat-smoke of our -ancestral hovels. - -Having shown this reason for Korea’s inability to hold the Japanese in -check to have been a false one it will be necessary to account for it in -some other way. This can easily be done. The reason was three-fold. In -the first place the Korean people, having no use for a large standing -army, had not been trained in large numbers to military life. Secondly -the Japanese were armed with firearms while the Koreans had absolutely -none. The first firearm that was ever seen in Korea was given the king -by a Japanese envoy just at the outbreak of the invasion, as we shall -see. This alone would account for Korea’s inability to cope with the -islanders. In the third place the rise of the political parties had -brought in a spirit of jealousy which made it impossible for any man to -reach celebrity without calling down upon himself the hatred of the -opposing party and his consequent ruin. This we deem the main cause of -Korea’s weakness. The following pages will show whether this view is -upheld by facts or not. It was the mutual jealousies of opposing parties -that proved the bane of the land and not the supineness and effeminacy -of the people. - -We must now glance at Japan and see of what stuff the invaders were -made. Unlike the Korean people, the Japanese had never been welded into -a homogeneous mass. Feudalism was the most marked feature of Japanese -life. It has been but thirty years since Japan became a unit. It was -feudalism and its consequent spirit of liberty (for feudalism is liberty -in embryo) that made possible Japan’s phenomenal development during the -past three decades. Her feudalism is therefore not to be decried, but -one of its necessary evils was a state of almost continual civil war. -For two centuries preceding the invasion of Korea Japan had been one -great battlefield. War was the great occupation of the people. While -Korea had been busy producing Japan had been busy destroying and when at -last Hideyoshi, the great Shogun, found himself the virtual ruler of a -temporarily quiet kingdom he had on hand an enormous army which must -either be given occupation or must be disbanded. The latter he dared not -do and the former he could not do without finding a field of operation -abroad. But we are anticipating. - -It is well known that the government of Japan was not administered by -the emperor in person but by an official called the Taiko, or Kwan-băk -as the Koreans say. For about two centuries this office had been in the -hands of a family named Wŭn. Hideyoshi had been a retainer in the family -of the Taiko. Being a bold and successful fighter he won his way to a -generalship and from this point of vantage killed the Taiko and assumed -that title himself. It had been the dream of his life to strike at -China. He had tried it once unsuccessfully by boat, attacking her at -Chŭl-gang. He now changed his plan and decided to make Korea a stepping -stone to the conquest of the Ming empire. His initial move was based on -his statement “Year after year our envoys have gone to Korea but they -never send one in return.” - -In pursuance of this policy a Japanese envoy named Yasuhiro appeared at -the Korean court in 1587 bearing a harshly worded and insulting letter -demanding that the king send an envoy to Japan. The only notice taken of -this demand was a polite note in which the king stated that as the -journey by sea was a long one and the Koreans were not good sailors he -would have to be excused from complying with the demand. When Yasuhiro -placed this missive in the hands of his master he was promptly ordered -into the hands of the executioner. - -The opening of the year 1588 found Korea still suffering from outbreaks -of the far northern border and Gen. Yi Il took a small force of men, -crossed the Tu-man River on the ice and attacked the Chin-do tribe. -Being successful in this he took 2000 men, crossed the same river at -four different points simultaneously and attacked the Si-jun tribe by -night, burning 200 houses and killing 300 people. - -In the spring of this year there arrived from Japan a second envoy, or -rather three envoys, Yoshitoshi, Tairano Tsuginobu and a monk Gensho. Of -these Yoshitoshi was the chief. He is described by the Koreans as being -a young man, but coarse and violent and of such a fierce nature that the -other members of his suite dared come into his presence only on their -knees. They dared not look him in the face. Yoshitoshi and his suite -were comfortably quartered at the Tong-p‘ŭng-gwan near the present -Japanese settlement in Seoul, and having renewed the demand that Korea -send an envoy to Japan, he waited month after month hoping that the king -would accede to the demand and fearing to go back without success lest -he should meet the same fate that Yasuhiro the former envoy had -suffered. - -At last the king announced that he would send an envoy to Japan on one -condition, namely that the Japanese government seize and send back to -Korea a number of Korean renegades who, under the leadership of one Sa -Wha-dong, had run away to Japan and had since led marauding bands of -Japanese against the southern seaboard of Korea. To this condition the -Japanese envoy gladly consented and Tairano was despatched to Japan to -carry it out. But it was not till the seventh moon of the following -year, 1589, that the pirate Sa Wha-dong and three Japanese freebooters -together with certain other Koreans were brought back from Japan and -delivered up to justice. With them came a letter from the Japanese -government saying “We are not responsible for the evil deeds of these -men. The Korean Sa Wha-dong is the cause of this trouble; so we send -them all to you and you must mete out to them such punishment as you see -fit.” The culprits were immediately decapitated outside the West Gate. -This seems to have thawed somewhat the reserve of the king and -Yoshitoshi was called to the palace for the first time, where he was -presented by the king with a handsome steed while he in turn gave the -king a peacock and some firearms, the first that had ever been seen in -Korea. - -Late in the year a dangerous conspiracy was discovered, the prime mover -being Chöng Yo-rip of Chŭl-la Province. He had arranged a plan by which -he and several friends of his in Whang-hă Province should rise -simultaneously and overthrow the government. A certain monk in Ku wŭl -mountain in Whang-hă Province discovered that a certain man, Cho Ku, was -working diligently among the people, taking names, sending numerous -letters and in other ways acting in a suspicious manner. He believed the -man was a traitor and told the prefect of An-ak to be on the lookout. -The latter arrested the man and examined him. It was then elicited that -a widespread rebellion was being gotten up. When the news was told the -king secretly he called together his officials and asked “What sort of a -man is this Chöng Yo-rip?” Some said they did not know but the Prime -Minister said that he was a good scholar and an exemplary man. The king -then threw upon the floor the letter telling about the plot and -exclaimed “Read that and see what sort of a man he is.” - -The traitor Chöng had gotten wind of the discovery and had fled with his -son to Chi-nan Mountain in Chŭl-la Province but he was pursued and -surrounded. Rather than be taken he cut his own throat and expired. His -son and his nephew were taken back to Seoul and executed. The nephew -under torture affirmed that the Prime Minister and a large number of -other officials were privy to the plot. This was the more easily -believed because the Prime Minister had insisted that Chöng was a good -man. So he and two others were banished. It is affirmed on good -authority that the Prime Minister and the other who suffered were -innocent of the charge, and that it was simply one of the deplorable -results of party jealousy and strife. We here have a striking instance -of the cause of Korea’s weakness. - -All momentous events in Korea are believed to be foretold in some way. -It is said that in this year 1589 a good man named Cho Hön went to the -monastery at Kom-san and when rice was set before him said “Whoever eats -with me will die next year, for the Japanese are coming with 200,000 -men. Those here who do not eat with me will live.” Three only are said -to have taken up the challenge and eaten with him. - -In the third moon of the following year 1590 the king redeemed his -promise by sending to Japan three envoys, Whang Yun-gil, Kim Sŭng-il and -Ho Sŭng. They were accompanied by the Japanese envoy who had waited a -year for them. Whang Yun-gil was chief of the Korean embassy, but he was -a weak, timid man who hardly dared speak when a Japanese addressed him. -The other members of the embassy realizing how such action would bring -Korea into contempt at the Japanese court, tried to stir him up and make -him speak out fearlessly, but to no avail. After wasting a year at the -Japanese court the embassy returned, accompanied by Tairano who was -charged with an important mission to the king but the minute this -embassy landed at Tong-ăn Whang Yun-gil the cowardly envoy sent a letter -post haste to Seoul saying that war with Japan was certain. When they -all arrived at Seoul the king called them into audience and questioned -them about their experiences in Japan. His first question was “Did you -see Hideyoshi? How did he look?” Whang replied “His eyes flashed fire. -He is a fearsome man.” but Kim Sŭng il said “There is nothing fearsome -about him. His eyes are like rats’ eyes.” - -The important letter of which Tairano was the bearer was now handed to -the King and it lay bare the mind of Hideyoshi. It read as follows:— - -“Our country consists of sixty-six kingdoms. They all revolted from the -Emperor but for four years I fought them and succeeded in bringing them -all to their knees until even the remote islands lay mastered in my -hand. When my mother conceived me it was by a beam of sunlight that -entered her bosom in a dream. After my birth a fortune teller said that -all the land the sun shone on would be mine when I became a man, and -that my fame would spread beyond the four seas. I have never fought -without conquering and when I strike I always win. Man cannot outlive -his hundred years, so why should I sit chafing on this island? I will -make a leap and land in China and lay my laws upon her. I shall go by -way of Korea and if your soldiers will join me in this invasion you will -have shown your neighborly spirit. I am determined that my name shall -pervade the three kingdoms.” - -At a feast given in honor of the Japanese embassy, Hyŭn So, the Japanese -monk who seems to have accompanied Tairano to the Korean court, -whispered to Whang Yun-gil and said, “The reason why Hideyoshi wants to -attack China is because the Emperor refuses to receive a Japanese envoy. -If Korea leaves us but a clear road to China we will ask nothing else. -No troops need be given.” To this Whang replied. “That can never be. -China is our Mother Country and we cannot so desert her as to give a -road to an invading army.” The monk returned to the attack but this time -from another standpoint. “Long ago the Mongol hordes desired to invade -Japan and you gave them a road through Korea for that purpose. Now when -we seek revenge you should do the same by us.” This was considered too -preposterous a thing to be even discussed and the matter suddenly -dropped and the Japanese envoys started straight back to their own -country. It was this envoy Tairano who while on his way up from Fusan -insulted the aged governor of Tă-gu by saying, “For ten years I have -followed war and thus my beard is gray; why should you grow old?” Also -calling for a Korean spear he said, “Your spears are too long,” meaning -that only cowards use long spears. He it was also who threw the basket -of oranges to the dancing girls and, when they scrambled for them, -uttered his ironical criticism. “Your nation is doomed. You have no -manners.” - -When this embassy went back to Japan he carried an answer to Hideyoshi’s -letter, in which the King said:— - -“Two letters have already passed between us and the matter has been -sufficiently discussed. What talk is this of our joining you against -China? From the earliest times we have followed law and right. From -within and from without all lands are subject to China. If you have -desired to send your envoys to China how much more should we. When we -have been fortunate China has rejoiced and when we have been unfortunate -she has helped us. The relations which subsist between us are those of -parent and child. This you well know. Can we desert both emperor and -parent and join with you? You doubtless will be angry at this and it is -because you have not been admitted to the court of China. Why is it that -you are not willing to admit the suzerainty of the emperor instead of -harboring such hostile intents against him? This truly passes our -comprehension.” - -The emperor hearing a rumor of a Korean Japanese alliance sent and -enquired about it but the king replied through an envoy telling the -facts of the case exactly as they had occurred. It was well understood -in Korea that an invasion was all but inevitable and active preparations -were going on all the year in view of this contingency. Three able men -were sent as the governors of Kyŭng-sang, Chŭl-la and Ch‘ung-chŭng -Provinces respectively, namely Kim Su, Yi Kwang, and Yun Sŭng-gak. They -were so energetic in repairing fortresses and accumulating arms that the -people complained loudly. Someone told the king that Yi Sun-sin, a man -as yet unknown, had in him the making of the greatest general in the -world, and for this reason the king made him admiral of all the naval -forces of the kingdom. - - - - - Chapter V. - -The army of invasion.... lands on Korean soil.... Japanese fire-arms.... - fall of Fusan.... a cowardly provincial governor.... the fall of - Tong-nă.... a faithful defender.... cowardly officers.... the - Japanese move northward.... a martinet.... braver soldiers than - leaders.... the news reaches Seoul.... the three roads guarded.... a - comical predicament.... a good shot.... Cho-ryŭng (Pass) left - undefended.... an army disbands for lack of leaders.... Gen. Yi Il’s - fiasco.... Gen. Sil Yip wants to fight in the plain.... - reconnoitering.... the Korean army in a trap.... overwhelming - defeat. - - -We have now arrived at the year 1592 A.D. the two hundredth anniversary -of the founding of the dynasty, the year that was destined to see the -country swept by the Japanese hordes. The Koreans call it the Im-jim -year and the mere pronunciation of that word today brings up in the -Korean’s mind the tales of horror and suffering which his mother told -him when a boy, and which have determined the whole attitude of the -Korean mind toward Japan. - -Before spring opened the king took an inventory of all the arms that -were available, and appointed Gen. Sil Yip to the command of the forces -in Kang-Wŭn and Ham-gyŭng Provinces, and Gen. Yi Il to the command of -those in the south. In the third moon the officials worshiped at the -tomb of King T‘ă-jo the founder of the dynasty. Korean tradition says -that wailings were heard proceeding from this tomb for three or four -days preceding the landing of the Japanese. - -Hideyoshi had gotten together an enormous force from all parts of the -kingdom and the expedition rendezvoused at the islands of Iki. They were -led by thirty-six generals, the general-in-chief being Hideyi. - -As to the numbers in the invading army the Korean account agrees so well -with the Japanese that there can be little doubt of its correctness. The -Korean accounts say that the regular army consisted of 160,000 men, that -there was a “body-guard” of 80,000 men, perhaps meaning the personal -body-guard of Hideyoshi, and that there were 1500 heavy armed cavalry. -This says nothing about a reserve force of 60,000 men which is mentioned -by some authorities, and from this we conclude that these did not come -with the main army but waited and came later as reinforcements. The best -Japanese accounts make the total 250,000 while the Korean records say -241,500. Either of these numbers is approximately correct, but the -Japanese accounts divide the estimate differently, saying that the main -army was 150,000 while Hideyoshi’s personal command was 100,000. But -this discrepancy is of course unessential. - -As to armament we find that this army was provided with 5000 battle -axes, 100,000 long swords, 100,000 spears, 100,000 short swords, 500,000 -daggers, 300,000 firearms large and small, and that there were in the -whole army 50,000 horses. - -The flotilla which brought this immense army to the shores of Korea -consisted of between three and four thousand boats. This gives us an -intimation as to the capacity of the boats used in those days. According -to this enumeration each boat carried sixty men. They were probably -undecked, or at most but partially decked, boats of about forty or fifty -feet in length by ten in breadth. - -We learn from Japanese sources that the whole fleet did not weigh anchor -from Iki at the same time. Kato, who was in command of one division of -the army, managed to give the rest of the fleet the slip and was away -with his command by night, while his rival Konishi was compelled to wait -several days longer at anchor because of adverse winds. These two men, -Kato and Konishi figure so prominently in the first years of the war -that a word of description is necessary. Kato was an old warrior who had -fought for many years beside the great commander. He was an ardent -Buddhist and a firm believer in the old regime. Konishi on the other -hand was a young and brilliant general who had gained his place not so -much by long and faithful service as by his uncommon skill in military -affairs. He was a convert to Roman Catholicism, having been baptized by -the Portugese missionaries in 1584. He seems to have been a personal -favorite with the great Taiko. It is in the Korean accounts that we find -the statement that Hideyi was made the General-in-chief of all the army -of invasion. From the Japanese accounts which naturally would be -supposed to be more reliable in this matter it would seem that Kato and -Konishi divided between them the honor of supreme command. But we must -remember that Hideyoshi was an old soldier and well acquainted with the -natural jealousies that spring up between officers in an army, and it is -almost inconceivable that he should have put this army in joint command -of two men whom he must have known to be bitter enemies and who would -doubtless work at cross purposes in the peninsula. We incline therefore -to the opinion that the Koreans were right and that there was a nominal -head in the person of Hideyi, but it is quite true that the brunt of the -work fell upon the two rivals, Kato and Konishi. - -When day broke on the morning of the thirteenth of the fourth moon of -1592 a dense fog rested on the sea and hid from the eyes of the Koreans -the vast fleet that was working across the straits. Curiously enough, -the commander of the Korean forces in Fusan happened to be hunting that -day on Deer Island at the entrance to the harbor. He was the first to -descry the invading host. Hastening back to the fortifications he -prepared for the worst. Before many hours had passed the Japanese host -had landed, surrounded the fort and poured in upon its doomed defenders -such a destructive fire that it is said the bullets fell like rain. The -garrison fought till their arrows were gone and then fell at their post, -not one escaping. - -It would be difficult to overestimate the immense advantage which the -Japanese enjoyed in the possession of firearms, a weapon with which the -Koreans were not acquainted and to whose natural destructiveness as a -machine of war must be added the terror which it naturally inspired. It -was Cortez and the Mexican over again, only in somewhat lesser degree. -What seemed to the Japanese and what has passed down in history as -cowardice can scarcely be called by so strong a term when we consider -that bows and arrows were pitted against muskets and men who were -trained in their use. - -Without delay the invaders marched around the bay to the ancient city of -Tong-nă, the remains of whose ancient fortress still greet the eye and -interest the imagination of the traveller. Its prefect, Song Sang-hyŭn, -hurriedly gathered all the town-people and what soldiers he could find. -Gen. Yi Kak, the commander of all the forces in the province, was -approaching from the north; but, hearing of the fate of the garrison of -Fusan, he halted abruptly and said “As commander of all the provincial -forces I must not risk my life in actual battle but must stand outside -where I can direct affairs.” So he turned about and put six miles -between his precious person and the beleaguered town of Tong-nă, -encamping at So-san. The next day the Japanese completed the investment -of the town and prepared to storm the fortress. The brave prefect took -up his position in the upper storey of the great gate of the fortress -where, in accordance with the Korean custom, he beat upon a great drum -and urged on his soldiers in the fight. For eight hours the gallant -defenders fought before the enemy effected an entrance over their dead -bodies. Seeing that all was lost, the prefect called for his official -robes and seated himself in state in the upper gateway. The ruthless -Japanese rushed in and seized him by his garments and attempted to make -him bow before them, but the first one received such a kick in the -stomach that he rolled over on the floor. An instant later the prefect -was struck down by their swords. Just before the enemy entered he had -bitten his finger till the blood came and with it he wrote on his fan -“The duty of a subject to his King comes before that of a son to his -father, so here I die without seeing you again.” This he delivered to a -trusty servant to give to his father. To his trusty friend, Sin Yŭ-go, -he said, “There is no need of your staying here to die, make good your -escape while you can.” - -But Sin replied, “I have enjoyed pleasures with you and now I prefer to -suffer with you.” So the two died together. The Japanese general in -command was so impressed with the bravery of this prefect Song Sang-hyŭn -that he had his body decently buried and erected over his grave a wooden -monument on which he wrote “A Loyal Subject,” an epitaph than which none -could be more grateful to a true Korean gentleman. Tradition, which -delights to embellish such accounts, avers that for two years a red -light could be seen glimmering at night above the gate where this man -met his end. - -When Gen. Yi Kak, the cautious, and Gen. Pak Hong who was with him, -heard of the fall of Tong-nă, they took to their heels and consequently -their forces did likewise. And here it should be noted that cowardice -evinced itself almost exclusively in the generals and other officers. We -shall find that in almost every instance the soldiers stood by their -officers to the last man. - -As the forces of the Japanese moved northward the prefects fled to right -and left. The governor of the province, Kim Su, hearing of the battle at -Tong-nă, advanced toward that place with all the forces at his command, -but his determination seems to have wavered, perhaps on account of the -growing rumors of the prowess of the Japanese; for before he came in -sight of the invading army he turned to the west and south, alarming all -the prefects as he went; and so it is said that this whole portion of -the province was practically depopulated. - -When the Japanese arrived at Yŭng-san they found it empty. They swarmed -over Chak-wŭn Pass like ants and filled the plain beyond. Pak Chin the -prefect of Mi-ryang burned all the provisions and arms and fled to the -mountains. Not so with Sŏ Yi-wŭn the prefect of Kim-hă. He stayed inside -his fortress and defied the invaders. The latter could not effect an -entrance until they went and cut down a large field of barley in the -neighborhood, which they tied in bundles and heaped against the wall -till they were able to scale it. Having done his best and failed the -prefect made good his escape. U Pok-yong, prefect of Yong-gung, as in -duty bound, called in his retainers and started to join the banner of -his chief, Yi Kak, whose whereabouts at that time was rather uncertain -as we have already seen. During a halt for dinner two hundred soldiers -from the town of Ha-yang passed them on their way to join the forces of -the governor. U Pok-yong seems to have had so large an opinion of -himself that he was enraged because these soldiers did not dismount when -they passed him. They were of course ignorant of his rank, but he had -them all seized and executed and sent a note to the governor saying that -he had destroyed a band of two hundred robbers. For this meritorious -service he was elevated to the rank of district-general. - -Meanwhile Gen. Yi Kak, the provincial general, was flying from place to -place in momentary fear of encountering the enemy. His troops were -disgusted at this, for they had made some rude guns that would throw -pebbles and they thought if they could have a fair chance at the -Japanese they could give them a whipping. - -On the seventeenth, four days after the landing of the Japanese, the -startling news reached Seoul. The city was thrown into a sort of panic. -The ministers hastened to the palace to consult about ways and means for -defense. Yi Il was the highest actual field officer in the country. He -was of the third military rank but the two above him were simply the -minister and vice-minister of war and always stayed with the king. Gen. -Yi Il may then be said to have been the General-in-chief of all the -armies of Korea at the time. - -There were three main roads leading up from the south to the capital, -any one of which might be chosen by the Japanese. The most direct of -these was the central one leading over the mountain chain at the -celebrated Cho-ryŭng (Pass). Another to the east crossed the mountains -at Chuk-nyŭng (Pass) and a third to the west led through the center of -Ch’ung-ch’ŭng province. To guard these three approaches the king ordered -Gen. Yi Il to go south by the middle road and station a garrison at -Cho-ryŭng, the most important strategic point in the Japanese line of -march. Gen. Pyŭn Keui was to be stationed in charge of this garrison. -The eastern road was to be guarded by Gen. Yu Keuk-nyang and Pyŭn -Eung-sŏng was made prefect of the important southern town of Kyŏng-ju. -All these men were ordered to start for their respective posts -immediately. At a late hour of that same day came the news of the fall -of Fusan, for someone from the summit of a neighboring hill had seen the -red banners of the Japanese swarming over the walls into the doomed -town. - -These generals who had been ordered to start in such hot haste were -practically without forces. When the military rolls were looked up it -was found that the army was mostly on paper and that a large majority of -the men were either “sick” or were “in mourning.” So the whole force -that Gen. Yi Il could muster amounted to just three hundred men. Even -these could not be mustered at an hour’s notice, and so in order to obey -the king’s command, the unfortunate general had to start off alone, -trusting that this pitiful handful of men would follow him. The sight of -the General-in-chief of the armies of Korea starting out alone to meet -the mighty army of invasion would be comical were it not so pathetic. Of -course the intention was to gather troops as he went, and we shall see -that he did succeed in getting together at least the semblance of an -army. - -The Prime Minister Yu Sŭng-nyong was made Minister of War and charged -with the duty of gathering a competent force to cope with the dreaded -Japanese. Sil Yip was also appointed Vice-minister of War. He seems to -have been specially trusted by the king for the latter gave him a -splendid sword and sent him south with the injunction to kill anyone who -should prove unfaithful, even though it be Gen. Yi Il himself. Here we -see another grievous mistake, in thus giving a man an independent -command over the head of the General-in-chief. It well illustrates a -defect that has brought disaster to many an army—namely the confusing of -authority. As Sil Yip came out from this audience with the king he -slipped on the stone steps and his court hat fell from his head. The -attendants looked upon this with dismay for it was considered an omen of -ill-success. The general went south only eighty li and stopped at -Yong-in. - -Kim Sŭng-il whom we will remember as the man who accompanied the -cowardly envoy Whang Yun-gil to Japan and who had so severely censured -him for his craven conduct, was now made commander of all the forces in -the western part of Kyŭng-sang Province. He started for his post -immediately and in a few days arrived at the important town of Chin-ju, -just as the Japanese were approaching. His escort had become somewhat -scattered, but he was not going to take a backward step even to save his -life. Dismounting he seated himself in the official chair having with -him only a corporal and a dozen soldiers. It was a common custom for the -Japanese to wear hideous masks for the purpose of terrifying the -Koreans. On this occasion, when the van of the Japanese army entered the -town it was led by a burly fellow wearing an extremely large and -extremely ugly mask. The corporal strung his bow and let fly a shaft -which pierced the mask and laid its wearer low. His followers beat a -hasty retreat supposing that no one would be shooting arrows about like -that unless there was a considerable force of soldiers in the immediate -vicinity. We are not told as to the fate of the bold general. In this -part of the province the prefects seem to have been made of better stuff -than those further south, for they sent to each other urging the -necessity of standing at their posts and offering whatever resistance -they could to the advance of the enemy. - -By this time Gen. Yi Il had collected a considerable force, had crossed -the great Cho-ryŭng (Pass) and was stationed at Sŭng-ju, in the very -path of the invading army. It did not take long to measure his calibre, -for no sooner did the rumor of the approach of the Japanese reach him -than he turned and fled up the pass. This was bad enough, but his next -act was little less than traitorous; he made no attempt to block the -pass, even though a mere handful of men could have held it against -thousands. It was his one great opportunity to distinguish himself and -that he did not improve it speaks as poorly for his generalship as it -does for his patriotism. - -Meanwhile an equally reprehensible event was happening in the south. -Governor Kim Su, who had turned aside from meeting the enemy had sent -letters to all the prefects ordering them to have soldiers from all the -districts rendezvous at Tă-gu and await in camp the arrival of generals -from Seoul. The order was obeyed and a large force was congregated at -the appointed place; but day after day passed and no generals came. The -Japanese were sweeping northward and would soon be upon them. Under the -circumstances it should cause little surprise that the camp broke up, -each man returning to his own district. This is but one of many cases -which go to show that in almost every instance the blame rested not on -the soldiers but on the generals and other officers. The soldiers were -always willing to go where the generals would lead them. - -When Gen. Yi Il fled in panic over Cho-ryŭng and left it undefended his -followers naturally objected to remaining under the command of a man who -was not only no commander but was a coward to boot. So at last the -doughty general found himself stranded in the town of Sang-ju without a -soldier at his back. He had hoped to find some troops there under the -command of the prefect, Kwŭn Chong-gil. When he found that there were -none he flew into a rage and was about to decapitate the prefect, but -let him off on condition that he find some troops immediately. This the -poor fellow tried to do, but as the whole population was a farming one -not a man could be found who had ever borne arms or who knew anything -about fighting. Nevertheless, to save his head, he got together some -nine hundred raw recruits. At this juncture a messenger came post haste -from Ka-ryŭng saying that the Japanese were coming and were already -near. Gen. Yi replied: “You lie, this is only a scheme to get me to -leave, so that I will not levy any more troops here. Off with his head.” -So off it came. That very night the Japanese encamped at Chang-ch‘ŭn-li -a few miles away, but Gen. Yi knew nothing about it, as he had no -pickets out. The next morning Japanese scouts were seen on the opposite -bank of the river reconnoitering. The Koreans saw these scouts but as -one man had been beheaded for telling of the approach of the Japanese no -one dared to tell the general, and it was not till he heard the firing -of guns that he became aware of the proximity of the foe. Then he rushed -out and formed up his little garrison as best he could behind the -fortifications. Ere long his attention was called to several columns of -smoke arising from the town. He sent some of his aides to discover the -cause but they fell into the hands of the Japanese and were immediately -cut down. When Gen. Yi learned of this he was genuinely alarmed, and his -anxiety was added to by seeing two long files of Japanese deploying to -right and left and rapidly inclosing him and his forces. There was only -one thing to do. Mounting his steed he fled by the only way that was not -already blocked. Being hotly pursued he abandoned his horse and the -greater part of his clothing and fled into the mountains where he -managed to elude his pursuers. In a day or so he appeared at the town of -Mun-gyŭng where he wrote a letter telling of his defeat and sent it to -Seoul. Hearing that Gen. Sil Yip was at Ch‘ung-ju he hastened to that -point and joined him. - -Gen. Sil Yip had some time since arrived at his post in Ch‘ung-ju and -had prosecuted his work of collecting soldiers with such zeal that he -had mustered a force of some eight thousand men. It was his intention to -push straight for Cho-ryŭng, the key to the whole situation, but when he -heard of the flight and defeat of Gen. Yi Il he fell back to his strong -position in Ch‘ung-ju. One of his lieutenants, Kim Yŭ-mul, expostulated -with him and said, “We cannot cope with them except in such a place as -Cho-ryŭng where the roughness of the land will be of material aid to -us,” but the general replied, “No, they are infantry and we are cavalry. -If we can once get them into the plain we can use our battle-flails on -them with deadly effect.” One of his captains told him that the Japanese -had already crossed the Cho-ryŭng, and that night he left the camp -secretly and went on a long tour of inspection in order to ascertain -whether this was true. When he came back he ordered the instant -execution of the captain. This midnight expedition speaks well for his -courage and his loyalty. - -A few days after the fugitive general, Yi Il, joined the forces of Gen. -Sil Yip, the Japanese forces approached. In order to carry out his pet -scheme of fighting the Japanese in an open plain where his soldiers -could make good use of their battle-flails, Gen. Sil selected a spot -that seemed to him most suitable. It was a great amphitheater made by -high mountains. Along the other side, like the chord of an arc, flowed -the river T‘an-geum da. The only approaches to this plain were two -narrow passages at either end where the mountains came down to the river -bank. In this death trap, then, Gen. Sil drew up his entire command and -awaited the coming of the invaders. It is easy to imagine the glee with -which the Japanese saw this arrangement, for it meant the extermination -of the only army that lay between them and Seoul. Strong detachments -were sent to block the passage at the ends of the plain while the main -body scaled the mountains and came down upon the doomed army as if from -the sky. The spears and swords of the descending legions flashed like -fire while the roar of the musketry made the very earth to tremble. The -result was an almost instantaneous stampede. The Koreans made for the -two narrow exits but found them heavily guarded by the Japanese. They -were now literally between “the devil and the deep blue sea,” for they -had the appalling spectacle of the hideously masked Japanese on the one -hand and the deep waters of the river on the other. The whole army was -driven into the river or mercilessly cut down by the swords of the -Japanese. Gen. Sil Yip himself made a brave stand and killed with his -own hand seventeen of the enemy before he fell. Out of the whole army -only a handful escaped, and among them we are almost sorry to say was -the coward Yi Il who managed to get across the river. - - - - - Chapter VI. - -News of defeat reaches Seoul.... panic.... divided councils.... lack of - troops.... general exodus.... indescribable confusion.... straw - shoes at a premium.... Princes sent away.... the king leaves - Seoul.... Yi Hang-bok attends the Queen.... riotous citizens.... - slaves burn the deeds.... palaces in flames.... royal party - dwindles.... drenching rain.... the king goes without dinner.... - welcome relief.... Japanese approach Seoul.... the race between Kato - and Konishi.... no resistance.... the Han left undefended.... an - empty victory.... Hideyi’s quarters.... the Japanese in Seoul.... - the king orders the Im-jin River guarded.... the king enters - P‘yŭng-yang.... a coward.... the Im-jin guarded.... the Japanese - impetus checked. - - -Meanwhile the city of Seoul was waiting breathless for news of a victory -by Gen. Sil Yip. The terrors of the horde of half-savage soldiers from -the islands of Japan had passed from mouth to mouth and all, from the -king to the humblest coolie, knew that Gen. Sil Yip alone stood between -them and that dreaded host. One morning a naked soldier was seen -approaching the South Gate on a run. He bore the marks of battle and as -he passed under the great arch of the gate a hundred hands were -stretched out to greet him and a hundred voices demanded news of the -battle. He cried, “I am one of the followers of Sil Yip and I come to -tell the city that yesterday he fell at the hand of the Japanese. I have -escaped with my life and I am come to tell you that flight is your only -hope.” The people were fearfully agitated. The evil news spread from -mouth to mouth and a great wailing arose from the multitude that -thronged the streets. - -It was the last day of the fourth moon and that night the king, not -knowing at what moment the enemy might be thundering at his gates, took -up his quarters in a secluded part of the palace, “The Old Palace” as it -is now called, and gathered about him all his courtiers and officers and -held a great council. The only question was, “Where shall we go?” - -Yi San-ha the Minister of War said “The Court should remove to -P‘yŭng-yang,” but Yi Hang-bok, an official who was destined to figure -prominently in the war, said, “It will not be enough to go to -P‘yŭng-yang. We must send and ask aid of China.” On the other hand Kim -Kwi-yŭng and a host of other officials said, “No, the king should stay -right here and defend his capital.” The king himself, after listening to -all that had to be said, agreed with the majority that it would be best -to stay and defend the city. He said, “The ancestral temple with all the -tablets of my illustrious ancestors is here. How can I go and leave -them? Let the Minister of War immediately detail troops to man the -walls.” But it was just here that difficulty arose and it showed clearly -why the Minister of War had counselled flight. The city wall has thirty -thousand battlements and each battlement has three embrasures, but in -the whole city there were only seven thousand troops. This was not a -tenth part the number that would be required to man the walls. This lack -of soldiers was due to the fact that in the long centuries of peace it -had become customary for the government to receive a money equivalent in -place of military service. As a result only the very poorest of the poor -were enrolled in the army, and the service consequently suffered. This -bad custom, while it argues corrupt practices among the officials, does -not prove the absence of courage or faithfulness among the people, and -we shall find that the people were as a rule true to their duty when -they were properly led. - -To add to the difficulty of the situation, on that very night there was -an overwhelming exodus of the people. High and low, rich and poor, young -and old, thronged out of the city by every gate and made for some place -of fancied safety in the country. The very warders of the gates fled and -left them wide open. The great bell at Chong-no remained silent that -night for lack of someone to ring it. Very many took refuge in the -palace enclosure and men and women, horses and cattle and goods of all -kinds were mixed together in indescribable confusion. Wailing and -shouting and crying on all sides added to the confusion. The king could -do nothing to quiet the disturbance, so he sat down in his private -apartments attended by two eunuchs. Meanwhile the lawless element among -the people was trying to make capital out of the confusion, and all -night long the palace was being looted by these vicious characters, -while palace women fled half naked and screaming with terror from room -to room. - -The king’s relatives all gathered at his doors and begged with tears and -imprecations that he would not go and leave them. An order went forth -from the palace that all the straw shoes and sandals that could be found -should be brought in. When the officials saw these they said to the king -“This great pile of straw shoes looks as if flight was being prepared -for. We had better take them and burn them all and then shut the city -gates so that the people cannot escape and leave the place undefended.” -This advice was probably not followed, for by this time the king himself -began to see that flight would be the only possible plan, and it was -probably at his order that the shoes had been prepared. - -Minister Yu Sŭng-nyŭng said, “Let us send the two Princes to the -provinces where they will be safe and let the different governors be -instructed to collect troops and send them on as fast as possible.” This -seemed sound advice and the king’s oldest son, by a concubine, for the -Queen had borne no sons, was sent to the province of Ham-gyŭng, and -Prince Sun-wha went into Kang-wŭn Province. - -When night came the king, who saw that it was useless to attempt to hold -the city, sent to the keeper of the Ancestral Temple and ordered him to -send the ancestral tablets on toward P‘yŭng-yang. All night long the -preparations for departure were pushed and just at day break the king -called for his horse and, mounting, rode out the New Gate attended by -his personal following, a host of the officials and a crowd of terrified -citizens who well knew that his going meant perfect anarchy. The Queen -was aided in making her escape by Yi Hang-bok who under cover of the -darkness led her by the light of a torch to the palace gate. She asked -his name and being told she said, “I have to thank you, and I am sorry -to have put you to this trouble.” It is said that he had all along felt -sure the Japanese would enter Seoul and that he had sat for days in his -house refusing food and drink. At the end of that time he roused himself -and called for food. Having eaten he prepared for a long journey and -then went to the palace. One of his favorite concubines followed him and -asked what they were to do at home, but he did not answer. She plucked -him by the sleeve but he drew his sword and cut the sleeve off leaving -it in her hands. He felt that his first duty was at the palace. We have -seen that he did good work there in looking after the welfare of the -Queen. He secured her a chair at the palace gate and they joined the -royal cavalcade on its way northward. - -As the king and his escort passed through “Peking Pass” day was breaking -in the east and a last look at the city showed it to be on fire in many -places. The populace had thrown off all restraint and had looted the -treasure houses and the store houses. In one of the latter were kept all -the deeds of the government slaves. Each slave was deeded property, the -same as real estate, and the deeds of the government slaves were -deposited in the Chang-yé-wŭn. At that time there was nominally no lower -middle class at all. Society was composed of the upper class and their -retainers. Almost every man in the lower stratum of society was -nominally the slave of some nobleman though in many places it was a -nominal serfdom only. At the same time the master had the right to sell -them at will and they were in duty bound to assume mourning at his -death. It was this class of people, then, that arose and burned the -store-house which contained the deeds and thereby secured liberty. -Another building contained deeds of all private slaves. This too was -made an objective point the moment the restraint of government was taken -off. They also saw the royal granary in flames where the rice, cloth and -money were stored. The king’s private treasure house inside the palace -grounds was also burning. The Kyŭng-bok Palace, the Chang-dŭk Palace and -the Chang-gyŭng Palace were all in flames. It must have been a -depressing sight to the king and his court but there was no time to -waste in mourning over the desolation in Seoul. No one knew at what -moment the enemy might appear over the southern hills; and so the royal -party pressed on toward the north. When they arrived at Sŭk-ta-ri in the -district of Ko-yang it was raining furiously and by the time they -arrived at Pyŭk-je-yŭk the entire party were dripping wet. - -Up to this point the cavalcade had kept together very well but there -were many among them who had not intended to keep on with the royal -party and there were probably many more whose good intentions were so -dampened by the elements that they gave it up. From this point on the -royal escort was much reduced. The king here dismounted, entered a -hostelry and sat down and began to beat upon the ground with his whip -and to weep. As the Ministers gathered around him he said, “What shall -we do in this terrible haste?” Yi Hang-bok answered, “When we get to -Eui-ju, if we find it impossible to stop there we must push on into -China and seek aid from the Emperor.” The king was pleased with this and -said, “That is just what I want to do.” But Yu Sŭng-nyŭng said, “Not so, -for if the king leaves Korean soil the dynasty will be at an end and -Korea will be lost. The soldiers of Ham-gyŭng Province are still to be -heard from and those from Kang-wŭn Province as well; so there is no call -for such talk as this about leaving Korean soil.” He likewise -administered a sharp reproof to Yi Hang-bok who confessed himself to -have been too hasty. - -After a short rest they took the road again, ever goaded on by the dread -of pursuit, and as they passed He-eum-nyŭng the rain came down again in -torrents. The palace women were riding horses that were small and weak -and they could go but slowly. The riders went along with their hands -over their faces, weeping and wailing loudly. By the time they reached -the Im-jin River it was dark, and a more wretched company can hardly be -imagined. The horses were up to their knees in mud and were well-nigh -exhausted. All were nearly famished. It was pitchy dark and the party -had become scattered. The case looked about as hopeless as it well -could; but Yi Hang-bok was a man of tremendous energy, and he realised -the gravity of the situation. So halting the cavalcade he dismounted and -managed after great exertions to collect the entire party once more. It -was so dark that it was impossible to think of crossing the river by -ferry, until someone thought of the happy plan of setting fire to some -of the buildings on the bluff beside the stream. By this baleful light -the sorry and bedraggled multitude somehow effected a crossing and from -that point on the fear of pursuit was greatly lessened. By this time -food and rest had become imperative both for man and beast. Those who -had been accustomed to no greater hardship than lolling on divans in -palaces found a ride of thirty miles in the mud and rain, without rest -or nourishment, a severe test. When the cavalcade came at midnight to -the hostlery of Tong-pa-yŭk in the prefecture of P’a-ju they found that -the prefect Hŭ-jin and the prefect of Chang-dan, Ku Hyo-yŭn, had -provided an excellent supper for the king and the Ministers, but before -these worthies could get settled in the apartments provided for them, -the grooms and coolies and others, rendered desperate by hunger, rushed -into the kitchen to find what had been provided for them, and finding -that they had been forgotten they began to help themselves to the food -that had been prepared for the royal table. An attempt was made to stop -them but they were in no mood to be stopped. The result was that the -king and his Ministers went hungry. His Majesty asked for a cup of wine -but none could be found. He asked for a cup of tea but that too had -disappeared. One of the servants of the party happened to have a cake of -Chinese sugar tucked under his head-band. This he drew out and it was -dissolved in some warm water and formed the repast of the king that -night. - -In the morning when it became time to resume the journey it was found to -the dismay of all that the coolies had decamped and left the royal party -high and dry. But even while they were discussing this sorry plight the -governor of Whang-hă province and the prefect of Sö-heung appeared on -the scene with two hundred soldiers and fifty or sixty horses. They had -come expressly to escort the king northward, and truly they came in the -very nick of time. They had with them a few measures of barley and this -was doled out to the hungry people. As soon as possible a start was made -and at noon they arrived at Cho-hyŭn-ch’an forty li from Sŭng-do where -they found plenty of food, as the governor had ordered it to be -prepared. This was the second day of the fifth moon. That night they -entered the welcome gates of Song-do, which, almost exactly two -centuries before, had witnessed the overthrow of the Koryŭ dynasty. This -was the first time the royal party could really breathe freely, for they -could be easily warned of the approach of the enemy, now that soldiers -were on the lookout. So it was decided that they should rest a day at -this place. - -The king came out and seated himself in the upper story of the South -Gate and all the people gathered before him. He said to them “Now that -this war is upon us, if there is anything that you would say, say on.” -Without hesitation they replied, “This war has been caused by Yi San-han -(one of the Ministers), and by Kim Kong-yang,” (the father of a favorite -concubine). The people were very angry with them. They also said, “You -should recall the Minister Chöng.” This man had been banished because of -factional rivalry. To the latter proposition the king readily assented, -glad probably to find some way to please the populace. - -It was on this day, the third of the fifth moon, that the Japanese -entered Seoul. - -It will be necessary for us to pause here and note the method of the -Japanese approach to the capital. A glance at the map of Korea shows -that there are three great highways leading up from Fusan to Seoul. One -is the main or middle road leading by Yang-san, Mi-ryang, Ch’ŭng-do, -Tă-gu and soon up the valley of the Nak-tong River, over the great -Cho-ryŭng (Pass). The division led by Konishi came up the peninsula at -double-quick by this road. It was before this division that Gen. Yi Il -had fled. A second road is to the east of this, proceeding by way of -Choa-p‘yŭng, Ul-san, Kyöng-ju, Yong-jin, Sil-yăng, Kun-wi, Pi-on and -Mun-gyŭng. Kato led the division which took this road, but his forces -joined those of Konishi below Cho-ryŭng and the two crossed it together. -The forces of both Kato and Konishi were in the battle which witnessed -the massacre of Sil Yip’s forces in the _cul de sac_ which we have -described. After this battle the two rival leaders again separated and -hastened toward Seoul by different routes. Konishi kept on by the main -road by way of Chuk-san, Yong-in, crossing the Han River just below -Han-gang and entering the city by the South Gate. Kato took a more -easterly road and came via Yŭ-ju and Yang-geun crossing the Han seventy -li above, at Yang-jin. But a third division under Kuroda and other -generals had branched off to the west at the very start. They proceeded -by way of Kim-hă and U-do and then, leaving Kyung-sang Province they -crossed over to Chi-re and Kim-san in Chŭl-la Province. Then crossing -the Ch’u-p’ung Pass they entered Ch’ung-ch’ŭng Province and then made -for Seoul by way of Yong-dong, Ch’ung-ju and so up by the main road. - -The reason for the different divisions taking different routes may have -been because of the necessity of obtaining forage, but it was also in -part due to the jealousy which existed between Kato and Konishi, for -each of these men was desirous of getting to Seoul before the other. - -This great triple army met with no real resistance on its way to Seoul. -The country was utterly unprepared for war, the principal lack being in -competent leaders rather than in number of troops. It was the first -quick, sharp stroke on the part of the Japanese which seems to have -paralysed the Koreans. The banners of the great host of the invaders -spread out over a thousand li and at intervals of twenty or thirty li -they built fortifications from which they signalled to each other at -night. The only aggressive move on the part of the Koreans up to this -time was the effort of Captain Wŭn Ho to prevent or at least delay the -passage of the Han by Kato’s forces, at Yang-jin, by destroying all the -boats. But the Japanese were not delayed long by this, for the -neighboring hill-sides furnished them with logs for rafts on which they -soon crossed and hastened on to anticipate the troops of Konishi in the -occupation of Seoul. - -It was on the fourth day of the fifth moon that the eager forces of -Konishi swept down to the banks of the Han River opposite the town of -Han-gaug. This river is a real barrier to an army unprepared with -pontoon or other boats and the Japanese troops might have been held in -check for some considerable time. But the whole make-up of the Japanese -warrior was calculated to inspire terror, and no sooner did this -countless horde show itself on the opposite shore than Gen. Kim -Myŭng-wŭn, who had been put in charge of the river defenses, came to the -conclusion that he would have more than a mere river between himself and -that gruesome array. He therefore threw all his engines of defense into -the Han and fled with all his following to the Im-jin river, the next -natural barrier between the Japanese and the king. At first thought this -flight of Gen. Kim would seem to be an act of pure cowardice, but when -we remember that he had only a few hundred men under him while on the -opposite bank a hundred thousand men were clamoring for a passage -across, we cannot wonder that he found it necessary to retreat. He did -it in proper style by first destroying his military engines lest they -should fall into the hands of the enemy. - -The king before leaving Seoul placed Gen. Yi Yang-wŭn in charge of the -city and its defenses, but when he learned of the flight of Gen. Kim -from the river he rightly judged that the city could not be held by any -such force as was at his command; so he in turn beat a retreat and went -north to the town of Yang-ju. The result was that when the Japanese -succeeded in crossing the river and pushed on to the gates of Seoul they -found only an undefended and half depopulated city of which to take -inglorious possession. It is said that only a few hours elapsed after -the entry of Konishi’s forces before those of Kato hastened in from the -east, disappointed and chagrined to find that they had been beaten in -the race; but they were probably consoled by the fact that long before -the goal had been reached the prize had taken wing. - -Hideyi, the General-in-chief of the Japanese forces, took up his -quarters in the Ancestral Temple from which the tablets of the royal -line had been removed. This was looked upon by the Koreans as an act of -sacrilege and queer tales are told of how during that first night, while -the burning of the city was going on, a Japanese soldier would drop dead -every few minutes without visible cause. It is for this reason, as some -say, that Hideyi removed to the Nam-pyul-gung, known as the place where -Chinese embassies have been lodged, and now the site of the Imperial -Altar. - -Before many days had elapsed the people found out that the coming of the -Japanese did not mean universal slaughter as they had supposed, and -gradually they returned to their homes in the city. They reopened their -shops and so long as they attended to their own affairs they were -unmolested by the Japanese. Indeed they adapted themselves readily to -the new order of things and drove a lucrative trade with the invaders. -The latter were strict in the watch of the city and no one could go out -or come in without showing a passport. When the Japanese had exhausted -the supplies in Seoul they pushed out into the country and laid the -surrounding villages under contribution. Koreans were even found who -would tell them where they could go with the hope of finding booty, and -acted as guides to them. Among the more loyal citizens a plot was gotten -up to assassinate the guard, but it was betrayed to the enemy and the -plotters were seized and burned to death after indescribable tortures. -It is said so many perished in that holocaust that their collected bones -made a huge mound. - -When Gen. Kim Myŭng-wŭn fled from the defenses of the Han and came to -the Im-jin he immediately sent a letter to the king at Song-do telling -him of the arrival of the Japanese, his own retreat and the entry of the -Japanese into Seoul. The king did not censure him, for retreat was the -only way open to him; so a messenger was dispatched ordering him to make -haste and get together as many soldiers of Kyŭng-geui and Whang-hă -Provinces as possible and make a firm stand at the Im-jin River. Gen. -Sin Kil was sent to aid in this work. No sooner were these orders given -than the royal party resumed their journey northward in haste, and at -night they reached the village of Keum-gyo in Keum-ch’ŭn district. Here -the escort of the king bivouacked in the open air. It was discovered -with dismay that the ancestral tablets had been overlooked in the haste -attendant upon the departure from Song-do. So one of the king’s -relatives started back after them and succeeded in bringing the precious -relics on. - -On the seventh of the moon the royal party crossed the Tă-dong River and -entered the gates of P’yŭng-yang. Here there was food and drink in -plenty and all the other luxuries of life. For the first time since the -flight began the king enjoyed a season of real rest. The royal cortège -was escorted into the city by the governor, Song Wŭn-siu, who came out -with three thousand troops and met him on the way. - -Two days later a messenger was seen approaching at a rapid pace. He was -swiftly ferried across the river and hurried into the king’s presence -where he said, “Yi Yang-wŭn, the defender of Seoul has fled, and the -city is in the possession of the enemy.” The king exclaimed, “This is -bad news indeed, we must appoint someone whose work it shall be to -continually attempt to retake the capital.” He thereupon appointed Gen. -Yu Hong to that arduous and dangerous position. He was to go with three -thousand men and do what he could to stop the progress of the Japanese -and if possible regain control of the capital. Gen. Yu received the -appointment with the worst possible grace. After the headlong flight -with all its hardships and privations, to be told that he must go back -with three thousand men and meet what he supposed was a blood-thirsty -horde of savages was too much for his patriotism; so he stayed in his -rooms and sulked. Two days passed and still he did not start. The king -called him up and said, “How is it that you let the time slip by like -this when you ought to be on the way to Seoul with troops?” The mighty -warrior replied, “I fear Your Majesty will have to excuse me from this -duty as I am suffering from a boil on my leg.” One of the courtiers, Yi -Han-guk took him to task saying, “How is it that after receiving such -favors at the hand of the king you shrink from this duty? You are a -coward and are afraid to go. You are like a sulky dancing-girl who -refuses either to dance or sing. You are not only not brave but you are -not even clever. Do you suppose you can impose on His Majesty with any -such story as this about a boil on your leg?” The king was immensely -pleased with this well merited rebuke and laughed long and loud at the -discomfitted general, but finally said, “Well, then, since our doughty -Gen. Yu cannot go let Gen. Han Eung-in go instead.” The next day Gen. -Han started south with 5000 troops picked from the northern border -guard, and in good time he arrived at the banks of the Im-jin River, -midway between Song-do and Seoul. This was the great strategic position -that must be held at any cost. It was the key to the north, the gate-way -to Whang-hă Province and to P‘yŭng-an Province beyond. - -Now that the king and the court were in comparative safety, an attempt -was made to bring together the loose ends of things and make some sort -of headway against the Japanese. Gen. Yi Hang-bok who had so gallantly -escorted the Queen from the palace, the night of the exodus from Seoul -was made Minister of War. A council was called to discuss the demands -made by the people of Song-do in reference to the punishment of certain -officials whom they had accused. The result was that Yi San-ha was -banished to P‘yŭng-ha but the king refused to punish the father of his -favorite concubine. - -We notice that the military prowess of the Japanese, their thorough -equipment and their martial spirit took Korea by surprise. It caused a -universal panic, and for the first few weeks it was impossible to get -the soldiers to stand up and fight the enemy, to say nothing of the -generals. The troops and the generals were mutually suspicious of each -other and neither seemed to have any faith in the courage or loyalty of -the other. But now the time had come when the impetuous sweep of the -Japanese was stopped, for the time being, by their occupation of Seoul. -The fall of the capital was looked upon by the king and the people as a -great calamity, but in reality it was the very thing that saved the king -from the necessity of crossing the border and perhaps it saved Peking -itself. If the Japanese had kept up that impetuous, overwhelming rush -with which they came up from Fusan to Seoul, and, instead of stopping at -the capital, had pushed straight for the Yalu River they would have -swept everything before them and would have been knocking at the gates -of Nanking before the sleepy celestials knew that Hideyoshi dreamed of -paying back in kind the haughty summons of Kublai Khan four hundred -years before. The stop at Seoul gave the Korean forces a breathing space -and an opportunity to get into shape to do better work than they had -done. The people came to see that instead of painted devils, as they had -at first appeared, the Japanese were flesh and blood like themselves and -the terror which their fierce aspect at first inspired gradually wore -off and in-so-far lessened the discrepancy between the two combatants. -On the side of the Japanese there was only one favorable factor, their -tremendous fighting power in battle. There they had it all their own -way. But on the other hand they were in a thickly populated and hostile -country, practically cut off from their base of supplies and dependent -entirely upon forage for their sustenance. Under these circumstances -their position was sure to become worse rather than better and the real -strength of the Koreans was sure to show itself. If a Korean regiment -was swept off in battle there were millions from which to recruit, while -every Japanese who fell caused just so much irreparable injury to the -invading army. We shall see that it was the abandonment of the “double -quick” that eventually drove the Japanese back across the straits. - - - - - Chapter VII. - -Mutual jealousies.... first Korean victory.... successful general - executed.... people disgusted.... another general executed.... - operations in the south.... troops mass in Kong-ju.... unfortunate - engagement.... troops scattered.... naval engagement in the south - under Admiral Yi Sun-sin.... a great Japanese defeat.... Japanese - army cut off from reinforcements.... the tortoise boat.... another - naval victory.... and another.... naval campaign closes.... Admiral - Yi is decorated.... the fall of Yŭng-wŭn Fortress.... Japanese - checked at the Im-jin River.... they seemingly prepare to - retreat.... jealousies among the Koreans.... divided counsels.... - Koreans cross and attack.... defeated.... Korean army retreats.... - the Japanese cross.... Japanese jealousies.... they separate.... the - news of defeat reaches the king.... a trifling Korean victory.... a - great council.... the king decides to go to Ham-heung. - - -The wretched party strife among the Koreans was the cause of their -weakness. No sooner did a capable man arise than he became the target -for the hatred and jealousy of a hundred rivals, and no trickery or -subterfuge was left untried whereby to have him degraded and disgraced. -A particular incident will illustrate this. Gen. Sin Kak had been -associated with Gen. Kim Myŭng-wŭn in the defenses of the Han River, but -when Gen. Kim fled after throwing into the river the engines of defense, -there was nothing to do but fall back. Gen. Sin retreated to a place of -safety but immediately began collecting troops from Kyŭng-geui Province, -and he was also joined by a contingent from Ham-gyŭng Province. While -the Japanese held Seoul, large bands of them scoured the surrounding -country for booty. One of these bands was trying to make its way across -the hills to Ka-p’yŭng and Ch‘un-ch‘un, and had gotten as far as the Kye -Pass in the town of Yang-ju when they found themselves face to face with -the troops of Gen. Sin Kak. A fierce fight took place, in which the -Japanese, who were probably largely outnumbered, were severely defeated, -leaving sixty heads in the hands of the Koreans. This promised to be the -beginning of a series of such little engagements in which the Japanese -army would be gradually weakened without being able to draw the Koreans -into a large general engagement; the more so because the Japanese were -dependent upon forage for their supplies. - -But note the sequel. While all Kyŭng-geui was ringing with the praises -of the successful general and the people were beginning to see that all -was not yet lost, a swift messenger was on his way southward from -P‘yŭng-yang bearing a sword and a letter ordering the instant execution -of the traitor Sin Kak. The alleged reason for this was as follows: When -Gen. Kim fled from the defenses of the Han, in order to cover his -infamy, he wrote a letter to the king accusing Gen. Sin Kak of having -deserted him in his hour of need. Gen. Yu Hong also recognised Gen. Sin -as a powerful rival and so added his prayers to those of Gen. Kim that -the traitor Sin be killed. The king knew no better than to comply with -this request, preferred as it was by two of his leading generals, and -the message of death was sent. But before the day was done came the news -of the defeat of the Japanese by the forces under this same Sin Kak. The -condemned “traitor” had stood up before a Japanese force and had taken -sixty heads. The king was filled with remorse and a swift messenger was -sent to stay the hand of the executioner. He took the road an hour after -the death messenger and arrived at the camp of Gen. Sin Kak an hour -after that loyal man had bowed his head to the axe of his royal master. -Who knows but the feet of the second messenger had been made heavy by -the gold of Sin Kak’s rivals? History is silent as to this but the -suspicion is inevitable. This wanton act was looked upon by the people -with horror and detestation, who saw their first successful champion cut -down in the very hour of his success. - -But another sword, this time of pure justice, was also prepared for Gen. -Yi Kak who had fled from before the Japanese at Tong-nă. He made his -appearance at the Im-jin River, doubtless thinking himself safe from -criticism, but in this he was mistaken, for as he was the one who first -set the example of cowardice, he was arrested and put to death. - -And now as the Japanese are revelling in Seoul and the king is resting -in P‘yŭng-yang and the Korean generals are busy massing troops at the -Im-jin to dispute the passage of the Japanese, let us turn southward and -witness some of the events that are transpiring there, for we must not -think that the provinces of Chŭl-la and Ch‘ung-ch’ŭng are at peace all -this time. - -When the Japanese army separated soon after leaving Tong-nă one army -division under Kuroda swept like a whirlwind westward across the -north-western corner of Chul-la Province and through the entire length -of Ch‘ung-chŭng Province on its way to Seoul. Yi Kwang the governor of -Chŭl-la got together some 8000 men and hastened north to Kong-ju the -capital of Ch‘ung-chŭng Province. Finding there that the king had fled -from Seoul, he gave up all hope of effecting anything and, turning -about, made for the south again. But on the way he was met by Păk -Kwang-ön who upbraided him severely, urging that if the king had fled -northward all the more need of keeping on and offering him whatever -support was possible. The governor humbly confessed that he had been -hasty in his action, and turned about and went back to Kong-ju where he -joined the forces of the governors of Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng and Kyŭng-sang -Provinces who had arrived at that place. There were also Gen. Yi Ok, the -military governor of Ch‘ung-ch’ŭng, and Gen. Kwak Yŭng, the military -governor of Chŭl-la. Each of the provinces had both a civil and a -military governor. These three civil and two military governors met, -then, in Kong-ju and joined forces. It is commonly reported that they -had between them 100,000 men, but probably about half that figure would -be nearer the truth. They formed a gallant array with their flaunting -banners, and the people of the adjoining districts caught up arms and -came and joined what seemed to them an invincible host. A Japanese force -was found to be intrenched on Puk-du-mun Mountain and Governor Yi Kwang -was for making an immediate attack, but one of his aides said, “We are -now so near Seoul there is no use in turning aside to attack so small a -force. We had better push on to the defense of the Im-jin River.” Păk -Kwang-ön who had upbraided the governor for retiring also said, “The -road is very narrow which leads up to this position of the Japanese and -the woods are very dense. We had better be cautious.” Being opposed thus -the second time was more than his temper could endure, so the governor -ordered Păk bound and whipped. The latter thinking that it was an -imputation on his bravery, after receiving a severe beating, seized his -weapons and rushed headlong up the slope and attacked the Japanese. Many -followed and the engagement became general. From morning till noon it -continued but the Japanese could not be driven out of their strong -position in the woods. The Koreans began to lose in the battle and -finally the Japanese, creeping down toward the Koreans in the underbrush -and grass, suddenly rushed out upon them and cut them down by scores. -Păk and several other notable men fell in the fight, but the main body -of the Korean troops under Governor Yi Kwang moved on to Kwang-gyo -Mountain near the town of Su-wŭn, only eighty li from Seoul. Expecting -that the day would be a busy one, Governor Yi had his soldiers fed very -early in the morning and when day broke, sure enough, there was the -Japanese force ready to engage him, and every few moments one or other -of the Japanese braves would rush out from the lines, brandish his -weapons and challenge the Koreans to come out and fight. So Gen. Sin Ik -of the province of Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng advanced with his force and engaged the -enemy. In a few moments the superiority of the Japanese arms became -evident. The panic-stricken Koreans fled before them like sheep before -wolves. After an hour’s time this considerable army which was to have -succored the king was thoroughly scattered, but it is probable that many -of the soldiers figured later in the defense of the Im-jin River. - -At the same time events were happening further south which were far more -creditable to the Korean arms and which were the forerunner of the final -expulsion of the Japanese from the peninsula. - -A fleet of Japanese boats, bringing as is supposed the reserve of 60,000 -men, arrived off the island of Ka-dok on the coast of Kyŭng-sang -Province. At that time Admiral Wŭn Kyun had charge of all matters along -the coast of that province. When he saw this vast fleet of ships his -heart sank and without more ado he prepared to scuttle his ships and -flee by land, but fortunately there was good advice at hand, for one of -his staff said, “Do not abandon all hope at once but send and ask Yi -Sun-sin the Admiral of Chŭl-la to come and aid you.” A swift messenger -was sent and the missive was placed in the hands of Admiral Yi. One of -his staff said “No, let him guard his own coast and we will look after -ours. Why should we go and help him?” But Admiral Yi said, “Is not -Kyŭng-sang Province as much the country of our king as Chŭl-la? How can -we refuse to go to his aid?” So eighty boats were gotten ready in haste -and sailed away co the island of Han-san where the two admirals met and -joined forces. The whole fleet sailed out of harbor together and made -for the island of Ok-po where the hostile fleet was moored. As soon as -the enemy hove in sight Admiral Yi Sun-sin made directly for them and -soon was grappling them. The Koreans had the advantage of the wind at -their backs for they shot fire arrows among the boats of the Japanese -and soon had twenty-six of them in flames. It is said the sea was -covered with the wreckage and with struggling human forms. So the -remaining ships of the enemy turned about and crowded on all sail in -flight, but Admiral Yi gave chase and cut down many more and scattered -the rest so that the expedition was an entire failure. This was the -first of this great admiral’s successes and it illustrates the fact that -the Korean warrior was not a coward when well led. The Japanese armies -in Korea were thus cut off from their source of supply and reinforcement -and thus a tremendous blow was dealt them. This victory may be said to -have been the decisive point in the war. - -It is probable that the soldiers in the Japanese army had been -accustomed to short though sanguinary campaigns and had spent the -intervals of leisure at home. But now this vast army was quite cut off -from their home and were among strange scenes. It cannot be wondered at -therefore that after time discontent arose in spite of all successes, a -discontent which, combined with other causes, finally drove them back to -Japan. - -Tradition says that about this time Admiral Yi had a dream in which a -robed man appeared and cried, “The Japanese are coming.” He arose, -assembled his fleet and sailed forth as far as the town of No-ryang -where he found a large fleet of the enemy. He used the same tactics as -before, burning twelve of them and chasing the rest away. The main -reason for his unparalleled successes on the sea was the possession of a -peculiar war vessel of his own invention and construction. It was called -the Kwi-sŭn or “Tortoise Boat,” from its resemblance to that animal. -There is no doubt that the tortoise furnished the model for the boat. -Its greatest peculiarity was a curved deck of iron plates like the back -of a tortoise, which completely sheltered the fighters and rowers -beneath. In front was a hideous crested head, erect, with wide open -mouth through which arrows and other missiles could be discharged. There -was another opening in the rear and six on either side for the same -purpose. On top of the curved deck there was a narrow walk from stem to -stern and another across the middle from side to side, but every other -part of the back bristled with iron pikes so that an enemy who should -endeavor to board her would find himself immediately impaled upon a -score of spear-heads. This deck, being of iron, rendered the ship -impervious to fire arrows and so the occupants could go into action with -as much security as one of our modern battle ships could go into -engagement with the wooden war vessels of a century ago. In addition to -this, she was built for speed and could easily overtake anything afloat. -This made her doubly formidable, for even flight could net avail the -enemy. She usually did more execution after the flight commenced than -before, for she could overtake and ram them one by one, probably better -than she could handle them when drawn up in line of battle. It is said -that the ribs of this remarkable ship lie in the sand today in the -village of Ko-sŭng on the coast of Kyŭng-sang Province. They are -believed to have been seen there by Lieut. Geo. C. Foulk, U. S. N., in -1884. The people of the town have an annual festival, when they launch a -fleet of boats and sail about the harbor in honor of the great Yi -Sun-sin and his “Tortoise Boat.” - -[Illustration: _THE TOMB OF ADMIRAL YI SUN-SIN._] - -In the engagement last described the Japanese in their flight were so -terrified by this craft, which pursued them and sank them one by one, -that they stamped their feet and cried out that it was more than of -human workmanship. And indeed it was almost more than the human of that -century, for it anticipated by nearly three hundred years the iron-clad -war ship. In this battle Admiral Yi was wounded in the shoulder but made -no sign. He urged on his men to the very last and finally when they drew -off, weary of slaughter, he bared his shoulder and ordered the bullet to -be cut out. - -Having thus brilliantly begun, and perhaps fearing lest, if he should -delay, some jealous rival might induce the king to take off his head, he -pushed straight on to Tang-hang Harbor where he encountered another -fleet, among which was an immense three-decked ship, on which sat the -admiral of the fleet, clad in silk and wearing a golden head-piece. The -intrepid Yi made straight for this craft with his tortoise boat and when -near it called to one of his best marksmen to let fly a shaft at the man -in silks. The arrow flew straight to its mark and pierced the man’s -throat. Seeing the fall of their chief, the whole fleet showed their -rudders and made off as fast as they could go, but with the usual -result. The next day saw Admiral Yi in Pyŭk-hang Harbor where he lay at -anchor while he sent out ships to reconnoitre and find out the position -of the enemy. If anything was seen of the foe, guns were to be fired as -a signal. Ere long the signal shot was heard far out at sea. The fleet -put out in two long divergent lines “like a fish-trap,” as the Koreans -say, and soon on the horizon twenty-six hulls appeared rising and -sinking on the swell. As they neared they entered the two lines of the -Korean fleet and were surrounded. As the result of this fight every one -of the Japanese boats was burned and two hundred heads were taken as -trophies. This remarkable naval campaign closed with the destruction of -a few remaining Japanese boats that were overtaken near Yong-deung -Harbor. - -The reputation of Admiral Yi Sun-sin spread over the whole south and his -praises were on every lip. His followers would go anywhere with him and -scarcely seemed to know what fear was. Soon the report of these splendid -victories came to the ears of the king, and though Admiral Yi was not -without detractors at court the king conferred upon him a lofty title. - -In the fifth moon the Japanese resumed active operations in the north -and east. A powerful force were sent to the province of Kang-wŭn which -was straightway overrun. The governor, Kim Che-gap, hastily collected -all the soldiers that could be found, together with arms and ammunition, -and went to the almost impregnable fortress of Yŭng-wŭn. The natural -defenses of this place were unexcelled by any in Korea. On three sides -the approach was almost precipitous and a handful of men could hold an -army at bay. Here the governor collected provisions in abundance and dug -a well. Stones were piled on the top of the wall to be thrown down upon -anyone who should attempt to scale the height. The Japanese recognised -the strength of the position and tried to get the governor to surrender -without a struggle. A letter was sent up the steep slope and handed over -the wall. It said “You are doomed. Even if you hold out for two months -you will then be taken. You must come out and surrender at once.” The -only answer was the headless trunk of the Japanese messenger, rolled -down the precipice before the eyes of the invading army. The next day -the assault began. The besiegers swarmed up the sides of the slope, so -that, to use the Korean figure, the mountain-side was clothed with them. -The garrison though only 5000 strong found no difficulty in driving them -back. That night the Koreans, wearied by the labors of the day and -deeming it impossible that the Japanese should try to attack at night up -those steep slopes, failed to set a guard; and in the early morning, -before light, a little band of the enemy worked its way up the face of -the precipice until they reached the base of the wall. A few stones were -displaced until a small aperture was made and the little band effected -an entrance. They rushed into the camp with a terrific yell cutting down -the half-awakened and wholly terrified garrison. The gates were thrown -open and in an hour the victory was complete. Gov. Kim Che-gap refused -to do obeisance and was cut down. - -And now all eyes were turned toward the Im-jin River where the king and -the people fondly hoped to be able to stop the invading host. Troops had -been coming continually and massing on the northern bank of the stream -at the point where the main road from Seoul to P‘yŭng-yang crosses it by -ferry. Its great strategic importance was due to the fact that it was -the only good place for a large force to cross. The troops massed here -were nominally under the command of Gen. Kim Myŭng-wŭn who had so -promptly deserted the defenses of the Han, upon the arrival of the -Japanese. The Koreans had everything in their favor. The southern bank -where the Japanese must embark is a high bluff pierced only by a narrow -gully which would allow of only a few hundred approaching the immediate -brink of the water at once and consequently the army would have to cross -little by little. The opposite bank, on the other hand, is a long flat -stretch of sand, an ideal place for drawing up a defensive force, and -every boat-load of the enemy would be the mark for a thousand arrows. - -The Korean forces were numerous enough, they were brave enough and their -leaders were individually capable enough; but note the sequel. All the -boats had been brought over to the Korean side and so, when the Japanese -arrived on the southern bank and looked down the high bluff upon the -assembled hosts of the Koreans and marked the difficulty of embarkation, -the swiftness of the current and the utter absence of boats or craft of -any kind, they found themselves for the first time completely checked. -An hour’s resistance was all they had ever met before, but here was -evidently a serious obstacle. - -For ten long days these great armies sat facing each other across the -waters of the Im-jin. They were ten days of exultation for the Koreans -and every day that passed raised the courage, or rather the -self-confidence, of the Koreans, who forgot that it was nature and not -they who held the foe in check. They did not dream for an instant that -the Japanese were about to make them the instruments of their own -destruction. When the eleventh morning broke something was seen to be -going on among the Japanese, a great running about and the carrying of -bundles from place to place. In a short time the reason became apparent. -The Japanese had given up further advance and were preparing to retreat -toward Seoul. Smoke and flame showed that they were burning their camp -and soon the whole force was seen to be on the move back toward the -south. To imagine the revulsion of feeling in the minds of the Koreans -we should have to realize the deep humiliation to which they had been -subjected, the heaps of slain they had seen, the losses in property, in -homes, in relatives, in friends which they had sustained at the hands of -the ruthless invaders. Instead of being pursued they were to pursue. -They would dog the footsteps of the retreating army, cut off the -stragglers, worry the life out of the “dwarfs,” as they called the -Japanese, and finally give them a farewell kick as they left the port of -Fusan on their ignominious homeward flight. Such must have been the -common thought and purpose of the Koreans, and the thirst for revenge -was simply unbearable. And here again comes to the front the fatal -weakness of the Koreans. We have before remarked that the rise of the -political parties lay at the bottom of the failure of the Korean arms -against the Japanese. It has already been illustrated in the case of -Gen. Sin Kak who was executed through jealousy on the very day of his -great victory. Here again it is to become apparent. While Gen. Kim -Myŭng-sŭn was nominally in charge of the defenses of the Im-jin he was -far from being in full command of the troops massed there. A number of -other generals were there and each held his own troops in hand and each -wished to distinguish himself and so step over the heads of the rest -into the good graces of the king. This would mean preferment and wealth. -There was absolutely no supreme command, there was no common plan, there -was nothing but mutual jealousy and suspicion. A young general, Sin -Kil-i, who knew nothing of war, was sure that the enemy had decamped, -and he wanted to cross immediately in pursuit. But this was so -manifestly absurd that even the common soldiers cried out, “You had -better examine carefully and see whether the enemy has actually gone.” -For answer the young general had a few heads struck off, which shows he -was something of a disciplinarian if nothing more. Then Gen. Yu -Keuk-yang expostulated with the young man, warning him that it was -surely a trick to lure them across, but the young fellow drew his sword -and made a lunge at the old general and charged him with cowardice. This -no one could endure, so the aged general said, “Coward, am I? Well I -speak only for the good of my king; but I will be the first to cross and -fall into this trap, and when you see me fall you will know that my -advice was sound.” So calling his soldiers he ordered them into the -boats and, throwing all caution to the winds and forgetting the best -interests of his king for a petty vindication of his own bravery, he -dashed across the river and up the heights. The young Sin Kil-i could do -no less than follow, and when he had gained the heights beyond he found -the words of the aged general true. A short distance away a half dozen -naked Japanese were dancing on the border of a wood, but when the -Koreans rushed at them a countless multitude of Japanese who had lain -concealed in the wood poured out, and in an instant the Koreans were -surrounded. The aged general having thus proved his claim to bravery, or -rather foolhardiness, sat down and said, “Now has come the time for me -to die.” And die he did. It was only of himself that he thought, and it -was this all-pervading selfishness, bred of party strife, that -neutralised every good quality in the Korean army. It was not because -they were not brave nor because luxury had sapped the vitality of the -noble classes but it was because no one would work with anyone else. It -was because they saw in war nothing but the chance of personal -advancement. And so each one deplored the successes and rejoiced in the -failures of every other. - -When the old general fell, the Koreans found themselves again, as in the -battle in which Gen. Sin Yip fell, between the Japanese and the river. -Back they rushed only to find that some of the boats had drifted away -and others, being overcrowded, had sunk. Hundreds were driven into the -water while others, preferring a soldier’s death, presented their necks -to the swords of the Japanese. - -But even yet all was not lost. A little wisdom and care might still have -left the day unwon by the Japanese. They had a few boats, to be sure, -but not enough to be of any use in the face of the still large Korean -force on the opposite bank. But here occurred the greatest mistake of -all. The generals on the northern bank, witnessing the terrible -slaughter of their confreres, and not stopping to reckon the chances -still remaining of successful defense, mounted their horses and gave -themselves to flight. This was not only cowardice. It was -thoughtlessness, carelessness in large part, and if there had been one -man in command of the whole defensive force who could witness the loss -of a large fraction of his force without losing his head, the Japanese -would still have been as far from the northern bank as ever. The moment -the soldiers saw the flight of their generals they raised a derisive -shout, “The generals are running away,” and forthwith they followed the -example, as they had a perfect right to do. - -The Japanese leaders seeing the defenses of the river broken up by their -successful strategem, immediately crossed with their entire force which -Korean accounts reckon at about a quarter of a million. The Korean -accounts tell us but little about the rivalry of the two Japanese -leaders, Kato and Konishi, but among the Japanese it was notorious. It -was impossible for them to march together for any length of time. It was -this rivalry which had made them take different roads to Seoul and it -was now necessary for them to part again. This jealousy was another of -the potent causes of the final failure of the Japanese. Had these two -men worked together they could have marched straight on to the walls of -Nanking without meeting an enemy worthy of their steel. As it was they -separated and scattered over the country, dissipating their power and -thus frustrating the design of Hideyoshi—the conquest of China. They -cast lots as to their routes and fortune favored the younger man, -Konishi, who drew as his lot the straight path north where glory lay if -anywhere. Kato had to be content with a dash into the province of -Ham-gyŭng in the northeast. Another general, Kuroda, led a force into -the western part of Whang-hă Province. All this took place in the fifth -moon. - -The king was resting secure in P‘yŭng-yang, trusting in the defense of -the Im-jin River, when a messenger rushed in breathless, announcing that -the Im-jin had been deserted and that the invaders were coming north by -leaps and bounds. The town was thrown into a panic of fright and, as the -Koreans truly put it, “No man had any color in his face.” Gen. Yi Il -came hurrying in from the seat of war disguised as a coolie and wearing -rough straw shoes. The king put him in command of the forces guarding -the fords of the Ta-dong River which flows by the walls of P‘yŭng-yang. - -We must note in passing a trifling success on the part of Captain Wŭn-ho -who had been in charge of the ferry across the Han at Yö-ju. He had been -called away into Kang-wŭn Province but returned just in time to form an -ambush at Yö-ju and spring out upon a company of Japanese whom he -routed, securing some fifty heads. The Koreans say that from that time -the Japanese avoided the Yö-ju ferry. - - - - - Chapter VIII. - -A great council.... the king decides to move to Ham-heung.... the news - in China.... the king finds difficulty in leaving P‘yŭng-yang.... a - parley in the channel of the Ta-dong.... the king leaves the - city.... the Koreans reveal the position of the ford.... the - Japanese enter P‘yŭng-yang.... the Crown Prince goes to Kang-wŭn - Province.... the king pushes north.... Koreans in despair.... the - indefatigable Yu Sŭng-nyong.... Song Ta-ŭp brings the queen to the - king.... Kato pushes into Ham-gyŭng Province.... fight at the - granaries.... Korean reverses.... a Korean betrays the two - Princes.... a traitor punished.... brave defenders of Yŭn-an.... the - king goes to Eui-ju.... conclave in the south.... “General of the - Red Robe”.... his prowess.... he retires.... disaster at Köm-san.... - a long chase.... Japanese defeated at Keum-nyŭng. - - -On the second day of the sixth moon the king called a great council to -discuss the advisability of his staying longer in P‘yŭng-yang or of -moving further north. One said, “If someone is left to guard this city -it will be well for the king to move north,” but another said, -“P‘yŭng-yang is a natural fortress. We have 10,000 soldiers and plenty -of provisions. If the king goes a step from here it will mean the -destruction of the dynasty.” Another voice urged a different course; “We -have now lost half the kingdom. Only this province and that of Ham-gyŭng -remain to us. In the latter there are soldiers and provisions in -abundance and the king had better find there a retreat.” All applauded -this advice excepting Yun Tu-su who said, “No, this will not do. The -Japanese will surely visit that province too. Ham-heung is not nearly so -easy of defense as P‘yŭng-yang. If the king is to leave this place there -are just three courses open to him. First, he can retire to Yung-byŭn in -this province and call about him the border guard. If he cannot hold -that place he can go to Eui-ju on the border and ask speedy help from -China. If necessary he can go up the Yalu to Kang-gye, still on Korean -soil. And if worse comes to worst he can cross into Chinese territory -and find asylum at Kwan-jun-bo although it is sure that he could hold -out for a few months at Kang-gye before this would be necessary. I know -all about Ham-heung. Its walls are of great extent but they are not high -and it is open to attack from every side. Besides if he retreats -northward from that place he will find nothing but savage tribes. Here -he must stay.” But all cried out as with one voice that the king must go -to Ham-heung. Gen. Yi Hang-bok insisted upon the necessity of going -north to the Yalu and imploring aid from China even if it became -necessary for the king to find asylum on Chinese soil. But in spite of -all this advice the king on the sixth of the month sent the queen on -toward Ham-heung and gave orders to Yun To-su to hold P‘yŭng-yang -against the Japanese. His Majesty came out and seated himself in the -Ta-dong summerhouse and addressed the people saying, “I am about to -start for Ham-heung but I shall leave the Crown Prince here and you must -all aid him loyally.” At this the people raised a great outcry. It -looked as if they would all follow the king from the city. They did not -want the Prince to stay, they wanted the king. - -By this time the rumors of these things had gone ahead into Liao-tung. - -The form which the news assumed across the border was that the king had -fled north to P‘yŭng-yang, but that it was only a blind, as the Japanese -and Koreans had formed an agreement to invade China together and the -king had made a pretense of flight so as to keep the Chinese -unsuspecting until the Japanese should reach the Yalu. This report -caused a great deal of anxiety in the Chinese capital and the Emperor -sent Gen. In Se-dŭk, who was stationed in Liao-tung, to investigate. He -immediately set out for P‘yŭng-yang, and on his arrival sought an -audience with the king. It was granted, and the general, having learned -the exact state of affairs, started post haste back toward Nanking to -report to the Emperor. - -On the eighth day of the sixth moon the van of the Japanese army arrived -on the southern bank of the Ta-dong River opposite P‘yŭng-yang, but -there were no boats and no way of crossing; so they went into camp to -await the arrival of the main body of the army. No Chik was ordered by -the king to take the Ancestral tablets and start north. The people were -enraged at this, for they thought it would mean the immediate pillage of -the city by the Japanese, and consequent hardships and dangers for -themselves. So the crowd armed itself with clubs and stones and as the -tablets were being carried out of the gate they struck the bearers down -and loudly insulted No Chik, who was in charge. They cried “In times of -peace you are ready enough to steal the government revenues, and it is -for this reason that all these troubles have arisen. You call upon us to -protect the city and then you run away yourself when danger approaches.” -Lashing themselves into a fury by their own words, they threw off their -clothes and prepared to strike down every man who should try to escape -from the city. Meanwhile the old people and children besieged the palace -with their prayers, saying, “We are all here to protect the city, and if -the king leaves it will be the same as handing us over to slaughter.” In -the eagerness of their importunity they even pressed into the outer -court yard and were stopped only by the statement that the king was not -about to leave. Yu Sŭng-nyong came out and sat before the crowd and -addressing an old man said, “You say that you desire to protect the city -and the king’s person and you say well, but how is it that you so far -forget your duty as to come in this bold manner into the king’s -apartments and raise this disturbance?” The people, partly because it -seemed evident the king was not about to leave, returned to their homes. - -That night the Japanese caught a Korean and sent him across the river -with a letter to the king, in which they said “We wish to meet Yi -Tŭk-hyŭng and have a parley with him.” This seemed to be a proper thing -to do, so Yi entered a small boat and was sculled out to the middle of -the river where he met Konishi. Without wasting any words in mere -formalities the latter said, “The cause of all this trouble is that -Korea would not give a safe conduct to our envoys to Nanking, but if you -will now give us an open road into China all the trouble for you will be -at an end.” To this Yi replied, “If you will send this army back to -Japan we can confer about the matter, but we will listen to nothing so -long as you are on Korean soil.” Konishi continued, “We have no desire -to harm you. We have wished such a conference as this before, but have -not had a single opportunity until today.” But the only answer the -Korean made was, “Turn about and take your troops back to Japan.” The -Japanese general thereupon lost his temper and cried, “Our soldiers -always go ahead, and they know nothing about going backwards.” And so -the conference was broken up, each returning to his own side of the -stream. - -The next day the king succeeded in getting away from the city and made -his way towards Yŭng-byŭn, generals Yun Tu-su, Kim Myŭng-wŭn and Yi -Wŭn-ik being left to guard the city and oppose the passage of the enemy. -The Japanese camped beside the Ta-dong and waited, as they had waited -beside the Im-jin, “for something to turn up.” They did not have to wait -as long as they did beside the Im-jin. The Korean generals, Kim -Myŭng-wŭn and Yun Tu-su were not without courage and skill, and they -conceived the scheme of crossing the river at night at the fords of -Neung-na-do a little above the city and falling upon the enemy with a -picked body of troops. It would be difficult to disprove that in the -face of such odds and such a vast disparity in equipment this plan -showed the highest courage not only in the generals but in the common -soldiers. The fact that the attempt failed and failed disastrously may -reflect upon the judgment of the leaders but it can never impeach their -bravery. The fording of the river, always a difficult and slow operation -at night, consumed more time than had been anticipated and by the time -the devoted men reached the Japanese outposts it was already dawn. They -were now in a desperate situation. There was nothing to do but to -retreat, but the retreat was itself a cause of disaster, for it revealed -to the foe the position of the fords; and thus it happened that a -miscalculation as to time made the Koreans the instrument of their own -destruction, even as they had been at the Im-jin. - -The Japanese now knew that they had everything their own way. After a -hearty breakfast they shouldered their arms and made for the ford. They -swarmed across in such crowds that the defenders were driven back before -they had shot a dozen arrows. The two Korean generals, making a virtue -of necessity, opened the Ta-dong Gate on the river side of the town and -told the people to escape for their lives. The soldiers threw all their -heavier arms into the pond called P‘ung-wŭl-su and fled by way of the -Po-dong Gate. The Japanese did not pursue, but took quiet possession of -the town and settled down. Here again they made a grand mistake. Their -only hope lay in pushing on at full speed into China, for even now the -force that was to crush them was being collected, and every day of delay -was lessening their chances of success. - -The king was at Pak-ch‘ŭn when the news of the fall of P‘yŭng-yang -reached him, and he was in feverish haste to get on to Eui-ju, saying -that if worst came to worst he would cross into Chinese territory. But -he added, “As I am told that by leaving Korean soil I shall abdicate my -royal right I wish the Crown Prince, in care of Gen. Ch‘oe Heung-wŭn, to -go to Yi-ch‘ŭn in Kang-wŭn Province and there gather about him an army -and hold the fortress as long as he can.” This order was immediately -carried out and the Prince started for Kang-wŭn Province, while the king -pushed on northward to Ka-san. He arrived at that place in the middle of -the night. It was pitchy dark and there were no lights and the rain was -falling in torrents. The royal escort had dwindled to less than twenty -men. Here the report was received that a Chinese force was to cross the -Ya-lu, and so the king stopped at Ka-san waiting their approach. Yu -Sŭng-nyong was hurrying from town to town trying to get together -provisions for the Chinese army that was coming to Korea’s aid, but as -fast as he got them together the people rose in revolt and stole them -all. Some days passed and still the expected army did not appear, so Yi -Tŭk-hyŭng was despatched as envoy to China to solicit aid from the -Emperor, and His Majesty called together his little court and said, “If -necessary I shall cross the Ya-lu and find asylum on Chinese soil. If -so, which of you will go with me?” For some moments there was a dead -silence and then Yi Hang-bok, the same who had aided the Queen in her -flight from the palace, spoke up and said, “I will go with you.” The -truth of the matter is that when the king left P‘yŭng-yang the courtiers -all gave up the kingdom for lost and were ready to desert the king the -moment there was a more favorable opening. - -With tremendous toil Yu Sŭng-nyong succeeded in getting some provisions -together and transported them all to Chöng-ju, but when he arrived at -that place he found a crowd of people assembled in front of the royal -granary armed with clubs. He charged the mob and scattered it, caught -eight of the leaders and beheaded them on the spot. He then went to -Kwak-san and secured further supplies, and also at Kwi sŭng, and held -them in readiness for the Chinese army when it should appear. - -We will remember that the king had fully determined to go across into -Ham-gyŭng Province, but at the last moment he had been dissuaded because -of the difficulties that might arise if he were compelled to retreat -further still. Being now urged to go on to Eui-ju he replied, “Yes, I -must do so, but what about the queen whom I sent forward into Ham-gyŭng -Province?” The brave Prefect of Un-san made answer, “I will go and bring -her to Your Majesty.” So he set out across the country to find the -queen, and all the records tell us is that he brought her faithfully to -him at Pak-ch‘ŭn. This short mention does this brave man scant justice, -for even in these days a journey across the northern part of the -peninsula is an arduous undertaking especially in summer. But not only -so; he was to find a queen, beset perhaps by enemies, and bring her -safely across that wilderness to the king, who by that time might be far -across the Chinese border, while the country behind him swarmed with a -half-savage enemy. This prefect, whose name is Song Ta-ŭp, must have -been a brave, energetic, tactful man whose will was as strong as his -patriotism was deep. - -The Japanese were now settled in P‘yŭng-yang and as they were destined -to remain there some time it may be well for us to leave them there and -follow the fortunes of Kato, who, as we will remember, had branched off -eastward into Ham-gyŭng Province after casting lots. He pushed on -rapidly across the country toward Wŭn-sin, but as he was not on one of -the main thoroughfares of the country he found it difficult to keep to -the road; so he captured a Korean and forced him to act as guide. -Arriving at the town of Kok-san in the eastern part of Whang-hă Province -they crossed the mountains by the No-ri-hyŭn Pass and pushed on until -they struck the Seoul-Wünsan road not far from the latter place. - -Gen. Han Keuk-sŭng was in charge of the government forces in Ham-gyŭng -Province. He advanced immediately to engage the Japanese, and a fierce -fight took place at the government storehouses at Ha-jong. At first the -Japanese had decidedly the worst of it but at last they retired to the -shelter of the granaries and barricaded themselves behind bags of rice -from which position they poured a destructive fire upon the Korean -troops who were drawn up four deep, and who therefore suffered the more -severely. Not being able to dislodge the enemy the Koreans decided to -withdraw and fortify the passes both in front and behind the Japanese, -supposing that in this way they would be entrapped. The Japanese learned -of this and when night came they knew they must make a bold strike for -liberty. So they scaled the mountains in the darkness and succeeded in -completely surrounding the defenders of one of the passes. When morning -came there was a heavy fog and the Koreans were utterly unsuspicious of -danger. Suddenly the surrounding party of Japanese opened fire on them -and it took but a few moments to have them on the run. It came on to -rain and the roads were heavy with mud. The Koreans who were entirely -unused to such a prolonged strain, fell exhausted along the way and were -butchered by the pursuing enemy. Gen. Han made his escape to Kyŭng-săng -but was there captured by the Japanese. The governor of the province, to -the disgust of the people, fled and hid among the hills, but the -populace arose and dragged him out and forced him to resume his duties. -Gen. Yi Hon also fled northward toward Kap-san, and the people -consequently seized him and took off his head. It was hard work for -generals in that province, for they had the Japanese on the one hand and -the people on the other. The people of the north are made of sterner -stuff than those of the south and the punishment they meted out to these -cravens is a good indication of their quality. - -While these events were happening the two princes who had taken refuge -in this province fled northward and stopped not till they reached the -border town of Whe-ryŭng on the Tu-man River. As it proved, this was the -worst thing they could have done, for the _ajun_ or constable of that -district was either in the pay of the Japanese or was so terrified by -their approach that he was willing to go to any extreme to gain their -favor. So he seized the two young princes and carried them to the -Japanese camp. The latter received them gladly, unbound them, placed -them in their midst and carried them wherever they went. They were a -prize worth watching. To the traitor, Kuk Kyŭng-in, who had betrayed the -two princes, they gave a position equivalent to the governorship of the -province, and he was formally installed in that office. But justice soon -overtook him. A loyal general, Chöng Mun-bu, in the northern part of the -province, arranged a plan to effect the capture of the traitor. But in -some way the news got out and the pseudo-governor sent and seized Gen. -Chöng, intending to take his head off the next morning; but during the -night another loyal man named Sin Se-jun, gathered a band of men, armed -them as best he could and addressed them thus: “Our district has become -disloyal through the treachery of this villain. If we do not hasten to -make it right we will all have to suffer for it in the end. If you do -not agree with me, take your swords and strike me down.” They answered -as one man, “We will listen to you and obey you.” They immediately -sallied out, broke into the governor’s house and beat him to death. The -Japanese knew that it was Gen. Chöng who had originated the plot and -they searched for him everywhere, but he hid in private houses in -different places and so they failed to apprehend him. - -Chi Tal-wŭn of Kyŭng-sang gathered a band of men and tried to make head -against the Japanese but not being a soldier he could make but little -impression; so Gen. Chöng was hunted up and put in command. There were -only two hundred soldiers in all, but soon they were joined by the -prefects of Chöng-sŭng and Kyŭng-wŭn and their contingents, and the -little army made its headquarters at Kyŭng-sŭng. - -As the Japanese were overrunning the country, many events of interest -happened, many episodes that history will probably never record, scenes -of cruelty and rapine that are perhaps better left undiscovered; but a -few of the more important of these events are necessary to a correct -understanding of the way in which the Koreans met their fate at the -hands of the invaders. - -When the Koreans fled from Seoul a high official by the name of Yi -Chong-ŭm fled to the walled town of Yŭn-an in Whang-hă Province. Its -prefect had fled, and when a Japanese force of 3000 men under Nagamasa -approached, the people besought this Yi to take charge of the defense of -the town. He consented and made proclamation, “The Japanese are all -about us and we are in jeopardy of our lives. All that wish to live must -now run away and the rest of us will remain and die together.” To this -they replied with one voice, “How can we let our leader die alone?” The -next day the Japanese arrived and invested the town, but on attempting -to storm it they were met by buckets of boiling water thrown down. on -their heads. They drew off, but renewed the attack at night. This time -they were met by piles of burning straw which again drove them back. -Again they came on, this time with broad planks over their heads to -protect them from the novel weapons of the Koreans, but these were not -proof against the huge stones which the defenders threw down upon them. -The fight lasted three days and finally the Japanese withdrew after -burning their dead. - -In the seventh moon the king moved northward to Eui-ju. But we must turn -again to the south to witness another loyal attempt to stem the tide of -invasion. In the province of Chŭl-la there were men who longed to take -up arms in defense of their homes, but all the regular troops had been -drafted away northward and nothing could be done on regular lines. So Ko -Kyöng-myŭng and Kim Ch’ŭn-il of that province and Kwak Chă-u and Chöng -In-hong of Kyŭng-sang Province held a conference to devise ways and -means for prosecuting a geurilla campaign. These men had all been -connected with the army at some previous time and were not utterly -lacking in knowledge of military affairs. Kwak Chă-u was in the prime of -life and was appointed leader. Gathering the people of the countryside -to a great conclave, he addressed them thus, “The whole country is being -overrun by the Japanese and soon we will become their prey. Among our -young men there must be many hundreds who are able to bear arms. If we -take our stand at Chöng-jin on the river we shall be able to prevent the -Japanese from crossing and they will thus be held in check.” This brave -leader then turned his whole patrimony into ready money and spent it in -equipping his little army, which amounted to 5000 men. - -A Japanese general attempted to enter this portion of the province but -was met all along the line of the river by a determined soldiery, and -was not able to affect a crossing. The Korean leader Kwak has become -famous in Korean story for his valiant deeds. He is said to have worn a -fiery red cloak and he was dubbed Hong-eui Tă-jang or “General of the -Red Robe.” His particular skill lay in rapid changes of base and he -appeared now at one point and now at another with such bewildering -rapidity that he earned the reputation of being able to transport -himself by magic to incredible distances in a moment of time. These -reports he did not contradict. The Japanese came to dread his approach -and the report that he was near, or a glimpse of the flaring red robe -was enough to send them scurrying off. From his central camp he sent out -spies in all directions who kept him informed of every move of the -enemy, and whenever the Japanese encamped the Koreans gathered on the -surrounding hills at night, each carrying a framework that supported -five torches, and so the Japanese supposed they were surrounded by great -numbers of Koreans, and anxiety kept them always awake. The best of the -Korean soldiers were detailed to watch mountain passes and look for -opportunities to cut off small bodies of the enemy’s forces. Traps of -various kinds were set, into which they occasionally fell, and they were -so harrassed and worried that at last they were compelled to withdraw -entirely from the three districts of Eui-ryŭng, Sam-ga and Hyŭp-chăn, -and quiet was restored. - -But this useful man’s career was cut short in a manner similar to that -in which Gen. Yi Kak’s had been. We will remember, after the Japanese -had taken Tong-nă and were sweeping northward, that Kim Su, the governor -of Kyŭng-sang Province, not daring to meet them, turned to the west and -fled from their path. It was just about this time that the “General of -the Red Robe” was having his victories over the Japanese that had -pressed westward after the fall of Tong-nă. When this successful leader -heard of the craven flight of Gov. Kim Su he was filled with scorn and -with righteous indignation. He considered the cowardly governor to be -worse than the Japanese themselves. He sent the governor a message -naming seven valid reasons why he deserved execution. Kim Su replied, -“As for you, you are a robber yourself,” and he also sent a letter to -the king charging Gen. Kwak with disloyalty. At the same time Gen. Kwak -sent a letter to the king saying, “Gov. Kim ran away from his post of -duty, and when I upbraided him for it he called me a robber. I have -killed many of the ‘rats’ but as I have been called a robber I herewith -lay down my arms and retire.” Despatching this letter to the king, Gen. -Kwak dismissed all his followers and retired to a hermitage of Pi-p‘a -Mountain in Kyŭng-sang Province and “lived upon pine leaves for food.” -So the records say. Thereafter, though offered the governorship of -Ham-gyŭng or Chŭl-la province he refused to come out of his retreat. He -changed his name to Mang U-dang or, “House of Lost Passions,” and he -thus acquired great sanctity. Here is another instance in which the king -lost an able leader through mere wanton caprice. Wounded pride made the -famous leader forget country, king, kindred, honor—all. - -Another attempt was made by Ko Kyŭng-myŭng, a native of Chang-heung in -Chul-la Province. Hearing that the king had fled to P‘yŭng-yang he, -together with Yu P‘ang-no, gathered a large force at Tam-yang. Sending -letters all over the province he succeeded in getting together 6000 men, -and made the central camp at Yŭn-san. The king, bring informed of this, -sent a gracious letter giving his sanction and urging the faithful men -to do all in their power for the people and the country. Gen. Kwak Nyŭng -was also sent from the north to coöperate with this army in their loyal -attempts. - -Hearing that the Japanese had arrived at Köm-san, the Korean forces -advanced against them, but, for some reason not stated, when they -appeared before the town their number had dwindled to eight hundred. -Whether the rest had run away or whether a small detachment was deemed -sufficient is not known, but at any rate a blunder had been committed, -and when the Japanese saw the smallness of the attacking party they -sallied out and soon scattered the Korean forces under Gen. Kwak Nyŭng. -The other troops, seeing this, also took to their heels, but Gen. Ko -would not run away, though urged to do so by his lieutenants. He told -them to make good their escape, but that he would remain and meet his -fate. So they all stood and fought it out to the bitter end and fell -side by side. Gen. Ko’s son, learning of his father’s death burned for -revenge and so he collected a band of soldiers in the south, which he -named “The Band that Seeks Revenge.” - -A more successful attempt was made by Chöng In-hong of Hyŭn-p‘ung in -Kyŭng-sang Province. He was joined by Kim Myön, Pak Song, Kwak Chun, -Kwak Il and Son In-gap. These men organized a force and drove the -Japanese out of Mu-gye and burned their supplies. Hearing that the enemy -had fled toward Cho-gye and knowing that a river intervened, they gave -chase. The Japanese came to the river but could find no boats to cross. -They spent so much time looking for a ford that when at last they found -one and were starting to cross, the pursuers came up. The ford was a bad -one, the bottom being composed of soft sand, something like quick-sand. -Soon the horses and men were floundering about in mid-stream. Chöng and -his men, who knew the ford, rushed in upon them, while so entangled, and -cut them down by hundreds. Those that escaped fled towards Song-ju, but -one of Chöng’s lieutenants took a thousand men and gave chase. Pressed -beyond endurance the Japanese turned and came on to fight. One huge -fellow on a magnificent charger came dashing out ahead of the rest, -brandishing his sword and yelling at the top of his voice. A hideous -gilt mask added to the picturesqueness of his appearance, but it did not -frighten the pursuers. Their leader aimed at the horse’s legs and soon -he came crashing to the ground, where he was speedily despatched. The -other Japanese thereupon turned and resumed their flight. Japanese -troops who were in force in Song-ju and Ko-ryŭng came out to intercept -the pursuers, but Chöng and his men formed an ambush and springing -suddenly upon the Japanese threw them into confusion and chased them as -far as Pyŭl Pass. In this flight the Japanese threw away their baggage, -weapons and all superfluous clothing. Chöng and his men chased them six -miles and then turned back. - -The last adventure of this nature which we shall mention is that of Kim -Ch‘ŭn-il a man of Na-ju in Chŭl-la Province. Hearing of the king’s -flight he sat down and wept, but suddenly springing up he exclaimed, “I -might far better be trying to aid my sovereign than sit here bewailing -his misfortune.” In company with his friends Song Che-min and Yang -San-do, he got together a goodly band of men whose avowed purpose was -the succor of the king. Before commencing operations the leader -slaughtered horses and oxen and made each man taste the blood and take -an oath of allegiance to the cause in which they were embarked. Kim -addressed them in these words, “Of course this means death to us all. We -cannot expect to come out of it alive. We can only go forward. There -must be no retreat. If any one of you desires life more than the -accomplishment of the work in which we are engaged let him turn back -now.” They fortified Tok-san in Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province. Koreans who had -sold themselves to the Japanese as spies came to this camp to gain -information, but were apprehended and put to death. The Japanese camp -was at Keum-nyŭng not far away. One moonless night Kim, by a forced -march came and surrounded this camp, and at a given signal his forces -descended like an avalanche upon the unsuspecting enemy. Those that -escaped the edge of the sword found safety in flight. In the seventh -moon this force, consisting of several thousand men, crossed the Han -River below Yang-wha-do intending to go and join the king, but instead -of doing so they entered the island of Kang-wha and fortified it. When -the king heard of these deeds of Kim Ch‘ŭn-il, he was highly pleased and -gave him the title of “Defender against Invaders.” - -These incidents of Korean success against the Japanese cannot be taken -as typical cases for, as a rule, the Japanese went where they wished and -did what they wished, but they are inserted here rather to show that it -was no craven submission on the part of the Koreans; that there were -strong, brave and faithful men who were willing to cast their fortunes -and lives into the scales and strike as hard blows as they knew how for -their homes and for their king. It was of course a geurilla warfare and -it was only small detachments of the main army of the Japanese that they -could successfully withstand, but the utter pusilanimity of the Koreans, -as sometimes depicted, is not a true picture of them. Their worst fault -was that they were unprepared for war. This together with the strife of -parties was the reason why the Japanese for a time worked their will -upon the peninsula. - - - - - Chapter IX. - -Attempts to secure aid from China.... divided counsels in Nanking.... an - army sent.... a desperate envoy.... Gen. Suk Sŭng’s love for - Korea.... the Emperor gives orders for the king’s entertainment.... - great Korean victory in the south.... Japanese army of reinforcement - defeated and destroyed by Admiral Yi Sun-sin.... Gen. Yi honored.... - the back of the invasion broken.... a vainglorious Chinese - general.... severely beaten.... the monks begin a Holy War.... a - sharp answer.... various Korean forces.... a night adventure.... - Japanese reverses in the south.... China awakens.... a grand - conference.... a truce.... the time expires.... a celebrated soldier - tracked down.... attempt to retake Seoul.... brave defense of - Chin-Ju ... the first mortar and bomb ... various Korean attempts - ... Korean victory in Ham-gyŭng Province ... another in the south - ... Japanese confined almost entirely to P‘yŭng-yang. - - -The efforts that Korea put forth before she obtained aid from China make -an entertaining story, and they show that China delayed it as long as -possible and then complied, not so much because she wished to help Korea -as because she desired to check the Japanese before they crossed the -Ya-lu and began ravaging the fruitful plains of the Liao-tung peninsula. -Before the Japanese ever landed in Korea the king had sent an envoy to -Nanking telling the Emperor that an invasion was next to certain; and -that envoy was still in Nanking. After the king’s flight to the north he -sent Min Mong-nyŭng and Yi Tŭk-hyŭng as special envoys to ask aid again. -On the arrival of these men with their urgent request there was a great -council of war in Nanking. Some of the leading generals said, “There is -no need for China to help those wild people. Let them fight it out -themselves.” It would appear that the policy by which China disclaimed -responsibility for Korea, when such responsibility involved sacrifice, -is several centuries old. Other generals said, “No, that will not do. We -must send troops and at least guard our own territory from invasion.” -But the Chinese General-in-chief, Sŭk Sŭng, said, “We must, without -fail, render Korea the assistance for which she asks. We must -immediately despatch 2000 troops, and the Emperor must appropriate -2,000,000 cash for their maintenance.” The upshot of it all was that -Gen. Nak Sang-ji took a small body of troops and marched eastward to the -banks of the Ya-lu where he went into camp without attempting to render -the Koreans any assistance. - -In the seventh moon the king sent another envoy to Nanking on the same -errand but with the same lack of success. Then the king called to him -one of his most trusted officials and appointed him envoy to Nanking and -said, “The salvation of the kingdom lies in your hands. Go to Nanking -and leave no efforts untried whereby the Emperor may be induced to help -us.” Charged with this important mission, this envoy Chöng Kon-su -hastened to Nanking and, entering the enclosure of the war office, sat -in the courtyard for seven days weeping; but the officials all turned a -deaf ear to his entreaties, excepting the General-in-chief Sŭk Sŭng. -Indignant at the apathy of his colleagues and in spite of the fact that -his duty as general-in-chief demanded his presence in Nanking, he arose -and said, “If none of you gentlemen will go to the aid of Korea I will -go myself.” There were special and personal reasons for this man’s -interest in Korea. In years gone by a Korean merchant, while in Nanking, -had met in an inn a beautiful slave girl and upon inquiry had discovered -that she was of noble family but had sold herself into slavery to obtain -money wherewith to deliver her father from prison. The merchant was so -touched by the sacrifice which she had made—for it meant the sacrifice -of honor itself—that he gave all his patrimony and bought her and set -her free. In after years she became the wife of this same Gen. Sŭk Sŭng, -and thus it was that he was an ardent admirer of Korea and was -determined to see that Korea received aid in her present extremity. - -At this point the king sent a message to the prefect of Liao-tung -saying, “The Japanese have come as far north as P‘yŭng-yang and I fear I -shall have to cross the Ya-lu and take refuge in your district.” This -the prefect immediately reported to the Emperor, who answered, “If the -king of Korea enters your district, provide him with a fine house, give -him food out of the imperial stores, each day four ounces of silver, a -pig, a sheep, vermicelli and rice. Give him also an escort of a hundred -men and let twenty women be detailed to wait upon him.” - -We have now arrived at the threshold of the Chinese counter-invasion -which was destined to be one of the main causes of the Japanese retreat, -but before entering upon this narrative we must turn again to the south -and witness some events which did far more to effect the withdrawal of -the Japanese than did the coming of the Chinese armies. - -The first of these was the utter defeat of a large body of Japanese who -were scouring the province of Chŭl-la. Entering the town of I-ch‘i they -were met by such a fierce attack on the part of Whang-jin the prefect of -Tong-bok that they turned back and, crossing the Ung-ch‘i Mountain -entered the prefecture of Chŭn-ju. Yö Pong-nam, the prefect of Na-ju, -and Whang Pŭk, a volunteer general, lay in ambush with a large body of -volunteer troops, and succeeded in driving the Japanese back, but the -next day the invading host came fiercely to the attack and the Koreans -had to give way. The Japanese in their exultation now thought they could -go back to I-ch‘i and avenge themselves for their defeat there. Gen. -Kwŭn Yŭl and the prefect of Whang-jin heard of this in time to fortify -one of the mountain passes. The Japanese attacked in a desperate manner, -creeping up the steep mountain sides on their hands and knees, shooting -as they advanced. All day long the fight continued and the Japanese were -utterly defeated. Their bodies were piled in heaps where they fell and -the records say that the ground was covered with one crimson matting of -leaves. This was one of the greatest land victories which the Koreans -scored against the Japanese. Retreating to the valley with their dead -the Japanese made two great heaps of bodies and buried them in trenches, -marking the spot with rough monuments of wood. This was probably one of -the bodies of troops for which the Japanese in P‘yŭng-yang were waiting, -before attempting the invasion of China. - -But meanwhile events of far greater importance were occurring farther -south, where Admiral Yi Sun-sin with his wonderful “tortoise boat” was -watching for Japanese fleets. - -It was in the eighth moon that his watchfulness was rewarded and he -beheld on the eastern horizon a vast fleet of Japanese boats bringing a -hundred thousand men to reinforce the army of invasion and enable it to -push on into China. - -Admiral Yi and his lieutenant Yi Ok-keui met this powerful fleet in a -place called Kyön-nă-ryang among the islands off the southern coast of -Chŭl-la Province. The evident intention of the Japanese was to round the -southwestern corner of the peninsula and sail up the west coast to -P‘yŭng-yang. At first the wily admiral made as if he would betake -himself to flight and the Japanese, by giving chase, threw their own -line into disorder. When opposite Han-san Island, Admiral Yi suddenly -turned his iron-clad about and rammed the nearest of his pursuers, and -then engaged the others either singly or by the score, for his craft was -impervious to their weapons. His attending fleet followed and completed -the work, after he had disabled the enemy’s boats. Seventy-one of the -Japanese boats were sunk that day and it is said the very sea was red. -But soon a reinforcing fleet came up from An-gol Harbor near Han-san and -the Admiral found that his day’s work was not yet done. The attack -straightway began and soon the Japanese were in the same plight in which -their comrades had been put. Many, seeing how impossible it was to make -headway against this iron ship, beached their boats and fled by land; so -on that same day forty-eight ships more were burned. The few that -escaped during the fight sped eastward toward home. So ended, we may -well believe, one of the great naval battles of the world. It may truly -be called the Salamis of Korea. It signed the death-warrant of the -invasion. It frustrated the great motive of the invasion, the humbling -of China; and thenceforth, although the war dragged through many a long -year, it was carried on solely with a view to mitigating the -disappointment of Hideyoshi—a disappointment that must have been as keen -as his thirst for conquest was unquenchable. - -When the king heard of these splendid achievements he heaped upon -Admiral Yi all the honors in his gift, and even those who hated him for -his successes were compelled to join in his praise. Konishi had heard -that an army was coming to reinforce him and he wrote an exultant letter -to the king saying, “A hundred thousand men are coming to reinforce me. -Where will you flee to then?” But before this letter reached its -destination there came the news of the crushing defeat in the south. The -whole success of the invasion depended upon forming a junction between -the army in P‘yŭng-yang and this army of reinforcement, but Admiral Yi -shattered the fleet, and the last hope of the invaders perished. - -And now at last China bestirred herself and sent Gen. Cho Seung-hun with -5000 troops across the Ya-lu into Korea. This was a man whose vanity was -as great as his ignorance of the Japanese. He loudly boasted “Now that I -have come, no Japanese will be able to stand before me.” Penetrating as -far south as Ka-san he enquired whether the Japanese had fled from -P‘yŭng-yang, and being answered in the negative he exclaimed “Heaven is -indeed good to keep them there for me.” - -Two of the Korean generals ventured to offer him some advice, saying -that it was now the rainy season and the roads were very bad, and that -it might be well to wait until his army could move with greater ease and -with better hopes of success. But he laughed and said, “I once took 3000 -men and put to flight 100,000 Mongols. I care no more for these Japanese -than I do for mosquitoes or ants.” And so his troops floundered on -through the mud until they stood before P‘yŭng-yang on the nineteenth of -the eighth moon. And lo! the gates were wide open. The Chinese troops -marched straight up through the town to the governor’s residence, firing -their guns and calling on the enemy to appear. But not a Japanese was to -be seen. When the whole of the Chinese force had entered the city and -the streets were full, the Japanese, who lay hidden in every house, -poured a sudden and destructive fire into their ranks. The Chinese, -huddled together in small companies, were shot down like rabbits. Gen. -Sa Yu, the second in command of the Chinese, was killed and the boastful -Gen. Cho Seung-hun mounted his horse and fled the city, followed by as -many of his soldiers as could extricate themselves. Rain began to fall -and the roads were deep with mud. The Japanese followed the fugitives, -and the valley was strewed with the bodies of the slain. Out of 5000 men -who entered the city only two thousand escaped. Gen. Cho fled two -hundred _li_ to An-ju before he stopped. He there gave out that as there -had been much rain and the roads were heavy he was at a disadvantage in -attacking, and when his second, Gen. Sa Yu, fell he saw that nothing -could be done, and so had ordered a retreat. But the Koreans only -smiled, for they knew that a sixty mile ride over those roads by a -Chinese general meant more than an ordinary retreat. And so he returned -to Liaotung, this valiant man, and fearing punishment, averred that “We -whipped the Japanese but the Koreans turned against us and we had to -fall back.” The Chinese general Yang Sa-heun was sent to investigate -this charge but the king denied it and the truth was soon discovered. - -And now a new element in this seething caldron of war rose to the -surface. It was an independent movement on the part of the Buddhist -monks throughout the country. Hyu Chŭng, known throughout the eight -provinces as “The great teacher of So-san,” was a man of great natural -ability as well as of great learning. His pupils were numbered by the -thousands and were found in every province. He called together two -thousand of them and appeared before the king at Eui-ju and said, “We -are of the common people but we are all the king’s servants and two -thousand of us have come to die for Your Majesty.” The king was much -pleased by this demonstration of loyalty and made Hyu Chŭng a Priest -General, and told him to go into camp at Pŭp-heung Monastery. He did so. -and from that point sent out a call to all the monasteries in the land. -In Chŭl-la Province was a warrior monk Ch’oe Yŭng, and at Diamond -Mountain another named Yu Chŭng. These came with over a thousand -followers and went into camp a few miles to the east of P’yŭng-yang. -They had no intention of engaging in actual battle but they acted as -spies, took charge of the commissariat and made themselves generally -useful. During battle they stood behind the troops and shouted -encouragement. Yu Chŭng, trusting to his priestly garb, went into -P’yŭng-yang to see the Japanese generals. Being ushered into the -presence of Kato, who had now joined the main army after his detour into -Ham-gyŭng Province, the monk found himself surrounded by flashing -weapons. But he was not in the least daunted, and looked about him with -a smiling face. Kato addressed him good-naturedly and asked, “What do -you consider the greatest treasure in your land?” Without a moment’s -hesitation the monk answered “Your head,” which piece of subtle flattery -made the Japanese general laugh long and loud. - -Besides these there were other movements of a loyal nature throughout -the country. At Wha-sun in Chŭl-la Province there was a little band of -men under Ch‘oe Kyŭng-whe whose banner represented a falcon in flight. -Also in Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province a celebrated scholar Cho Hön collected a -large band of men, but his efforts were frustrated by the cowardice and -jealousy of the governor of the province who imprisoned the parents of -many of his followers and so compelled them to desert. - -Yi Wŭn-ik, the governor of P‘yŭng-an Province and Yi Pin, one of the -provincial generals, made a fortified camp at Sun-an, sixty _li_ to the -west of P‘yŭng-yang. At the same time generals Kim Eung-Sŭ and Pak -Myung-hyŭn, with a force of 10,000 men, made a line of fortified camps -along the west side of the town of P‘yŭng-yang. Kim Ok-ch‘u with a naval -force guarded the ford of the Ta-dong. These forces advanced -simultaneously and attacked the Japanese, cutting off all stragglers. -Suddenly the Japanese army made a sally from the city and the Koreans -were dispersed. When they again rendezvoused at their respective camps -it was found that Gen. Kim Eung-sŭ and his troops were nowhere to be -found. As it happened he was very near the wall of the town when the -sortie occurred and he was cut off from retreat. But in the dusk of -approaching night he was not discovered by the Japanese. A story is told -of a curious adventure which he had that night. One of the Japanese -generals in the town had found a beautiful dancing girl and had -compelled her to share his quarters. On this eventful evening she asked -him to let her go to the wall and see if she could find some one who -would carry a message to her brother. Permission was given and she -hastened to the wall and there called softly, “Where is my brother?” -Gen. Kim, as we have seen was immediately beneath the wall and he -answered, “Who is it that calls?” “Will you not help me escape from the -Japanese,” she pleaded. He immediately consented to help her and, taking -his life in his hands, he speedily scaled the wall and accompanied her -toward the Japanese general’s quarters. Her captor was a terrible -creature, so the story goes, who always slept sitting bolt upright at a -table with his eyes wide open and holding a long sword in each hand. His -face was fiery red. Gen. Kim, conducted by the dancing girl, came upon -him unawares and smote off his head at a stroke, but even after the head -fell the terrible figure rose and hurled one of the swords with such -tremendous force that it struck through one of the house-posts. The -Korean general concealed the head beneath his garments and fled, with -the girl at his heels. But now for the first time he seemed to become -aware of the extreme hazard of his position and fearing that he would -not be able to get by the guard, if accompanied by the girl, his -gallantry suddenly forsook him and he turned and smote off her head as -well. Thus unencumbered he succeeded in making his escape. - -We must here digress again to describe the final conflict that put an -end to Japanese advances in the province of Chŭl-la. A general. Cho Hön, -in company with a monk warrior, Yung Kyu, advanced on the important town -of Ch‘ung-ju, then occupied by a strong Japanese garrison. They -approached the west gate and stormed it with stones and arrows. In a -short time the Japanese were compelled to retire and the Koreans began -to swarm into the town, vowing to make a complete slaughter of the hated -enemy, but at that moment a severe thunder shower arose and the darkness -was intense. So Gen. Cho recalled his troops and encamped outside the -gate. That night the Japanese burned their dead and fled out the north -gate, and when Gen. Cho led his troops into the city the next day he -scored only an empty triumph. He desired to push forward to the place -were the king had found refuge, and to that end he advanced as far north -as On-yang in Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province: but learning there that a strong -body of Japanese had congregated at Yö-san in Chŭl-la Province, he -turned back to attack them. He made an arrangement by letter with Kwŭn -Yŭl, the provincial general of Chŭl-la, to make a simultaneous attack -upon the Japanese position from different sides. But when Gen. Cho -arrived before the Japanese camp with his little band of 700 men Gen. -Kwŭn was nowhere to be found. The Japanese laughed when they saw this -little array and came on to the attack, but were each time driven back. -But at last the Koreans had spent all their arrows, it was late in the -day and they were fatigued and half famished. Gen. Cho, however, had no -thought of retreat and kept urging on his men. If he had at this crisis -withdrawn his remaining soldiers, the victory would virtually have been -his for the Japanese had lost many more men than he; but he was too -stubborn to give an inch. The Japanese came on to a last grand charge. -Gen. Cho’s aides advised him to withdraw but he peremptorily refused. At -last every weapon was gone and the men fought with their bare fists, -falling where they stood. The slain of the Japanese outnumbered those of -the Koreans and although they were victorious their victory crippled -them. It took the survivors four days to burn their dead and when it was -done they broke camp and went southward. The Japanese never regained the -ground lost by this retreat and it was a sample of what must occur -throughout the peninsula, since Admiral Yi had rendered reinforcement -from Japan impossible. - -We return now to the north, the real scene of war. In the ninth moon the -Chinese general, Sim Yu-gyŭng, whose name will figure largely in these -annals from this point on, was sent from China to investigate the -condition of affairs in Korea with a view to the sending of a large -Chinese force, for by this time China had become alive to the interests -at stake, namely her own interests. This general crossed the Ya-lu and -came southward by An-ju as far as Sun-an. From that point he sent a -communication to the Japanese in P‘yŭng-yang saying, “I have come by -order of the Emperor of China to inquire what Korea has done to merit -such treatment as this at your hands. You are trampling Korea under foot -and we would know why.” The Japanese general, Konishi, answered this by -requesting that the Chinese general meet him at Kang-bok Mountain ten -_li_ north of P‘yŭng-yang, and have a conference with him. To this Gen. -Sim agreed and, taking with him three followers, he repaired to the -appointed place. Konishi accompanied by Kuroda and Gensho came to the -rendezvous with a great array of soldiers and weapons, Gen. Sim walked -into their midst alone, having left his horse outside the enclosure. He -immediately addressed them as follows; “I brought with me a million -soldiers and left them in camp beyond the Ya-lu. You, Gensho, are a -monk. Why do you come to kill and destroy?” Gensho answered, “For many a -year Japan has had no dealings with China. We asked from Korea a safe -conduct for our envoy to Nanking but it was refused and we were -compelled to come and take it by force. What cause have you to blame us -for this?” To this Gen. Sim replied, “If you wish to go to China to pay -your respects to the Emperor there will be no difficulty at all. I can -arrange it without the least trouble,” Konishi said nothing, but handed -his sword to Gen. Sim in token of amity and after they had conferred -together for some time it was arranged that Gen. Sim go to Nanking and -represent that Japan wished to become a vassal of China. Fifty days was -agreed upon for the general to make the trip to Nanking and return with -the answer, and a truce was called for that time. A line was drawn round -P‘yŭng-yang ten _li_ from the wall and the Japanese agreed to stay -within that limit while the Koreans promised not to cross that line. -Gen. Sim was sent upon his way with every mark of esteem on the part of -the Japanese who accompanied him a short distance on the road. - -The Japanese lived up to the terms of the truce, never crossing the line -once, but the fifty days expired and still Gen. Sim did not appear. They -then informed the Koreans that in the twelfth moon their “horses would -drink the water of the Ya-lu.” - -During these fifty days of truce what was going on in other parts of the -peninsula? Cho Ung a soldier of Ch‘ung-ch‘ŭng Province was a man of -marvelous skill. With a band of 500 men he succeeded so well in cutting -off small foraging bands of Japanese that they were at their wits end to -get him put out of the way. One foggy day when the mist was so thick -that one could not see his hand before his face the Japanese learned -that this dreaded man was on the road. They followed him swiftly and -silently and at last got an opportunity to shoot him in the back. He -fell from his horse but rose and fled on foot. But they soon overtook -him and, having first cut his hands off, they despatched him. - -The governor of Kyŭng-geui Province was Sim Tă. He had found asylum in -the town of Sang-nyŭng, two hundred _li_ north of Seoul. Having gotten -together a considerable body of soldiers he formed the daring plan of -wresting Seoul from the hands of the Japanese. For this purpose it was -necessary that he should have accomplices in that city who should rise -at the appointed time and join in the attack. Through treachery or -otherwise the Japanese became aware of the plot and sending a strong -body of troops to Sang-nyŭng they seized the governor and put him to -death. - -Gen. Kim Si-min had charge of the defense of the walled town of Chin-ju -in Kyŭng-sang Province. The Japanese invested the town with a very large -force. Within, the garrison amounted to only three thousand men. These -were placed on the walls in the most advantageous manner by Gen. Kim who -was specially skilled in the defense of a walled town. All the soldiers -were strictly commanded not to fire a single shot until the Japanese -were close up to the wall. The Japanese advanced in three divisions, -10,000 strong. A thousand of these were musketeers. The roar of the -musketry was deafening but the walls were as silent as if deserted. Not -a man was to be seen. On the following day the assault began in earnest. -The Japanese discarded the muskets and used fire arrows. Soon all the -houses outside the wall were in ashes. Gen. Kim went up into the south -gate and there sat and listened to some flute playing with a view to -making the Japanese think the defending force was so large as to make -solicitude unnecessary. This made the Japanese very careful. They made -elaborate preparations for the assault. Cutting down bamboos and pine -trees they made ladders about eight feet wide and as high as the wall. -They also prepared straw mats to protect their heads from missiles from -above. But the defenders had also made careful preparations. They had -bundles of straw with little packages of powder fastened in them, to -cast down on the attacking party. Piles of stones and kettles of hot -water were also in readiness. As the assault might take place at night, -planks bristling with nails were thrown over the wall. This proved a -wise precaution for in fact the attack was made that very night. It -raged fiercely for a time, but so many of the Japanese were lamed by the -spikes in the planks and so many were burned by the bundles of straw, -that at last they had to withdraw, leaving heaps of dead behind. More -than half the attacking force were killed and the rest beat a hasty -retreat. - -In the ninth moon Gen. Pak Chin of Kyŭng-sang Province took 10,000 -soldiers and went to attack the walled town of Kyöng-ju which was held -by the Japanese. It is said that he made use of a species of missile -called “The Flying Thunderbolt.” It was projected from a kind of mortar -made of bell metal and having a bore of some twelve or fourteen inches. -The mortar was about eight feet long. The records say that this thing -could project _itself_ through the air for a distance of forty paces. It -doubtless means that a projectile of some kind could be cast that -distance from this mortar. The records go on to say that the “Flying -Thunder-bolt” was thrown over the wall of the town and, when the -Japanese flocked around it to see what it might be, it exploded with a -terrific noise, instantly killing twenty men or more. This struck the -Japanese dumb with terror and so worked upon their superstitious natures -that they decamped in haste and evacuated the city. The inventor of this -weapon was Yi Yang-son, and it is said that the secret of its -construction died with him. It appears that we have here the inventor of -the mortar and bomb. The length of the gun compared with its calibre, -the distance the projectile was carried with the poor powder then in use -and the explosion of the shell all point to this as being the first -veritable mortar in use in the east if not in the world. It is said that -one of these mortars lies today in a storehouse in the fortress of -Nam-han. - -All through the country the people were rising and arming against the -invaders. A list of their leaders will show how widespread was the -movement. In the province of Chŭl-la were Generals Kim Ch’ŭn-il, Ko -Kyung-myŭng and Ch’oé Kyăng-whe: in Kyŭng sang Province Generals Kwak -Chă-o, Kwŭn Eung-su, Kim Myön. Chöng In-hong, Kim Hă, Nyu Wan-gă, Yi -Tă-geui and Chang Sa-jin; in Ch’ung-ch’ŭng Province Generals Cho Heun, -Yŭng Kyu (monk), Kim Hong-min, Yi San-gyŭm, Cho Tún-gong, Cho Ung and Yi -Pong; in Kyŭng-geui Province Generals U Sung-jun, Chăng Suk-ha, Ch’oé -Heul, Yi No, Yi San-whi, Nam On-gyŭng, Kim T’ak, Yu Ta-jin, Yi Chil, -Hong Kye-nam and Wang Ok; in Ham-gyŭng Province Generals Chöng Nam-bu, -and Ko Kyŭng-min; in P’yŭng-an Province Generals Cho Ho-ik and the monk -Yu Chŭng. The country was filled with little bands of fifty or a hundred -men each, and all were fighting separately. Perhaps it was better so, -for it may have prevented jealousies and personal enmities that -otherwise would have ruined the whole scheme. - -Chöng Mun-bu was the “Military inspector of the north” and it was his -business to investigate annually the condition of things in the province -of Ham-gyŭng and to superintend the annual fair on the border at -Whe-ryŭng in the tenth moon of each year. He was caught by the Japanese -on the road and was held captive, but made his escape by night and found -a place of hiding in the house of a certain sorceress or fortune-teller -in Yong-sŭng. After five days of flight he reached the town of -Kyöng-sung where he found the leaders Ch’oé Pa-ch’ŭn and Chi Tal-wŭn at -the house of a wealthy patriot Yi Pung-su who had given large sums of -money to raise and equip soldiers. The common people entered heartily -into the plan and a force of 10,000 men, indifferently armed and -drilled, was put into the field. This force surrounded the town of -Kil-ju where the Japanese were encamped, and after a desperate fight the -Japanese were totally defeated, leaving 600 heads in the hands of the -victors. A few days later a similar engagement took place with a like -result, sixty more heads being taken. - -And so it was throughout the country. The Japanese were being worn away -by constant attrition; here a dozen, there a score and yonder a hundred, -until the army in P‘yŭng-yang, by no means a large one, was practically -all that was left of the Japanese in the peninsula. - -Kwŭn Yŭl, the governor of Chŭl-la Province, said to the provincial -general, “If you will remain in Yi-hyŭn and guard the province I will -take 20,000 men and move northward to the capital.” He advanced as far -as Su-wŭn. The Japanese tried to draw him into a general engagement but -he avoided it and kept up a geurilla warfare, cutting off large numbers -of stragglers from the Japanese camp. By this means he accomplished the -important work of opening up a way to the north, which had been closed; -so that from now on messengers passed freely from the southern provinces -to the king. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - Transcriber’s Note - -The use of digital editions is greatly enhanced through the use of text -search features. That usefulness can be stymied by variations, -intentional or not, in spelling. The decision was taken here to attempt -to regularize spelling where printer or editorial errors were made, and -to a great extent where there seemed to be gratuitous variations. - -For errors in the English text, corrections were made where they could -be reasonably attributed to the printer or editor, or where the same -English word appears as expected elsewhere. - -On the other hand, the romanization of Korean words was changing even as -this text was being written in the early 20th century. The author notes -(p. iv) that a system of his own was adopted during the preparation of -this text, but a more official system issued by the Royal Asiatic -Society was employed later. The result, as he says, is that there are -inconsistencies in the spelling of proper names. Since it is impossible -to distinquish between printer lapses and this variability, Korean names -are given here as they appeared in the text. - -Exceptions are made where common names (e.g., ‘Ko-gu-ryŭ’) very -occasionally appear without a diacritical mark. These are corrected -without further comment. Where the quality of the source text is -suspect, the most common version of a given name is used. The system in -use seems to solely employ the breve ‘ŭ’, except for the occasional ‘oé’ -or ‘ö’. The chapter summaries tend to not use the diacritical marks -found in the text. - -Another exception is made for the (presumable) misprinting of proper -names, which, according to the author’s Preface, have no hyphen between -the patronymic and the following given names, which are hyphenated. -Where this rule is violated (e.g., Keum Su-ro on p. 51), the hyphen is -removed. Where a hyphen occurs at the end of a line, it is retained or -removed depending on the preponderance of other instances of the same -word. - -There is no mention by the author regarding the use of the special -characters ʻ and ʼ within Korean names. More modern romanization schemes -utilize the apostrophe (ʼ) to indicate aspirated consonants (pʼ, tʼ, kʼ, -and Chʼ). In this text, however, though the place-name ‘Pʻyŭng-yang’ can -be found much more frequently than ‘Pʼyŭng-yang’, there seems to be no -rhyme nor reason to the variations. The former appears most frequently -in the first hundred pages, which may imply that it is related to the -scheme employed. But both will occasionally appear in different words on -the same page. Just the same, every attempt was made to follow the text, -using ʻ and ʼ. - -The author consistently uses the word ‘geurilla’, where modern usage -would have us using ‘guerrilla’ or 'guerilla', and that has been honored -here. The author uses ‘allegience’ and ‘allegiance’ interchangeably, and -both are retained. ‘Buddhism’ appears twice (pp. 113 & 163) as -‘Budhism’, and has been corrected in both places. The word ‘strategem’ -appears as ‘stratagem’ only once, in the description of Chapter XII. The -word ‘emissary’ or ‘emissaries’ is misspelled twice, as ‘emmisaries’ and -again as ‘emmisary’. Both are noted and retained. - -The transition from p. 257 to 258 is corrupted. At the top of p. 258, a -passage from mid-paragraph on p. 257 (‘these acts ... coolness to spring -up between them.’) is repeated. This has been removed. The final phrase -on p. 257 (‘Here, too, he was....’) is not taken up on the following -page, which is indicated here with a bracketed ellipsis. - -The following table summarizes the substantive changes that were made. -It is a lengthy list, so most punctuation errors, such as missing full -stops or comma/full stop errors, have been corrected with no further -notice. - - p. iii than[g] in German. Removed. - - p. v by the Tu-man River. [b/B]etween Replaced. - - p. 1 He governed through his three Transposed. - vice-[ger/reg]ents - - p. 4 P’ang-o[-/ ]is erected there. Removed hyphen. - - p. 4 and his whole e[n]vironment>. Added. - - p. 5 tradit[i]on, is as follows. Added. - - p. 5 the royal dupe, she said[./,] Replaced. - - p. 7 ready communication be[t]ween> its parts. Added. - - p. 12 In 403 the king of Y[u/ŭ]n sent Replaced. - - p. 15 establishes his kin[dg/gd]om Transposed. - - p. 20 the aged men of Pu-y[ü/ŭ] used to say Replaced. - - p. 25 P[y’/’y]ŭng-an and the western part Transposed. - - p. 25 (known also as the Mul-gil[)] Added. - - p. 27 im[m]igration>.... customs Added. - - p. 28 we can eas[i]ly imagine Added. - - p. 30 making certain kinds of[ of] vow or promises. Removed. - - p. 30 occupying approxima[t]ely the territory Added. - - p. 33 the great northern kingdom of Ko-gu[r-y/-ry]ŭ Transposed. - - p. 33 The founding of Sil[-/ ]la, Ko-gu[r-y/-ry]u Replaced. - Transposed. - - p. 33 vicissitudes.... Ko-gu[r-y]/-ry]u.... four Transposed - Pu-yus - - p. 33 Chu-mong founds Ko-gu[r-y]/-ry]u.... growth Transposed. - - p. 33 the capital moved.... siiuation si[i/t]uation Replaced. - of - - p. 34 great council at Yun-[e/c]hŭn-yang> Replaced. - - p. 35 so the[ ]records Added. - - p. 35 It would also indicate tha[e/t] Replaced. - - p. 35 the little kingdo[n/m] of Sil-la Replaced. - - p. 36 As this was the year, 37 B.C., w[e/h]ich Replaced. - marks - - p. 36 in the kingdom of Pu[-]yŭ, it will be Added. - - p. 36 for us to examine b[a/r]iefly Replaced. - - p. 37 Thus was his prayer answered[.] Added. - - p. 39 probabl[e/y] refers to certain family clans Replaced. - - p. 40 the deceased was exhaus[t]ed in the funeral Added. - ceremony. - - p. 41 went sadly home and a[s]ked his mother Added. - - p. 43 where it remained for two hun[d]red Added. - - p. 44 In the third y[r/e]ar of his reign Replaced. - - p. 48 of compelling a speedy s[e/u]rrender. Replaced. - - p. 50 Ham-ch’ang[,] Sŭng-ju, Ko-ryŭng a[h/n]d Added. - Ham-an. Replaced. - - p. 51 One of the[m] was Keum[-/ ]Su-ro Added. - Replaced. - - p. 51 became king of Ko-gu-r[y]u Added. - - p. 51 noble lady of Sil-la i[a/s] sent to Japan. Replaced. - - p. 51 traditions of[ of] Ko-gu-ryŭ this ruler Removed. - professed - - p. 51 on the one hand and s[ie/ei/zed all the Transposed. - Chinese territory - - p. 52 a hopeless struggle [s/a]gainst Păk-je. Replaced. - - p. 52 avarice or [pusilanimity] _sic_ - - p. 52 e[n/m]bellish the legendary lore Replaced. - - p. 54 one of his first acts was to[ a] arrest and Removed. - put to death - - p. 54 by opening roads [thro] to the north _sic_ - - p. 58 A court[i]er>, Yu-ryu, offered to go Added. - - p. 59 the weapon and p[l]unged> it into the enemy’s Added. - breast. - - p. 59 Two years lat[t]er [b/h]e made a treaty Added. - Replaced. - - p. 59 I[t/n] the third year of King Ch’ŭm-hă of Replaced. - Sil-la, 249 A.D. - - p. 60 be[ing/gin] at once. Transposed. - - p. 63 Yong-whang, who had succeeded Mo [W/Y]ong-we, Replaced. - - p. 63 Two years lat[t]er the capital was moved Removed. - northward - - p. 63 few years lat[t]er by sending his son Removed. - - p. 63 In 344 new complications grew up be[t]ween> Added. - Sil-la - - p. 64 th[a/e]n at Nam-han. Replaced. - - p. 64 [i]arrow, but the assault failed Removed. - - p. 65 Three years before this, [I/i]n 372, the Replaced. - Chinese had gained - - p. 66 the tenets of this cult through [emissaries] _sic_ - - p. 68 people, with a fine sense of justice, drove _sic_ - [Ch’ăm-nye] - - p. 69 so skillful a di[lp/pl]omat that he soon Transposed. - brought - - p. 69 Then they tortur[t]ed their remaining victim Removed. - - p. 69 b[e/y] torture. They burned him alive Replaced. - - p. 70 investiture from the Emperor, no[w/r] that Replaced. - the latter - - p. 71 When [Pă-gy[ /ŭ]ng] Replaced. - - p. 72 We will remember that Ko-[k/g]u-ryŭ had Replace. - cultivated f[i]riendly Removed. - - p. 73 asked openly that the Wei Emperor send a[t/n] Replaced. - army - - p. 73 cha[rg/gr]in Transposed. - - p. 75 a calf, a colt, a dog[,] a pig and a woman Added. - - p. 75 One of the visitors was Ko-hu[,] one was one Added. Removed. - was Ko-ch’ŭng[,] but the[ the] - - p. 76 bearing upon the wel[l]fare of the Removed. - - p. 79 lavend[a/e]r. Replaced. - - p. 79 This came to a climax when she stopp[p/e]d Replaced. - - p. 84 this faithful minister, Hu-jik, [plead] in _sic_ - - p. 84 on one occasi[a/o]n the king impatiently Replaced. - exclaimed - - p. 84 the king who had forg[e/o]tten all about his Replaced. - threat - - p. 84 her arm and drove [the] away from the palace. _sic_ her? the - girl? - - p. 87 the har[d]ihood of the Ko-gu-ryŭ soldiery Added. - - p. 88 Only two courses were ther[e]fore open to Added. Removed. - an[d] invading army; - - p. 90 He entered upon a [geurilla] warfare _sic_ - - p. 90 very humble letter [sueing]> for mercy. _sic_ - - p. 91 Chinese covered four hund[er/re]d and fifty Transposed. - _li_ - - p. 91 like the [paltroon] that she was _sic_ - - p. 92 u[y/p] as high as the wall of the town Replaced. - - p. 95 specious promises so far mol[l]ified the Added. - dislike - - p. 95 He then [sent] and killed the king _sic_ - - p. 95 [s/t]o secure a rabbit Replaced. - - p. 96 to restore the territory to you.[”] Added. - - p. 97 At the same time a Sil-la [emmissary] _sic_ - - p. 97 had neither the power of the one no[w/r] the Replaced. - peaceful disposition - - p. 98 that [was this/this was] an ancient feud with Words - transposed. - - p. 98 The Emperor listened to and [profitted] by _sic_ - this advice - - p. 99 rest of Ko-gur[-]yŭ Added. - - p. 102 p[er/re]ference of China for her Transposed. - - p. 104 for rebuking him of[ of] his excesses. Removed. - - p. 105 on whose back were writ[t]en> the words Added. - - p. 105 Somewhat mol[l]ified> by this Added. - - p. 105 must be attacked f[l/i]rst; other[s] said the Replaced. - Sil-la forces Added. - - p. 106 as they had agree[d] Added. - - p. 106 the whole period of Păk-je rule covered a Removed. - lapse of[ of] 678 years; - - p. 106 making the whole dyna[a/s]ty 689 years. Replaced. - - p. 106 dis[a]ffection showed itself on every side Added. - - p. 107 She immed[ia]tately threw Added. - - p. 107 but a remnant of his forces [e/i]ntrenched Replaced for - consistency. - - p. 110 who had been left in charge of th[e] Chinese Added. - - p. 110 either money o[f/r] rice. Replaced. - - p. 111 Sin-sŭng was therefore besieged and the Added. - st[r]uggle began. - - p. 111 but [t]his men thought otherwise Removed. - - p. 113 disorder.... examinations.... Bud[d]hism Added. - - p. 114 his kingdom would ex[t]end> to the Yalu River Added. - - p. 116 The unfortun[a]te> Kim In-mun Added. - - p. 117 to unite with the Mal[-]gal and Kŭ-ran forces Added. - - p. 118 (1) Ung-ch‘ŭn-ju in the[ the] north, Removed. - - p. 119 It was done in this way[;/:] There is a Replaced. - Chinese character - - p. 121 'manag[a/e]ment [i/o]f Kŭl-gŭl Chung-sŭng. Replace x 2. - - p. 121 the sea turned to b[i/l]ood> Replaced. - - p. 122 as far north as the banks o[t/f] the Ta-dong Replaced. - River - - p. 123 of Han-ya[ ]ng (Seoul) Space removed. - - p. 124 The outlying provinces practi[c]ally governed Added. - themselves. - - p. 124 of literar[ar]y attainment, Removed. - - p. 124 the exp[id/edi]tion back to the capital Replaced. - - p. 127 prophecy.... Wang-gön doe[t/s] Replaced. - - p. 132 near to the prostrate f[ro/or]m of Wang-gön. Transposed. - - p. 132 When the mock Buddha raised h[a/i]s head and Replaced. - repeated - - p. 133 must fall (Kung-ye).[”] Added. - - p. 134 custom of granting a monop[o]ly Added. - - p. 137 Mountain and made a rush down[ down] upon the Removed. - unsuspecting - - p. 138 the ravages of Ky[u/ŭ]n-whŭn. Replaced. - - p. 143 ancient city of P‘yŭng-yang be remember[e]d>. Added. - - p. 144 The latter’s posthumous [l/t]itle is Replaced. - Hye-jong. - - p. 145 th[o]roughly in the hands of the Added. - sac[a/e]rdotal power. Replaced. - - p. 146 The king manumitted ma[n]y of these Added. - - p. 156 was put to Gen. Yi Hyŭn-un he replied[./:] Replaced. - - p. 157 This attempt failing, the conqu[o/e]rors Replaced. - decided - - p. 160 and all to no[t] avail, he com[m]anded Removed. Added. - - p. 163 in keeping pace with Bud[d]hism. Added. - - p. 163 two from a five hun[d]red-house Added. - - p. 165 the son of the first son succe[de/ed]s. Transposed. - - p. 168 only by sending a[t/n] abject letter Replaced. - - p. 170 The monk [Tosun] _sic_ To-sŭn - - p. 179 A civil official, returning from China, Removed. - learned of[ of] - - p. 184 with the throes through [ ] the country was _sic_ which? - passing. - - p. 184 at once how superstitio[n/u]s they were Replaced. - - p. 184 This same reformer [Cho‘e/Ch’oe] Chung-heun, Replaced. - - p. 186 by far the most even[t]ful reign Added. - - p. 188 The s[ei/ie]ge of Kang-dong Transposed. - - p. 190 The envoy who brought this extra[d]ordinary Removed. - letter - - p. 190 be[t]ween 1200 and 1400. Added. - - p. 194 of the first Mongol m[a/e]ssenger Replaced. - - p. 194 But Pak Sö the prefect of Ku[-]Ju was an Added. - obstinate man - - p. 198 o[n/f] Kang-wha meanwhile Replaced. - - p. 199 who kept to comparatively n[o/a]rrow lines of Replaced. - march. - - p. 200 charge of affairs during an[d] interval of Removed. - four - - p. 201 sent with instructions [the/to] settle Replaced. - - p. 202 the redoubtable general app[r]oached> the Added. - - p. 202 The commandant laugh[-/ed ]at Replaced. - - p. 202 a portion of the w[e/a]ll, set fire to the Replaced. - buildings - - p. 202 I will give him just six day[s] to get Added. - - p. 202 Mongol forces turned ea[r]stward Removed. - - p. 209 was away on a c[o/a]mpaign against the Sung Replaced. - Empire - - p. 209 It was decided to form a regency to[ to] Removed. - - p. 226 entered a Ko[yr/ry]ŭ harbor. Transposed. - - p. 229 the example of his for[e]bears Added. - - p. 230 his daughter-in[-]law Added. - - p. 232 He soon returned to[ to] China Removed. - - p. 232 came to realise that it was Buddhism [w/t]hat Replaced - had proved - - p. 232 by priestcraft that [was it/it was] much Words - pleasanter transposed. - - p. 234 Meanw[h]ile the king was build[-/ing] Added. Added. - - p. 235 Prince was [exhonerated] and sent back _sic_ - - p. 236 drunk[e]nness, he entered the harem Added. - - p. 236 [humane] pastime. _sic_ - - p. 236 a thing of daily [occurence]. _sic_ - - p. 236 kick that sent him spraw[l]ing on the ground. Added. - - p. 246 desp[a/e]rate stand on a hill Replaced. - - p. 252 This man fought [aways] in front _sic_ - - p. 254 frequent [occurence]. _sic_ - - p. 254 and to co[n]voy the revenue junks, Added. - - p. 257 Here, too, he was [...] Missing text. - - p. 258 Sin[-]don with respect. Added. - - p. 258 he ascribed to his having taken Sin[-]don Added. - - p. 261 which read as follow[s]:- Added. - - p. 263 the emperor’s g[i]fts and commands Added. - - p. 263 of their Manchu conquer[e/o]rs. Replaced. - - p. 263 more Chinese tha[t/n] the Chinese themselves. Replaced. - - p. 268 to add to the d[i]fficulties of the situation Added. - - p. 269 were carrying fire and sword thr[o]ugh the Added. - south - - p. 271 were slaughtered almost to [a] man. Added. - - p. 273 complacency upon the dis[s]olution Added. - - p. 275 at last tired of the er[r]atic Added. - - p. 277 Gen. Yi [t/T]‘ă-jo was having a lively time Replaced. - - p. 280 rode forth [preceeded] by a host of harlots _sic_ - and concubines - - p. 283 Some of these the king s[ie/ei]zed and Transposed. - - p. 283 But Gen. Yi remain[e]d impassive. Added. - - p. 283 r[si/is]ing flood. Transposed. - - p. 284 and so had come thus f[o/a]r north. Replaced. - - p. 284 the march of the rebell[i]ous> Added. - - p. 284 encounter our count[r]ymen many will fall. Added. - - p. 285 food and the[m/n] leisurely arose, Added. - - p. 287 He [plead] to be _sic_ - - p. 287 off the stage of histo[r]y>. Added. - - p. 291 Chong Mong-ju real[l]y believed Added. - - p. 296 made it easy for king T‘ă-jo to [smoothe] _sic_ - over the - - p. 297 an official more imag[a/i]native than Replaced. - discreet - - p. 298 into 3 semi-independent district[s] Added. - - p. 299 should become the[ri/ir] Transposed. - - p. 303 Under his supervision a [clypsehydra] _sic_ - clepshedra - - p. 307 govern[n]ment to fifty Removed. - - p. 309 refo[r]ms>.... official history of the land Added. - - p. 315 T[‘]ă-jo> to observe carefully the precept Added. - - p. 315 at one ti[n/m]e he distributed large Replaced. - - p. 315 the soldiers on the northe[r]n border Added. - - p. 315 In his fifth yea[a]r he codified the laws Removed. - - p. 318 d[i/e]finitely adopted and written out Replaced. - - p. 318 nominated to the throne Prince[-]Cha-san Removed. - - p. 318 H[e/is] posthumous title is Sŭng-jong Replaced. - - p. 319 allegiance to [Cho-săn]. _sic_ - - p. 319 were driven from Seoul and [and] forbidden to Removed. - enter it - - p. 319 “Five Rules of Conduct[./,]” [H/h]e also Replaced. - built - - p. 321 tribe of Yŭ-jin was [harrassing] the people _sic_ - - p. 327 c[o/a]nnot put her away.” Replaced. - - p. 327 Ch’e-p’o[,] Yum-p’o' and Pu-san-p’o. Added. - - p. 327 attacked [Ch’è] Harbor _sic_ - - p. 330 whose arrow weighed a[ a] hundred and twenty Removed. - pounds - - p. 331 his posthum[o]us title Added. - - p. 333 it was mere he[re/ar]say Replaced. - - p. 334 felt in all the adjo[ur/i]ning prefectures. Replaced. - - p. 334 It was in 1550 that an[d] astronomical Removed. Added. - inst[r]ument - - p. 339 “The Young Men’s P[a]rty>,” Added. - - p. 340 army on the b[ro/or]der. Transposed. - - p. 343 inability to hold the[ the] Japanese Removed. - - p. 344 he could not do without finding a field[ a Removed. - field] - - p. 344 It is well known that the govern[n/m]ent of Replaced. - Japan - - p. 344 and from this po[u/i]nt of vantage killed Replaced. - - p. 344 send an[d] envoy to Japan. The only Removed. - no[r/t]ice taken Replaced. - - p. 344 W[h]en> Yasuhiro placed this missive Added. - - p. 344 from outbreaks of the far norther[n] border Added. - - p. 344 Being successful in this h[ə/e] Replaced. - - p. 344 simultaneo[u]sly and attacked the Si-jun Added. - tribe - - p. 346 he was a good scholar and an ex[a/e]mplary Replaced. - man. - - p. 346 The king the[m/n] threw upon the floor Replaced. - - p. 347 Whang Yun[n]-gil was chief of the Korean Removed. - embassy, - - p. 347 realizing how[ how] such action would bring Removed. - Korea - - p. 348 You dou[tlb/btl]ess will be angry Transposed. - - p. 349 and ap[p]ointed> Gen. Sil Yip Added. - - p. 350 regular army consi[s]ted of 160,000 men, Added. - - p. 351 having been baptized by the [Portugese] _sic_ - - p. 352 and the beleagu[e]red town of Tong-nă, Added. - - p. 352 An instant lat[t]er the prefect Removed. - - p. 353 Tradition, which delights to embel[l]ish such Added. - accounts, - - p. 353 his fort[r]ess and defied the invaders. Added. - - p. 355 came the news of [t]he fall of Fusan, Added. - - p. 355 rolls were look[e]d up Added. - - p. 355 men wo[u]ld> follow him. Added. - - p. 356 as it does for his patr[i]otism. Added. - - p. 357 That very night the Japan[ese] Added. - - p. 358 One of [t]his captains told him Removed. - - p. 360 hundred hands were stre[t]ched> out Added. - - p. 360 “Where shall [b/w]e go?” Replaced. - - p. 360 b[o/e]come customary for the gover[n]ment Replaced. - Added. - - p. 364 their kne[s/e]s in mud and were well[-]nigh Replaced. - Added. - - p. 364 they had been forgott[o/e]n they began to Replaced. - - p. 366 d[i/e]sirous of getting to Seoul Replaced. - - p. 366 This great trip[p]le army Removed. - - p. 367 that the city could not [h/b]e held Replaced. - - p. 367 bef[e/o]re those of Kato hastened Replaced. - - p. 368 I[n/t] is said so many perished Replaced. - - p. 370 the northern bo[th/rd] guard, Replaced. - - p. 370 and the generals were mutu[r]ally suspicious Removed. - - p. 370 at the gates of Na[n]king Added. - - p. 373 governors of C[h]‘ung-ch‘ŭng and Kyŭng-sang Added. - Provinces - - p. 374 headl[i/o]ng up the slope Replaced. - - p. 378 his praises were on[e / e]very lip. Moved space. - - p. 380 And so the conference was[ was] broken up. Removed. - - p. 384 but another said, “P[‘]yŭng-yang is a natural Added. - - p. 384 Yi Hang-bok insisted upon the nec[c]essity of Removed. - going north - - p. 389 f[a/o]rces in Ham-gyŭng Province. Replaced. - - p. 391 he walled town o[n/f] Yŭn-an Replaced. - - p. 391 we are in je[apo/opa]rdy of our lives. Replaced. - - p. 391 boiling water thrown [wond/down]. Replaced. - - p. 391 [u]pon them. The fight lasted three days and Added. Removed. - finally the[u] - - p. 392 a [geurilla] campaign. _sic_ - - p. 393 [harrassed] and worried _sic_ - - p. 396 of course a [geurilla] warfare _sic_ - - p. 396 but the utter [pusilanimity] of the Koreans, _sic_ - - p. 405 this retreat and[ and] it was a sample of Removed. - what must occur - - p. 406 For this purpo[r]se it was necessary Removed. - - p. 409 and kept up a [geurilla] warfare, _sic_ - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of Korea (vol. 1 of 2), by -Homer B. 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