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diff --git a/old/52226-h/52226-h.htm b/old/52226-h/52226-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index f0547cc..0000000 --- a/old/52226-h/52226-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14804 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> - - <html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" - xml:lang="en" lang="en"> - -<head> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" /> - - <meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1" /> - <!--helps display html correctly in mobile devices--> - - <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> - - <title> - A Prisoner of the Khaleefa; - Twelve Years’ Captivity at Omdurman; - by Charles Neufeld; - A Project Gutenberg eBook. - </title> - - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - - <style type="text/css"> -/* === CSS VERSION 20160528 === */ - -/* === resets and body === */ -a, div, h1, h2, i, img, p, span { - margin:0; - padding:0; - } -a, div, h1, h2, span { - text-indent:0; 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-} -.tabwth1 { - width:100%; -} -.cellrpad { - padding-right:1em; -} - -/* === handheld === */ -@media handheld { - .xxpn { - position:static; - } - body { - margin:0.5em; - font-size:100%; - } - div, p { - max-height:none; - } - .imglg { - display:none; - } -} - </style> - </head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of A Prisoner of the Khaleefa: Twelve Years -Captivity at Omdurman, by Charles Neufeld - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: A Prisoner of the Khaleefa: Twelve Years Captivity at Omdurman - -Author: Charles Neufeld - -Release Date: June 3, 2016 [EBook #52226] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A PRISONER OF THE KHALEEFA: *** - - - - -Produced by Roberta Staehlin, RichardW and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class="imctr01t"> -<img id="coverpage" - src="images/cover.jpg" width="600" height="800" alt="" /> -</div> - -<h1 class="thisbook">A Prisoner of the Khaleefa; Twelve Years’ -Captivity at Omdurman. By Charles Neufeld.</h1> - -<div class="front fsize1">A PRISONER OF THE KHALEEFA</div> - -<div class="front"> -<div class="imctr03" id="fig01"> -<img src="images/ifrontis.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">NEUFELD IN CAPTIVITY.</div> -</div></div> - -<div class="front"> -<div class="fsize1">A PRISONER OF  ·  ·<br /> -  ·  ·  THE KHALEEFA</div> - -<div class="fsize3 padtopa">Twelve Years’ Captivity at Omdurman</div> - -<div class="fsize7 padtopa">BY</div> -<div class="fsize3">CHARLES NEUFELD</div> - -<div class="fsize6 padtopa"><i>WITH NUMEROUS PORTRAITS AND PLANS</i></div> - -<div class="fsize5 padtopa">LONDON: CHAPMAN & HALL, -<span class="smmaj">LD.</span></div> -<div class="fsize6">1899</div> -</div><!--front--> - -<div class="front"> -<div class="fsize7 padtopa">PRINTED BY</div> -<div class="fsize7">WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED.</div> -<div class="fsize7">LONDON AND BECCLES.</div> -</div><!--front--> - -<div class="front"> -<div class="fsize5 padtopa">Dedication</div> -<div class="fsize5 padtopb">TO</div> -<div class="fsize4 padtopc">PUBLIC OPINION</div> - -<div class="fsize5 padtopb psignature"><span class="nowrap">CHARLES NEUFELD</span></div> -</div><!--front--> - -<ul class="chapter"><li> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toc">CONTENTS</h2> -<ul> -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p001">INTRODUCTION</a></div> <p class="hanga -fsize6">The calumnies of critics—My female slave—Real object -of my journey—Preliminary arrangements—General Stephenson’s -letter . . . 1–7</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p008">CHAPTER I</a> -<span class="blksmaller">I START -FOR KORDOFAN</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Engagement of -guides—A neglected warning—Hasseena accompanies the party—Dervishes -reported on the road—Non-arrival of Hogal—Dervishes sighted at Selima -Wells . . . 8–14</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p015">CHAPTER II</a> <span class="blksmaller">BETRAYED BY -GUIDES</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Different routes over the -desert—A quarrel amongst the guides—Scouts sent out—Hassan convicted -of error—Zigzagging in the desert—A council of war—Surprised by the -dervishes—The fight—Taken prisoners . . . 15–28</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p029">CHAPTER III</a> -<span class="blksmaller">IN THE HANDS -OF THE DERVISHES</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Conference -of the Emirs Farag and Hamza—Halt for the night—Baggage -looted by dervishes—The Emirs confiscate all treasure for the -Beit-el-Mal—Cross-questioned on my letters—Called a Government -spy—Tortured by dervish guards—Rescued by Hamza and reserved for Wad en -Nejoumi . . . 29–40</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p041">CHAPTER IV</a> -<span class="blksmaller">ARRIVAL IN -DONGOLA</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Display of dervish -horsemanship—Flogging among the Ansar—Hasseena is searched—Insults -of the rabble—I am brought before Nejoumi—I declare myself a -merchant—Evidence of a Christian girl-convert against me—Execution -of fourteen Arabs of the party—I am re-examined and sent to the -Khaleefa . . . 41–52</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p053">CHAPTER V</a> -<span class="blksmaller">THE REAL -HISTORY OF THE CAPTURE</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Extracts -from newspaper and official accounts—The antecedents of the -guide Gabou—Dissensions in the Kabbabish tribe—Gabou schemes for -his own section—Hassan’s part in the matter—Gabou reveals the -plot to Nejoumi and enlists Hogal on his side—The Emirs prepare -to intercept me—Capture of the caravan—Hogal’s deceit and its -excuse . . . 53–63</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p064">CHAPTER VI</a> -<span class="blksmaller">DONGOLA -TO OMDURMAN</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Preparations for -the journey—Nejoumi’s friendly disposition to the Government—His -loss of faith in the Mahdist movement—Why the guide Amin was -executed—Horrible death of an old Arab woman—In the market-place -of Omdurman—First meeting with Slatin—I am chained and tortured—I -defy the Khaleefa—A mock execution—The Khaleefa is merciful—Slatin -intervenes—Letter to Mankarious Effendi—Imprisoned by Slatin’s -advice . . . 64–79</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p080">CHAPTER VII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">THROWN INTO -PRISON</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Methods of shackling—My -first night in prison—Hasseena sent to the head-gaoler’s hareem—Mahmoud -Wad Said—Ajjab Abou Jinn—The three sons of Awad el Kerim—Sheikh -Hamad El Nil—Ahmed Abdel Maajid and his bride—Lessons in Mahdieh—I -visit Khartoum in chains—Again before the Khaleefa—My chains -removed . . . 80–92</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p093">CHAPTER VIII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">PRISON -LIFE</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Prayers—Night -in the Abou Hagar—Possibilities of escape—News from -Egypt—Idris-es-Saier—His methods of extortion—A prison homily—Effectual -blackmail . . . 93–104</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p105">CHAPTER IX</a> -<span class="blksmaller">MY FIRST CHANCE -OF ESCAPE</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Ahmed Nur ed Din—His -relations with Gabou—We plan an escape—Death of Nur ed Din—My sickness -and recovery—Treatment of typhus—I decline to be converted—Meal-time -in the Saier—Father Ohrwalder’s charity—A famine—The struggle -for food—Ministrations of Hasseena—Mutual help amongst the -prisoners . . . 105–119</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p120">CHAPTER X</a> -<span class="blksmaller">PRISON -JUSTICE</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Escapes from the Saier—The -advantages of matrimony—Tactics of the gaolers—I become doctor to -the hareems—Discipline amongst women prisoners—My first flogging—The -gaoler dismissed—Method of flogging—I am flogged again—My mental -agony . . . 120–133</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p134">CHAPTER XI</a> -<span class="blksmaller">A -SERIOUS DILEMMA</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Newspaper -calumnies—Hasseena’s condition—A disputed paternity—Mohammedan -laws of marriage and divorce—I decide to claim the child—Idris -disputes the claim—A jury of matrons decides in my favour—Birth -of “Makkieh”—The Khaleefa’s congratulations—Joseppi, the German -baker . . . 134–144</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p145">CHAPTER XII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">IBRAHIM -WAD ADLAN</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Friendship with -Wad Adlan—His directorship of the Beit-el-Mal—The Khaleefa -grows jealous—Adlan thrown into prison—The advantages of -trading—Adlan reinstated—I design the Mahdi’s tomb—Letters to -Mankarious Effendi—The guide Moussa Daoud el Kanaga—Reports from -Egypt—Escape of Joseppi—Treachery of spies—Disgrace and death of -Adlan . . . 145–159</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p160">CHAPTER XIII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">THE -TRUE HISTORY OF MY ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE</span></div> <p class="hanga -fsize6">Letters of the German Consul and my manager to -Mankarious—Kanaga’s visit to Cairo—He receives a letter to Slatin—He is -captured at Berber and turns back—The War Office letter to my wife—My -answer to calumnies . . . 160–169</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p170">CHAPTER XIV</a> -<span class="blksmaller">A PRISONER -AT LARGE</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Belief in evil -spirits—Shwybo as an alchemist—He is flogged for his pains—I am told -to make saltpetre—Released from my fetters—The gunpowder factory -at Halfeyeh—Death of Makkieh—I am transferred to Khartoum—Our -gunpowder a deliberate failure—Visits of Father Ohrwalder—News of his -escape . . . 170–184</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p185">CHAPTER XV</a> -<span class="blksmaller">DIVORCED AND -MARRIED</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Hasseena’s thievish -propensities—I am compelled to divorce her—The Khaleefa finds me a -wife—I forestall his good offices—Umm es Shole—Mohammedan divorce and -re-marriage—A further dilemma—The second child dies—Hasseena proves -irreclaimable . . . 185–194</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p195">CHAPTER XVI</a> -<span class="blksmaller">HOPE AND -DESPAIR</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Mankarious’ first envoy -returns—Arrival of second envoy—Rossignoli’s guide Abdallah—Projected -method of escape—Abdallah’s treatment of Rossignoli—Slatin escapes—My -chains redoubled—The Khaleefa’s fury—Slatin’s reputation amongst -the Mahdists—His letter read to the Muslimanieh—Confiscation of -his wives and property—My deliverer returns—I am again in the -Saier . . . 195–208</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p209">CHAPTER XVII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">A -NEW OCCUPATION</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Nahoum -Abbajee engages me—Emptiness of the treasury—Unsatisfactory -state of the currency—I am transferred to the arsenal—I design -blocks for the Mint—We do great damage—The Khaleefa’s buried -treasure . . . 209–215</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p216">CHAPTER XVIII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">MY -SECOND IMPRISONMENT</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Idris a -reformed character—He ensures my kind treatment—Fauzi’s first night -in prison—Kadi Ahmed’s captivity—His death by starvation—Death -of Wad Zarah—Letters from Europe—My replies—My reflections in -prison . . . 216–225</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p226">CHAPTER XIX</a> -<span class="blksmaller">RUMOURS OF -RELIEF</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Khartoum again—Thoughts -of Gordon—At work in the arsenal—Extracting precious metals—Chemical -experiments—The troops advancing—I invent a powder-mill—Its -manifold defects—I scheme to gain time—Wholesale destruction -of metal—Repairing a steamer—My letter to Onoor—In a fever for -news . . . 226–241</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p242">CHAPTER XX</a> -<span class="blksmaller">PREPARING -TO RECEIVE THE GUNBOATS</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">In -the Saier as a visitor—I send intelligence to the English—Anxiety -amongst my circle—Embassy from Abyssinia—The Khaleefa’s reply—Mahmoud -disobeys orders—Defeat of Osman and Mahmoud at the Atbara—Manufacture -of torpedoes—I decline to assist—My chains redoubled—The torpedoes -explode—I become a centre for Government sympathizers—Frustrating the -mines . . . 242–256</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p257">CHAPTER XXI</a> -<span class="blksmaller">NEARING -THE END</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Conflicting -rumours—Appeals to prophecy—I suggest a night attack—I send more -information to the army—Mad struggle with a gaoler—Negotiations -with Idris—The Khaleefa sallies out—The gunboats open fire—I -go mad—Arrival of fugitives—The riderless horse—The Khaleefa’s -despair . . . 257–268</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p269">CHAPTER XXII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">AT -LAST</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Threats of the prisoners—The -routed army in flight—Macdonald’s brigade—Illuminating the -Ratib—Soudanese sang-froid—Sheikh ed Din repulsed—Attack upon -Macdonald—Destruction of Yacoub—Flight of the Khaleefa—His narrow -escape from the Sirdar—The Sirdar enters the prison—We meet—The -head-quarters’ mess—Mr. Bennet Burleigh—My German tongue forsakes -me . . . 269–280</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p281">CHAPTER XXIII</a> -<span class="blksmaller">THE -SIRDAR AND SAVAGE WARFARE</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">The -looting of Omdurman—Soudanese troops to the rescue—Genial horseplay—A -war correspondent’s article—The Sirdar errs in giving quarter—Lex -talionis—The ferocity of wounded dervishes—No succour desirable—A -challenge to correspondents . . . 281–288</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p289">CHAPTER XXIV</a> -<span class="blksmaller">BACK -TO CIVILIZATION</span></div><p class="hanga fsize6">High -hopes—Disillusionment—Attitude of the War Office—I am forced to defend -myself—Newspaper calumnies—The News Agency representative—A good -Samaritan—Sir George Newnes . . . 289–299</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5"><a href="#p300">CHAPTER XXV</a> -<span class="blksmaller">HOW -GORDON DIED</span></div> <p class="hanga fsize6">Conflicting -accounts—A hero’s death—Hope deferred—Gordon’s last night—Value of -my testimony—Father Ohrwalder’s evidence—“Ten Years’ Captivity” -criticized—Justification of Gordon—The trader as missionary—A tribute -to Gordon . . . 300–324</p></li> - -<li><div class="fsize5">APPENDICES</div> -<ul class="fsize6"> -<li><span class="rnum"><a href="#p325">I.</a></span> Hassan -Bey Hassanein . . . 325–331</li> -<li><span class="rnum"><a href="#p332">II.</a></span> -Orphali . . . 332–337</li> <li><span -class="rnum"><a href="#p338">III.</a></span> Letter dictated by the Khaleefa -to General Stephenson . . . 338–339</li> -<li><span class="rnum"><a href="#p340">IV.</a></span> Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi—Gordon’s -favourite officer . . . 340–345</li> -<li><span class="rnum"><a href="#p346">V.</a></span> Ahmed Youssef -Kandeel . . . 346–348</li> <li><span -class="rnum"><a href="#p349">VI.</a></span> The Soudan: its Past, Present, and -Future . . . 349–359</li></ul> -</li></ul></li></ul> - -<ul class="chapter"><li> -<h2 class="nobreak">LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> -<ul class="fsize6" id="loidetail"><li> -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig01">1.</a></span> -Neufeld as found by the -Sirdar . . . <i>Frontispiece</i></p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig02">2.</a></span> -An Arab Guide . . . 8</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig03">3.</a></span> -The Khaleefa’s Eunuchs at -Attention . . . 37</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig04">4.</a></span> -The Khaleefa’s Tender -Mercies . . . 45</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig05">5.</a></span> -Sheikh ed Din’s Eunuch in his Master’s -Marriage-Jibbeh . . . 64</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig06">6.</a></span> -Writing under -Difficulties . . . 77</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig07">7.</a></span> -A Group of -Prisoners . . . 84</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig08">8.</a></span> -Learning the Mahdi’s -Ratib . . . 94</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig09">9.</a></span> -Idris-es-Saier . . . 103</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig10">10.</a></span> -Catarina . . . 114</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig11">11.</a></span> -A Flogging by Order of the -Khaleefa . . . 129</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig12">12.</a></span> -Meal-time in the -Saier . . . 143</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig13">13.</a></span> -Moussa Daoud el -Kanaga . . . 154</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig14">14.</a></span> -Mankarious Effendi with -Guides . . . 164</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig15">15.</a></span> -Umm es Shole and two -Children . . . 189</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig16">16.</a></span> -Said Bey Gumaa . . . 203</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig17">17.</a></span> -Fauzi Pasha in Dervish -Dress . . . 218</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig18">18.</a></span> -Neufeld’s Hut in the Saier, showing the Famous -Anvil . . . 223</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig19">19.</a></span> -Onoor Issa . . . 226</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig20">20.</a></span> -Powder-machines . . . 236</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig21">21.</a></span> -A Group—from Photograph taken at the Feast of -Beiram, 1899 . . . 242</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig22">22.</a></span> -Neufeld doubly -fettered . . . 252</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig23">23.</a></span> -Shereef, the “False Fourth -Khaleefa” . . . 263</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig24">24.</a></span> -The Flag of Khaleefa -Shereef . . . 273</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig25">25.</a></span> -Trophies taken at -Omdurman . . . 282</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig26">26.</a></span> -Khaleel Agha -Orphali . . . 303</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig27">27.</a></span> -Hassan Bey -Hassanein . . . 325</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig28">28.</a></span> -Fauzi Pasha in -Uniform . . . 340</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum"><a href="#fig29">29.</a></span> -Ahmed Youssef -Kandeel . . . 346</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><a href="#figmap">Map</a> -showing Proposed Route and Route actually taken by -Caravan . . . 15</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><a href="#figsketch">Sketch</a> -accompanying Author’s Account of -Capture . . . 23</p></li> - -<li><p class="hangb pleft"><a href="#figplans">Plans</a> of Palace at Khartoum illustrating the Death of -Gordon . . . 334</p> -</li></ul></li></ul> - -<div class="chapter"> -<div class="fsize3">A PRISONER OF THE KHALEEFA</div> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p001" title="INTRODUCTION"> -<span class="blksmaller">INTRODUCTION</span></h2> - -<p class="pfirst">Within seventy-two hours of my arrival in Cairo from -the Soudan, I commenced to dictate my experiences -for the present volume, and had dictated them from -the time I left Egypt, in 1887, until I had reached the -incidents connected with my arrival at Omdurman as -the Khaleefa’s captive, when I became the recipient -of a veritable sheaf of press-cuttings, extracts, letters, -private and official, new and old, which collection was -still further added to on the arrival of my wife in -Egypt, on October 13.</p></div> - -<p>My first feelings after reading the bulk of these, -and when the sensation of walking about free and -unshackled had worn off a little, was that I had but -escaped the savage barbarism of the Soudan to -become the victim of the refined cruelty of civilization. -Fortunately, maybe, my rapid change from chains -and starvation to freedom and the luxuries I might -allow myself to indulge in, brought about its inevitable -result—a reaction, and then collapse. While -ill in bed I could, when the delirium of fever had left -<span class="xxpn" id="p002">|2|</span> -me, and I was no longer struggling for breath and -standing room in that Black Hole of Omdurman, the -Saier, find it in my heart to forgive my critics, and -say, “I might have said the same of them, had they -been in my place and I in theirs.” But the inaccuracies -written and published in respect to my nationality, -biography, and, above all, the astounding inaccuracies -published in connection with my capture and the circumstances -attending it, necessitate my offering a few -words to my readers by way of introduction; but I -shall be as brief and concise as possible.</p> - -<p>I have, both directly and indirectly, been blamed -for, or accused of, the loss of arms, ammunition, and -monies sent by the Government to the loyal Sheikh -of the Kabbabish, Saleh Bey Wad Salem. Some -have gone so far as to accuse me of betraying the -party I accompanied into the hands of the dervishes; -a betrayal which led eventually to the virtual extermination -of the tribe and the death of its brave chief. -The betrayal of the caravan I accompanied <i>did</i> lead to -this result; it also led me into chains and slavery.</p> - -<p>According to one account, I arrived at Omdurman -on the 1st or 7th of March (both dates are given in -the same book), 1887; yet, at this time, to the best -of my recollection, the General commanding the Army -of Occupation in Egypt, General Stephenson, was -trying in Cairo to persuade me to abandon my projected -journey into Kordofan. In a very recent -publication, in the preface to which the authors ask -their readers to point out any inaccuracies, I am -credited with arriving as a captive at Omdurman in -<span class="xxpn" id="p003">|3|</span> -1885, when at this time I was attached as interpreter -to the Gordon Relief Expedition, and stood within -a few yards of General Earle at the battle of Kirbekan -when he was killed. It is probable I was the last -man he ever spoke to.</p> - -<p>The guide and spy who reported my capture and -death on the 13th or 14th of April, 1887, only reported -what he thought had actually happened, as a possible -result of arrangements he had made; while the -refugee Wakih Idris, who reported in August, 1890, -that I was conducting a large drapery establishment in -Omdurman, must have been a Soudanese humorist, and, -doubtless, hugely amused at his tale being believed in -the face of the Mahdi’s and Khaleefa’s crusade against -finery and luxuries (although the tenets may have -stopped short at the entrance to their hareems), and -when every one, from the highest to the lowest, had -to wear the roughest and commonest of woven -material. A drapery establishment is generally associated -with fine clothing, silks, ribbons, and laces; in -Omdurman, such an establishment, if opened, would -have been consigned to the flames, or the Beit el Mal, -and its proprietor to the Saier (prison).</p> - -<p>Yet again, when I am more heavily weighted with -chains, and my gaoler, to evidence his detestation of -the Kaffir (unbeliever) entrusted to his charge, goes -out of his way to invent an excuse for giving me the -lash, I am reported as being at liberty, my release -having been granted on the representations of some -imaginary Emir, who claimed it on the ground that -I had arranged the betrayal of Sheikh Saleh’s caravan. -<span class="xxpn" id="p004">|4|</span></p> - -<p>There is one subject I must touch upon, a subject -which has made the life of my wife as much of -a hell upon earth during my captivity, as that captivity -was to me; and a subject which has caused the most -poignant grief and pain to my near relatives. I refer -to my Abyssinian female servant Hasseena. The -mere fact of her accompanying the caravan opened up -a quarry for quidnuncs to delve in, and they delved -for twelve long years. It is needless to dilate upon -the subject here; suffice it to say that if, when my -critics have read through my plain narrative, they -have conscience enough left to admit to themselves -that they have more injured a woman than the -helpless, and in this particular connection, ignorant -captive, who has returned to life to confront them, -and if they try in future to be as charitable to their -own flesh and blood as some of the savage fanatics -were to me in the Soudan, I shall rest content.</p> - -<p>My narrative, and here I wish to say that it is -presented as I first dictated it, notwithstanding my -being confronted with, as it was put to me, “contradictions” -based upon official and semi-official records -and reports, may be depended upon as being as -correct a record as memory can be expected to give -of the events of my twelve years’ existence, from All -Fools’ Day, 1887, when, in spite of all warnings, I rode -away from life and civilization to barbarism and slavery.</p> - -<p>At the beginning of 1887, Hogal Dufa'allah, a -brother of Elias Pasha, a former Governor of Kordofan, -came to me at Assouan and suggested my accompanying -him to Kordofan, where large quantities of gum -<span class="xxpn" id="p005">|5|</span> -were lying awaiting a favourable opportunity to be -brought down, he possessing a thousand cantars -(cwts.). The owners of the gum were afraid to bring -it to the Egyptian frontier, believing that the Government -would confiscate it. Hogal was of opinion that -if I accompanied him, we should be able to induce the -people to organize a series of caravans for the transport -of the gum, he and I signing contracts to buy -it on arrival at Wadi Halfa, and guaranteeing the -owners against confiscation by the Government. -Letters and messages, he said, would be of no avail; -the people would believe they were traps set for them -by the Government, and it was out of the question -for us to attempt to take with us the large amount of -money required to purchase the gum on the spot. -I being looked upon as an Englishman, and an -Englishman’s word being then considered as good as -his bond, Hogal was sure of a successful journey; so -it was finally agreed that Hogal and I should make -up a small caravan, and get away as early as possible. -At this time, February, 1887, the loyal sheikh, Saleh -Bey Wad Salem, of the Kabbabish tribe, was holding -his own against the Mahdists, and had succeeded -in keeping open the caravan routes of the Western -Soudan.</p> - -<p>Hogal and I came to Cairo to make various business -arrangements, and while here I called upon -General Stephenson and Colonel Ardagh, and asked -permission to proceed. They tried to persuade me -to abandon what appeared to them a very risky -expedition; but, telling them that I was bent upon -<span class="xxpn" id="p006">|6|</span> -undertaking it, permission or not, I was asked if I -would mind delivering some letters to Sheikh Saleh, -as a visit to him was necessary to procure guides for -the later stages of the journey. I was also to inform -him verbally that his request for arms and ammunition -had been granted; that he should send men at -once to Wadi Halfa to receive them; and that a -number of messages to this effect had already been -sent him. General Stephenson evidently gave the -matter further consideration, for, on calling for the -letters, they were not forthcoming. He said he -would write to me to Assouan; but, he continued, -he would be glad if I would encourage Saleh, or -any of the loyal sheikhs I met, to continue to harass -the dervishes, and let him have what information I -could on my return respecting the country and the -people.</p> - -<p>The precise circumstances under which I received -his letter I have forgotten, but my former business -manager tells me that, one evening at Assouan, -he found lying on the desk an official envelope, -unaddressed, opened it, and was still reading the -letter it contained when I walked in, and exhibited -great annoyance at his having seen it. This was the -letter from General Stephenson to me, referred to by -Slatin and Ohrwalder. I remember it but as a sort -of private communication, not in any way official; and -I think it well at an early moment to state so, as it -has been borne in upon me that there is an impression -in certain quarters that I might, on the strength of -references made to it in Father Ohrwalder’s and Slatin -<span class="xxpn" id="p007">|7|</span> -Pasha’s books, make some claim against the British -Government, and I consider it advisable to say at -once that no such idea ever occurred to me.</p> - -<p>Completing our arrangements in Cairo, Hogal and -I started south, Hogal going to Derawi to buy camels -for the journey to Kordofan, and I going to Assouan -and Wadi Halfa to make final arrangements and -prepare food for the desert journey.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p008" title="CHAPTER I. I START FOR KORDOFAN."> -CHAPTER I -<span class="blksmaller">I START FOR KORDOFAN</span></h2> - -<p class="pfirst">Before leaving Assouan for Cairo, I had made an agreement -with Hassib el Gabou, of the Dar Hamad section -of the Kabbabish tribe, and Ali el Amin, from Wadi el -Kab, to act as guides for us as far as Gebel Ain, where -we hoped to find Sheikh Saleh. Gabou was in the -employ of the military authorities as spy, receiving a -monthly gratuity or pay. He and Ali el Amin were -each to receive three hundred dollars for the journey, -a hundred and fifty dollars each to be paid in -advance, and the remainder at the end of the journey. -On arrival at Gebel Ain, they were to arrange for -guides for us from amongst Saleh’s men. The route -we had chosen is shown on the accompanying plan, -taken from a map published by Kauffmann, a copy of -which I had with me, and another copy of which I -have been fortunate enough to find since my return.</p> -</div> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig02"> -<img src="images/i008.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">AN ARAB GUIDE.</div> -</div> - -<p>On arriving at Derawi, Hogal set about at once -buying camels. Our party was to consist of Hogal, -Hassib el Gabou, Ali el Amin, my Arabic clerk Elias, -my female servant Hasseena, myself, and four men -whom Hogal was to engage, to bring up our party to -<span class="xxpn" id="p009">|9|</span> -ten people, so that we might be prepared to deal with -any small band of marauding dervishes. Hogal was -to purchase camels from the Ababdeh, who possessed, -and probably still do, the best camels for the description -of journey we were undertaking. He was to take -them into the desert to test their powers of endurance, -as, from the route chosen, they might have to travel -fifteen days without water. He was also to purchase -extra camels to carry water, so that if the necessity -arose, we could strike further west into the desert than -arranged for, and be able to keep away from the wells -for thirty days. We were to take with us only such -articles as were essential for the journey; food, arms -and ammunition, three hundred dollars in cash, and -our presents of watches, silks, jewellery, pipes, and -ornaments for the sheikhs we met.</p> - -<p>Hogal was to leave Derawi on or about the 20th -March, and bringing the camels through the desert on -the west of the Nile, was so to time his last stage as -to reach Wadi Halfa at sunset on the 26th or 27th. -The guides, my clerk, servant, and myself were to slip -over by boat, and our caravan was to strike off west at -once. Our departure was to be kept as secret as -possible.</p> - -<p>On my reaching Shellal after leaving Hogal at -Derawi, I was overtaken by an old friend, Mohammad -Abdel Gader Gemmareeyeh, who, having learned in -confidence from Hogal the reason for his purchasing -the camels, hurried after me to warn me against -employing Gabou as guide, as he knew the man was -not to be trusted. He told me that Gabou was acting -<span class="xxpn" id="p010">|10|</span> -as spy for friend and foe, and was being paid by both, -but this I did not then credit. I laughed at the man’s -expressed fears, and telling him that as Hogal and I -were to direct the caravan, and Gabou was to accompany -us as guide, I had no intention of abandoning -a journey, at the end of which a small fortune awaited -me. I knew very well that not a single person was to -be trusted out of sight and hearing, but as there was -no reason why Gabou should not be kept within both, -there was equally no reason why I should have any -fears. Besides this, I was vain enough to believe that -perhaps I might, as a result of my journey, be able -to hand to the military authorities a report of some -value, and the halo of romance, which still hung over -everything Soudanese, was in itself no little attraction.</p> - -<p>I reached Wadi Halfa about March 23, and set -to work quietly with final arrangements. Hasseena -had elected to accompany us, and this on the suggestion -of Hogal, his reasons being first, that being -accompanied by a woman, the peaceful intentions -of our little caravan would be evidenced; secondly, -that Hasseena, when the slave of her old master of -the Alighat Arabs, had on a number of occasions made -the journey between El Obeid, Dongola, and Derawi, -and would be of great use to us in hareems in very -much the same way that a lady in civilized countries, -having an <i>entrée</i> to a salon, is occasionally able to -further the interests of her male relatives or friends; -and in the East, <i>all</i> women have the <i>entrée</i> to -hareems.</p> - -<p>The morning after my arrival at Wadi Halfa I -<span class="xxpn" id="p011">|11|</span> -heard that forty of Sheikh Saleh’s men, led by one of -his slaves, Ismail, had already arrived to take over the -arms and ammunition. Gabou came to me the same -day, and suggested our abandoning the proposed -expedition, as he was afraid that the dervishes might -hear of Saleh’s men coming in, and send out bands to -intercept the caravan on its return, and we might fall -into the hands of one of them. Believing that Gabou -was simply trying to induce me to add to his remuneration -for the extra risks, I told him I should hold him -to his agreement. A day or two later, seeing that I was -determined to go on, he suggested that we should, for -safety, accompany Saleh’s men, but this I objected to. -The Kabbabish were fighting the dervishes, and lost -no opportunity of pouncing down upon any small -bands, and I had no particular wish to look for more -adventures than my expedition itself was likely to provide. -There was also the question of time; Sheikh -Saleh’s baggage camels would only move at the rate of -about a mile an hour, while ours would cover two and -a half to three miles easily.</p> - -<p>On March 24, I received a telegram from Hogal, -then at Assouan, announcing his arrival there with -the camels, and his intention to come on at once, -so that he should have reached Wadi Halfa on the -28th or 29th of the month. Gabou now exhibited -particular anxiety that we should join Saleh’s party, -and took upon himself to make an arrangement with -them. On my remonstrating with him, he said that if -the dervishes were on the road, they would certainly be -met with between Wadi Halfa and the Selima Wells, -<span class="xxpn" id="p012">|12|</span> -or, maybe, at the wells themselves, and this was the -only part of our route where there was any likelihood -of our coming in contact with them, our road, after -Selima, being well to the west. “Now,” said he, “if -Saleh’s caravan goes off, and the dervishes on the road -are not strong enough to attack, they will allow the -caravan to pass, but wait about the roads either in the -hope of getting reinforcements in time to attack, or -with the hope of attacking any smaller parties.” He -believed the dervishes might go on to the wells, and -encamp there, so that in either case we should fall into -their clutches. It was Gabou’s opinion that Sheikh -Saleh’s caravan was strong enough to annihilate the -dervish bands, which he <i>now</i> said he had heard were -actually on the road. This decided me. I asked him -why he had not told me of this before. He had forgotten -to do so!</p> - -<p>The 28th, 29th, 30th, and 31st of the month passed, -and still no appearance of Hogal and the camels. -Ismail was impatient to be off, and Gabou suggested, -that as my camels must be close at hand, Hasseena, -Elias, El Amin and I should start with Saleh’s -caravan, he following us as soon as our camels arrived. -My camels being in good condition, and unloaded, -would, he said, overtake the caravan in a few hours, -and he was very anxious to test them for trotting -speed while overtaking us. We were joined at Wadi -Halfa by about twenty Arabs of different tribes, -bringing our caravan up to sixty-four men and about -a hundred and sixty camels. Gabou gave us as -guide for Selima, a man named Hassan, also of the -<span class="xxpn" id="p013">|13|</span> -Dar Hamads. Crossing to the western bank of the -Nile early on the morning of April 1, 1887, by ten -o’clock we had loaded up and started on that journey to -the Soudan, which was to take me twelve long years -to complete.</p> - -<p>When we had been two days on the road, I began -to feel a little uneasy at the non-appearance of my -camels; but thinking that maybe Gabou had purposely -delayed starting so as to give them a stiff test in hard -trotting, I comforted myself with this reflection, though -as day after day passed, my anxiety became very real. -On the night of April 7, we judged we must -be close to Selima Wells, and sent out scouts to -reconnoitre; they reached the wells, and returned -saying that they could not find traces of any one -having been there for some time. Our caravan -reached the wells between nine and ten o’clock in the -morning, and about midday, while we were occupied -in watering the camels and preparing food, we heard a -shot fired from the south-east, and shortly afterwards -one of our scouts came in saying that he had been -sighted by a party of about twenty men on camels; -one of the men had fired at him at long range, and the -whole party had then hurried off to the south.</p> - -<p>A hurried conference was held; it was the general -opinion that this party must be scouts of a larger one, -and that they had gone off for the purpose of apprising -their main body. Ismail decided upon pushing on at -once. There was little time for me to consider what -to do; to return to Wadi Halfa was out of the -question, as Ismail could not spare any of his men as a -<span class="xxpn" id="p014">|14|</span> -bodyguard; to wait at the wells was not to be thought -of, and the only other alternative was to go on with -the caravan. I told Elias to write out short notes for -Hogal and Gabou, which I had intended to leave at -the wells; but as Ismail pointed out, I should have to -leave them conspicuously marked in some way to -attract attention, and, if the dervishes got to the wells -first, or if those we had seen returned with others, they -would be the first to get the notes, which would -endanger our caravan, and the little party I was so -anxiously expecting. There was nothing for it but to -go on and hope for the best. If the worst came to the -worst, it meant only that my gum expedition was -temporarily delayed, and that I should, after reaching -Sheikh Saleh, take my first opportunity of getting -north again.</p> - -<div class="imctr02" id="figmap"> -<img src="images/i015.jpg" width="528" height="697" alt="" /> -<div class="caption">Map showing Proposed Route -and Route actually taken by Caravan -<div class="imglg"><a href="images/i015lg.jpg">see better image</a></div> -</div></div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p015" title="CHAPTER II. BETRAYED BY GUIDES."> -CHAPTER II -<span class="blksmaller">BETRAYED BY GUIDES</span></h2> - -<p class="pfirst">There are five caravan routes running from Selima -Wells—that furthest west leading to El Kiyeh, the -next to El Agia, and the one in the centre leading to -the Nile near Hannak, with a branch running to Wadi -el Kab. Our objective being to meet Sheikh Saleh -at Gebel Ain, we should have taken the route leading -to El Agia, and this we had selected, because, as it was -well out in the desert, there was little likelihood of our -encountering any roving bands of dervish robbers. -When we had been on the road a few hours, I -ventured the opinion that we had taken the wrong -route, and a halt was called while I examined the map -I had with me, after which examination I felt certain -that we were marching in the wrong direction. The -guide Hassan was equally certain that we were on the -El Agia road. A discussion ensued, which was ended -by Hassan telling me, with what he intended to be -withering sarcasm, “I never walked on paper” (meaning -the map); “I have always walked on the desert. -I am the guide, and I am responsible. The road you -want us to go by leads to El Etroun (Natron district), -<span class="xxpn" id="p016">|16|</span> -sixty marches distant; if we take your road and we -all die of thirst in the desert, I should be held responsible -for the loss of the lives, and your paper -could not speak to defend me.” Hassan’s dramatic -description of the scene of his being blamed by the -Prophet for losing these valuable lives if he trusted to -a “paper,” had more to do with his gaining his point -than pure conviction as to whether we were on the -right road or not. From El Agia, as Saleh’s men -said, they knew every stone on the desert, but in this -part they had to trust to Hassan.</p></div> - -<p>During the whole of this first day we forced the -baggage camels on at their best pace, travelling by -my compass in a south and south-easterly direction. -The arrangement I had made with Gabou for my -own caravan, which arrangement Ismail had agreed -to when Gabou suggested our travelling with them, -was that we should travel a little to the west of -the El Agia camel tracks, but keep parallel to -them. When we halted that night I spoke to Ismail -about this, and asked him to keep to this part of -the agreement—that is to say, to travel parallel to, -and not on, the track. Hassan objected, as it meant -slower travelling. Still pressing on after a short rest, -Hassan zigzagged the caravan over stony ground with -the object of losing our trail, as our caravan, consisting -of about 160 camels, was an easy one to track up.</p> - -<p>We travelled fast until mid-day of the 10th, when -we were obliged to take a rest owing to the -extreme heat. We were in an arid waste; not the -slightest sign of vegetation or anything living but -<span class="xxpn" id="p017">|17|</span> -ourselves to be seen anywhere. Off again at sunset, -we travelled the whole night through, my compass at -midnight showing me that we were, if anything, -travelling towards the east, when our direction should -certainly have been south-west. At our next halt I -spoke to Ismail again, but Hassan convinced him of -his infallibility in desert routes. The following morning, -the 11th, there was no disguising the fact about -our direction: the regular guides travel by the stars -at night-time, but they laugh at the little niceties -between the cardinal points, as Hassan laughed at me -when I tried to get him to believe in the sand diagram -I showed him, with the object of proving to him that -a divergence increases the further you get away from -the starting-point. El Amin now joined me in saying -that he thought we were on the wrong road, but -Hassan was prepared. He had, he said, during the -night, led us further into the desert to again break -our trail, and that he was now leading us to the -regular road. El Amin replied that it was his -opinion that Hassan had lost the road in the night, -and now was trying to find it. This led to a lively -discussion and an exchange of compliments, which -almost ended in a nasty scuffle, as some were siding -with Hassan and others with El Amin.</p> - -<p>Acting upon my advice, men were sent out east and -west to pick up the regular caravan route. Hassan -declared that a branch of the regular road would be -found to the east, Amin and I declared for the west. -Hassan took two men east, and Amin, accompanied by -two others, went west. About an hour after sunset -<span class="xxpn" id="p018">|18|</span> -both parties returned. El Amin arrived first, and -reported that they had failed to find any trace of the -road. Hassan came shortly afterwards, and, having -heard before reaching Ismail of the failure of the -others, came up to us jubilant and triumphant, as a -road had been picked up where he said it would. -They had not only picked up the road, but had come -to the resting-place of a caravan of fifteen to twenty -camels, which could only be a few hours ahead of us, -as the embers of the caravan’s fire places were still hot. -I judged it best to be silent on the subject of the -route now, though Amin, jibed and scoffed at by the -victorious Hassan, was loud in his declarations that we -were on the wrong route, and that Hassan had lost -his way; this nearly led to trouble again between him -and the two men who had accompanied Hassan, as -they considered their word doubted.</p> - -<p>We travelled east during the night, and crossed the -road which Hassan had, during the day, picked up. -But there was a feeling of uncertainty and unrest in -the caravan. One after another appealed to me, and -I could but say that I was still convinced my “paper” -was right and Hassan wrong. El Amin, pricked to -the quick, spread through the caravan his opinion -that Hassan had not lost his way, but was deliberately -leading us in the wrong direction. When we halted -on the 12th, Ismail, noticing the gossiping going on, -and the manner of his men, decided upon sending out -scouts to the east to see if they could pick up anything -at all in the way of landmarks. El Amin joined the -scouts, who were absent the whole day. They -<span class="xxpn" id="p019">|19|</span> -returned at night with the news that we were nearer -the river than El Agia Wells, and on this, our fourth day -from Selima, we should have been close to El Agia. -This report, coming not from El Amin only, but from -Saleh’s own people who knew the district, created -consternation. Again the “paper” was called for, -and on this occasion Hassan was told that the paper -knew better than he did.</p> - -<p>That night scene of betrayed men, desperate, -with death from thirst or dervish swords a certainty, -can be better imagined than described. There had -been no husbanding of the drinking-water, and it -was almost out; many, in the hurry of departure -from Selima, had not filled their water-skins. There -was no doubt now that we were, as I had said from -the beginning, on the road to Wadi el Kab, and -travelling in the enemy’s country. But Hassan, -threatened as he was, had still one more card to play. -He acknowledged that he had lost his way, but said -this was not altogether his fault; we, he said, had -been travelling hard, and, feeling sure he was on the -right track, he had been careless, or had neglected to -look out for the usual marks, and that this was -because Amin and I had annoyed him at the beginning -of the march, as to the road. He now said -that we were well to the west of El Kab, and on -its extreme limits where the wady disappeared into -desert water could be found, and being so far west, it -was most improbable that we should find any dervishes -there. Another council was held. Hassan was for -continuing in an easterly direction; I proposed west, -<span class="xxpn" id="p020">|20|</span> -believing now that the wady would be found to the -west; while Ismail, advised by Amin, elected for a -southerly direction. At last it was agreed that Ismail, -Hassan, and some men should ride hard in a south-westerly -direction, in the hopes of picking up some -branch caravan route leading to El Agia. The remainder -of the caravan, with myself and Amin, were -to travel easily in a southerly direction for five hours, -and then halt and await the return to us of Ismail.</p> - -<p>We halted between three and four in the afternoon, -but no sooner had we done so, when a heavy sandstorm -burst upon us. There are varieties of sandstorms -as there are of most other things, but this was -one of the worst varieties. The air becomes thick -with the finest particles, which gives one more the -idea of a yellow fog in the north than of anything else -I might liken it to. We were obliged to wrap our -own and the camels’ heads in cloths and blankets to -protect ourselves, if not from suffocation, from something -very near it. The storm lasted until after -sunset, and as it must have obliterated all traces of -our tracks, scouts were sent out to sight Ismail. Up -till midnight no signs of him were forthcoming. -Breaking up what camel saddles we could spare, we -lit fires to attract his attention to our position, and as -these burned low, shots were fired at intervals of five -minutes. After ten or twelve shots had been fired, I -recommended that volleys of five should be fired at the -same intervals, and when I believe six had been fired, -we heard Ismail calling to us from the darkness. He -had encountered the sandstorm, but evidently had had -<span class="xxpn" id="p021">|21|</span> -a worse time of it than we had. He had heard our -volleys, and had replied with single shots, but these -we had not heard.</p> - -<p>On reaching the caravan, Ismail ordered the fires to -be put out, and the camels to be at once loaded and -their fastenings well looked to. The rifles were cleared -of the sand which had accumulated on them, and -Ismail went round inspecting everything for himself. -I called him aside and asked him what he had discovered. -He whispered one word, “Treachery,” and -returned to his inspection of the animals. When he -had satisfied himself of the arms being in readiness, -and the cases so secured that if the camels bolted they -would not be able to throw off their load very easily, -he gave the orders to march. Ignoring Hassan completely, -he led us west, sending out as scouts, on fast -camels, Darb es Safai and El Amin, my guide; but at -sunrise they came back to us, saying that not a trace -of road could be found.</p> - -<p>I cannot weary my readers with a day-to-day record -of our zigzagging in the desert—one day Hassan in -the ascendant as guide, another day El Amin, and -from this time I cannot pretend to remember the -exact day on which particular incidents happened. -There were too many incidents to attempt a complete -record, even with a diary, had I kept one.</p> - -<p>El Amin had confided to me and Ismail his firm -conviction that Hassan was doing all this purposely, -and that he knew precisely whereabouts we were, as -he had noticed him making some sort of calculations, -and drawing lines with his camel-stick in the sand. -<span class="xxpn" id="p022">|22|</span></p> - -<p>Perhaps it was because I did not wish to, that I -could not credit the implied treachery. Gabou and -Hassan belonged to the Kabbabish tribe, and as the -rifles and ammunition we were carrying were to assist -Sheikh Saleh to fight the common enemy, what object -could there be in betraying us? Saleh’s men would -certainly fight to the death; betrayer and betrayed -would run equal risks of being killed—indeed, the -betrayer would almost certainly be killed instantly by -those he was leading. I therefore dismissed the idea -from my head, took it for granted that the man had -actually lost his way, and declined to fall in with -El Amin’s suggestion to say “good-bye” to the -caravan, make straight for the Nile, and take our -chances of passing clear as merchants, should we -meet any people on the road.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="figsketch"> -<img src="images/i023.jpg" width="600" height="579" alt="" /> -<div class="caption">Sketch accompanying author’s -account of capture<div class="imglg"> -<a href="images/i023lg.jpg">see better image</a></div> -</div></div> - -<p>On, I believe, our sixth day out from Selima, we -crossed a caravan route running east and west, and, -referring to my map, I had no hesitation in telling -Ismail that this must be the caravan route between -El Kab and El Agia, but on which part of the road -we were I could not imagine. I wanted to attempt -travelling along this road, but Hassan declared it led -to El Kiyeh. That we must now be close to Wadi -el Kab, every one knew. A “council of war” was -held, at which it was decided to risk going on, as we -must be travelling towards the wells on the extreme -edge of the wady. We were to try and pick up the -wells, water the camels, fill our skins, and then strike -direct west and encamp at night-time, not to remain near -the wells. While we were discussing the situation, some -<span class="xxpn" id="p023">|23|</span> -men had been sent along the road to try and discover -anything in the way of marks or tracks which would -give an idea as to our exact position, and they reported -that there could be little doubt of this being El Kiyeh -road, and that El Kiyeh must be six days distant. -This news decided us. Our water-supply was out. -A six days’ march over that desert under such conditions -meant perishing of thirst, and there was, again, -the uncertainty as to whether we should be, after all, -on the road to El Kiyeh or El Etroun.</p> - -<p>One of the camels was ailing, so it was decided to kill -it, and let the men have a good meal of meat. Early -the next day, I believe our eighth or ninth day from -Selima, an Alighat Arab was sent scouting to the -west; he never returned. We halted and waited for -his return as arranged, and lost the night’s travel in -consequence. On the following day, unmistakable -landmarks were picked up, which proved that we were -but a few hours distant from the Wadi el Kab, and it -was believed we could reach the wells by sunset. -Unloading the camels, and leaving four men in charge -of the baggage, we started off for the wells, expecting -to return the same night. We travelled without -incident until about two o’clock in the afternoon, when -we reached the broken ground skirting the wady -proper. My guide, El Amin, and two men, had been -sent on ahead to reconnoitre. The place is dotted -with sand-dunes and hillocks from fifty to a hundred -feet high, and on nearing the first hillock, and when -approximately at “A,” we heard a shot fired. El -Amin and his companions had then reached the spot -<span class="xxpn" id="p024">|24|</span> -marked “G” on the accompanying plan; we believed -the shot to be a signal that they had found water, and -pressed on until we reached “B,” when shot after shot -was fired, the bullets whistling over our heads. At -this moment we saw Amin and his companions hurrying -back to us. Next came some broken volleys, but -all the shots were high. Up to now we had not seen -our assailants, but the smoke from the rifles now discovered -their whereabouts—the hillock marked “C.”</p> - -<p>I was slightly ahead of the main body, with Hassan, -the guide, some yards away on my right. Being -mounted on a large white camel, well caparisoned, -and wearing a bright silk Kofeyeh on my head, I -offered an excellent mark, and shot after shot whistled -over me. I was turning my camel round to hurry -back to the main body, when I saw Hassan fall to the -ground. Calling to my clerk Elias, who was nearest -to him, to help him back on the camel, or make the -camel kneel to cover him, I tried to get mine to kneel -so that I could dismount, but the brute was startled -and restive. Elias called out that Hassan was -“mayat khaalass” (stone dead). Our men were now -quickly dismounting and loading their rifles. Bullet -after bullet and volley after volley came, but no one -was struck as yet except Hassan. Making the -camels kneel, as a precaution against their bolting, -we advanced in open order towards the hillock from -whence the shots came, I on the extreme left, Ismail -in the centre, and Darb es Safai on the right. Rounding -the hillock “C,” we caught the first glimpse of the -enemy, about fifty strong, and then rapidly retiring. -<span class="xxpn" id="p025">|25|</span> -We fired a volley into them, on which they turned and -replied, and a pretty hot fusilade was kept up for -some minutes, but the firing was wild on both sides. -I saw two of our men fall, and about eight to ten of -the dervishes. Picking up their dead or wounded, -they hurried off again, leaving two camels behind. -Darb es Safai, who was leading the right, and was -now well in advance, was the first to reach the -camels, and discovered that they were loaded with filled -water-skins. Calling out, “Moyia lil atshan;* Allah -kereem!” (“Water for the thirsty; God is generous!”), -he commenced to unfasten the neck of one of the -skins. A mad rush was made for the water; arms -were thrown down, and the men struggled around the -camels for a drink. I tried for a few seconds, when -I reached them, to counsel moderation, knowing the -effect of a copious draught on the system under the -circumstances and condition they were in. Some of -the men had been three days without water, and the -camel flesh they had eaten had not improved matters.</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn01"> -<p class="pfn">* <i>Moyia lil atshan.</i></p> -<p class="pfn">(Water for the thirsty.)</p></div> - -<p>While the struggle was still in progress, Hasseena, -who with Elias had followed us up, ran to me saying -that the dervishes were returning, and, looking in the -direction of “E,” I saw about a hundred and fifty men -advancing at a rapid pace. I raised the alarm, and -Ismail gave the call to arms; but few heard his voice -in the din. Those few fired a few shots, but it was now -too late; in a moment the dervishes were upon us, -friend and foe one struggling mass. Above the noise -could be heard the voice of the dervish leader reminding -<span class="xxpn" id="p026">|26|</span> -his men of some orders they had received, and to -“secure their men alive.” Even in that moment it -flashed upon me that we had been led into an ambush, -else why the reference to “our master’s orders” given -by their leader? Elias, Hasseena, and I ran towards -“F” to take cover; it was no use my using my fowling-piece -on that struggling mass, as I should have -struck friend and foe. Just as we reached the base of -the hillock, Elias was captured, and the five or six -dervishes who had pursued us occupied themselves -with examining the contents of the bag he was carrying—my -three hundred dollars, jewellery, etc. They -gave a mere glance towards me, and then moved off.</p> - -<p>Pushing a few stones together, I laid out my -cartridges, reloaded my revolvers, and prepared to die -fighting. Ismail, the leader of our caravan, had by some -means managed to get clear of the mass, and, reaching -my camel, mounted it and rode off, riding hard to the -right of “F.” Seeing Hasseena and me, he called -to us to try and secure camels and follow him up. -Hasseena on this ran down the hillock; I had not -noticed her disappearance from the immediate vicinity -of the hillock, as I was too much occupied hurriedly -making my diminutive zareeba of stones. Glancing -over the stones later, I was astonished to see her -walking at the head of the dervishes who had secured -Elias, they following in Indian file. Hasseena called -out that I was given quarter, and that I was to stand -up unarmed. This I refused to do, and as they kept -advancing, I kept my gun pointed at them from -between the stones. Hasseena again called out, -<span class="xxpn" id="p027">|27|</span> -saying that they had orders not to hurt me, in evidence -of which they fired their rifles into the air, and then -laid them on the sand.</p> - -<p>By this time I could see that our men were -bound, and grouped together on the plain; I left my -cover, descended the hillock, and advanced to the -dervishes, when I was saluted with yells and cries of -“El Kaffir, El Kaffir” (“the unbeliever”). One, -maybe more fanatical than the rest, after vituperating -me, made a motion as if to strike at my head with his -sword. Looking him in the eyes, I asked, “Is this -the word of honour (meaning quarter) of your Prophet -and master; you liar, you son of a dog? strike, unclean -thing!” While, as is only to be expected, I was at -that moment trembling with fear and excitement, I -had lived too long in the East to forget that a bold -front and fearless manner command respect, if not -fear. My words and manner had the desired effect, -for one, turning to my would-be assailant, asked, -“What are you doing? Have you forgotten our -master’s orders?” This was the second time something -had been said about “orders.” I put a few -questions to my captors, but they declined to reply to -them, saying that I could speak to the Emirs Hamza -and Farag, and they hurried me towards them. The -Emir, whom later I knew to be Farag, asked my -name, and what I wanted in his country; then, -turning to his followers without waiting for a reply, -called out, “This is the Pasha our master Wad en -Nejoumi sent us to capture; thanks be to God we -have taken him unhurt.” The latter remark was -<span class="xxpn" id="p028">|28|</span> -made as a reproof to the man who had threatened -to strike me, as the incident had been reported, and -also as a warning to the others.</p> - -<p>Taking me apart from the others, he continued, “I -see you are thirsty;” and, calling up one of his men, -told him to pour some water over some hard dry -bread, and, handing it to me, said smilingly, “Eat—it is -not good for you to drink.” I divined his meaning. -Had our men not made that mad rush for the water, -we might have had a very different tale to tell, and -who knows if, had we won the day and reached Sheikh -Saleh, the history of the Soudan for the past twelve -years might not have read differently? <i>Mine</i> would -have done so.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p029" title="CHAPTER III. - IN THE HANDS OF THE DERVISHES."> -CHAPTER III -<span class="blksmaller">IN THE HANDS OF THE DERVISHES</span></h2> - -<p class="pfirst">I was handed over to two men, who were held -responsible for my well-being; Hasseena and Elias -were placed together in the charge of others, and we -were ordered to seat ourselves a little distance away. -The dervishes had with them military tents which -must have been taken at Khartoum, and one was soon -pitched. Here the Emirs and principal men met to -hold a conference and inquiry. Darb es Safai and -others were taken up one by one, and the question -put to them direct, “Where are the rifles and the -cartridges?” for no case had, of course, been brought -on with us to the wells. They denied any knowledge -of them; then replied Farag, “We will find them for -you, and show you how they are used.” My turn -came, and in reply to the usual question, I said that I -knew nothing at all about them; questioned still -further, I admitted that I had seen a number of boxes, -but I could not pretend to know what was inside of -them. Asked then as to where they were, I said I -could not tell—in the desert somewhere; they had -been thrown away, as the camels, being tired and -<span class="xxpn" id="p030">|30|</span> -thirsty, could not carry them any longer. Still interrogated, -I replied that the guide who had brought us -here was the first killed in the firing, and that I did -not think any one else of our caravan could find their -way back to the place where the boxes were left.</p></div> - -<p>At this, rapid glances were passed from one to the -other. Asked if I was sure he was killed, I could only -reply that my clerk had told me so, that I had seen him -fall, and indicated the place. Farag sent off a man in -that direction after whispering some instructions to him, -and during the few minutes he was away perfect -silence reigned in the tent, with the exception of the -click, click of the beads of the <i>Sibha</i> (rosary). When -he returned, he whispered his reply to Farag. Two -of the Alighat Arabs who had joined us at Wadi -Halfa were next brought up and questioned; they -did not give direct replies; they were taken aside, but -not far enough away to prevent my overhearing part -of what went on, when, as a result of promises and -then threats, I gathered that they undertook to lead -the dervishes to the spot where the cases had been -left in the desert. It is quite certain, from the -questions put by the dervishes, that they were -ignorant of the precise spot where the baggage had -been left, and it in a measure confirmed the death of -Hassan; but I have always had a suspicion that the -man shammed death and got away, to present himself -later on to Nejoumi. He might easily have -mingled with the dervishes and not been seen by us.</p> - -<p>The sun had now set; the conference ended, and -orders were given by Farag for all to march back by -<span class="xxpn" id="p031">|31|</span> -the route we had come, the Alighat Arabs, with Amin -between them, leading. We marched for only an -hour or so, for our camels, being tired and not having -been watered, gave trouble. A halt was called for the -night, and what water the dervishes had was partly -distributed. By sunrise the next day we were on the -march again, twenty-five men, well mounted, having -been sent on in advance with the guides. All Saleh’s -men, wounded and sound, were compelled to walk, -the dervishes and their wounded riding on camels.</p> - -<p>In the afternoon we reached the spot where we had -left the four men in charge of the baggage, to find -them with their hands bound behind them. The -advance party had reached them about ten o’clock in -the morning, and had doubtless found them asleep, as -no shots had been fired. The men were not to be -blamed in any way, and it really mattered but little -whether they were asleep or awake when taken, with -the odds against them. I had, on starting for the -wells, left them the little water I had saved; had they -not had this, they could not have slept.</p> - -<p>In the same way that Saleh’s men had forgotten -everything in that mad rush for the water, so did the -dervishes break loose, forget all about their prisoners, -and rush on the pile of cases. The ground was soon -littered with rifles, packets of ammunition, sugar, -clothing, food, and the hundred and one articles to be -found in a trading caravan, for the cases and bales of -the Arabs who had joined us at Wadi Halfa contained -only merchandise. My mind was soon made up; -running towards the other prisoners with my -<span class="xxpn" id="p032">|32|</span> -hunting-knife, I thought that at all events the thongs of a few -might be cut, and making for the camels and scattering -in different directions, a few might have got clear. -It was a mad idea, but it was something. Before any -part of my half-formed plan could be put into execution, -the guards were down on us. I was taken to the -Emir, Said Wad Farag, but I excused myself, saying -that, being a medical man, I had gone to see if I could -attend to any of the wounded. Complimenting me -on my thought for the others, he recommended me -to think of myself, appropriated the knife the guards -had found in my hand, and told me he would let -me know when to use it, warning me at the same -time not to attempt to speak to any of the other -prisoners.</p> - -<p>When the excitement over the loot had cooled down -a little, a camel was killed in honour of the occasion, -and my servant Hasseena was ordered to prepare -some of the dishes. I was invited to eat with the -Emirs. Our first dish was the raw liver of the camel, -covered with salt and shetta—a sort of red pepper. I -had seen this dish being eaten, but had never partaken -of it myself before. I had two reasons for eating it -now: first, I was hungry and thirsty; secondly, one of -the first signs of fear is a disinclination, I might say -inability, to swallow food, and fear of my captors was -the last thing I intended to exhibit. After the meal, -my clothes were taken from me, as they looked upon -them as the dress of a kaffir, and I was turned out -into the night-air with my singlet, drawers, and socks -as my complete wardrobe. My turban and Baghdad -<span class="xxpn" id="p033">|33|</span> -Kofiyeh were also taken, so that I was bareheaded -into the bargain.</p> - -<p>When the dervishes had finished their food, and -before they lay down for the night, the Emir Farag sent -for all the loot to be collected and brought before his -tent, when it would later on be distributed according -to the rules of the Beit-el-Mal (Treasury). This -institution and its working will be described later. -Only a part of the loot was collected, for the men, -knowing from experience the extraordinary manner in -which loot “shrank” in bulk and numbers when -placed in the hands of the Emirs to be distributed -according to rule, concealed in the sand or beneath -their jibbehs, whatever could be hidden there. The -pipes and tobacco found in the baggage were burned, -as their use was prohibited by the Mahdi. Amongst -my things was found my letter-wallet, and this was -handed to the Emirs, who afterwards sent for me and -demanded to know the contents of the letters. I -replied that they were only business documents, -receipts for goods, and such like, but that if the wallet -was handed to me, I would translate each document. -Being satisfied with this answer, Farag kept the wallet. -Complaining of my clothing having been taken, he -allowed me to have my flannel shirt, and gave me a -piece of rag as head-dress. In this guise, I lay down -in the sand to doze and wake the whole night through, -conscious yet unconscious, with the incidents of the last -eighteen days chasing each other through my brain.</p> - -<p>The camp was astir long before sunrise, and by -sunrise we were on the move east towards El Kab, -<span class="xxpn" id="p034">|34|</span> -which we reached about three o’clock in the afternoon. -The “wells,” at the part we arrived at, are upon -ascending ground; but the name “well” in this instance -is a misnomer. They are shallow basins scooped out -with the hands or any rough implement, the water -being found about three feet below the surface, shrubs -indicating where to scoop. The camels were watered -and left to graze on the scanty herbage. Another -camel was killed to celebrate the capture of the -caravan, and again I was invited to take food with -the Emirs. I was asked only the most commonplace -questions, but I could not get any reply to those I -put, except that Abdel Rahman Wad en Nejoumi would -tell me all I wished to know. While still with the -Emirs, Farag called up his followers again, and after -congratulating them upon the capture of the “English -Pasha” and the caravan (though the Emir knew very -well who I was, from old days at Korti), he harangued -them on the advisability of obeying to the letter the -orders of the Mahdi transmitted to the Khaleefa, and -by the Khaleefa to him, winding up his oration with -threats of punishment and imprisonment to any of the -faithful who robbed the Beit-el-Mal by concealing any -of the loot, after which he ordered every one to be -searched again. I had many opportunities later of -seeing evidences of what the Emirs most relied upon, -in regard to the handing over of any loot—an exhortation -to their followers, and an appeal to their religious -scruples—or threats of punishment and imprisonment. -Both went together, and were administered in the -order I have given them, and there was seldom an -<span class="xxpn" id="p035">|35|</span> -occasion when a search did not follow the appeal to -their honesty, and when punishment did not follow -the search for concealed loot.</p> - -<p>Wad Farag dismissed me for the night, but I had -hardly lain down when two dervishes stole up, and -asked me to describe all the baggage I had with me. -I said that a list would be found in my wallet, which, -if they would bring to me, would allow of me giving -them the required information. One left me, for the -purpose, I imagine, of asking the Emir for the wallet, -but returned shortly saying that I should <i>have</i> to remember, -and that the list I then gave would be compared -with the list in the wallet. There was no list -in the wallet, but there were one or two letters I -wished to extract. I have thought since that, had -I exhibited less anxiety to get hold of the wallet -itself, I might have induced them to hand over -these letters under one pretext or another. I soon -discovered from their questions that the dervishes -were spying one upon the other, for they asked me -directly what were the contents of the bag taken from -Elias my clerk. I told them three hundred dollars, -gold and silver jewellery, and some jewellery which -my servant Hasseena had asked Elias to carry for her. -Hasseena was sent for to describe her jewellery. The -information evidently gave these men huge satisfaction, -and taking Hasseena with them, they sent her back -with cooking utensils, food and firewood, and ordered -her to prepare food for me. Having had my food with -the Emirs but a little time before, I was at a loss to -understand the meaning of this, but learned later on -<span class="xxpn" id="p036">|36|</span> -that it was to prevent any one else approaching her for -information. Whether these two men were, as they -said, in charge of the Beit-el-Mal, or whether, having -seen any of the money or jewellery, they wanted to get -their share of it, I cannot say, but, in the light of subsequent -events, I should be inclined to believe the -latter.</p> - -<p>When the food was ready, I invited my guards to -eat it. I was hoping that a full meal, especially as -their fatigue was very evident, would induce them to -sleep, and feigning drowsiness myself, moved off a few -yards, and scooped out a sand bed. I was prepared -to risk anything for liberty; we were in the neighbourhood -of the wells, and might travel for days without -being out of reach of water. Explaining my plans to -Hasseena, I told her, under the pretence of collecting -firewood, to try and get up to Amin and Elias, cut -their thongs with the large knife we had had to cut up -the meat sent us for food, and tell them to creep -towards a small tree which I had noticed during daylight, -and await me there. Some camels with their -feet fastened by ropes were grazing there, and I -believed that we might get away unobserved, and get -some hours’ start. But the guards of the prisoners -were not asleep; they were very much awake, searching -the prisoners for any valuables, an operation -which was carried out by each relief of guards, so that -the sun rose with us still in the hands of the dervishes.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig03"> -<img src="images/i037.jpg" width="600" height="377" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">THE KHALEEFA’S EUNUCHS AT ATTENTION.</div> -</div> - -<p>It was just after sunrise that we moved off again; my -guardian must have been impressed with my importance, -for he saddled the camel for me himself, and -<span class="xxpn" id="p037">|37|</span> -brought me a gourd of camel’s milk. During this -day’s journey, the Emir Mohammad Hamza, of the -Jaalin tribe, who was commanding a section of the -dervishes, rode up to me and inquired about my -health—the usual form of salutation. He told me not -to be afraid of any harm coming to me, and then rode -off again. That evening we arrived at a small encampment -of dervishes close to some wells, when I -was taken before another Emir whom I was told was -Makin en Nur, and who, from the deference paid -him by the others, was doubtless the chief. He, too, -put a few questions to me of the same commonplace -nature as the others, and waved his hand for me to be -removed. On being sent for again, I was accused of -being a Government spy, and asked what I had to say -for myself. I replied, “I have told you the truth; what -do you want me to do now? tell you a lie, and say I -<i>am</i> a spy? If I do so you will kill me for saying I am -one, and if I say again I am <i>not</i>, you will not believe -me, and kill me just the same. I am not afraid of you; -do as you please.” When he questioned me again, I -said, “I refuse to answer any more questions.” My -manner of speaking to them caused no little surprise, -as it was doubtless different to what they had expected, -and to what they had formerly experienced from -captives.</p> - -<p>A young dervish was called in, and told to conduct -me to a spot removed from the other prisoners. As -we walked along, the youth said, “God is just; God -is bounteous; please God to-morrow our eyes shall -be gladdened by seeing a white Kaffir yoked with -<span class="xxpn" id="p038">|38|</span> -a shayba to a black one.” This shayba is the forked -limb of a tree; the fork is placed on the neck pressing -against the larynx, the stem projecting before the -wearer; the right wrist is then tightly bound to the -stem with thongs of fresh hide, which soon dry and -“bite” the flesh, and the ends of the fork drawn as -closely together as possible, and fastened with a cross-piece. -It is a cruel instrument of torture, for the arm -must be kept extended to its utmost; to attempt to -relieve the tension means pressure on the larynx; but -when yoked to another man he throws pressure on -you, and you on him. A prod in the ribs under the -arm of either victim, with sword or rifle, affords endless -amusement to their tormentors in the victims’ -gapes and grimaces as they gasp for breath; but -the captor’s cup of happiness is filled when an extra -hard prod knocks one man off his feet, and the poor -wretches are only helped up again when they are -almost choking.</p> - -<p>Irritated beyond endurance by the youth’s jibes -and jests, and hoping to put an end to everything -at once, I threw my weight and strength into one -blow—and I was a powerful man then—and felled -him senseless. Taking his rifle, I strode back to the -tent, almost foaming with rage, and entered; my -eyes must have been blazing; I glared from one to -the other, wondering whether to fire the one shot and -then start “clubbing” until I was cut down. Hamza -was the first to speak, and jumping up, held up his hand, -saying, “Istanna” (wait). I hurriedly related what -had occurred, and said what I intended to do. Hamza -<span class="xxpn" id="p039">|39|</span> -came to me, saying, “La, la, la (no, no, no), there -must be a mistake. You are not to be put in a -shayba; our orders are to deliver you alive and well.” -Then turning to the others, he continued, “Hand this -man over to me; I shall deliver him alive and well -to Wad en Nejoumi; I hold myself responsible for -him.” Some demur was made, when, lowering the -rifle, I placed the butt on the ground, rested my chin -on the muzzle, and addressing myself to all, said that -unless I was left in Hamza’s charge I should press the -trigger—on which my great toe was then resting. -Hamza again pressed his point, and said, “If you do -not agree, and this man does any harm to himself, I -declare myself free of blame and responsibility. I -have heard of him; he will do as he says.” The effect -of the words was magical. “Take him away—keep -him; do what you wish with him; never let him come -near us again—never. Never let him look upon us -with his eyes.”*</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn02"> -<p class="pfn">* The Soudanese, indeed all Easterns, -have a great horror of the “Evil Eye;” and the grey and grey-blue eyes -of Europeans in anger, or even in a fixed stare, as I learned later, -strike fear, if not terror, into the hearts of most.</p></div> - -<p>Hamza, turning to me, said, “You must know now -that our master, Wad en Nejoumi, knew of your -coming, and sent us to conduct you to him. His -orders were that you should be treated well; he -wishes to speak to you. I will give you security -until Dongola, where he is waiting for you. I do not -know what he will do with you; maybe he will kill -you—I cannot say; but, for myself, I promise you will -arrive in Dongola alive. If anything happens to you, -the Emir Wad en Nejoumi will kill me. Will you -<span class="xxpn" id="p040">|40|</span> -promise that you will leave yourself in my hands, will -not try to kill yourself, or attempt to escape?” I gave -my promise, upon which Hamza said, “Leave this -man to me.”</p> - -<p>The conversation which took place between us -was of much longer duration than the above would -appear to indicate, but I cannot pretend to remember -<i>all</i> that was said after the twelve years’ interval; the -above is the gist of it. I handed Hamza the rifle, -and he, taking me by the hand in the Bedawi manner, -led me out of the tent, and towards his section of the -dervishes. On the way, in a few hurried whispers, he -gave me to understand that he was really still a friend -of the Government, and that I might trust implicitly in -him. On reaching his people, he called four men to -attend to me, and sending for Hasseena, told her to -prepare such food as I was accustomed to. Hasseena -came in rags; her clothes, like mine, had been taken -from her. He ordered one of her dresses to be -returned, and on my showing him how the skin -had been burned off my back and shoulders with -the sun, he ordered that I, too, should be supplied -with more clothing.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p041" title="CHAPTER IV ARRIVAL IN DONGOLA"> -CHAPTER IV -<span class="blksmaller">ARRIVAL IN DONGOLA</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">Instead of our starting off the next morning at -sunrise, a sort of “fantasia” was held. This consisted -of men riding up and down the camp with mimic combats -between individuals—a sort of circus display. -Stricter watch was placed over me, and my guards -warned against allowing me to hold conversation with -any one. At sunset we were off again, and the following -day halted in the desert, El Ordeh (Dongola) -being then, I was told, a few hours’ distant. We rested -probably a couple of hours, and marched until evening, -but had not yet sighted Dongola. A final search was -made for concealed loot, and a piece of my leather -bag having been discovered on one of the men, he -was flogged, and, offering to confess, confessed that -he had found the bag empty on the ground. His -clothing, and that of his section was searched, and -resulted in the discovery of seventeen of my Turkish -dollars; a further application of the courbag resulted -in the discovery of the remainder of the three hundred -dollars, and a third one, of the greater part of the -jewellery. The flogging and searching delayed us, -<span class="xxpn" id="p042">|42|</span> -and instead of travelling that night, we only got away -in the morning, arriving within sight of Dongola at -noon, when men were sent in to report our arrival.</p> - -<p>While awaiting the return of the messengers, discipline—what -there was of it—was relaxed, and the -camp given over to jubilations. The attentions -bestowed upon me were not pleasant; both by words -and actions I was given to understand what the men -hoped and expected would be my fate. A respite -was granted, when the man who had received the -floggings was brought to me so that I might certify -that all the things discovered on him and his companions -were extracted from my cash-bag, and that all -the articles had been recovered. He seemed none -the worse for his experiences, and the matter was -explained to me. When the Ansar are flogged, upon -an expedition, for a theft which, as the Emirs know, -every one would commit, so many stripes are ordered -to be given; these are given with the courbag -(rhinoceros-hide whip) on the fleshy part of the back, -and over the clothing.</p> - -<p>He forgave me, and blamed the sugar for his -discovery. The sugar-loaves, which were part of -the goods of the Arabs who had joined the caravan -at Wadi Halfa, had been broken up and distributed. -At the wells some of the men had been -noticed dipping pieces in the water and munching -them, and none of the sugar having been handed in -when the loot was collected, the first search was -instituted, and this resulted in the discovery of other -hidden loot. I do not happen to know who might be -<span class="xxpn" id="p043">|43|</span> -the “father of sugar,” but I trust that the curses and -imprecations showered on his head by my dervish -friend may not reach him.</p> - -<p>Hasseena was brought to be searched, and stripped -naked; she cleverly dropped my seal in the sand, and -pressed it in with her foot. I had asked her to get -this seal from Elias, as, with this in their possession, -the dervishes might have written, through my clerk, -whatever letters they chose, and sealing them with -my seal, have made them appear authentic. Hasseena -was again questioned as to who I was, and persisted -in saying that I was a merchant and not a Government -official, and while she was being threatened with the -courbag, which in this instance would have been -applied as the cat-o’-nine-tails is at home, the Emir -Hamza came forward as a witness in my favour. -Hamza was another who, friendly as he was to the -“Government,” had been driven into the ranks of the -dervishes. After the final search, a move was made -towards Dongola, opposite which town we arrived -between two and three o’clock in the afternoon. -Before the town we descried a grand parade of troops -taking place, and as we halted a band struck up; -from the sound which reached us, the band must have -been composed of bugles and trumpets of all shapes, -sizes, and pitch, with just as varied an assortment of -drums. In the medley they played could be heard -snatches of the so-called Khedivial hymn.</p> - -<p>When the prisoners had been ranged up in such -a manner as to make their exhibit most effective, and -when I, as the prisoner of the occasion, had been -<span class="xxpn" id="p044">|44|</span> -placed in the midst of the Emirs, a signal was given, -on which the horsemen of the paraded army charged -down upon us in their much-lauded and over-rated -exhibition of horsemanship. This exhibition consists -of individual and collective charges right on to the -opposing line of onlookers, a sudden pulling up of the -horse which throws it on to its haunches, a meaningless -shaking of swords and spears over one’s head, -a swerve to the left or right, the direction being -dominated by the half-broken jaw for which the sudden -pulling up with the brutal ring-bit with which the -horses are ridden (?) is responsible; another charge, -and so on until the rider is tired or the horse jibs. This -is the usual programme, but it is occasionally varied -by accidents to horses and riders and onlookers, as, -for example, the affair of Khaleefa Ali Wad Helu, who, -some few days before the battle of Omdurman, gave -an inspiriting exhibition to the faithful in front of the -Mahdi’s tomb, in order to instruct them how to charge -the British lines, and spoiled the whole thing by being -thrown, breaking his wrist, laming the horse, and -nearly killing half a dozen of his most ardent admirers -who were in the front rank. This is not fiction.</p> - -<div class="imctr02" id="fig04"> -<img src="images/i045.jpg" width="528" height="694" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">THE KHALEEFA’S TENDER MERCIES.</div> -</div> - -<p>The parade and exhibition, called El Arrdah, given -in celebration of our capture, lasted more than an -hour, when a move was made towards Dongola, and -on arrival at the town, Wad Hamza and Wad Farag -led me to the gateway of Nejoumi’s enclosure. We -were kept waiting at the entrance for some time, -and it was as much as my guards could do to protect -me from the rabble; the people were in a most excited -<span class="xxpn" id="p045">|45|</span> -state, and my position was not rendered any the more -comfortable by my understanding the language. I was -prodded with spears and swords, and maybe for a -quarter of an hour—it may have been more, it may -have been less—I was subjected to as severe an ordeal -for patience as ever man was put to. Many of those -in the rabble knew me from pre-abandonment days, but -the cringing supplicants of former days were now my -bitterest foes and tormentors. Curses and imprecations -are such common accompaniments in ordinary disputes -in the East—disputes over the most trivial matters—that -little new could assail my ears in a country -where a child just learning to babble may be heard, -in childish innocence, to lisp to its mother, “Il la'an -abook,” or a much shorter expression which, owing to -the large number now understanding Arabic, I cannot -here use, but both of which expressions are in constant -use. It was the suggestive actions—some of beheading, -some of mutilations, others of a description which -I may not even hint at, which nearly drove me to -exasperation; they did so actually, but I controlled -myself, and did not allow my exasperation to exhibit -itself in any way, either by word or deed.</p> - -<p>On entering the enclosure, I was shown to a small -room, on the floor of which three people were sitting; -one rose, and, taking my hand, said, “El Hamdu -lillah,” “Bis-Salaamtuk” (thanks be to God for your -safety). I was told to sit down. The three scrutinized -me, and I returned their gaze. For some moments -nothing was said, and I was determined not to be the -first to break the silence. Presently food was brought -<span class="xxpn" id="p046">|46|</span> -in, and I was told to partake of it. As with the first -meal with the Emirs, I set to with a will, and continued -eating after the others had finished, taking not -the slightest notice of my hosts. I was acting a part, -I admit, for indifferent as I might have appeared to all -taking place around me, I was at the same time “all -eyes and ears.”</p> - -<p>When I had finished, the one who had first spoken -to me, and whom I had guessed was Nejoumi, “introduced” -himself to me. He prefaced the series of -questions he put to me by saying, “Do not be afraid; -I hope it will be my pleasure to receive you into the -true religion, and we shall be good friends.” Nejoumi -assured me that I should soon get accustomed to my -new mode of life, and would in the end bless him for -having saved me. He then told me that he knew -perfectly well who I was, and, not being a “Government -man,” my life was safe at his hands, but my property, -having been found in a caravan of enemies, must be -confiscated. I did not follow his reasoning, nor was I -allowed to, for he sent me off to the house of the Amin -Beit-el-Mal (storekeeper or director of the Beit-el-Mal), -with instructions that I should be well attended to. -Hasseena was sent into the hareem of the same house.</p> - -<p>Early the next morning Nejoumi sent for me, and -upon arriving at his enclosure, I saw that he had a -number of Sheikh Saleh’s men under examination. I -learned later that some had admitted that I was once -in Government employ, and had fought against the -Mahdi, but that now I was a merchant only. There -were, of course, numbers in the town who remembered -<span class="xxpn" id="p047">|47|</span> -me in connection with the expedition, and in order to -curry favour, they were not averse to credit me with -exploits and prowess which, if related to and believed -in by the British authorities, would have placed me -upon an unearned pedestal. In this instance they were -related in the hope that I should be placed on the now -well-known “angareeb,” which in a few seconds would -be drawn away, leaving me suspended by the neck. -When my turn for interrogation came, my letter-wallet -was handed to Nejoumi; he had, no doubt, had the -contents examined the night before. His first question -was, “Which are the Government papers?” I declared -that there were none, and that all the papers were -business ones. He then inquired, “Are there no -papers from the friends of the Government?”—to which -I answered, “There may be; I am a merchant; I buy -gum, hides—anything from the Soudan, and sell them -again to any one else who will buy them from me. It -is ‘khullo zai baadoo’ (all the same) to me who the -people are—friends or enemies of the Government—provided -they pay me. I gave good money for what -I bought, and wanted good money for what I sold.” -Nejoumi then told me that he had had the letters -translated by a girl educated in the “Kanneesa” -(church) of Khartoum. General Stephenson’s letter -had been translated as a “firman” appointing me the -“Pasha” of the Western Soudan, with orders to wage -war on the dervishes, for which purpose I had been -provided with money, rifles, and ammunition, and about -forty or fifty men as my personal bodyguard.</p> - -<p>At first I was dumfounded; then, serious as my -<span class="xxpn" id="p048">|48|</span> -position was, I could not restrain myself from bursting -out laughing. I protested that the translation was -false, and asked to be shown the document. I was not -shown it. To a man whom I surmised was the Kadi, -I said, “If the letter is a ‘firman,’ then it should be -written in Arabic, as the Soudanese did not read or -understand English.” This remark appealed to Nejoumi, -who said that he did not believe the translation -himself, <i>as it was quite different from the news he had -received from Hassib-el-Gabou</i>. I made inquiries -about this black female convert to Christianity, and -learned that she knew not a single word of English, -but few of Italian, and, like the remainder of such -converts so-called, went to the mission for what she -could get out of it. I have forgotten her name, -but hope to discover it before completing my notes, -when I shall give it. It would be interesting to learn -how much Christian money had been wasted on the -education of this supposed convert, married then to a -Danagli, and a shining light amongst the most fanatical -of the women, who, with their songs and dances, fanned -the flame of fanaticism amongst the men.</p> - -<p>More of Saleh’s men were brought in and questioned—I -questioned with them. In the end, I admitted that -General Stephenson’s letter asked me, if I was passing -Sheikh Saleh’s district, to tell him that arms and -ammunition were awaiting him at Wadi Halfa; but that -I had nothing to do with the sale of them, was proved -by my arriving after they had been taken over, and my -papers would show that I had not sold them to him, -and that I was not going to collect the money for them, -<span class="xxpn" id="p049">|49|</span> -as they believed. The remainder of that conference is -only a haze to me now, but I remember that later the -same day I was told that Nejoumi, pressed by the other -Emirs, had, in order to elicit the truth by frightening -the others, ordered the execution of fourteen of the -Arabs who had joined us at Wadi Halfa. Emin, my -guide, for some reason or another which I never discovered, -was ordered to be executed at the same time, -and was first to be beheaded. My surmises upon this -incident had better be left to my next chapter.</p> - -<p>On the following morning, the Amin Beit-el-Mal -ordered me to get ready to attend a “fantasia” which -Wad en Nejoumi had arranged, and at which he had -ordered me to be present; but, being his prisoner, -I must appear as one, for which purpose a light ring -and chain was placed on my neck, and a light chain -fastened to my ankles. On arrival at Nejoumi’s place, -I found the Kadi trying to persuade Darb es Safai -and about twelve or thirteen of Saleh’s men to become -Mahdists. Darb es Safai was their spokesman. They -scorned the exhortations of the Kadi, and heaped on -his head whatever insults they could. Nejoumi was -present, and to him Darb es Safai said, “We have -ridden behind our master, Sheikh Saleh, and we refuse -to follow you on foot as slaves; we have come here -to die—let us die.” Being told that if they persisted -in their stubbornness they would be killed, Darb es -Safai repeated, “We have come to die—let us die.” -I was then removed to a small mud hut, told to sit -down, and here hundreds of the populace came to see -me, flinging at me all the abuse their rich language is -<span class="xxpn" id="p050">|50|</span> -capable of, striving with each other to excel in virulence. -Darb es Safai and the others had been marched -off a short distance, and set to dig a shallow trench; -when this was finished, they were ordered to kneel at -its edge, and their hands were tied behind them; -this action is practically the declaration of the death -sentence. Es Safai asked to be beheaded last, as he -wished to see how his men could die. Only one -jumped to his feet when a few heads had rolled into -the trench, when Es Safai called out, “Kneel down. -Do you not see these cowards are looking at us?” -This was the “fantasia” I was to have assisted at, but, -by some misunderstanding, I was spared the horrible -spectacle.</p> - -<p>When the executions were over, my chains were -removed, and I was again taken before Nejoumi, -and questioned as to what property I had in the -caravan, and also if I had any slaves. I said I might -not possess slaves, but had two servants—Elias, my -clerk, and Hasseena, who was a freed slave, and now -my female servant. Elias had been cross-examined, -but had evidently, in his fright, contradicted himself -time after time. First he said he was my clerk, then -he was the servant of some Ali Abou Gordi of the -Alighat tribe, then trading in the Soudan. Nejoumi -told me that, if Elias’s last tale was true, he could not -be returned to me, as he must be an enemy. I did -my best for Elias, telling Nejoumi that he was a good -clerk and good writer, and that he might be very -useful to him in writing letters. Hasseena was brought -in and protested that she was my slave, not my servant; -<span class="xxpn" id="p051">|51|</span> -that I had bought her, but, as slaves were not allowed -by the Government, I had had to give her a <i>shehaada</i> -(certificate) declaring her free. Nejoumi made a -present of her to one of the men present, and on this -Hasseena squatted on the ground and refused to -budge. She screamed to Nejoumi that he might, if -he chose, marry her himself, but said that whoever -her husband might be, he would die the same night, -since she knew how to poison people secretly. -She knew nothing whatever about poisons, but this -remark probably was the reason for her being sent to -the Khaleefa, as she might be useful. She was sent -back as “property” to the Beit-el-Mal.</p> - -<p>My ordeal was not yet over; other chiefs came in, -and the conference opened soon developed into a heated, -if not acrimonious, discussion and dispute. I did not -know Soudani sufficiently to follow all that was said, -besides which three or four were speaking rapidly at -the same time; but I gathered that Nejoumi wished to -keep me by him, as he believed that I might be made -useful in signing letters which my clerk would have -to write. The others, believing the girl’s translation -of the letter, were for despatching me to the next -world, and sending my head as a gruesome present -to the commandant at Wadi Halfa, accompanied by -the supposed “firman.” It is not a pleasant experience -to sit down and hear your fate being discussed, -conscious that the sentence will be carried out immediately. -No criminal ever scanned the face of a jury -on its return to court as I did those of my savage -captors, with ears strained to catch every familiar -<span class="xxpn" id="p052">|52|</span> -word; and, difficult as it is after all these years to -attempt to give a real analysis of one’s feelings then, -I can remember gloating over the thought that, if -death were the sentence, I would spring at the throat -of the first Emir I could reach, with my nails buried -in and tearing at the flesh, until a blow would finish -all, and so rob the fanatical horde outside of the -pleasure of seeing a hated “Turk” publicly executed. -That the recollection is no imaginary one may be -guessed from the fact that, when I asked about -Gabou’s “health” at Assouan after my release, one -part of that conjured scene sprang up, and doubtless -would have been acted, had Gabou been alive.</p> - -<p>Nejoumi only partly won his point—I was to be -sent to the Khaleefa. Seven men were sent for, and -Hasseena and I placed in their charge. Nejoumi -gave me some clothing, and also a hundred dollars -from the three hundred taken from me, and we were -ordered off that night.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p053" - title="CHAPTER V THE REAL HISTORY OF THE CAPTURE"> - CHAPTER V - <span class="blksmaller">THE REAL - HISTORY OF THE CAPTURE</span></h2></div> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<div>(Extracts.)</div> -<p class="padtopc">“He (Nejoumi) captured in the Oasis of Selima a large part if -not the whole of the rifles. This was mainly owing to the imprudence -of an enterprising German merchant named Charles Neufeld, -who had accompanied the convoy, and, desirous of obtaining a -supply of water, had descended to the Oasis, where he was captured -by the enemy.”</p> - -<p class="padtopc">“. . . Most of them were killed, and a few, including Neufeld, -were taken captive to Dongola; there they were beheaded, with the -exception of Neufeld, who was sent to Omdurman, where he arrived -on March 1, 1887.”</p> - -<p class="padtopc">March 21, 1887.—“Sixty Kabbabish have arrived, sent by their -chief to take over arms and money.”</p> - -<p class="padtopc">May 15, 1887.—“Mr. Neufeld is reported to have diverged from -caravan of Kabbabishes to Sheikh Saleh to Bakah Wells, and to -have been taken prisoner by the dervishes, as well as a few Kabbabish -letters are said to have been captured; none from this office -were entrusted to him” (Blue Book No. 2, 1888—Nos. 50 and 90).</p> - -<p class="padtopc">“Neufeld was now free. His release was owing to one of the -Emirs representing to Abdullah Khalifa the great service Neufeld -had been in enabling arms and ammunition to be taken from the -Kabbabishes at the time Neufeld was captured” (Letter to Mrs. -Neufeld from War Office. Cairo, 10.3.90). -<span class="xxpn" id="p054">|54|</span></p> -</div><!--blockquot--> - -<p class="pfirst">It -would be as well to give at once the real history -of my capture as regards the circumstances and the -arrangements made to effect it. I received the details -first from Ahmed Nur Ed Din, who, some months -after my capture, came to Omdurman on his own -initiative to try and effect my escape. His version -was confirmed and amplified by my intended companion -Hogal, who again fell into the hands of the -dervishes in 1897, and was imprisoned with me until -we were finally released a few months ago.</p> - -<p>The treachery of Gabou has also been confirmed by -Moussa Daoud Kanaga, who has just arrived from -the Soudan to meet me, he having heard of my release -and arrival at Cairo. Moussa was one of the Soudan -merchants with whom I had had many dealings in -former days, and believing he could do something -towards effecting my escape, he, after many attempts -to reach me, finally succeeded in doing so in September, -1889.</p> - -<p>Instead of wearying my readers with snatches from -one narrative and the other, I will try, combining all, -to make one clear and connected story, having for -this purpose deleted from the last chapter remarks -and questions put to me by Nejoumi at Dongola in -order to introduce them here.</p> - -<p>The guide I had engaged for the journey, Hassib-el-Gabou, -belonged to the Dar Hamad section of the -Kabbabish tribe which was settled in and around -Dongola. Gabou was employed as a spy by the -military authorities on the frontier, but there is not -the slightest doubt that he was at the same time in -<span class="xxpn" id="p055">|55|</span> -the pay of Wad Nejoumi. He related to each side -just sufficient to keep himself in constant good grace -and pay, and failing authentic news of any description, -he was able to fall back upon his intimate local knowledge, -his double dealings, his knowledge of the people -and language, and a fund of plausibility which at the -present day would not pass current for five minutes.</p> - -<p>Between the Dar Hamad section, and the section -acknowledging Saleh Bey Wad Salem as their head, -there were a number of old outstanding jealousies -which had not been settled; what they were all about -I cannot pretend to say, but one of the principal was, -whether Sheikh Saleh or the head of the Dar Hamads -should be considered the senior. It may not have -been forgotten by those who have taken an interest -in Soudan affairs, that the existence of these tribal -jealousies and disputes between divided tribes was -taken full advantage of by the Mahdi and Khaleefa, -in very much the same way as a political agent runs -one section of a party against another, and gains <i>his</i> -point, at the cost and discomfiture of the others who, -for the time being, were unconsciously playing his -game for him. Sheikh Saleh’s party were the real -Bedawi (men of the desert), and, therefore, more -reliable than the Dar Hamads, who had the “belladi” -(town) taint or stigma attached to them.</p> - -<p>Gabou’s first plan was, according to his lights, -to act loyal to his section of the tribe, and so to -arrange matters that the arms intended for his rivals, -Sheikh Saleh’s section, should fall into the hands of -his people; with those arms turned against the -<span class="xxpn" id="p056">|56|</span> -dervishes, he might see his section come to the front -as <i>the</i> support of the Government, and maybe be in -possession of the coveted title of Bey and a Nishan -(decoration), if his plans succeeded. I have no doubt -that, had his first plan succeeded, he would have been -prepared with a plausible tale, and gaining any slight -advantage over the dervishes would certainly have -atoned for his defections. His plan as originally conceived -was as follows:—First, he wrote to his own -sheikh giving him full details of the arms and ammunition -awaiting Saleh’s caravan, and there is every -reason to believe that the letters sent by General -Stephenson to Sheikh Saleh in the first instance, were -delayed by Gabou until his plans were complete. -The guide Hassan, whom I believed had been -engaged at the last moment, had been engaged some -time before, and fully instructed in the part he had -to play. Gabou had promised his people that after -Sheikh Saleh’s caravan left El Selima Wells, they -would be led towards the Wadi el Kab instead of -El Agia Wells, so that even had we filled our water-skins -at leisure at Selima, we should only have been -provided with four, instead of eight days’ water, and -two days on the desert without water has its discomforts. -When a Bedawi will travel two or three -days without water and not murmur, it can be better -imagined than described what Gabou’s promise to -hand us over “thirsty” meant; it meant precisely -what actually did occur—the madness of thirst approaching—the -lips glued together, the tongue swollen -and sore in vain attempts to excite the salivary -<span class="xxpn" id="p057">|57|</span> -glands—the muscles of the throat contracted, and the palate -feeling like a piece of sandstone, the nostrils choked -with fine sand, and the eyes reddened and starting, -with the eyelids seeming to crack at every movement. -Only those who have experienced what we did during -those last days on our journey to Wadi el Kab, can fill -in the missing details in the history of Esau selling -his birthright for a mess of pottage.</p> - -<p>The Dar Hamads, on receiving Gabou’s news, -made their preparations; arms buried in the ground -to conceal them from the dervishes were unearthed, -but the very evident activity of the people excited the -suspicions of Wad Nejoumi. Believing that a revolt -was intended, he prepared to meet it; but, having his -spies about, bits of the real truth leaked out. Gabou -was put to the test; either written messages or messengers -were sent to him by Nejoumi, asking about -Saleh’s caravan and the purposes for which they had -gone to Wadi Halfa. When Gabou saw that his -first scheme had miscarried, rather than the caravan -should fall into the hands of his rivals, he preferred -to reveal to Nejoumi the plot he had planned for -the benefit of his own people. It was on this account -that he had, as related, tried at one time to get me to -abandon the projected journey; and, as can be understood, -there were many reasons for his sending word -to Nejoumi saying I was to accompany the caravan. -His keeping back of Ismail, the leader, day after day, -was only to allow of his messages reaching Nejoumi -in time for him to make complete preparations for -intercepting us. -<span class="xxpn" id="p058">|58|</span></p> - -<p>Hogal arrived at Wadi Halfa the very evening of -our departure, and sent over his message. Gabou met -him and gave him his confidence. He told Hogal -the means he had used to try and get me to abandon -the journey, but that he dared not give me the real -reasons, as he knew I should report the matter, and -his head would then be in danger; he had done the -best he could by letting Nejoumi know who and what -I was. Still dexterously playing his cards, and to -keep Hogal quiet, he said that he knew that the -English were going away; they certainly would not -take him with them, and as he and Hogal had their -family ties in the Soudan, unless he worked with -Nejoumi, his “good word” would be of no avail to his -family and friends when the dervishes came down to -occupy the abandoned towns.</p> - -<p>I trust that my readers are now beginning to see -the light through this dark conspiracy, and that I am -making the narrative sufficiently intelligible and clear -without constantly requesting you to turn back to -earlier pages.</p> - -<p>Gabou, playing a double part himself, and being -naturally suspicious of every one in consequence, -thought that I might have divined his treachery when -the camels did not overtake us, and might change our -route in consequence; these suspicions he communicated -to Nejoumi. Had he not done this, I -might have forgiven him—for it was every one for -himself in those days. There was not the least necessity -for him to warn Nejoumi that we might change -our route on discovering that the guide was leading -<span class="xxpn" id="p059">|59|</span> -us in the wrong direction, for had Nejoumi’s men -<i>not</i> found us, Gabou would not have been blamed.</p> - -<p>Nejoumi, on receiving the news, despatched a large -number of dervishes under Wad Bessir to Umbellila, -opposite Abou Gussi, and another under Osman Azrak -to El Kab opposite to El Ordeh (Dongola), and Said -Mohammad Wad Farag, Mohammad Hamza, Makin -en Nur and Wad Umar to the various wells in the -Wadi el Kab, the latter having orders to keep the -Dar Hamads in check. I am giving this list of now -famous names from recollections of what I was told at -Dongola and Omdurman, not for the purpose of -thereby investing with a halo of barbaric romance -an incident which was nothing more nor less than a -bit of highway robbery, but more with the idea, that -should any of those named be still living, and eventually -come into the hands of the Government, they -might be questioned as to this affair, and their account -compared with the series of contradictory passages -which head the present chapter.</p> - -<p>Wad Farag sent a flying party to Selima Wells, led -by a slave of Wad Eysawee, named Hassib Allah. It -was Hassib Allah who had fired the shot we heard on -the day of our arrival at Selima. When taken before -Wad Nejoumi at Dongola, one of the questions put me -was, “Did you see any one, or hear a shot fired the -day you reached Selima,” to which I answered “Yes,” -as regards the latter part of the question, thereby -making an everlasting friend of Hassib Allah, as a -reward had been promised to whoever should first sight -us and hurry back to the main body with the news; -<span class="xxpn" id="p060">|60|</span> -he had fired the shot, so that the question might be -put. Even in this you may gauge the amount of -faith or confidence the Ansar had in the word of their -Emirs, and the amount of credence a European might -give to their tales when they lied to, and deceived -each other with such charming impartiality.</p> - -<p>After despatching Hassib, Wad Farag divided his -party, sending one to the district between Wadi el -Kab and the Nile, and the second, commanded by -himself, he led to the desert to intercept us. The -Alighat Arab sent out as a scout, who did not -return, must have either been captured by Farag, -or what is more likely, as he was sent out by Hassan, -was an emissary of Hassan’s to Wad Farag or any of -the other dervishes to give them the news, as Hassan -must have been aware of our position and the proximity -of the dervishes. The tracks we had picked up on -the road, when the embers of the caravan’s fires were -found still hot, were the remains of the fires of Hassib’s -men, who had kept within touch of us the whole time, -only losing touch on the day following the disappearance -of the Alighats.</p> - -<p>On reaching the broken ground leading to El Kab, -my guide Amin and the two others had been allowed -to pass unchallenged intentionally, as the dervish plan -was to form themselves into three parties, which were -to rush us from three sides at the same moment. It -was in direct disobedience of orders that the first shots -were fired at us, but it was probably done by some one -to gain the promised reward for sighting us, and it -ended, as already related, in a general fusilade. The -<span class="xxpn" id="p061">|61|</span> -camels loaded with filled water-skins were left behind -purposely, but their being left was a happy thought at -the moment of Farag’s men. When they retired, it -was only to join the other section which was to have -rushed us from the left; the section to rush us in the -rear being a little further out in the desert than the -plan shows.</p> - -<p>Our leader Ismail I never saw or heard of again; -he may have succeeded in escaping altogether, only -to be killed when the virtual extermination of the tribe -took place and Sheikh Saleh, standing on his sheepskin, -fell fighting to the last.</p> - -<p>This account of the capture of the caravan, and the -explanations given, though not agreeing in essentials -with the accounts given officially, may be accepted as -being as nearly correct in every detail as it is possible -for memory to give them, and the occasion was one of -those in life where even twelve years’ sufferings are -not sufficient to obliterate the incidents from the mind.</p> - -<p>I feel some little confidence in offering to the world -my version of the circumstances attending my -departure from Wadi Halfa for Kordofan, the date -upon which I really did leave Egypt—as unfortunate -a date for me as it evidently has been to some of my -biographers,—and the actual circumstances attending -my capture, as I happened to be present on the -various occasions spoken of, and I do not think it will be -asking too much if I request that the same amount of -credence be given to my own story as has been given -to that of others referred to in my introduction, and in -the extracts which head the present chapter. -<span class="xxpn" id="p062">|62|</span></p> - -<p>It now remains, before closing this chapter, to deal -with Dufa'allah Hogal and his part in the affair. In -my first letter from Omdurman, which letter was -written for me by dictation of the Khaleefa, I am -made to say that I blamed Hogal for his deceit, but at -the same time thanked him for his deceit, as it had led -me to grace. This was a clever invention of the -Emir’s at Dongola, or the Khaleefa himself, to get -Hogal into trouble with the Government, and draw -away suspicion from Hassan and Gabou. This letter -was received by one of my clerks at Assouan, who -fortunately retained a copy before forwarding it on to -Cairo; a translation of it will be given later.</p> - -<p>Hogal is not to be blamed for keeping his own -counsel after Gabou had given him his confidence. -He had nothing to gain by telling the authorities the -truth, and he had everything to lose if he did. The -Khaleefa’s spies were everywhere in the Government -and out of it, just as the Government spies -were amongst the Mahdists, and there can be no -doubt but that they were paid by both sides—and -who is to blame them? Hogal’s family ties and -relations were in the Soudan, and there was no use in -his raising a question over a dead man. I may have -something to say about guides and spies later on, but -it will not be with the idea of calling any of them to -justice. The only justice they knew of was that contained -in “Possession is nine points of the law,” or -“Might conquers right,” and it suited their natures -admirably to play a double game, rendered so easy for -them with a Khaleefa who, having made up his mind to -<span class="xxpn" id="p063">|63|</span> -do a certain thing, ever kept that object in view, -and worked for its accomplishment, whilst on the other -hand was a Government which in their opinion did not -seem to know its own mind from one day to another -as to what should be done with the Soudan and its -subjects resident there.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p064" -title="CHAPTER VI DONGOLA TO OMDURMAN"> -CHAPTER VI -<span class="blksmaller">DONGOLA TO OMDURMAN</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">During -the early part of the night of April 27, the -Amin Beit-el-Mal told me to prepare for my journey -to Omdurman, as Wad Nejoumi had sent for me. -There was little preparation I could make, except to -beg some sesame oil to rub over my face, shoulders, -back, and feet. The woollen shirt and clothing I had -been allowed had not been sufficient to protect me -against the burning rays of the sun, and the skin was -peeling away from my face, shoulders and back, while -my feet were blistered and cut. My stockings had -been worn through in a day’s tramping through the -sand. Taken to Nejoumi’s enclosure, Nejoumi and I -sat together talking for a considerable time. He told -me that he had wished to keep me by him for the -purposes of “akhbar” (information, or news), but -that the other Emirs had insisted upon my being killed -at once, or sent to the Khaleefa with the supposed -“firman” appointing me “The Pasha of the Western -Soudan,” to be dealt with by the Khaleefa at -Omdurman. Nejoumi said he had written asking that -I should be sent back to him. He put to me many -<span class="xxpn" id="p065">|65|</span> -questions about the Government, the fortifications of -Cairo and Alexandria, Assouan, Korosko and Wadi -Halfa, and in particular he was anxious to know all -about the British army and “Ingleterra.” The advance -up the Nile for the relief of Gordon had -evidently given him a very poor opinion of our means -of transport, at least as regards rapidity of movement, -for when I told him of the distance between Alexandria -and England, and assured him that steamers could -bring in a large army in a week’s time, he smiled and -said, “I am not a child, to tell me a tale like that.” -He may or may not have gone to his grave believing -that I was romancing, when I described to him what -an ocean-going steamer was like, and did my best to -give him some idea of the proportions of a Nile -Dahabieh compared with an ocean-going steamer and -a man-of-war.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig05"> -<img src="images/i064.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">SHEIKH ED DIN’S EUNUCH IN HIS - MASTER’S MARRIAGE-JIBBEH.</div> -</div> - -<p>I left him firmly impressed with the idea, and this -impression was only intensified months later when a -number of his chief men were ordered back to -Omdurman and thrown into prison with me, that had -Nejoumi had any one in whom he could repose his -confidence and absolute trust in such a delicate matter, -he would have sent in his submission to the Government, -and laying hands upon the Emirs sent by the -Khaleefa to spy upon him—for he was then under -suspicion—would have led his army as “friendlies” to -Wadi Halfa, and have asked assistance to enable him -to turn the tables on the Khaleefa. What further leads -me to make such a bold assertion or statement is that -the Emirs, or chief men, referred to already as having -<span class="xxpn" id="p066">|66|</span> -been thrown into prison with me at Omdurman, gave -me, as their fellow-captive, first their sympathy, and -then their complete confidence. I learned from them -the fate of those of Saleh’s caravan whom I had left alive -at Dongola. They had, they told me, been executed -in batches of varying numbers at intervals of some -days, Elias my clerk being the last to be executed, and -he not being executed until about two months after my -departure from Dongola. Nejoumi, for reasons which -will be at once seen, kept him alive to the last, and -then doubtless only gave the order for his execution -when, despairing of my being sent back to him, he -gave way to the importunities of the other Emirs -anxious to see the last of Saleh’s people executed.</p> - -<p>From what they confided to me, there could not be -the slightest doubt that a conviction of the imposture -of the Mahdi’s successor was growing and spreading -amongst the Mahdists; but the system of espionage -instituted by the Khaleefa nipped in the bud any -outward show of it. There can be also no doubt -that these confidants of Nejoumi had, in some way, -compromised themselves when speaking in the presence -of some of the Khaleefa’s agents, and that Nejoumi -himself had only not been ordered back with them -because of his popularity and the Khaleefa’s fear -and jealousy of him. There was no one whom -Nejoumi, or, for the matter of that, any one—not even -excepting the Khaleefa himself, might implicitly trust -in the Soudan. The man to whom you gave your -innermost confidences might be friend or foe, and -as all changed face as rapidly and constantly as -<span class="xxpn" id="p067">|67|</span> -circumstances dictated, it would be safe to say that -no one in the Soudan for a single moment trusted -any one else.</p> - -<p>Whatever Nejoumi’s convictions may have been in -the earlier days of the Mahdist movement, it is certain -that they underwent a great change. Indeed, his -advance against the Egyptian Army at Toski, when he -was killed, was, as I was told by some of his people -imprisoned with me after their return, only undertaken -when he was goaded to it by the reproaches of the -Khaleefa, accusing him of cowardice and treachery, -accompanied with threats of recalling him to Omdurman—and -Nejoumi knew well what this implied.</p> - -<p>In the last chapter I remarked that I would later -offer some surmises as to the reason why my guide -Amin was the first to be executed at Dongola, and -it would be well to insert them here, while speaking of -my fellow-prisoners from Nejoumi’s army. Though -they could not be positive on the point, they were -certain that Amin’s two or three passages-at-arms -with the guide Hassan had been related to the -assembled Emirs at Dongola immediately after our -arrival, and Amin was in consequence ordered to be -at once executed. I expressed my suspicions as to the -actual death of Hassan at El Kab, and in face of what -I was told, I cannot help but believe that his falling -from the camel was an arranged affair, and that he -came with the caravan to Dongola, and gave evidence -against Amin. Following up this suspicion or supposition, -it is very probable that he originated the “cock-and-bull” -story related to the military authorities, -<span class="xxpn" id="p068">|68|</span> -detailing the supposed incidents of the capture of -Saleh’s caravan and myself. It will not have been -forgotten that the published official and semi-official -records report my capture at two different places a -hundred and fifty miles apart, or, in other words, a -minimum of five days’ journey, and at different dates,—in -one instance announcing my arrival at Omdurman -as a captive one month before the caravan which I -was supposed to have betrayed—or been the cause -of the capture of through “imprudence”—had even -started from Wadi Halfa.</p> - -<p>In the early morning of April 28, I and Hasseena -were taken outside the town to where the guards -and camels were awaiting us, and setting off on our -journey, travelled through Hannak, Debbeh, Abou -Gussi, and Ambukol. The incidents connected with -our appearance at these places are not of sufficient -interest to warrant my detaining my readers with them. -From Ambukol we struck into the desert, making for -the Nile at Gebel Roiyan, enduring the inevitable discomforts -and privations of such a journey. On arrival -at the village near Gebel Roiyan, we took possession of -what we believed to be a deserted house, and, after -taking a little food, lay down to sleep. During the -night a wretched old woman crept into my room, and -commenced that peculiar wailing known to those who -have been in the East. She was, she said, “El umm -Khashm-el-Mus” (the mother of Khashm-el-Mus—but -the expression may be taken to imply merely that she -was one of Khashm-el-Mus’s family or relatives), whom -Gordon had sent with gunboats to Metemmeh to -<span class="xxpn" id="p069">|69|</span> -accompany Sir Charles Wilson on his voyage to -Khartoum. Her sons, the whole of her family (or -tribe), had been killed by the Khaleefa’s order, and, as -far as she knew, she was the only one left. Taking no -notice of my guards, who had come in, attracted by the -wailing and talking, she cursed the Mahdi, and every -thing and every one connected with him. The -wailings of the poor creature, her pinched, sunken -cheeks, her glistening eyes, her skinny, hooked fingers, -her vehement curses on the Mahdi and Khaleefa, and -the faint glow from the charcoal embers which only -served to outline the form of the old woman as some -horrid spectre as she stood up and prophesied my -death, completely unnerved me. If there was one -night in my life upon which I required a few hours’ -rest it was on this—the last, as I knew, before my -entering Omdurman. But no sleep came to my eyes -that night. Soon after the woman left, a sound of -dull thuds, a shriek, a moan, and then silence told its -own tale. She had been battered to death with curses -on the Mahdi on her lips.</p> - -<p>The night was one long, horrible, wakening nightmare, -but all was real and not a fantasy of the brain. -How I longed for the dawn! and how impatiently I -waited for it! For the first time I had fears for my -reason. The sensation I felt was as if a cord had -been slipped round my brain, and was gradually but -surely tightening. But enough of this; it is not -necessary to interlard my experiences with painful -mental sensations, real as they were.</p> - -<p>It was with some little difficulty that I shuffled my -<span class="xxpn" id="p070">|70|</span> -way to the camels next morning, to mount and get -away on our last stage of the journey to Omdurman. -We reached the town at noon, on Thursday, May 5, -and passed in almost unnoticed until we reached -the market-place, when the news having spread like -wildfire, we were soon surrounded by thousands of -people, and it was with the greatest difficulty we fought -our way to the open praying-ground adjoining the -burial-place of the Mahdi. (The tomb had not then -been built.) Here I was placed in the shade of the -rukooba. (The rukooba is a light structure of poles -supporting a roof of matting and palm branches, in -the shade of which the people rest during the heat of -the day.) Two of my guards went off to deliver Wad -Nejoumi’s despatches to the Khaleefa, and also to -announce my arrival.</p> - -<p>Shortly afterwards, Nur Angara, Slatin, Mohammad -Taher, and the chief Kadi, with others, came to -question me. Slatin addressed a few words to me in -English, but not understanding him, I asked him to -speak in German, upon which he said in an undertone, -“Be polite; tell them you have come to join -the Mahdieh in order to embrace the Mahdi’s -religion; do not address me.” Nur Angara, who put -the majority of the questions, asked, “Why have -you come to Omdurman?” I hesitated a little -before replying, but did not hesitate long enough to -allow my European blood to cool sufficiently to reply -“politely” to the imperious black confronting me. I -told him, “Because I could not help myself; when I -left Wadi Halfa it was to go and trade and not fight, -<span class="xxpn" id="p071">|71|</span> -but your people have taken me prisoner, and sent me -here; why do you ask me that question?” Slatin at -this moved behind the other Emirs, and I believe -made some attempt to make me understand that I -should speak differently to them. My helplessness was -galling to me; there was not a man there whom, -pulled down as I was, I could not with sheer strength -have crushed the life out of.</p> - -<p>I was questioned about the number of troops at -Wadi Halfa and Cairo, the fortifications, etc., but -neither places would have recognized the fortresses -I invented for the occasion, and the numbers of -troops with which I invested them. When told that -news had been received from Wad Nejoumi that -the British troops were leaving, I admitted the -truth of this, but said that they could all be brought -back to Wadi Halfa in four days. All the questions, -or nearly all, were in connection with the army -and the movement of the troops, and this will be -understood when it is remembered that, by some, I -was believed to be “Pasha,” and all Pashas in the -Soudan were military leaders.</p> - -<p>I have been shown a statement to the effect that my -readiness to talk “made a bad impression,” but this -remark was not, at the time of writing, sufficiently explanatory—and -yet it may have been. Other captives -had grovelled at the feet of their captors; I did not, -hence probably the “bad impression” created; and -while the world may blame me for being so injudicious -as to treat my powerful captors with such scant courtesy, -it can hardly be expected that I, even had I not passed -<span class="xxpn" id="p072">|72|</span> -six years in close connection with the British Army on -the field of battle, and in times of comparative peace, -should in a moment forget and lose my manhood, and -cover with servile kisses the hands of a savage black—and -one of the murderers of Gordon to boot. I thank -God, now that I am restored to “life,” that my first -appearance as the Khaleefa’s captive “made a bad -impression,” for even in this I choose to accept an -evidence that I was not what I have in some instances -been represented as being.</p> - -<p>On the Emirs and others leaving me, some dervishes -advanced, stripped me of the jibbeh and clothes given -me by Nejoumi, replacing them with a soldier’s old -jersey and cotton drawers. My feet were next fettered, -and a ring, with a long heavy chain attached, -was fastened round my neck. During that evening—indeed, -during the whole night, crowds came to look -at me, while the ombeyeh (war-trumpet made from a -hollowed tusk) was sounded the whole night through. -A woman, a sort of Mahdist amazon, walked and -danced up and down in front of me, singing and -gesticulating, but I could not catch the full meaning of -her words. Noticing Hasseena sobbing violently a -few yards away, I called to her, and asked what was -the matter with her. She told me that the ombeyeh -was calling up the followers of the prophet to come -and witness my execution, and that the woman, in her -rude rhyme, was describing my death agonies, and my -subsequent tortures in hell as an unbeliever. One of -my guards told me that what Hasseena had related -was true, and I had curiosity enough to ask him the -<span class="xxpn" id="p073">|73|</span> -details of an execution; these having been described -to me, I refused food and drink. I was determined -to deprive the fanatics of one looked-for element -connected with my execution—but I may not enter -into details.</p> - -<p>At dawn the following morning, a dervish came to -me, and crossing my right hand over the left at the -wrists, palms downward, proceeded to bind them together -with a rope made of palm fibre. When the -ropes had, with a bit of wood used as a tourniquet, -been drawn well into the flesh, water was poured over -them. The agony as the ropes swelled was excruciating; -they “bit” into the flesh, and even now I -cannot look at the scars on my hands without a -shudder, and almost experiencing again the same -sensations as those of twelve years ago.</p> - -<p>With the perspiration rolling off me with the pain -I was enduring, and no longer able to conceal that -I was suffering, I was led forth to be the sport of -the rabble. Made to stand up in the open space, -bareheaded, with thousands around me, I believed -the moment for my decapitation had come, and -muttering a short prayer, I knelt down and bent my -head, but was at once pulled to my feet again; the -populace wanted their sport out of me first. Dervishes -rushed at me prodding with spears and swords, and -while this was going on, two men, one on each side of -me, with the mouths of their ombeyehs placed against -my ears, blew their loudest blasts. One powerful -man in particular, with a large spear, gave me the idea -that it was he who had been told to give the final -<span class="xxpn" id="p074">|74|</span> -thrust, and when he had made a number of feints, I -tried in successive ones to meet the thrust. One of -the men guarding me, taking the chain attached to the -ring round my neck, pulled me back each time, much -to the delight of the assembled people.</p> - -<p>The ropes with which I was bound had now done -their work; the swollen skin gave way, and the horrible -tension was removed as the ropes sank into the flesh. -If I had exhibited any feeling of pain before, I was now -as indifferent to it as I was to the multitude around -me. A messenger of the Khaleefa, Ali Gulla, asked -me, “Have you heard the ombeyehs?”—a bit of the -Khaleefa’s supposed pleasantry, when it was by his -orders that the mouths of the instruments had been -placed against my ears. On nodding my reply, Gulla -continued, “The Khaleefa has sent me to tell you -that he has decided to behead you,” to which I -replied, “Go back to your Khaleefa, and tell him that -neither he nor fifty Khaleefas may so much as remove -a hair from my head without God’s permission. If -God’s will it is, then my head shall be cut off, but it -will not be because the Khaleefa wills it.” He went -to the Khaleefa with this message, and returned -saying, “The Khaleefa has changed his mind; your -head is not to be cut off; you are to be crucified as -was your prophet Aisse en Nebbi” (Jesus the -Prophet); after saying which, he told my guards to take -me back to the rukooba while preparations were made.</p> - -<p>By this time, what with the fatigue and privations -on the journey, my head almost splitting as the -result of the ombeyeh’s blasts, the agony caused by the -<span class="xxpn" id="p075">|75|</span> -ropes binding my wrists, and the torture of scores of -small irritating and stinging flies attacking the raw -flesh of my hands, and the sun beating down on my -bare head, I was about to faint. An hour later, I was -ordered off to the place of crucifixion; being heavily -chained, I was unable to walk, so had to be placed -upon a donkey, on which I was held up by two men. -On coming to a halt, instead of the crucifix I had -expected, I found a set of gallows. I was lifted from -the donkey and placed close to the “angareeb,” with -the noose dangling just over my head. Pain and -faintness at once left me. A few minutes more would -end all, and I had made up my mind that that horde -should respect me even in my death. I tried to -mount the angareeb, but my chains prevented me. -A tall black (the chief Kadi of the Khaleefa), placing -his hand on my arm, said, “The Khaleefa is gratified -at your courage, and, to show this, offers you the choice -of the manner of your death.” I replied, “Go back to -your Khaleefa, and tell him that he may please himself -as to what form my death comes in, only if he -wishes to do me a favour, be quick about it; the sun -burns my brain.” To which the Kadi replied, “You -will be dead in a few minutes; what will you die as, -as a Muslim or a Kaffir?” I was growing desperate, -and answered at the top of my voice, “Ed Deen mush -hiddm terrayer nahaarda ou Bookra” (Religion is not -a dress to be put on to-day and thrown off to-morrow).</p> - -<p>My reply, and the manner in which I gave it, I was -gratified to see, made him angry. While we were still -talking, a man on horseback made his way through -<span class="xxpn" id="p076">|76|</span> -the crowd to us, and spoke to the Kadi, who, turning -to me, said, “Be happy, there is no death for you; the -Khaleefa, in his great mercy, has pardoned you.” To -which I asked, “Why? Have I asked for his -pardon?” for I did not believe for a moment that -such was actually the case. I was at once bundled -on to the donkey, however, and taken back to the -rukooba. Some one had reported to the Khaleefa -about the state of my hands, and a man was sent at -once with orders to have the ropes removed. Food -in abundance was sent me, but this I gave to the -ombeyeh men who had escorted me back to the -rukooba, and I could even then smile at one of the -men who complained that he could not enjoy the -food, as his lips—great thick black ones they were, too—were -as raw with blowing the ombeyeh all night as -my hands were with the ropes.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig06"> -<img src="images/i076.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">WRITING UNDER DIFFICULTIES.</div> -</div> - -<p>On the following day I was taken before the Kadis, -with whom was the Khaleefa and Slatin. I was -asked, “Why have you come to Omdurman?” to -which I gave the same reply as I had given to Nur -Angara. The letter of General Stephenson was -exhibited to me, and I was asked, “Is this your -firman?” to which I replied that it was no firman, but -a letter from a friend about business, and that it had -nothing to do with the Government. Slatin was told -to translate it, but, fortunately, did not translate it all. -On his being asked his opinion of me, he told the -Khaleefa that from the papers found in my wallet, I -appeared to be a German and not an Englishman, but -that I had the permission of the English Government -<span class="xxpn" id="p077">|77|</span> -to go to Kordofan on merchant’s business. He also -said that Sheikh Saleh’s name was mentioned, but only -in connection with business of no consequence. I was -then asked if I wished to send any message to my -family. Naturally I did, and pen and paper being -given me, I commenced a letter in German to my -manager at Assouan; but, after a few lines had been -written, the Khaleefa said the letter had better be -written in Arabic. The letter, when finished, was -handed to me to sign; but, not knowing the contents, -I scrawled under the signature, as a flourish, “All lies,” -or something to this effect.</p> - -<p>The letter was sent down by one of the Khaleefa’s -spies, and was delivered to the Commandant at -Assouan. The word “Railway” appearing as part of -the address, it was sent to Mankarious Effendi, the -stationmaster, who, after taking a copy of it for -reference, returned it to the commandant, with the -address of my manager. Mankarious Effendi, having -heard of my recent arrival in Cairo, has come to me -with the original copy of the letter taken in June, -1887. The following is a literal translation of it:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“In the name of the most merciful God, and prayers be unto our -Lord Mohammad and his submissive adherents.</p> - -<p>“From the servant of his lord Abdallah el Muslimani the Prussian -whose former name was Charles Neufeld, to my manager Möller the -Prussian in the Railway Assouan.</p> - -<p>“I inform you that after departing from you I have come to the -Soudan with the men of Saleh Fadlallah Salem el Kabbashi, who -were carrying with them the arms and ammunition and other articles -sent to Saleh by the Government.</p> - -<p>“On our march from Wadi Halfa, notwithstanding our -<span class="xxpn" id="p078">|78|</span> -precautions and care -for the things in our charge, we arrived at the so-called -Selima Wells, where we took sufficient water, and proceeded on -our journey. Suddenly we were met by <i>six</i> of the adherents in the -desert; they attacked us, and we fought against them. Our number -was fifty-five men. At the same time, a number of men from Abdel -Rahman Nejoumi came up; they reinforced the six men and fought -us, and in the space of half an hour we were subdued by them. -Some were killed, and the rest were captured with all the baggage we -had. Myself, my servant Elias and my maidservant Hasseena were -among the captives. All of us were taken to Abdel Rahman -Nejoumi at Ordeh, and by him sent to the Khalifat el Mahdi, peace -be unto him, at Omdurman. On our arrival at Omdurman, we were -taken to his presence, where we were found guilty and sentenced to -immediate death; but the Khalifat el Mahdi, peace be unto him, had -mercy upon us, and proposed unto us to take the true religion, and -we accepted El Islam, and pronounced the two creeds in his -presence: ‘I testify (bear witness) that there is none but God, and -Mohammad is his prophet’; and then, ‘I believe in God and his -Prophet Mohammad, upon whom God has prayed and greeted; and -in the Mahdi, praise, peace be upon him and upon his Khaleefa.’ I -further requested the Mahdi to grant me the ‘bai'a’ (oath of -allegiance) which he was pleased to grant me, and thereupon shook -hands with me. He then named me Abdallah, after embracing the -true religion. Therefore I was pardoned by the Khalifat-el-Mahdi -from the execution which I have deserved. He pardoned me -because he is gracious, and for the sake of the religion of Mohammad -which I now adhere to. So I thought it well to inform you all about -these events, and I inform you further that Dufa'allah Hogal, although -he deceived me, I cannot sufficiently thank him, because his deceiving -me has resulted in the great mercy and good which has come to me. -Saleh Fadlallah Salem is deserting and hiding in the desert, for fear -of his life. All that I have informed you is pure truth. I am still -living, thanks be to God for this and my health. 17th Shaaban, 1304 -(May 10, 1887).”</p></div> - -<p>It is only now, November 25, 1898, that Mankarious -has placed me in possession of the real details. My -manager, who when he returned to Egypt a few -<span class="xxpn" id="p079">|79|</span> -weeks ago, on hearing of my release, denied ever -having received any communication from me, on -August 6, 1887, addressed a letter to my father, -written on my own business paper, saying that he -had received the above letter, had had it translated, -and communicated to the <i>Egyptian Gazette</i>, which -paper published the letter in its issue of August.</p> - -<p>Slatin I saw but once again during my long captivity, -and then it was only in the distance on one occasion -when he called at the prison to give some orders to -the head-gaoler. The Khaleefa I saw twice again, on -occasions to be referred to later.</p> - -<p>After signing the letter, I was taken back to the -rukooba, where, about sunset, a man carrying a long -chain came to me and said he had orders to remove -my fetters. Passing the chain through one of the -anklets and round one of the posts, he took a short -pole, and used this as a lever to force the anklets -open. Whilst still engaged in removing the chains, -the chief Kadi came in, and ordered the anklets to be -hammered back again, and the ends cold welded.</p> - -<p>I remained in the rukooba for the night, and the -following morning was placed upon a donkey and -taken to the prison. I was told that, to save my life, -Slatin had suggested this course being taken, using as -an argument that I could there be converted to the -Mohammedan religion, and devote all my time to my -instructors.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p080" -title="CHAPTER VII THROWN INTO PRISON"> -CHAPTER VII <span class="blksmaller"> -THROWN INTO PRISON</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">On entering the prison I found myself in the company -of about a hundred poor wretches, Soudanese and -Egyptians, and all chained. I was taken at once to an -anvil sunk in the ground until the striking surface was -almost level with it; first one foot and then the other -had to be placed on the anvil, while more anklets with -chains connected, were fitted to me. I had now three -sets of shackles, and another ring and chain was -fastened to my neck. During my twelve years in -chains, and amongst the hundreds who came directly -under my observation, I never saw, as has been -illustrated in some papers, any prisoner with chains -from the neck connected with the wrists or ankles. -All prisoners were shackled in the manner as shown -in my photograph; the chain from the neck was -allowed to hang loose over the shoulder.</p> - -<p>The shackling completed, I was taken to a room -measuring about thirty feet each way, but having a -pillar about four feet wide to support the roof, thus -reducing the actual space to about twenty-six feet -between each face of the pillar and the walls. I was -<span class="xxpn" id="p081">|81|</span> -assigned a place at the wall furthest from the door, -and between two men—in chains—dying of small-pox. -There were about thirty other prisoners in the room, -some lying down ill, to whom not the slightest attention -had been paid for days, as sickening visible -evidences proved. Near the roof were a few small -apertures presumably for ventilation, but the only air -which could come into the place was through the -doorway when it was opened. The stench in the -room was sickening—overpowering. I had little -hopes of surviving more than a few days in such a -hole, and must have swooned off soon after entering, -for I remember little or nothing until roused after -the sun had set, when in the dim light I could see -what appeared to be an endless stream of prisoners -coming through the door, and no sooner was the door -closed when a terrific din and uproar ensued. Mingled -with the clanking of chains, the groans of the sick, the -moans of the dying, and their half-uttered prayers to -Allah to relieve them of their sufferings, were the -most fearful imprecations and curses as the prisoners -fought and struggled for a place near the walls or the -pillar, against which they could rest their backs; no -sleep was to be had; this had to be snatched during -the day, when allowed out into the zareeba. It is out -of the question to try to describe my first night; -it is a confused horrible dream to me.</p> - -<p>On the opening of the cell door next morning, I -swooned again, and was carried into the open air to -come round, and I had no sooner partially done so, -when I was carried back, in order, as I was told, “to -<span class="xxpn" id="p082">|82|</span> -get accustomed to the place.” My first three days -passed in fever and delirium; my legs were swelling -with the weight of the chains and anklets; my earliest -clear recollection was on what I knew later to be the -fourth day, when an Egyptian, Hassan Gammal, was -sent to attend to me. Later on, the same day, my -servant Hasseena was sent to me to prepare food -and bathe my legs. Until now I had eaten nothing, -and I have no recollection of even taking a drink of -water. Hasseena, on my being sent into prison, had -been sent into the Khaleefa’s hareem; but, on her -telling the women and eunuchs that she was with child, -she was promptly turned out. The money I had -brought with me, and which had been taken from me -on my arrival, and sent to the Beit-el-Mal, was given -to Hasseena with which to purchase my food. On -her entering the prison enclosure, Idris-es-Saier, the -head-gaoler, relieved her of the money, saying he -would take care of it, and shackling her with a light -chain, sent her into his hareem.</p> - -<p>I now received permission to sit outside during the -day, and also to converse with the other prisoners. -On my first entering the prison I had been warned, -under threats of the lash, not to speak to any one, -and the other prisoners, under the same threat, had -been warned not to speak to me. They, as may be -guessed, were most anxious to talk to me, and get -some news from the outer world, but they were most -guarded in their inquiries. There were many -prisoners in the place, who, to curry favour with the -gaoler or the Khaleefa, would have reported anything -<span class="xxpn" id="p083">|83|</span> -in the way of a complaint against their treatment—a -wish on the part of any one to escape, or an expressed -hope that the Government would soon send -troops to release us. Knowing that the Government -had, for the time being, abandoned all thoughts of -re-conquering the Soudan, I told my fellow-captives, -when they spoke to me about a probable advance of -the combined armies, that they must have patience -until the hot weather passed. Had I told them what -I knew, their despair could not have been concealed, -and the truth would soon have reached the Khaleefa’s -ears. A number of the prisoners were old soldiers of -the Egyptian army, who had been taken at the fall of -Khartoum and elsewhere, and they waited day after -day, week after week, and year after year, still hoping -that the Government for whom they had fought would -send troops to release them; but, with the greater -number, their release came only with death—at the -gallows, at the Khaleefa’s shambles, or by disease -and starvation.</p> - -<p>Imprisoned at one time with me was Mahmoud -Wad Said, the Sheikh of the Dabaanieh tribe, who -for years had kept the Abyssinians in check on -the Egyptian frontier in the Eastern Soudan. At -one time he was powerful, rich in cattle, slaves, and -lands, but had been taken prisoner early in the -Mahdist movement. When he had been imprisoned -about three years and four months, he became paralyzed, -and his release was ordered by the Khaleefa, -who had so far relented as to allow of his dying with -his family, then at Omdurman, patiently waiting for -<span class="xxpn" id="p084">|84|</span> -his promised release. By their careful nursing and -attention, the old man recovered, only, when the -Khaleefa heard of it, to be thrown into prison again, -where he passed another thirteen months, at the end -of which time he was once more released, on condition -that he would collect the remnants of his tribe, -and attack his old enemies the Abyssinians, whom the -Khaleefa was then fighting with. A few months -later I heard that Mahmoud was dead, one report -saying that he had died of a broken heart, and the -other that he had been “removed” by order of the -Khaleefa, for failing to bring together again a tribe, -which the Khaleefa himself had almost exterminated.</p> - -<p>Another of my companions in adversity was Ajjab -Abou Jinn, of the Hammadah tribe; he fought with -the Government troops at Sennar, and, when defeated -by the dervishes, he retired to his country with his -men until, on the fall of Sennar, he was attacked and -defeated, his property confiscated, and he taken -prisoner to Omdurman, his wife being sent into the -Khaleefa’s hareem. After spending four years in -prison, he was considered sufficiently “educated,” and -released, and in a few months was allowed to return -to his own country, when he set about making preparations -to attack the dervishes, and tried all means -to get into communication with the Government. -Many of his people came to see me in prison, in -the hopes of learning news from me of a forward -movement.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig07"> -<img src="images/i084.jpg" width="600" height="379" alt="" /> -<div class="caption"> -Shereef.    Zeigheir.    Zeigheir’s father. -<div class="fsize6">A GROUP OF PRISONERS.</div></div> -</div> - -<p>The three sons of Awad el Kerim, Pasha of the -Shukrieh tribe, were also in prison with me; their -<span class="xxpn" id="p085">|85|</span> -father had died in prison shortly before my arrival. -After keeping the three brothers—Abdalla, Mohammad, -and Ali—for nineteen months, the Khaleefa -promised to release them on condition that their tribe -came to Omdurman and tendered their submission, -which they did; but, coming unprovided with food, -the tribe in the four or five months they were kept -waiting at Omdurman, was decimated by disease and -starvation, and then, and then only, the Khaleefa kept -his promise, and released their chiefs.</p> - -<p>A man whom I almost struck up a real friendship -with, was Sheikh Hamad-el-Nil, a well-known religious -teacher from the Blue Nile. Having great -influence over a large number of people, the Khaleefa, -fearing he might obtain a following, ordered him to -Omdurman. Here a difficulty arose as to what -charge could be brought against him in order to condemn -him to imprisonment. Sheikh Hamad had taken -neither one side nor the other—Government nor -Mahdieh, and had devoted his whole time to a strict -preaching of the Quoran, as he had done for years. -No Kadi dare condemn him on any charge made, -suborn “witnesses” as the Khaleefa would. But the -Khaleefa was determined to effect his condemnation -by some means, more especially as Sheikh Hamad was -rich, and the Beit-el-Mal was short of funds. Men -were sent to the Sheikh’s house with orders to conceal -some tobacco in the ground—others were sent to -discover it, and tobacco being forbidden by the Mahdi, -Sheikh Hamad, in spite of all protestations, was -sentenced by the Kadi to imprisonment and the -<span class="xxpn" id="p086">|86|</span> -confiscation of his property. His health broke down -after about eighteen months’ privations, and he was released; -but recovering as did Mahmoud, he was again -imprisoned, and died a few weeks later. Of all those -in the prison, Sheikh Hamad was the only one who -dared say openly to those whom he trusted that both -Mahdi and Khaleefa were impostors. Two of my -first four years were spent mainly with the Sheikh -learning to read and write Arabic, discussing the -tenets of the Christian and Mohammedan religions, and -telling him of our social life and customs in Europe.</p> - -<p>There was one arrival at the prison which I was rather -pleased to see—Ahmed Abd-el-Maajid, of Berber, a -great supporter of the Mahdi and Khaleefa, and one -of the bitterest enemies of Christians and Europeans. -He was, for the Soudan, well educated, and he was -also rich, and had much influence, but his vanity got -the better of him. He gave evidence of his wealth in -the richness of his dress and luxurious living, and this -had been reported to the Khaleefa, but as yet Maajid -had not accepted any of the Khaleefa’s pressing invitations -to pay him a visit to Omdurman. Maajid made -up his mind to marry another wife—a young and pretty -one; preparations for the marriage ceremonies, and the -feastings which accompany it, were made on a large -and lavish scale. The Mahdi had fixed ten dollars as -the sum to be paid to the parents of the virgin upon -her marriage; but Maajid paid one thousand, and this -scouting of the Mahdi’s orders coming to the ears -of the Khaleefa, he sent off a party to Berber with -instructions to bring Maajid and his bride back with -<span class="xxpn" id="p087">|87|</span> -them. This party arrived at Berber while the festivities -were still going on, and Maajid could not refuse -the Khaleefa’s invitation this time. When he arrived -at Omdurman, he was, with his bride, who was reputed -to be the most beautiful woman ever seen in the Soudan, -hurried before the Khaleefa and the Kadi. The -latter, having his brief ready, accused Maajid of having -broken the rules as laid down by the Mahdi, and also -of having detained moneys which should have been sent -to the Beit-el-Mal, as was proved by his having so -much money when the coffers of the Beit-el-Mal were -empty. His property was confiscated and sent to the -Beit-el-Mal; his bride was taken possession of by the -Khaleefa, and Maajid himself sent to prison, where he -spent six months, mainly occupied in cursing the face -of his bride, as it was this that had brought him to -grief. At the end of the six months, he was released -and sent back to Berber “educated,” with a strong -recommendation from the Khaleefa not to be so ostentatious -with his wealth in future. The Khaleefa kept -Maajid’s money—and also his bride. It was this same -Maajid, who, after Slatin’s escape, ferreted out the -people in Berber who had assisted Slatin’s guides, and -had them sent to the White Nile, where those who did -not die on the journey there died later.</p> - -<p>Those I have mentioned above were what I might -call the better class of prisoners, with whom I mainly -associated during my first two years in prison; the -remainder were slaves, thieves, ordinary criminals, -debtors, murderers, etc.</p> - -<p>When I had recovered a little from my fever, I -<span class="xxpn" id="p088">|88|</span> -was placed upon a camel, and paraded past the huts, -rukoobas, and zareebas, which at that time constituted -the town of Omdurman. A number of Hadendowas -had come in to tender their submission to the Khaleefa; -and he had seized the occasion to exhibit me to the -“faithful” as the great Pasha sent to conquer from him -the Western Soudan, and to impress the Hadendowas. -A halt was made at the hut of the Emir Said Mohammad -Taher, a relative of the Mahdi, who, after relating -his version of the death of Hicks Pasha, and the -destruction of his army, both of which events had, -according to him, been brought about through the -agency of angels sent by the Prophet for the purpose, -gave me a long lecture on Mahdieh, at the end of -which he asked me my opinion of it. I told him that -if he wished for a few lessons himself on religion, and -as to how the God I prayed to dealt with His faithful, -and the means His teachers in Europe employed for -converting people and making them religious, I should -be pleased to give him a few. The reply angered him, -and another batch of prisoners were, by his orders, told -off to lecture me the whole day long on Mahdieh. -While quite ready to talk to them about the Mohammedan -religion as propounded in the Quoran, I would -not believe in the mission of the Mahdi or his new -religion. When Taher asked what progress I had -made in my “education,” he was told that I would -make none in Mahdieh, but was ready to become a -Mohammedan. I knew perfectly well what an out-and-out -acceptance of Mahdieh meant—my release, but -only to be put in charge of some troops, and, as I had -<span class="xxpn" id="p089">|89|</span> -fought with the British against the Mahdists, I had no -wish to be caught in the dervish ranks, fighting against -them, or be found dead on the field, after the fight, in -the garb of a dervish, and pierced by a British bullet.</p> - -<p>Taher was not pleased, and reported my insubordination -to the Khaleefa. It was probably on my fifteenth -day that, accompanied by the Hadendowas, who had -come in to make their submission, I was taken by -steamer to Khartoum, in order that I might be “impressed” -with the power of the Khaleefa and the truth -of Mahdieh. We were first taken to Gordon’s old -palace, where Khaleel Hassanein, acting as the Mahdist -governor of the town, and at the same time director of -the arsenal, received us, and gave us food. We were -taken through the rooms, then dismantled, and shown -at the head of the stairs what we were told were the -bloodstains of Gordon. After this, we were placed -on donkeys, and taken round the fortifications, while -our “instructors” in Mahdieh, pointing to the skeletons -and dried bodies lying about, gave us word pictures in -advance of how the fortifications of Wadi Halfa and -Cairo would look after the Khaleefa, assisted by the -angels, had attacked them. It was a melancholy -journey for me; and I am not ashamed to say that as -my thoughts flew back to that day at Kirbekan, when, -full of hopes, we pictured to ourselves the rescue of -Gordon, fortifications and skeletons grew dimmed and -blurred, and finally were lost to view, as a hot tear -fell upon the back of my hand.</p> - -<p>Taken back to prison, I became worse; the weight -of the chains and anklets dragging on me as I rode, -<span class="xxpn" id="p090">|90|</span> -and the chafing of the skin, set up an irritation, and -the filth and dirt of the prison soon contributed to the -formation of large ulcers. It was while lying down in -the shade one morning, unable to move, at the time -of the great Bairam feast, that two camel men rode -into the prison enclosure, and, making one of the camels -kneel down near me, ordered me at once to mount, as -the Khaleefa had sent for me. The other prisoners -crowded round and bade me good-bye, Mahmoud Wad -Said telling me to pull myself together, and to act as -I did “when they tried to burst your head with the -ombeyehs.” There was a grand parade of the troops -that day, and no one but believed that I was to be -executed in front of them.</p> - -<p>The two men could tell us nothing but that the -Khaleefa had sent for me, and, living or dead, -they were bound to take me. I was lifted on to -the camel, and taken off to the parade-ground -outside the town. The long, swinging stride of -the camel communicated its motions to my chains, -and by the time I reached the Khaleefa, I was in a -fainting condition, with the ulcers broken, and their -contents streaming down the flank of the camel. The -Khaleefa, noticing this, asked one of the Emirs what -had happened; although close to him, he would not -address a word directly to me, though I could hear -what he said, and he could hear my reply. When -he heard the reason, he gave orders that the chains -were to be removed that night, and a lighter set fitted. -The Khaleefa was surrounded by his Emirs and bodyguard, -and ranged on the plain in front of us was his -<span class="xxpn" id="p091">|91|</span> -great army of horse and camel men, and foot-soldiers. -I should have been marched past the whole army, but -before reaching the horsemen, the Khaleefa said to the -Emir Ali Wad Saad, “Tell Abdalla (myself) that he has -only seen a quarter of the army, and let him be brought -for the parade to-morrow.”</p> - -<p>The prisoners were astonished to see me return -alive that evening, and still more astonished at the -orders given to Idris-es-Saier to remove my chains -at once, and put on a lighter set. For once, the -Khaleefa’s orders could not be carried out; the legs -having swollen so much, the anklets almost buried -in flesh, could not be brought near enough to the face -of the anvil to allow of their being struck at, and -the following day I again attended parade in pretty -much the same state of collapse as the first. The -Khaleefa was furious at this; he had no wish to parade -before his troops, as an evidence of his power, a man -who had to be held up on his camel. My gaoler was -sent to, and asked why he had disobeyed orders. He -gave as reasons, first, that he had no lighter chains, -and secondly, that my legs were so swollen that he was -unable to get at the anklets. The Khaleefa replied -that they were to be removed that night, and they -were, but it was a terrible ordeal for me. Before -leaving the parade-ground, he sent to me Said -Gumaa’s donkey and Slatin’s horse, telling me that -I might ride either of them back to town, as their -motion would be better for me than the camel, but I -elected to remain on the camel.</p> - -<p>I had done my best to get near Slatin, to have a -<span class="xxpn" id="p092">|92|</span> -few words with him, but he was hardly for a moment -near the Khaleefa’s side, galloping from one part of -the army to another with his orders. Ali Wad Saad, -on the part of the Khaleefa, asked me what I thought -of the army; to which I replied, “You have numbers, -but not training”—a reply which gave little satisfaction -to the Khaleefa, who could overhear it without -having to wait for Saad to repeat it to him. This -was the last time upon which I saw the Khaleefa, -but I live in hopes of seeing him once again.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p093" -title="CHAPTER VIII PRISON LIFE"> -CHAPTER VIII <span class="blksmaller"> -PRISON LIFE</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="pfirst">My -first spell in prison was one of four years. After -nine months the rings and chains were removed from -my neck, but the fetters I wore continuously—with -the exception of thirteen days—during the whole of -my captivity. A day-to-day record of my experiences -is out of the question, besides being unnecessary, even -were it possible to give them. I must content myself -with a general description of the life passed there, and -give an idea of the day’s routine.</p> - -<p>When I reached Omdurman, the prison proper -consisted of the common cell already mentioned -(“Umm Hagar”—the house of stone), surrounded by -a large zareeba of thorn trees and branches, and standing -about six feet high. There were thirty guardians, -each armed with a “courbag” (rhinoceros-hide whip) -with which to keep their charges in order. There -were no sanitary arrangements, not even of the most -primitive description. All prisoners had to be fed by -their friends or relatives; if they had neither they -starved to death, as the prisoners, charitable as they -were to each other in the matter of food, had barely -enough to eat to keep body and soul together, for the -<span class="xxpn" id="p094">|94|</span> -best, and greater part of the food sent in, was eaten -by the guardians.</p> - -<p>At sunrise each morning the door of the common cell -was opened, and the prisoners were allowed to shuffle -down to the banks of the Nile, a few yards distant, -for their ablutions and for water for drinking. After -this, we assembled for the first prayer of the day, in -which all had to join. When not working, we had to -read the Mahdi’s “ratib,” a description of prayer-book, -containing extracts from the Quoran with interpolations -of the Mahdi. All the faithful were ordered -to learn this “ratib” off by heart,* and for this purpose -each one had either to purchase a copy or write -one out. At noon the second prayer was held, -followed by another mid-time between noon and sunset, -and a fourth at sunset. We should have repeated -the night prayer when the night had set in, but as -we were driven into the “Umm Hagar” at sunset, the -time which should have been given to this prayer was -fully taken up with brawls, fights, and those comprehensive -curses of the Arabs, commencing with the -second person’s father, going back for generations, -and including all the female ancestors.</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn03"> - -<p class="pfn">* The “Ratib” occupied about three-quarters of an hour -in recitation, and, by the Mahdi’s orders had to be repeated daily -by every one after the morning and afternoon prayer; it ranked in -importance with the five obligatory daily prayers ordained by the -Quoran. It was also looked upon as a sort of talisman, and it was given -out, after such fights as Toski, Ginniss, and the Atbara, that those -killed were those who had either not learned the Ratib or had not a -copy with them. The book was carried in a small leather case suspended -from the neck. A number of copies were printed on the old Government -press, but it was considered more meritorious to write out a copy -rather than to purchase one, and the Mahdi had hoped that this Ratib -would eventually become a sort of Quoran accompanied by its volumes of -“traditions,” hence his anxiety that every one should learn to write.</p></div> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig08"> -<img src="images/i094.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">LEARNING THE MAHDI’S RATIB.</div> -</div> - -<p>It has been found impossible, even in the most -guarded and disguised language, to insert here a real -word-picture of a night in the Saier. -The scenes -<span class="xxpn" id="p095">|95|</span> -of bestiality and filthiness, the means employed for -bringing the most powerful man to his knees with -a single blow, the nameless crimes committed night -after night, and year after year, may not be recorded -in print. At times, and sometimes for weeks in -succession, from 250 to 280 prisoners were driven -into that small room; we were packed in; there was -scarcely room to move our arms; “jibbehs” swarmed -with insects and parasites which in themselves made -sleep an impossibility and life a misery. As the heat -grew more oppressive, and the atmosphere—always -vile with the ever-present stench of the place—grew -closer with the perspiring bodies, and with other -causes, all semblance of human beings was lost. Filth -was thrown from one side of the room to the other -by any one who could move his hand for the purpose -of doing so, and as soon as this disgusting element -was introduced, the mass, in its efforts to avoid being -struck with it, swayed from side to side, fought, bit, -and struggled as far as their packed-in condition would -allow of, and kicked with their bars and chains the -shins of those next them, until the scene became one -that only a Dante might describe. Any prisoner who -went down on such a night never got up again alive; -his cries would not be heard above the pandemonium -of clanking chains and bars, imprecations and cursings, -and for any one to attempt to bend down to assist, if -he did hear, only meant his going under also. In -the morning, when we were allowed to stream out, -five and six bodies would be found on the ground -with the life crushed and trampled out of them. -<span class="xxpn" id="p096">|96|</span></p> - -<p>Occasionally, when the uproar was greater than -usual, the guards would open the door, and, standing -in the doorway, lash at the heads of the prisoners -with their hide whips. Always when this occurred -death claimed its five or six victims, crushed and -trampled to death. I wish I might say that I had -drawn upon my imagination for what is given above; -I can but assure you that it gives but the very faintest -idea of what really occurred.</p> - -<p>Until we had been set to make bricks and build -a wall round our prison, our life, in comparison with -what it was later, was I might say endurable. By -baksheeshing the guards, we were allowed to go down -to the river during the day almost as often as we -pleased; and these excursions, taken presumably for -the purpose of ablution and drinking, gave us many -opportunities of conversing with the townspeople. -This life I enjoyed but for a few months. A large -number of prisoners succeeded in escaping. Consequently -the digging of a well for infiltration water to -supply the prisoners, and the building of a wall round -the prison were ordered by the Khaleefa to be completed -as rapidly as possible.</p> - -<p>The prisoners who escaped were mainly slaves, -and as most slaves were chained to prevent their -running away from their owners—hundreds going -about the town fettered—they had little difficulty in -effecting their escape from prison, and also from -Omdurman. On being allowed to go to the river to -wash, they would wade down the bank until they -came opposite some large crowd of people, and -<span class="xxpn" id="p097">|97|</span> -coming on the bank, their chains would excite no -suspicion, for, as I have already said, hundreds -similarly fettered were going about the town. Making -their way to the nearest blacksmith, he would remove -their chains in a few moments for the sake of obtaining -the iron, which was valuable to him.</p> - -<p>We were not at that time altogether without news; -papers published in Egypt were constantly arriving, -brought by the Khaleefa’s spies, who passed regularly -backwards and forwards between Omdurman -and Cairo, keeping up communications between the -Khaleefa and some of the more fanatical Mohammedans -resident at the capital. Since my return I -have inquired as to an incident which happened on -the frontier in connection with the army some years -ago. I shall only relate what we heard, and as given -out by the Khaleefa and his Emirs. All the English -officers, according to the report received, had been -dismissed, and had left with the Sirdar. The English -soldiers had also been removed from Egypt; so the -Khaleefa was jubilant, and looked forward to the near -future when the Egyptian troops would attempt to -attack him, and when not a man of them was to be -left alive. I was to have been a witness of the great -battles when the angels of Allah were to fight with -the believers, and assist the Ansar to utterly exterminate -the Turks. While this was still the topic of -conversation, another messenger arrived to say that -the trouble had been arranged; the English officers -and troops were not leaving, and as the Khaleefa’s -hopes fell, ours rose. -<span class="xxpn" id="p098">|98|</span></p> - -<p>Of all the people whom the Mahdi himself appointed -to posts, two, and, I believe, two only, retained their -positions up to the time of the taking of Omdurman. -One was Khaleel Hassanein, the director of the -arsenal, and the other Idris es Saier, the gaoler. -Idris—for he is still living—is a man of the Gawaamah -tribe, a tribe that the first missionary will have some -little trouble with, unless he is prepared to revise one -of the Ten Commandments out of the Pentateuch -altogether, as the following story connected with my -gaoler’s first appearance in the world may indicate. -Idris’s mother had a sister who, tired of single blessedness, -proposed to, and was accepted by, a swain of -the tribe who was a constant visitor to their hut. -Idris’s mother had also the intention of proposing to -the same man, and having told her sister this, the -sister popped the question first, was accepted, and -then Idris’s mother upbraided her after the manner -of her tribe, which evidently consisted more of actions -than of words. When the happy swain put in his -next appearance, Idris’s mother, with Idris in her -arms, asked him how he dare go against the custom -of her section of the tribe, and accept in marriage a -girl who had had no children, while she had already -had two! “Saier” in the Gawaamah language means -“custom” and “customary,” and Idris was named -Idris es Saier when, in after years, a satisfactory -explanation could not be found for his not boasting a -father. Idris’s mother afterwards married and ruled, -with her legitimate son, Saier’s family. When -appointed as gaoler by the Mahdi, his -prison was -<span class="xxpn" id="p099">|99|</span> -called “El-Beit-es-Saier” (the house of Saier), which -later was contracted to “Saier,” and the name eventually -replaced the proper word for prison, all prisons -being called the “Saier,” and the head-gaoler, “Saier.”</p> - -<p>Idris had been a famous robber and thief, and he -was never tired of relating his exploits, and then -winding up by pointing out what Mahdieh had done -for him, for by his conversion he was now the -honoured guardian of all thieves, robbers, and murderers, -and there is little doubt but that he had a -sneaking regard for all such, as a link between himself -and his earlier days.</p> - -<p>He was superstitious to a degree, and although the -Mahdi and Khaleefa had strictly forbidden fortune-telling -and the writing of talismans, Idris followed the -example of the Khaleefa himself, and regularly consulted -the fortune-tellers, most of his ill-gotten gains -going to them in fees. He had had made twenty-five -to thirty boards of hard wood, about eighteen to -twenty inches square, and on these he had written -daily, a Sourah from the Quoran. The ink with -which the Sourahs were written was a mixture of -wood-soot—or lamp-black, when that could be obtained—gum -arabic, some perfume, and water. As soon as -the writing was finished, Idris would, after carefully -washing his hands, take a small vessel holding about -two teacups of water, and carefully wash off the -writing, allowing the water to drip back into the -vessel; not a drop was to be spilled on the ground, -otherwise the writing would have to be done over -again, for the name Allah, and many of His attributes, -<span class="xxpn" id="p100">|100|</span> -were then in the solution. Having washed the board -clean, caught every drop of water, and then drunk it, -he would come to us, and deliver himself of the following -harangue, and as we heard it two or three times -a week for years, I have an almost verbatim recollection -of it.</p> - -<p>“I am a born thief and robber; my people killed -many on the roads, and robbed them of their property; -I drank as no one else could, and I did everything -possible against rule and religion. The Mahdi -then came and taught me to pray and leave other -people’s property alone.” (This last always raised -a bitter smile from his hearers, as he used to torture -us to deliver up for “the Khaleefa” any small coin -or article of value we might come into possession of.) -“How I have to thank the Mahdi for having made -me a good, holy, and new man, and he will at the -Day of Judgment be my witness, and take me with -his ansars to heaven. Think what I have been, and -see what I am now! I have been worse than any of -you. If you stole anything, you stole when you were -with the Government, and you only did what the -Government and every one else did, you had authority -to do so. I was worse than you, I had no authority. -God has pardoned me, and will also pardon you if -you repent and give to the Beit-el-Mal what you have -taken from the poor, for there are many poor now in -the town crying for food, and there is no money in -the Beit-el-Mal to purchase any. I have given all -my money in charity, and my wives and children -are crying for food. I have no boats to bring me -<span class="xxpn" id="p101">|101|</span> -merchandise, and I have no land to cultivate to grow -dourra” (Sorghum, a grain in the Soudan, which takes -the place of our wheat). “I am a prisoner as you -are, and the pay I get is not sufficient to feed my -family. Yesterday there was no dourra in my house -to feed my children, they had to lie down hungry, -and I thank God for His grace in supporting me -through these trials for which I shall be rewarded in -the next world. I am going to see my starving -children now, and then I shall pray to God, and ask -him to release you if you repent, and turn the -Khaleefa’s heart to you. The Khaleefa knows everything -you do, and sees you all the day, for ‘El Nebbi -Khiddr’ is his eyes and ears, and El Nebbi Khiddr -not only sees and hears what you are doing and -saying, but sees what your thoughts are.”</p> - -<p>After this, all but myself used to rise and kiss his -hands; I never did so. At the end of the first -harangue he gave in my presence, and at the end of -his harangues for weeks later, he would continue:—“And -now you man from the bad world, you understand -Arabic well. The Khaleefa has told me to -instruct you in the true religion; your fellow-prisoners -will tell you how Hicks Pasha was, with all his army, -killed by the angels; not a single shot was fired, or a -spear thrown, by the Ansar; the spears flew from -their hands, and, guided by the angels, pierced the -breasts of the unbelievers, and burned up their bodies. -God is great. You will soon learn that you are -mistaken, and that all your world is wrong; there is -no religion but that of the Mahdi. How happy you -<span class="xxpn" id="p102">|102|</span> -should be to have lived in his time and entered into -the company of the Ansar. God now loves you; it -is He who has brought you to us, and with the -Khaleefa’s blessing you will yet be numbered with -the Ansar, and you will fight against the unbelievers -and Turks as other converts have done. You have -a strong mind, and the Khaleefa therefore has not a -bad opinion of you. Thank him for his mercy that -he did not kill you. Be converted, and I shall be -pleased and proud of you, and be as your father. -You others, you have seen the Mahdi and the -Khaleefa and their dealings; tell him of them. You -Hamad el Nil, you are a learned man, and know more -of religion than I do; make Abdalla know who God -is, and who is His prophet.”</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig09"> -<img src="images/i103.jpg" width="600" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">IDRIS-ES-SAIER.</div> -</div> - -<p>At the end of my first lecture, Abou Jinn asked me -how much money I had. I inquired why. He -replied, “Do you not understand? The Saier wants -some money from you.” I told him of the money -Hasseena had, and which the Saier was taking care -of, on which he smiled and told me that the Saier -would not take the money himself, but he would -compel me to <i>give</i> it to him for his “starving -children.” A few days later I was sent for to hear -the Saier hold forth again, and on this occasion he -finished up by saying that some of us must have -done something wrong. The Nebbi Khiddr had reported -it to the Khaleefa, who had in consequence -ordered him to add more chains to our feet, but -that we were to submit to this without bad feelings -against the Khaleefa and him. If we -repented, the -<span class="xxpn" id="p103">|103|</span> -Nebbi Khiddr would report it, and the Khaleefa, as -he was full of grace, would soon order the chains to -be removed again. All the principal prisoners, with -the exception of myself, were then marched to the -anvil, and had their chains hammered on. I was -spared, as, after the first lecture, I had, on Abou Jinn’s -advice, sent word to the Saier to take fifteen of my -dollars for his “starving children.” We prisoners -held a conference, and it was decided to present more -moneys. It took us two days to scrape together the -requisite sum—about fifty dollars—to which I added -seventeen of mine. This had the happy result of not -only removing the extra chains of the prisoners, but -Hasseena’s also. The Saier called us together, gave -us a homily on repentance and good behaviour, and -told us to continue in the same path, as it was evidently -looked upon with approval by the Nebbi -Khiddr.*</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn04"> -<p class="pfn">* The Nebbi Khiddr is a mythical character in Islam. Sects -are divided as to whether he is a prophet or not. His name does not -appear in the Quoran. By some of the old writers he is made the -companion of Noah, Abraham, and Moses. Having drunk of the waters of -the Fountain of Life, he is believed by some to be ever present at -one of the holy places. His exact whereabouts and his attributes -have never been defined. The Mahdi killed two birds with one stone by -appropriating this unclaimed prophet to himself; first, his supposed -presence made Omdurman a holy place, as the Nebbi only appeared at holy -places, and then, by investing him with the powers as related by Idris -es Saier, he was able to impress the more ignorant of his followers of -his—the Khaleefa’s—omniscience and omnipresence through the Nebbi -Khiddr’s agency. The Mahdi laying claim to this prophet and attributing -to him the powers he did, raised in the minds of Hamad-el-Nil and -others their first suspicions as to the Mahdi and his mission.</p></div> - -<p>But this Nebbi Khiddr was never satisfied for long -with our conduct. Every month he had something -to report to the “Khaleefa,” and just as regularly we -were given extra chains, until a few dollars, entrusted -to Idris for the poor, had sent him to the Khaleefa -with a favourable report. All these ill-gotten moneys, -as I have said, went to soothsayers, fortune-tellers, -and talisman writers, in whose absolute power the -<span class="xxpn" id="p104">|104|</span> -Saier was, though part went in baksheesh to the -servants and counsellors of the Khaleefa, whom -the Saier had to keep in funds in order to retain his -place.</p> - -<p>The Saier knew very well that not a single one of -us believed in this Nebbi Khiddr business, but as on -the outside of the circle of the principal prisoners—and -they were the only ones from whom money could -be squeezed—were always gathered a number of -the ignorant and, therefore, more fanatical of the -Khaleefa’s adherents, he had invented this tale, -which he gave year after year without the slightest -variation in words, in order to hoodwink them and -prevent any tales reaching the Khaleefa as to the -sums “presented” by the prisoners.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p105" -title="CHAPTER IX MY FIRST CHANCE OF ESCAPE"> -CHAPTER IX <span class="blksmaller"> -MY FIRST CHANCE OF ESCAPE</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="pfirst">It was during my first months in prison that Ahmed -Nur ed Din of the Kabbabish succeeded in getting -into prison, in the hope of effecting my escape. I had -for some years had dealings with Nur ed Din in connection -with the Intelligence Department, and also -the caravan trade. When I left Wadi Halfa with -Saleh’s caravan, Nur ed Din was then at Saleh’s camp -with messages to him from the Government. On his -return to Wadi Halfa, he heard of what had happened, -and coming at once to Omdurman, he sent a message -by my servant that he had come for me. All his -applications to get into the prison being refused by the -guards, and fearing to make an application to Idris es -Saier or the Mehkemmeh, he arranged with a friend to -have a petty quarrel in the market-place; his friend -hurried him before the Kadi, and Nur ed Din was -ordered into prison. On seeing me walk towards him -as he entered, as I did not know then that he came as -a prisoner, he gave me a “hooss,” the Soudan equivalent -for our “ssh” (silence), and walked off in another -direction. Later in the day, and when we were being -<span class="xxpn" id="p106">|106|</span> -marshalled to be driven into the common cell, he came -next to me, and whispered, “I have come for you; be -careful; keep your eyes open; try and obtain permission -to sleep outside the Umm Hagar.” Two -weeks elapsed before we had another opportunity of -exchanging a few words, but in the interval Nur ed -Din was ingratiating himself with the prisoners who -associated with me, and gradually allowing his curiosity -to speak to the “white kaffir” to be evident. It was -necessary for him to act in this cautious manner in -order to avert suspicion, and another week passed after -his introduction to our little circle, before he dare seize -an opportunity to consult me about his health and -numerous ailments—which was his explanation when -questioned about our long conversation together.</p> - -<p>It was a strange story he had to tell. On meeting -Gabou, Gabou at once commenced to talk to him -about some double dealings which he proposed with -both dervishes and Government. Nur ed Din was -suspicious, and did not fall in with the proposals; this -then left Gabou at the mercy of Nur ed Din, and the -former picked a quarrel, during which Nur ed Din -accused Gabou of the betrayal of the caravan to Saleh. -Others of the Kabbabish were already looking askance -at Gabou, and wondering whether, if the truth once -came out, they too would not be punished as conspirators. -Gabou was, they believed, then engaged -upon some plot which would render them harmless as -regards himself should they make a report against him -to the Government, and in self-preservation they held -a conference with Nur ed Din. It was proposed that -<span class="xxpn" id="p107">|107|</span> -some one, for the honour of the tribe, should try and -effect my release or escape from Omdurman, while, as -will have been seen, there was also the element of -self-interest in the matter. There was now a feud -between Gabou and Nur ed Din, and the latter -volunteered to undertake the risk of the journey to -Omdurman.</p> - -<p>His plan, when he saw that there was not the -slightest hope of my being released from prison, -was a desperate one, and we ran every chance of -being killed in the attempt to escape, but this risk I -was quite willing to take. I knew Nur ed Din would -make no mistakes. It was not as if he was actuated -by avarice in assisting me; but being engaged in a -death-feud, he sought every means to be the one left -alive, and he knew that if he could conduct me to -Wadi Halfa, Gabou would soon decorate a scaffold or -be shot out of hand.</p> - -<p>Nur ed Din, through the services of one of his -party, a boy whom he had brought with him, and who -came into the prison daily as Nur ed Din’s food -servant, first arranged for relays of camels, then for -the purchase of rifles and ammunition, which were -buried in the desert a short distance from Omdurman. -These preparations being complete, six of the -ten men at his first relay station were sent for to cut -a hole through the wall of the prison nearest the Nile, -and this they were to do on the night we sent a message -to them or gave a signal, one of the men being always -near the bank, close to the selected part of the wall. -Final instructions were given on hearing that the -<span class="xxpn" id="p108">|108|</span> -camels were ready and well provided with water. -After creeping through the aperture, we were to make -our way to the river, dragging an old fishing-net -behind us; rags were to be bound round the chains -to deaden their rattling; this part of the scheme was -to hide my chains, and prevent their clanging being -heard. On passing the last of the huts, we were to -leave the river, and, mounting the camels, we were -to travel as fast as the camels would go, for twelve -hours direct west, where we would pick up the first -relay. We had sent the boy out with a message to -our people to procure three revolvers and ammunition. -Nur ed Din and I were to take one each for -use in case necessity arose before we could reach -the buried rifles; the other one of the men was to -take, and, if our flight was at once discovered, he was -to fire towards a boat which had been taken to the -opposite bank, and swear that we had escaped by its -means. This would put our pursuers on the wrong -scent for some time. One revolver and seventeen -cartridges only could be found then, and Nur ed Din -decided on waiting a few days until others could be -obtained.</p> - -<p>Whilst these were being searched for, Nur ed -Din became feverish, and to my horror I saw -all the symptoms of typhus fever developing. This -fever had been named Umm Sabbah (seven), as it -invariably carried off its victims in seven days. It -may be guessed how anxiously and carefully I nursed -Nur ed Din, and how Hasseena was kept busy the -whole day brewing from tamarinds, dates, -and roots, -<span class="xxpn" id="p109">|109|</span> -cooling draughts to allay his fever. He might have -recovered, had he not kept himself excited over the fear -of losing his vengeance on Gabou, but he gradually -sank and died.</p> - -<p>I was locked up in the Umm Hagar on the night -of his death, and the fever was then taking hold -of me; two days later I was senseless, and of course -helpless. Hasseena, with two boys, used to carry -me about from shade to shade as the sun travelled, -but my neck-chain dragged, and sometimes tripped -one or the other up, and then it was that orders -were given to remove it. Hasseena had been told -that the best remedy for me was a description of -vegetable marrow soaked in salt water; the water was -drunk and the marrow eaten as the patient recovered. -The purgative properties of this medicine might suit -Soudan constitutions, and it evidently suited mine at -the time, but I should warn any of my readers, should -they be so unfortunate as to contract this fever, against -attempting the remedy. When the decoction has -acted sufficiently, the mouth is crammed with butter, -which to the throat, at this stage of the “cure,” feels -like boiling oil, and you experience all the sensations -of internal scalding. The next operation is to briskly -rub the whole body, and then anoint it with butter or -oil—butter by preference. The patient has nothing to -say about his treatment—he is helpless; every bit of -strength and will has left him, and when he has been -rolled up in old camel-cloths and “sweated,” weakness -hardly expresses the condition he has arrived at. It -was on the thirteenth day of my attack that -I reached -<span class="xxpn" id="p110">|110|</span> -the final stage of my treatment, and then I fell asleep, -waking some hours later with a clear head and all my -faculties about me, though I was then but a living -skeleton.</p> - -<p>The Khaleefa, hearing of my condition, thought -it a favourable opportunity for me to receive a few -more lessons in Mahdieh, and my period of convalescence -was much prolonged owing to the worry and -annoyance which these teachers of Mahdieh were to -me. Kadi Hanafi, one of Slatin’s old Kadis, then imprisoned -with me owing to his open avowal that the -justice and the sentences given by the Mehkemmeh -(religious courts) were against the teachings of the -Quoran, told me that it was a mistake on my part so -openly to defy the Khaleefa, and that it would be more -“politique” to submit as had Slatin, who had now his -house, wives, slaves, horses and donkeys, and cultivated -land outside the city. But in my then condition, -a little procession, for which my dead body would be -the reason, was much more to my liking, and I did not -care in what shape death came, provided that it did -come.</p> - -<p>Hanafi used up all his arguments in trying to persuade -me to become a good Muslim. Dilating on -the power of the Khaleefa and my impotence, he -pointed to my chains, then weighing about forty pounds, -and said that the Khaleefa would certainly torture me -with them until I submitted to become a good Muslim. -To this last argument I replied that if I did say I -would be converted, the Khaleefa, as soon as he heard -of it, would make me proclaim my conversion publicly, -<span class="xxpn" id="p111">|111|</span> -and just as certainly behead me immediately afterwards, -to prevent my slipping back into Christianity. -Hanafi believed that the Khaleefa would still let me -live after embracing the Mohammedan faith in the -hope of my accepting the Mahdieh; he failed though -to convert me, and the Khaleefa, hearing of the result, -and not believing that Hanafi had done all that he -might have done with his arguments, for this and other -reasons sent him later as a convict to Gebel Ragaf, -near Lado, the convict station of the Soudan.</p> - -<p>By the time I had gained sufficient strength to -attempt the flight, the men engaged had lost heart, -and there was no one to lead them. Nur ed Din was -dead, and as they only came into the thing for the -money they were to receive, and the dollars were not -then forthcoming, they decided not to run any risk, -disbanded the camel-posts, and scattered to their -various homes.</p> - -<p>How many hundreds of times have I regretted since -that I did not take Nur ed Din’s advice and escape -at the time, leaving him behind. As he said, there -was no reason to be afraid that he would lose his head, -as his being so ill and also his being left behind would -prevent suspicion being directed towards him. During -my twelve years’ captivity, this, my first chance of -escape, risky and desperate as it was, was the only one -which had in it a real element of success, for my -conductor in saving me was to save himself.</p> - -<p>As is customary in all oriental prisons, the prisoners -in the Saier had either to purchase their own food, or -their friends and relatives had to send it into the -<span class="xxpn" id="p112">|112|</span> -prison for them; failing money, friends and relatives, -the prisoners starved to death. I have already said -that the best and greater part of the food sent to -the prison gates was appropriated by the gaolers, that -is to say, after Idris es Saier had seen to the wants -of his “starving children” and numerous household -first. Idris, even during the worst period of the -famine, did not lose flesh; he was always the same -tall, stout, flat-nosed black, both when I first saw him -on May 10, 1887, and when I last saw him in -September, 1898. Nor was Idris quite so bad as he -had been painted; he would often—when the Nebbi -Khiddr tale had had the desired effect in repentance, -or when he was in a good humour after a bout of -marrissa drinking—go out of his way to do his -prisoners small kindnesses, such as the removal of -extra chains, and giving permission to sleep in the -open; but the Nebbi Khiddr institution left him so -much at the mercy of the Khaleefa’s immediate -attendants, that his periods of good humour were, in -consequence, of very short duration. Some day, if -I return to the Soudan, or Idris pays a visit to -civilization, I may learn from him whom I have to -thank for a few of the unnecessary hardships inflicted -upon me.</p> - -<p>It might be asked why we, knowing that the guards -would purloin the greater part of the food sent in, did -not arrange for a larger quantity to be sent. There are -two reasons, and the first is the least of the two: the -guards knew very well what was the minimum amount -of food to keep us alive, and just that quantity of food -<span class="xxpn" id="p113">|113|</span> -would be allowed to pass the portals of the Saier. -The second reason was, that the sight of more or -better food being brought to a prisoner proved one of -two things: either the prisoner himself had received -some money, or his friends had, and the following day -the time-worn Nebbi Khiddr tale, properly translated, -meant chains until more dollars were forthcoming. -Under such circumstances, the unlucky offender -against Saier politics would be called upon by the -other mulcted prisoners to make good the money -they had been bled of, for the Saier was most -impartial in the matter of chains, and, certain of -always getting the proper victim in the end, invariably -loaded a dozen or so with extra chains, and -ordered all into the Umm Hagar. An attenuated -and burned chicken, or pigeon, cost a few dollars in -repentance, and also the wearing of extra chains and -the horrors of the Umm Hagar for nights, for it was -advisable to keep Idris waiting some days for an -evidence of repentance, so that he should believe, and -the Khaleefa’s attendants believe also, that some little -difficulty had been experienced in collecting the few -dollars you had to pay.</p> - -<p>Our usual food was “Asseeda,” the Soudan dourra -(sorghum), roughly pounded moist, and mixed into a -thick paste, feeling and tasting to the palate like sawdust. -It was not a very nourishing dish, but it was -a heavy one, and stayed the pangs and gnawings of -hunger. A flavour might be imparted by allowing a -quantity to stand for a day or two until fermentation -set in. Occasionally, but only occasionally, a sauce -<span class="xxpn" id="p114">|114|</span> -made from the pounded seed of the Baamia hybiscus, -and called “Mulakh,” could be obtained, and this, -with the fermented asseeda, made a veritable banquet. -Friends in the town sent us, when they could either -afford or obtain it, a little wheaten bread, a bit of -cheese or butter, or a few pinches of coffee.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig10"> -<img src="images/i114.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">CATARINA.</div> -</div> - -<p>Amongst the many captives in Omdurman who -did so much for me stands out prominently Father -Ohrwalder, the old Greek lady, Catarina—who was a -ministering angel alike to prisoners and captives—Mr. -Tramba and his wife Victoria, Nahoum Abbajee, -and Youssef Jebaalee. Surely the recording angel -has placed to the right side of the account the little -deceptions practised by Father Ohrwalder to gain -access to the prison, when the few piastres of baksheesh -he could afford were not sufficient to satisfy the rapacity -of the guards, in order to bring me some little dainty, -when, God knows, he was bringing me the lion’s share -of what he was in absolute need of himself. At one -time he would present himself at the gates as being -“Iyyan Khaalas” (sick unto death), and, of course, -wished to see me once again before his dissolution. -At another time it would be that he had heard <i>I</i> was -dying, then, of course, he wished to see <i>me</i>; and the -changes would be rung by his coming in on the pretext -of wishing to see some other prisoner. With -bowed head and bent back, exaggerating the weak -state he was then in, he would crawl towards me, -dragging one foot after the other, and, reaching me, -would sit down on the ground and sway his body to -and fro—a little pantomime which allowed -of his -<span class="xxpn" id="p115">|115|</span> -surreptitiously passing to me the dainties he had -brought in the old leather bag slung from his left -shoulder. Time after time he was turned away from -the gates, and this, too, after having paid the baksheesh; -but his persistence secured his seeing me -every one or two months during my first three years -in prison, and the scraps of news he brought from the -outside world—news to both of us, though a year or -two old—gave me something to think of and turn over -in my brain until his next visit. Death, as I told -Father Ohrwalder, I did not fear, but my great fear -was insanity.</p> - -<p>Often and often, when allowed to sleep in the -open air at night-time, instead of experiencing all -the horrors of a night in the common cell, the -cool night-air would send me off into a sound sleep, -from which I would start up from some confused -dream of old days, and, looking up to the sky, would -wonder to myself, half awake and half asleep, which -was the dream and which the reality, the old loved -scenes, or the prison of es-Saier at Omdurman. I -would for some moments be afraid to look round at -the men chained on each side of me, and when I -mustered up courage to do so, and felt the weight of my -irons and the heavy chain across my legs, which bound -our gang of fifty or sixty together, I would speculate -on how long it would be before the slender thread -holding me between reason and insanity snapped -under the strain.</p> - -<p>That my reason did not give way during my first -period of imprisonment I have but to thank Father -<span class="xxpn" id="p116">|116|</span> -Ohrwalder and the friends mentioned. Each one -of them risked his or her comparative freedom, if -not life, to help me. Even during the worst nights -in the Umm Hagar, when Hell itself might be -defied to match such a scene, when Madness and -Death stalked hand-in-hand amongst the struggling -mass, and when, jammed in tight with a number of -the more fanatical prisoners, I fought and struggled, -bit and kicked, as did they for bare life, the thought -of having friends in adversity, suffering almost as -much as I did, kept that slender thread from snapping; -but the mental strain caused me most violent headaches -and periods of forgetfulness or loss of memory, -which even now recur at times. But it was during -the famine that the Christian—more than Christian—charity -of my friends was put to the severest tests -and never faltered. Food was at enormous prices, -but, day after day, Catarina brought her scrap of -dourra or wheaten bread; every day Youssef Jebaalee -sent his loaves of bread, unmindful of how much the -guards stole, provided that I got a mouthful.</p> - -<p>All the food sent for the prisoners did not, of course, -reach them; what little passed the gates of the Saier -was fought for; those having longer chains, or bars, -connecting their anklets stood the best chance in the -race for food, as they were able to take longer strides. -Had it been under other circumstances, the scenes -enacted might have provided endless amusement for -the onlookers, for they had in them all the elements -but one of a sack-race and old country sports. Seeing -thirty or forty living skeletons shuffling, leaping as -<span class="xxpn" id="p117">|117|</span> -far as their weight of chains and strength would -allow, you knew, when one fell, that it was the weakness -caused by starvation which had brought him -down. There he would lie where he fell, given -over to despair, whilst those who did reach any messenger -with food, rather than resenting the stripes -given by the guards with the courbash, would almost -appear glad of the open wounds these caused, so that -they might caress the wounds with their hands and -lick the blood from their fingers. This picture is not -<i>over-</i> but <i>under</i>drawn; but I have been advised to -leave out minute details and other scenes, as unnecessarily -harrowing.</p> - -<p>We heard that cannibalism was being practised -in the town, but none took place in the prison; -in the Saier, when once the despair engendered -by starvation and cruelty took hold of a prisoner, -he would lie down and wait for death; food he -would never refuse if offered, but if water without -food was offered, it was refused. Day after day, for -months, the bodies of eight or ten prisoners, who had -died of starvation, would be thrown into the Nile, and -thousands must have died in the Saier. The population -of the prison was always kept up owing to the -hourly arrivals of starving wretches committed there -for trying to steal food in the market-place, and it was -from such as these that the fighting for food in the -prison emanated chiefly. It can be well imagined -how the most civilized being might be driven to madness -and desperation, when, as the result of his trying -to steal a bit of food, maybe for himself, maybe for -<span class="xxpn" id="p118">|118|</span> -a dying child, he is committed to an oriental prison, -and there, as he is taken to the anvil, the body of the -last victim to starvation is dragged up to have the -shackles knocked off only to be fitted on to him. -Yet this happened not twice, not scores, but hundreds -of times in the prison of es-Saier during that terrible -famine.</p> - -<p>After my servant Hasseena had been knocked -down a number of times and the food she was bringing -me had been devoured by the starving prisoners, -we hit upon an expedient. Buying a gazelle skin, she -had this hung from her waist, under her dress, and -left dangling between her knees; the food for me was -placed in this, but Hasseena always carried, as a blind -or decoy, a little food in her hands. This would be -pounced upon, when Hasseena, who had a healthy -pair of lungs, as Wad Nejoumi discovered at his first -interview with her, would raise the echoes with her -screams. These gave her a clear path to me, and -she waited for a favourable opportunity to drop the -gazelle skin on the ground beside me.</p> - -<p>It must not be thought from the foregoing that -the prisoners had no feelings for each other, and for -those worse off in the matter of food than themselves. -There was more charity shown by those wild fanatics, -and almost savages, than is often shown in more -civilized places. Mahmoud Wad Said, so long as his -little property held out, sold portions of it day after -day, and had sent into the prison for his poorer fellow-prisoners, -a large “geddahh” of asseeda and milk, -night and morning, and this gave thirty to forty -<span class="xxpn" id="p119">|119|</span> -prisoners a meal each day; others divided with their -less fortunate friends the little food they received. I -have seen it stated that my charity to other prisoners -created a very good impression; but, then, how could -I, the only white and Christian in the prison—and, for -the matter of that, the only avowed Christian in the -Soudan—not strive to show just a little more self-denial -and charity and kindness of heart than those -“fanatics” showed me?*</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn05"> -<p class="pfn">* On reading over the foregoing to Father Ohrwalder, and -asking him if he knew of any others who had assisted me with food while -in prison, he first objected to my giving him any credit for what he -had done, saying he had done but part of his duty towards me, and, in -deference to his wishes, I have curtailed the account of his kindnesses -towards me. He then expressed surprise that the name of Slatin did -not figure amongst those of my benefactors, and it is only now that I -hear from Father Ohrwalder of the risks Slatin ran in trying to help -me. As can be well understood, this is hardly a subject on which, at -the present time, I could approach Slatin, as it would practically be -asking him how many dollars’ worth of thanks were due to him.</p> - -<p>On my arrival at Omdurman, it was believed by the Khaleefa, and -others, that I was a brother of Slatin, and had started for Sheikh -Saleh’s country with the idea of organizing an expedition to attack -the Khaleefa and effect Slatin’s release; the latter, in consequence, -was looked upon with more suspicion than ever, and bad as my position -or condition was, his, in a measure, may have been worse. People -in Omdurman—my servant and the prison barber in particular—gauging -Slatin’s position to a nicety, had little fear or compunction in -blackmailing him, day after day, after his first contribution to my -sustenance, for more money and food, and in each instance it was asked -for in my name. Others doubtless did the same, and poor Slatin, as he -was then, must have been robbed right and left, his robbers perfectly -secure in the conviction that even, should he discover their trick, he -would be powerless to punish them, for had he attempted to do so, he -would have placed his head in a noose for disobeying the Khaleefa’s -orders, which were that he was never to speak to, or have any dealings -with me. It is the least that I can do here to place the matter on -record in connection with my experience, and leave Slatin to await -the appearance of this in print to learn that my heartfelt thanks go -out to him, while, at the same time, the world will better understand -from the foregoing the difficulties of Slatin’s position with the -Khaleefa.</p></div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p120" -title="CHAPTER X PRISON JUSTICE"> -CHAPTER X <span class="blksmaller"> -PRISON JUSTICE</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">What I have written previously concerning the -Nebbi Khiddr history will, in the following notes -of prison life, assist the reader in better understanding -how such mutual and transparent deceptions -might be practised by the Khaleefa and the gaolers -as are related here. It will be remembered that -the Khaleefa, following the example of the Mahdi, -laid claim to the Nebbi Khiddr as his prophet or -constant messenger—a sort of modern Mercury -amongst the Soudanese; hence the mutual, but unacknowledged -deceptions which might be practised by -the Khaleefa and his followers one against the other, -but with always this proviso: as the Khaleefa had -the power of life and death, and his spoken word -was absolute, no one dare, even by suggestion, imply -that he had in any way deceived or hoodwinked -Abdullahi, else the Nebbi Khiddr would not have -rested content until his detractor had been shortened -by a head.</p> - -<p>When the many escapes from the Saier zareeba -became of too common gossip to be any longer concealed, -Abdullahi ordered a wall to be built in place -<span class="xxpn" id="p121">|121|</span> -of the thorn zareeba, and later, to obviate the necessity -of the prisoners going to the Nile banks for drinking -water and ablutions, a well was sunk to provide -infiltration water for the purposes mentioned.* Until -these works were ordered to be made, the prisoners -were mainly employed in building mud-brick houses -for the gaolers; and when these were finished we had -to attend to certain of the household duties—the -tending of children, sheep, goats, and the carrying of -water from the Nile. Of all the tasks set the -prisoners, the household duties were the most pleasant, -or, at all events, the least distasteful. Most of the -gaolers were able to keep up a large establishment on -the proceeds of their baksheesh and ill-gotten gains, -but with a multiplicity of wives or concubines a very -natural result followed—household bickerings and -squabbles, in which one wife or concubine was bound -to come off worst; and this gave the wide-awake -prisoner engaged upon household duties his chance. -He would soon detect which concubine was being -“put upon,” or whom the women-folk were most -jealous of, and in a few days’ time, as a result of his -attentions in carrying her pots and pans, and bringing -her water as many times in the day as she wished, he -would be bemoaning in her sympathetic ears the hard -<span class="xxpn" id="p122">|122|</span> -fate of both of them, and trying to persuade her that -what she was enduring was far worse than his imprisonment -and chains. The old truism that “pity is akin -to love” obtains equally as well under the dusky -hide of a Soudanese damsel as under the white skin -of her European sister, and very soon the pair would -be maturing plans for an escape and elopement. The -main difficulty was the removal of the man’s chains -and a rapid flight to some distant village; but the -Soudan ladies are not a whit behind in woman’s -resourcefulness face to face with apparent impossibilities. -Failing to arrange for a regular flight, the -woman would secure some place of hiding in Omdurman -itself. She would undertake all the arrangements, -and I never knew of a failure in their plans.</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn06"> - -<p class="pfn">* This well was named “Beer-el-Ummarra” (the well of the Emirs). When ordering its -construction the Khaleefa instructed Idris es Saier to put all the important prisoners on the work, -as the exercise would do them good. My gang consisted of Ibrahim Wad Adlan, Ajjab Abou -Jinn, Mohammad Wad Bessir, Mohammad Abou Sinn, Abdalla Abou Sinn, Ali Wad-el-Hadd, -Ahmed Abd-el-Maajid, Mahmoud Wad Said, Hassan Um Barak, and the Shereef Khaleel—the -aristocracy, I might say, of the Soudan. We did little or no work ourselves, we paid the imprisoned -slaves for doing it; but whenever Idris es Saier made his appearance he would find -us all busy. When telling us of the Khaleefa’s orders, Idris hinted that it might be advisable -for us to subscribe amongst ourselves for paid labour, and he would take charge of the money. -At Wad Adlan’s advice, we said we rather liked the idea of having some work to do to keep -us occupied, Adlan knowing that Idris would keep the money and make us work just the same, -or else pay over again for another batch of slaves.</p></div> - -<p>Each month a list of the prisoners in the Saier, and -an account of their progress in “education” would -be submitted to Abdullahi, with recommendations for -the release of certain prisoners, and each month, coincident -with the preparation of this list, some prisoner -would be missing from his usual place that night and -next morning—and for ever afterwards; and this is -how Soudan romances were managed. Sheep and -goats would stray unaccountably. As these accidents -always happened about sunset, the concubine would -set off with the chained prisoner to bring in the -strayed animals at the precise moment when her lord -and master was engaged upon his official duties and -locking up the prisoners in the Umm Hagar. On his -calling at his house, the temporary absence would -excite little or no suspicion, but as the hours sped on -<span class="xxpn" id="p123">|123|</span> -suspicions were aroused, and if on the following morning -or the same night the sheep and goats found their -way back unaided, the gaoler’s only way out of the -difficulty was to present a favourable report of the -conduct of the escaped prisoner, in the hope that his -release would be ordered by the Khaleefa. To -acknowledge that he had escaped while employed in -tending his sheep and goats would be to place the -gaoler’s head or liberty in danger, and the eloping -couple well knew this. No sooner was the release -ordered, than the happy couple would present themselves -before the Kadi, to be married right off—the -Soudanese damsel in the possession of a husband, -with no other wives or concubines to worry her in the -house, and her husband free of his chains. True, he -might divorce his wife the same day if he so chose, -but then his and her object had been gained—they -were both clear of the gaoler, whom they knew dare -not trump up any case against them in the hope of -one or the other being again committed to prison, for, -once released by the Khaleefa’s orders, a prisoner -might only be recommitted on them. Moreover, if -one of the two should relate what had actually occurred, -the gaoler himself, having deceived the Khaleefa with -his report of good conduct and “education,” would -certainly be sent to prison or to the gallows.</p> - -<p>I was too important a prisoner to make my escape -at all possible by such happy means as those above -described. My only hope lay in trusty natives and -swift camels which would outstrip my pursuers. I -often envied my fellow-prisoners who exchanged the -<span class="xxpn" id="p124">|124|</span> -bonds of slavery for those of matrimony, for numbers -of them came to see me after their “release,” but I -shudder to think what might have happened had I -been released by the Khaleefa’s orders, for, following -the old adage that a drowning man clutches at a straw, -I must have promised marriage to dozens of Soudan -beauties (?) in the event of their doing anything -towards wheedling their masters or the Khaleefa into -releasing me, and it is quite certain that, on my -release, I should have met at the prison-gates a -clamouring crowd all claiming the honour.</p> - -<p>But I should explain how it was that I came into -direct contact with the hareems of the gaolers. Having -studied physiology and medicine at Königsberg and -Leipzig, I was often called upon by the natives in -Upper Egypt, before the place was so well known -to the travelling public as it is now, and in the -absence of doctors, to attend them in cases of sickness -or accident. My practice, being gratuitous, was a -large one, and I soon became the “Hakeem Pasha” -(principal medical officer). My reputation, if it did -not precede me, at least accompanied me to Omdurman -when I was captured, so that I was in constant -requisition at the gaolers’ hareems, paying “professional” -visits ranging from cases in which the -Khaleefa was soon to be presented with another -subject, to the most trivial and sometimes imaginary -complaints. So long as the women kept ailing, my -life was rendered endurable, for I was able to sit down -and chat with them for hours, waiting to see the -result of concoctions made from, to me, unknown -<span class="xxpn" id="p125">|125|</span> -herbs and roots, of the properties of which I was -ignorant; but the results were always satisfactory. -The only medicine or chemical I came across of any -value in the stores of the Beit-el-Mal was permanganate -of potash, and I soon discovered that a Soudan -constitution necessitated the application of this in -crystals and not in liquid form. The effects, as may -be imagined, were rapid, and, though my medical -readers might be inclined to doubt the statement, the -results were eminently satisfactory both to the patients -and myself.</p> - -<p>Occasionally I would be sent for to attend some one -in the women’s prison, which was situated a short -distance from the Saier of Idris. The women’s -prison consisted of the common cell and a light zareeba, -through which the curious might gaze on the women -as they lay stretched on the ground during the day in -the sun, undergoing their first period of imprisonment. -The majority of the women prisoners were slaves -locked up on some pretence or other to prevent their -escaping. It might be that their master was arranging -for some trading trip which would occupy him for -weeks and, maybe, months. The simplest way of -preventing his property from running away during his -absence was to trump up some charge against her, and -have her locked up, knowing that her release might -not be obtained until he returned and requested it. -As in the mean time she would have to be fed at his -expense, and gave her services free to the household of -one of the gaolers, he was equally sure that the gaoler -would not be too anxious to secure her release. -<span class="xxpn" id="p126">|126|</span></p> - -<p>Married women were sent to prison on all sorts -of charges, ranging from suspected conjugal infidelity -to the delivery of a curtain lecture. The women -prisoners wore light chains connecting their anklets, -but their lot was little better than that of the men. A -charge of infidelity “not proven,” as the Scotch have -it, was followed by imprisonment and the application -of three hundred stripes with the courbag, and when -the woman had recovered from these, she would be -sent into the house of one of the gaolers to be the -maid-of-all-work for every one there; she would have -to grind corn, attend to the children, carry water, and -be driven as a slave night and day for weeks. A -Mrs. Caudle or a termagant received from fifty to -eighty lashes, and she too on recovery would be sent -into one of the gaolers’ hareems to work as hard as her -possibly innocent and more severely punished companion -in misery. A few weeks of such treatment -sent the women back home completely cured of the -faults for which they were sent to prison to be corrected, -besides which the relation of their experiences -acted as an effective deterrent on budding Mrs. Caudles -and others.</p> - -<p>The unloading of boats was the hardest work we -were set to, and we were kept up to the mark by the -ever-present lash; we might only be tired and ill -when we could afford the luxury of paying for the -complaint, for this labour was the most lucrative task -our gaolers could set us to; we had either to work, or -pay many times the equivalent of our labour. It was -in connection with the unloading of boats, and this, -<span class="xxpn" id="p127">|127|</span> -too, when I was slowly recovering from my attack -of typhus fever after the death of Ahmed Nur ed Din, -that I received my first flogging. A young gaoler had -pestered me for money, and as I had none to give him, -he ordered me to slave at the unloading of the boats. -The only way of exhibiting a real refusal was to sit -down upon the ground, which I did, upon which the -gaoler commenced to drag me towards the gateway of -the Saier. On this I got upon my feet and knocked -the gaoler off his. He ran to Idris es Saier, told his -own tale, and Idris, approaching me, ordered me to -get up—for I had again sat down—and assist in the -unloading of the boats. I refused, and accused the -gaoler of trying to extort monies from me. Upon this -Idris struck me with his “safarog” (an instrument -almost the exact counterpart of the Australian -boomerang, and used by the Soudan tribes for -precisely similar purposes); the blow he gave smashed -the safarog and stunned me, and while only partly -conscious I was turned over and condemned to receive -there and then five hundred lashes.</p> - -<p>Only sixty or seventy, I was told, were inflicted; the -remainder were not given, as Idris, seeing that I was -unconscious, believed that I was dead, and in consequence -received a terrible fright. I was carried to my -place in the cell, while Idris set about clearing himself -with the other prisoners, and explaining that it was all -the work of the young gaoler. Idris knew what it meant -to him had I been flogged to death, and, believing that -I would not recover, he, when I did recover, evidently -made up his mind to pay out the gaoler who was -<span class="xxpn" id="p128">|128|</span> -responsible for his fright in the first place, and for his -servility to the other prisoners at the moment when -he thought there were good grounds for it.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig11"> -<img src="images/i129.jpg" width="600" height="400" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">A FLOGGING BY ORDER OF THE KHALEEFA.</div> -</div> - -<p>His opportunity came some little time later on, when -the same gaoler invented another excuse for flogging -me. I had bought from one of the gaolers a small -mud hut, a few feet square, in the prison enclosure, -and received permission from Idris es Saier to sleep -in this at night instead of in the Umm Hagar. This -young gaoler—and other gaolers as well—accepted -baksheesh from prisoners to allow them to sleep in -the open; and Idris, finding the contributions to -his “starving children” falling off, suspected the -reason, and lay in wait. Upon a night when a larger -number than usual had been allowed to sleep outside -the Umm Hagar, he suddenly made his appearance -in the prison enclosure. There was nothing for our -guardians to do but to pretend that the prisoners had -been insubordinate, had refused to enter the Umm -Hagar, and to lay about them with their whips. -The young gaoler, not aware that I had paid the -regulation baksheesh to Idris, made straight for my -hut, dragged me out, and flogged me to the door of -the common cell, a distance, maybe, of forty or fifty -yards, but my thick jibbeh prevented the blows from -telling with much effect as far as regards abrasion of the -skin; nevertheless, their weight told on my diminished -strength, and I again fell ill. The circumstance came -to the ears of the Khaleefa through Idris, or the -Nebbi Khiddr, and I had the huge satisfaction of -seeing my tormentor dismissed from his lucrative post, -<span class="xxpn" id="p129">|129|</span> -subjected to the two hundred lashes he was sentenced -to receive, and then sent as a prisoner in -chains to work at the very same boats, which he had -had me flogged for refusing to assist in unloading. -This, at the present moment, is the only bit of real -justice I can remember during my twelve years’ -captivity.</p> - -<p>I have in a former chapter given a slight description -of flogging as I saw it practised when first captured -by the dervishes; but the flogging in the Saier -was a very different matter. The maximum number -of stripes ever ordered was a thousand, and this -number was often actually given, but in every case -the stripes were given over the clothing. The rules -of flogging were generally as follows: the first two -hundred on the back below the region of the lumbar -vertebræ, the third and fourth hundred on the -shoulders, and the fifth hundred on the breast. When -the maximum number of one thousand lashes was -ordered, they were always given on the same parts as -those of the first two hundred, and this punishment -was resorted to for the purpose of extorting confessions. -After eighty or one hundred blows, the -jibbeh was cut into shreds, and soon became saturated -with the blood of the victim; and while the effect of -the individual blows may not have been as great as -those from the cat-o’-nine-tails, the number given -made up in quantity for what might have been lacking -in quality, as is evidenced by the large numbers who -died under the castigation or as a result of it later.</p> - -<p>On one occasion an old black soldier of the Egyptian -<span class="xxpn" id="p130">|130|</span> -Army, named Mohammad Ajjami, who was employed -as a runner (a foot-galloper—if I may invent the expression—of -the Khaleefa on field days), was sent to -me while in the prison to be cured of the effects of a -flogging. He had by some means incurred the displeasure -of Sheikh ed Din, the son of the Khaleefa, -and by him had been sentenced to receive a public -flogging, after which he was to be sent to the Saier to -be “educated.” He was carried into the prison to me -after his flogging. The fleshy part of his back was -cut into ribbons, and the hip-bones were exposed. For -six or eight weeks I was constantly employed bathing -this man’s wounds with a dilute solution of carbolic -acid, the carbolic crystals being sent to me by Sheikh -ed Din himself for the purpose, for his father, the -Khaleefa, jealous of his authority, had censured his -son, telling him, as he constantly told others, that “In -Usbaiee shareeknee fee mulkee, anna ikktahoo.”* -Ajjami recovered, and often came to see me in prison -to express his gratitude. Sheikh ed Din himself was -so pleased at the man’s recovery that he begged his -father to release me, so that I might practise the -healing art amongst his Ansar, and teach it to others; -but the Khaleefa was obdurate, and refused, his -reasons for refusing to release me being better left to -be related later by some of my fellow-captives.</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn07"> - -<p class="pfn">* This expression was always used by the Khaleefa in any -discussion. Holding up his forefinger, he said (translation of phrase): -“Rather than this finger should be a partner in the governing of my -realm, I should cut it off.”</p></div> - -<p>My third flogging was received under the following -circumstances. Having from Idris es Saier received -permission to remain in my mud hovel, instead of -<span class="xxpn" id="p131">|131|</span> -spending the nights in the Umm Hagar, and feeling -secure in my comparative freedom and safe from the -exactions of the other gaolers, as I had baksheeshed -Idris well, I firmly refused to be bled any further. My -particular guardian, not daring, after what had -occurred to my former guardian, to order me into the -Umm Hagar, went a step further, and refused to allow -me to leave my mud hut at all for any purpose whatever. -I insisted upon being allowed to go to the place of -ablution—about one hundred yards distant—and being -refused, set off, receiving at every step a blow from -the courbag. Being heavily chained, I was helpless, -and could not reach my tormentor, as he could skip -away from my reach, which was limited to the length -of the bars connecting my feet, which bars were -fifteen inches in length. It was on this occasion, night-time -too, that Idris es Saier paid another surprise -visit to the prison enclosure to see what number of -“unauthorized” prisoners were sleeping outside the -Umm Hagar, and, furious at the number he discovered, -he ordered all outside, without exception, to be flogged.</p> - -<p>I and fifteen to twenty others received a hundred -and fifty lashes each—at least, I received this number; -others repented by crying out after twenty or thirty -blows. I alternately clenched my teeth and bit my -lips to prevent a sound of pain escaping, often as I -was asked, “Will you not cry out? Is your head and -heart still like black iron?” and the more they reminded -me of the courage I was exhibiting, the more -reason I had for not giving way or breaking down. -But the mental ordeal was far, far more -terrible than -<span class="xxpn" id="p132">|132|</span> -the corporal punishment. There was I, a European, -a Prussian, a man who had fought with the British -troops in what transpired to be the “too late” expedition -for the rescue of Gordon, now in the clutches -of the tyrant and his myrmidons, whom we had hoped -to rescue Gordon from; a white and a Christian—and -the only professing Christian—chained and helpless, -being flogged by a black, as much a captive and a -slave as I was, and yet my superior and master. It is -impossible for any one not having undergone a similar -experience to appreciate the mental agonies I endured.</p> - -<p>I may have been self-willed and strong-headed; I -may, if you wish, have acted like a fool in my constant -defiance of the Khaleefa and the tenets of the Mahdi; -but now, looking back on those terrible times, I feel -convinced that had poor Gordon lived, my actions -would at least have met with his approbation, for the -outward ceremony or observance of adherence to the -Mohammedan faith was carried out on me under force, -after the escape of Rossignoli. Death, in whatever -form it came, would have come as a welcome visitor -to me; but while doing all in my power to exasperate -my captors to kill me, something—hope, courage, -a clinging to life, pride in my race, or personal -vanity in defying them to the end—restrained me -from taking my own life, though Heaven knows -that, if ever man had a good excuse for doing so, I -had. But my conduct so impressed the Khaleefa -that he told Wad Nejoumi, who asked for my release -so that I might accompany him to Dongola to “open -up trade,” and told many others later, “Neufeld I will -<span class="xxpn" id="p133">|133|</span> -not release, but I will not kill him.” Invariably, in -speaking of me to others, as I was still unconverted, -the Khaleefa omitted the name “Abdalla” which I -had been given, and spoke of me as “Nofal”—the -Arabic pronunciation of Neufeld.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p134" -title="CHAPTER XI A SERIOUS DILEMMA"> -CHAPTER XI <span class="blksmaller"> -A SERIOUS DILEMMA</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">As -I write, there lie before me three successive -paragraphs culled from a recent edition of a London -paper. These paragraphs were intended to be, and -doubtless were, amusing to their readers, but they -contain inaccuracies. I have ascertained that one -misstatement owes its origin to a report drawn up in -connection with the guide’s account of the successful -escape of Father Rossignoli. The facts connected with -that flight, and my reported refusal to escape when -the opportunity (?) offered, find their place later in -my narrative. For the moment I shall content myself -with but one of the paragraphs, and fill in the details -which, while not detracting from the humorous -element introduced, will show that the episode referred -to had somewhat of a pathetic, if not tragic, vein in it. -This may have been lost sight of owing to the tale -being recorded in an office about two thousand miles -away from the scene of action, and the inaccuracies -may be accounted for by the fact that the tale was -told by one of that large class in the East whose -greatest glory it is, when one of them has by constant -<span class="xxpn" id="p135">|135|</span> -practice attained a certain standard of inventive faculty -and plausibility, to prove to the world that the race -of Haroun-el-Rashid’s story-tellers is not yet extinct. -There can be little doubt that the guide and Wakih -Idris, and maybe others, would be much entertained, -if not a little surprised, if told that the whole of their -tales had apparently been believed in.</p> - -<p>On my servant Hasseena being sent into the -Khaleefa’s hareem in May, 1887, she obtained her -release, or dismissal, by declaring that she was with -child; she was not. In November, 1888, she certainly -was, and the fact could not be concealed. -Hasseena, having been a slave, could not well be -legally married, so that when dismissed from the -Khaleefa’s hareem, she was sent as my property to the -hareem of Idris es Saier, where she had, in addition -to buying and preparing my food, to perform the -housework and run messages for the women of Idris’s -household.</p> - -<p>Idris I knew had long coveted Hasseena, and her -being with child appeared to him a favourable opportunity -of securing her for himself, for under ordinary -circumstances, the woman being a slave and the child -being born in his hareem, he could lay claim to the -paternity, when mother and child would become free, -the mother ranking now as a wife. He talked the -matter over with Hasseena, and then sent her to -interview me. I submitted the case to my friends in -prison, and they showed that Idris had misread, or -misunderstood, Surah IV. of the Quoran, which only -justified his position towards Hasseena in the event -<span class="xxpn" id="p136">|136|</span> -of my being a prisoner of war, and he having captured -Hasseena on the field. Things became still more -complicated by Hasseena admitting to me that there -were doubts in her own mind as to the child’s paternity. -Hasseena was of a light copper colour; Idris was as -black as the ace of spades. It would only be reasonable -to expect that the child when born would exhibit -in the colour of its skin an evidence of its paternity, -and it was precisely on this account that Hasseena -wished to defer making any declaration until the -event came off. If she elected to declare Idris the -father, and the child at birth gave the lie to her statement, -her life would be in danger; but before continuing -the narrative, and detailing the complications -which Hasseena’s condition and her uncertainty on -a vital point gave rise to—it might be well to refer -briefly to one of the moral code of laws instituted by -the Mahdi, as this will help the reader to a better -understanding of the quandary we were placed in.</p> - -<p>While a man, having already the regulation quota -of four legal wives, might crowd his hareem with as -many female slaves and concubines as he could support -or keep in order, a woman was restricted to the one -husband or master. All breakings of our seventh -commandment were, if proved, followed by flogging in -the case of unmarried women and slaves, and by the -stoning to death of married women; but, in the latter -case, <i>the sentence could not be given, nor the punishment -inflicted, unless the woman confessed</i>. Very few stonings -to death took place, and these were in the earlier -days of Mahdieh, when religious fanaticism held sway. -<span class="xxpn" id="p137">|137|</span></p> - -<p>The flogging has already been described. When a -stoning to death was to take place, a hole was dug -in the ground, and the woman buried to her neck in -it. The crowd stood facing the victim, about fifteen -to twenty yards distant, and on a given signal the -stoning commenced; but it is only right to say that -the Soudanese themselves hated and feared taking -part in such an execution. None of the stones thrown -had, singly, the force or weight to cause stunning or -death, and the horrid spectacle was presented of what -appeared to be a trunkless head, slightly jerking -backwards and forwards and from side to side to -avoid the stones being hurled at it, and this ordeal -continued for an hour or more. Sometimes a relative -or friend, under pretence of losing his temper in upbraiding -or cursing the woman, smashed in her head -with one of the small axes usually carried by the -Soudanese, thus putting her at once out of her torture -and misery. Shortly before sunset, the relatives and -friends would come out to take away the body and -give it decent burial, for the soul had fled, purified -with the woman’s blood, to the next world.</p> - -<p>Knowing what would be the result of a confession, -it will be wondered that any woman ever did confess; -the number who did so is, admittedly, small. In -one of the three cases of stoning to death I know -of, the confession was extorted by torture, and the -poor woman preferred the horrible but certain death -by the time the sun set, to the lingering death she -was enduring from day to day. Thousands of women -were charged with the breaking of this particular rule -<span class="xxpn" id="p138">|138|</span> -or commandment of the Mahdi, but almost all the -charges were made by other women—and this, too, -out of sheer jealousy, not from any feeling of outraged -morality.</p> - -<p>I may now proceed with the narration of the quandary -Hasseena had placed us in, herself included. I -had been kept chained and closely confined for nineteen -months, and was under Idris es Saier’s particular -supervision; Hasseena, during the same period, had -been a servant in his hareem, and also in his entire -charge. If I claimed the paternity of the child, the -probabilities were that Idris would get into trouble with -the Khaleefa; if Idris claimed it, his head might be -in danger, for decapitation or hanging was the punishment -ordered for the male offender, and in all cases -Hasseena was liable to flogging or stoning to death. -Again, if I claimed the paternity of the child, and -there were reasonable grounds after its birth to believe -that the paternity should be looked for in some other -direction, and I knew that it should be; then, while -Idris would clear himself to the Khaleefa, I should -have been punished for lying to him, and Hasseena -would be in the same predicament as before.</p> - -<p>I had inquiries made outside as to Hasseena’s -movements when marketing, and as to those whom -she associated with, or went to see; being satisfied, as -a result of the inquiries, that the expected arrival -would be a shade lighter in colour than its mother, -I, acting on the advice of my prison friends, claimed -the child as mine, thus leaving Idris to get out of the -thing as best he could. There was, as above indicated, -<span class="xxpn" id="p139">|139|</span> -a risk in my claiming the paternity, but it was worth -while running it. The Khaleefa, so my friends told -me, would now certainly release me from prison, as -my wife and child would be a guarantee for my good -behaviour if released, and also guarantee me against -any escape, for to try and escape with a woman and -baby made success very problematical, while the -woman would certainly hinder me in any attempt to -escape, when it could only result in the death of -herself and child. It was for this reason—to hinder -escape—that the Khaleefa kept his captives well -supplied with wives, and showed his displeasure very -plainly if the expected results did not follow. But -my claiming the paternity did not please Idris, as it -deprived him of all chance of securing Hasseena for -himself, and also left him at the mercy of the Khaleefa -for his neglect of duty in allowing Hasseena to come -near me, so he empanelled a jury of Soudanese -matrons to inquire into the affair.</p> - -<p>At the time when Hasseena startled our little -world with her interesting condition, Omdurman was, -and had been for some months, almost depleted of its -male population; the rumours of an expedition -(Stanley’s, to rescue Emin) had resulted in a considerable -force being sent to Equatoria. The army to -attack Abyssinia had been in the field for months, so -also had the army which Wad Nejoumi was to lead -a few months later to its destruction at Toski.</p> - -<p>A number of the ladies empanelled for the jury -ought not, unless they belonged to the Gawaamah -tribe, to have been eligible for election, and others, -<span class="xxpn" id="p140">|140|</span> -under the circumstances, should have avoided publicity; -but here was an opportunity for them, and -they were not going to miss it. They came together -to save themselves—not Hasseena or Idris—hence -the extraordinary verdict they gave: to the effect that -it was not only possible for a woman to be with child -nineteen months—as Hasseena presumably was, but -for twenty-four months, while some hotly contested -for an extension of the time to years!</p> - -<p>Idris had still another card to play; he averred that -it was impossible for the child to be mine, and he -now swore it was not his. Then Hasseena ought to -be flogged and sent to prison; but as Idris would be -entrusted with the flogging himself, it was to be understood -that he was not going to damage his prospective -property. It was now the turn of those whom I remarked -ought not to have been eligible for election to -the jury; the tales they told to account for their own -interesting condition are worthy of the best traditions -of the “Thousand and One Nights;” but, even if -written, they would be less fit for translation and -publication than the originals of the famous tales. -Idris now appealed to the Kadi, who, after interviewing -the jury, supported their contentions, and -related the whole story to the Khaleefa, much to his -amusement and the discomfiture of Idris; for, while -graciously sending me his congratulations on the -coming event, he ordered the unconditional release of -Hasseena, who went to live in what might be called -the “Christian” quarter of the town.</p> - -<p>In January the girl-child was born, and named -<span class="xxpn" id="p141">|141|</span> -“Makkieh” (shackles), a name which appealed to the -humorous side of the Khaleefa, who, being tickled at the -idea of the name, in a fit of good-humour, sent word to -me to ask if I would undertake the manufacture of gunpowder -if he released me. I unfortunately replied that -I did not understand the manufacturing of it, and this -aroused his suspicions, which did not abate one jot -when, shortly afterwards, a Bohemian baker, who had -strayed from Halfa, was taken prisoner, and sent on -to Omdurman as a captured spy. This man, whom I -knew only by the name of Joseppi—though he had a -string of other names, which I have forgotten—was -a Bohemian by birth and a baker by trade. He was -not of strong intellect, and what intellect he had, had -maybe been impaired by a “music madness.” From -the rambling statements he made to me during his -year’s imprisonment, I gather that he had tramped -Europe as a wandering musician, landing finally -in Egypt, where he tramped from the Mediterranean -to the frontier. It is quite evident that instead of -coppers he received drinks in exchange for his strains, -and this further added to his mental troubles, though -the drunkenness he has been charged with was, in my -opinion, more the result of circumstances and misfortune -than a natural craving for ardent liquors.</p> - -<p>On leaving Wadi Halfa, he had expected to find, as -he had found in Europe and the part of Egypt he had -tramped through, villages or towns within the day’s -tramp. He had not the slightest idea of what the -desert was until he found himself in it. After some -days of wandering, during which he eat pieces of his -<span class="xxpn" id="p142">|142|</span> -worn-out boots in lieu of other food, he struck the -Nile, and, wandering along, ignorant of the direction -he was taking, he came upon a party of dervishes, -whom he tried to communicate with, and after, by -gesticulations, showing them that he wanted bread or -food, he commenced to “soothe the savage breast” -with strains from his violin. They took him prisoner, -destroyed his instrument, and sent him on to Omdurman -as a spy. On arrival there, he was ushered into -the presence of the Khaleefa, who was undecided -as to whether he had a madman or an actor to deal -with, for on dates being brought for Joseppi to eat, -he threw them about, and then lay flat on his face. -He was sent to prison and heavily chained; in the -process of having his chains and bars fitted, he fainted -away.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig12"> -<img src="images/i143.jpg" width="600" height="377" alt="" /> -<div class="caption"> -<div class="csstable tabwth1"><div class="tabrow"> -<div class="tabcell cellwthc">Gaoler.</div> -<div class="tabcell cellwthc">Neufeld.</div> -<div class="tabcell cellwthc">Gaoler.</div> -<div class="tabcell"> </div> -</div> -<div class="tabrow"> -<div class="tabcell cellwthc">Son of Fauzi Pasha.</div> -<div class="tabcell cellwthc"> </div> -<div class="tabcell cellwthc"> </div> -<div class="tabcell">Fauzi Pasha.</div> -</div></div> -<div class="fsize6">MEAL-TIME IN THE SAIER.</div> -</div></div> - -<p>Joseppi was in my charge for about one year, and -while being as harmless as a child, he caused me -endless trouble. During the day he would remain -perfectly quiet, but at night-time he would insist upon -singing or humming. As his tunes had neither beginning -nor end, and were composed of notes snatched -from here and there, we soon tired of it, and Joseppi -received a light flogging on one occasion for not -“shutting his mouth” when requested to do so. I -remonstrated with him after he had been flogged, and -told him that he should not continue to hum after -other prisoners had asked him to keep quiet. He -ruminated over this, and thinking, maybe, at the -moment that I was taking the part of the others -against him, he went off to the Saier, and told him -<span class="xxpn" id="p143">|143|</span> -confidentially that I was a great and well-known -general in Europe, and a few other things. Joseppi -had an enormous appetite, and was always hungry; -he caused me a great deal of trouble during the worst -days of the famine, when food was so scarce, for after -sharing my scanty meal, he would wander off and -pester every group for a scrap of food. Eventually, -we had to provide three bowls for him; just when -our food came in, we handed him his bowls, and thus -were allowed a few moments’ peace. We had finished -our meal before he had finished his food, so that our -group, at least, was free of his importunities. He came -to grief through eating pieces of camel-skin, which the -gaolers used to sell to the poorer prisoners during the -famine.</p> - -<p>Fearing that he would die in the prison, I sent -word to the “Christian” quarter, asking that the -Khaleefa should be prayed to release Joseppi, which -was done, and he found congenial employment for a -time in the bakery of Youssef Sawar. Soon afterwards, -he borrowed a few dollars here and there for -the purpose of buying grain at El Fun; he started off -dressed in a new jibbeh, carrying his dollars, and a -well-stocked basket of provisions for his two days’ -journey. At the very moment when Wad Adlan was -pleading with the Khaleefa to release me from prison, -so that I could assist him in the work of the Beit-el-Mal, -a deputation of the captives arrived at the -door of the house to tell the Khaleefa that Joseppi -must have escaped, as he should have been back in -Omdurman some days ago. Turning to Wad Adlan, -<span class="xxpn" id="p144">|144|</span> -the Khaleefa said, “El boomi mahhgaad—Abdulla -Neufeld ogud? Khallee ossbur.” (“The fool did -not stop—when he had the chance to escape. Will -Neufeld? Let him wait a bit.”) This was the -second time the poor fellow had cost me my liberty. -There is no doubt that the man was murdered for the -sake of his food or money, for his remains were found -later, on the road between Khartoum and El Fun.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p145" -title="CHAPTER XII IBRAHIM WAD ADLAN"> -CHAPTER XII <span class="blksmaller"> -IBRAHIM WAD ADLAN</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">A -favourable opportunity here presents itself for -referring to that little-written-about, and, therefore, -little-known strange character in Mahdieh—Ibrahim -Wad Adlan, the Amin Beit-el-Mal. Maybe in no -one else did he confide as he confided in me while we -were fellow-prisoners, and maybe he did so only -because he knew that I was an avowed enemy of -Mahdieh, that I was at the time defying the Khaleefa -to do his worst against me, and that my interests lay -elsewhere than in the Soudan. There was also a -lurking suspicion that I had been sent up as a -Government emissary, and that the letter of General -Stephenson was purposely couched in the language it -was, so that, if it fell into the hands of the Khaleefa, -he would be led to believe that I had started upon a -trading expedition pure and simple. The friendship -formed during the two or three months, which Adlan -and I spent as fellow-prisoners, was to end in the not -least interesting of my experiences, but it also ended -in a tragedy.</p> - -<p>Wad Adlan, prior to the Mahdist revolt, had been -<span class="xxpn" id="p146">|146|</span> -one of the principal and richest merchants in Kordofan. -His business connections had taken him a number of -times to Cairo and other parts of Egypt. For intelligence, -and as a man of the world, he was far and away -superior to all the “great” people who from time to -time became my fellow-prisoners; I should be inclined -to place him on a higher level than the best of the old -Government officials; he read and wrote well, and, -as will be seen later, he was not deficient in certain -qualities which go far towards making a successful -Oriental diplomatist. To the end he was loyal to the -core to the old Government, but he was compelled to -act a part—and well he acted it. Had there been -one more Adlan in the Soudan—and many had the -opportunity of being such—the rule of Abdullahi would -have ended with the insurrection of Khaleefa Shereef. -That insurrection just missed being successful, but it -was through no fault of Adlan. Carefully and secretly -he had paved the way to it, but his task ended when -he had paved the way; it was for others to take -the goal.</p> - -<p>Adlan was the one man in the Soudan who had -the courage of his opinions, and expressed them to -Abdullahi; he was a man himself, acted as one, and -despised heartily those who, in his opinion, were -carrying their obedience to the confines of servility. -Failing to induce Abdullahi to rule with some little -semblance of justice and equity, as laid down in the -Quoran, he set about to undermine his influence and -power, but he had to carry out his work by subterfuge, -and single-handed. There were, he told me, a number -<span class="xxpn" id="p147">|147|</span> -of people he would have wished to take into his -confidence, but some he was afraid might betray him, -and the others he could not trust with the little -discretion they could boast of. He feared they might -unwittingly let slip a few words prematurely, and then -his and their tongues would be silenced for ever.</p> - -<p>As the director of the Beit-el-Mal, his first care -was to keep the treasury and granaries full to repletion. -During the famine this was an impossibility, but some -grain and money had to be procured from somewhere. -The poor, and those who had come by their little -stores honestly, Adlan never made a call upon; indeed, -he was the protector of the poor and the Muslimanieh -(captive Christians). It was Adlan’s policy to create -enemies of Abdullahi, so that was another reason for his -protecting the poor, who were already bitter enemies -of their savage ruler. On reporting to Abdullahi the -depleted condition of the treasury and granaries—and -Abdullahi was aware that the doors of the Beit-el-Mal -and Adlan’s house were besieged night and day by -thousands of starving wretches—Adlan would be -given a verbal order to search for grain and bring it -into the Beit-el-Mal. This order he would put into -immediate execution against Abdullahi’s particular -friends and adherents, for the whole of their stores -were the proceeds of robbery, and the plundering -and murdering of weaker tribes and people. To all -remonstrances Adlan would reply that he was carrying -out Abdullahi’s orders, and every one knew that -disobedience to these, or any attempt to evade -them, meant summary execution. Occasionally some -<span class="xxpn" id="p148">|148|</span> -“strong” man would enter a mild protest to the -Khaleefa himself, who would feign ignorance of -having given any general orders to Adlan. Adlan -would be summoned, but, questioned as to his actions -in the presence of the complainant, he dare not reply -that he had but obeyed the general orders given him; -he would be obliged to answer in such a way that the -“strong” man would believe that he had acted upon -his own initiative. After the audience, the “strong” -man would follow Adlan to the Beit-el-Mal, and -demand the return of his grain and dollars; but Adlan -had distributed all on the Khaleefa’s orders—which -the registers proved, as nothing might leave the Beit-el-Mal -without his sanction. The “strong” man now -was undecided as to whether Abdullahi was playing -with him or not, but his safest plan was to intrigue -against Adlan. In this he would be helped might -and main by Yacoub, Abdullahi’s brother, and the -bitterest enemy of Adlan, for Yacoub, as the Emir of -Emirs (prince of princes), was insane with jealousy -at the hold which Adlan had on the masses. The -respect and veneration paid to Adlan Yacoub considered -himself entitled to by virtue of his position -and rank.</p> - -<p>It may, or may not, be the case that Abdullahi himself -was growing jealous of Adlan. As Khaleefa, his -power was so absolute that he could remove any -dangerous person by a suggestive motion of the hand, -so that when he sent Adlan into prison for a time, it -was, in Adlan’s opinion, only to appease his enemies, -to prevent any wavering in their allegiance, and to -<span class="xxpn" id="p149">|149|</span> -stem the rapidly approaching tide of discontent. But -Adlan’s committal to the Saier left a clear field for -his enemies to intrigue against him, and being kept -informed of every charge made, and the Khaleefa’s -varying moods towards him, Adlan saw serious danger -ahead.</p> - -<p>Reports reached us that the Beit-el-Mal was in -sore straits, and that the Khaleefa had already -expressed his intention of reinstating Adlan if matters -did not improve. Then it was that Adlan unbosomed -himself to me practically unreservedly. Gradually, -but surely, he gave me to understand that if ever he -was reinstated he would do all in his power to secure -my release, and he so often told me <i>not</i> to attempt -flight, if I was released, that I saw clearly he meant -to assist me in doing so. As the Beit-el-Mal went -from bad to worse, Adlan’s spirits rose, and he -appealed to me to advise him what to do in the event -of his being reinstated. He saw that for a time, at -least, he should have to abandon his old policy, and -he did not know in what direction he might turn to -revive the fallen fortunes of the treasury and granary.</p> - -<p>Trading had been permitted to a certain extent, so -I suggested its extension, but Adlan at first would not -hear of this. Abdullahi’s purpose was to keep the -Soudan as much a <i>terra incognita</i> as possible, and the -further opening up of trade routes would defeat this -object. My next suggestion was that the Beit-el-Mal -should hand over to merchants gum, ivory, feathers, -etc., at a fixed rate, to be bartered against specified -articles required at Omdurman, which, being received -<span class="xxpn" id="p150">|150|</span> -into the Beit-el-Mal to be distributed from there, -would allow of it making double profits on the transactions. -At first he scouted the idea, for there was -not a single man he could trust, and if he gave -merchants any goods and they did not return with -the proceeds of their barter, Adlan would be held -responsible. It was then I suggested that he should -only advance goods to people who had families in -Omdurman, which would ensure their returning; but -he foresaw that the Khaleefa would raise objections, -as these people might give information to the Government. -As a matter of fact, they did do so eventually, -returning to Omdurman and giving to Abdullahi as -incorrect information of the Government as they had -given the Government concerning him and affairs in -the Soudan.</p> - -<p>In the end, I drove home my point by falling into -figurative language, a means of argument as general -and effective in the East now as it was in ancient days. -“Adlan,” I said, “you have been feeding Abdullahi on -his own flesh; he is sick, but he is hungry; you have -cut all the flesh from his bones; if you try to feed him -on his bones, he will kill you, for he wants flesh to -eat; you must cut flesh from some one else to feed -him, and cover his bones again.” Adlan then jumped -at the idea of trading, and said that as soon as his -release came—for he felt sure he would be released—he -would ask the Khaleefa to release me so that I -might assist him in the work. The first essential, -though, he told me, was to abandon my present attitude -towards Mahdieh, and offer to become a Muslim. -<span class="xxpn" id="p151">|151|</span> -I agreed to do so, and Adlan reported to the Saier, -who in turn reported to the Kadi, that I was willing -to embrace the faith. “What,” said the Kadi, -“Abdalla Nufell a Muslim? No, his heart is the old -black one; he is not with us; he is deceiving; his -brain (head) is still strong; he is a deceiver; tell him -so from me.” The Kadi had not forgotten my old -discussions with him in the presence of others, where -he perhaps had the worst of it, and would not forgive -me. Failing my “conversion,” he knew that I should -have to suffer the tortures of the Saier, and he intended -that I should suffer them. Soon after this, Adlan was -released and reinstated in his old post; but he sent -word that I must be patient, as he could not speak to -the Khaleefa about me until he had got back fully into -favour.</p> - -<p>I should have mentioned before, that on the -Khaleefa asking for designs for the proposed tomb -of the Mahdi, Kadi Hanafi and others suggested that -I should prepare designs in the hope they would be -accepted, when I should have to be released to see to -their execution. Remembering the old tombs of the -Khaliffs at Cairo, I had little difficulty in drawing -a rough sketch of one, which I had submitted to -Abdullah, as being an entirely original design. I was -told by the Saier to make a clay model, and spent -some three weeks in making one about two feet high. -Hundreds came to see it, until it was knocked to -pieces by a presumed fanatic, who objected to a dog -of an unbeliever designing the tomb of the holy man; -but from what I learned later, it was only kicked to -<span class="xxpn" id="p152">|152|</span> -pieces after it had been copied. Adlan, knowing of -this incident, sent me word to prepare designs for the -mural decorations of the interior, and I spent some -weeks over these; when they were finished, I sent -them direct to the Khaleefa, who sent for Adlan, and -told him to make inquiries as to how long the transfer -of the designs to the walls would take, and how much -the work would cost. I gave an estimate of sixty -days for the completion of the work. Adlan said the -cost would be nil, as he had the paint.</p> - -<p>While these designs were being sketched out, I -made preparations for flight as soon after my expected -release as possible, and having paper and ink in -comparative abundance, I was enabled to write letters -surreptitiously. On October 12, 1888, I sent my -servant to a Greek captive, asking him to write me a -letter in Greek to my old friend, Mankarious Effendi, -station-master at Assouan. The original letter is -before me, and the following is a literal translation:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Mr. Neufeld has asked me to write this letter because he could -not write it himself; you cannot know what a difficult position -he is in; since he came here he was taken twice to the gallows, -but was not hanged, and is still in chains, and subject to their mercy. -He wants you to take over his business, and to act forthwith as -his agent. He borrowed from the bearer a hundred medjedie -(dollars), which refund to him, and give him something for his -trouble, and try and send him back with two hundred pounds which -he might buy his liberty for. This letter is to be kept secret, as -there are people who carry all news here, so if the authorities got to -know anything about it Mr. Neufeld will grow from bad to worse.</p> - -<p class="psignature">(Signed)   “<span class="smcap">N<span>IROGHOPOLO</span></span>.”</p></div> - -<p>On November 10, 1888, hearing that another old -<span class="xxpn" id="p153">|153|</span> acquaintance -was in Omdurman, I got another Greek captive to write another letter -to Mankarious Effendi. This letter also was delivered, and Mankarious -Effendi hands it to me along with a number of other documents which he -has carefully preserved. I again translate literally―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">M<span>R.</span></span> - <span class="smcap">M<span>ANKARIOUS</span></span> - <span class="smcap">B<span>EY</span>,―</span></p> - -<p>“I wish you will be kind, and have all my things made over to you by -Mr. Möller (my manager), and I pray you to act as my wakeel (agent); -also please try and send me some money which I may help myself with, -say two hundred or three hundred pounds; this money will be for my own -use. As I was in need, I have taken from the bearer a sum of a hundred -medjedie, which you will refund him and something as well, because he -has done me a favour, and his name is Akkar (the real name—Karrar, -was doubtless purposely changed). The money you can give the bearer -of this, please take a receipt for and keep it with you; write me a -letter, and send it to Ahmad Abou Idris, or his brother Kabbassi, and -mention the sum you have sent me; also give bearer any assistance he -may want.</p> - -<p class="psignature">(Signed)   “<span class="smcap">P<span>ROTHOMOS</span></span>” (I am ready).</p></div> - -<p>I had heard from people who had come to Omdurman of strange doings -in connection with my business, and in order that my manager should -understand that the letter was authentic, I also signed the letter, and -used our cypher for payment of £200—“u.r.r.”</p> - -<p>While in a fever of excitement and anxiety over the -despatch of these messengers, Adlan sent me a secret -messenger to say that Sulieman Haroun, of the -Ababdeh tribe, then living at Omdurman, was sending -his son Mohammad Ali to Cairo. Divining that -Adlan wished me to communicate with Sulieman, I -sent out word that I wished to see him. In a few -<span class="xxpn" id="p154">|154|</span> -days’ time he gained admittance to the prison to see -me, and I at once set to business, and asked him if he -would undertake the arrangements for my escape. -This he agreed to do, but only on condition that I -succeeded in getting outside the prison walls. So that -he should have some confidence that I would assist -also, I asked him to call and see Adlan, and I believe -it was Adlan who advanced to Sulieman the two -hundred dollars he brought me, and for which I gave -a receipt for £100. I gave him a letter for his son -to deliver to my manager at Assouan, enclosing a -receipt for £100, and an order for payment of a -further £200. On receiving the money, he was to -buy goods, arrange for relays of camels on his return -journey, and bring the goods to the Beit-el-Mal, -where Adlan assured him he would find me. Mohammad -Ali was to leave immediately, and return to -Omdurman at the earliest possible moment.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig13"> -<img src="images/i155.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">MOUSSA DAOUD EL KANAGA.</div> -</div> - -<p>Within a few days of the despatch of this messenger, -Moussa Daoud-el-Kanaga, also of the Ababdeh tribe, -and an old acquaintance of mine, came to see me, and -I enlisted his services. I told him of the other arrangements -I had made, and asked if he would go partners -with Mohammad Ali in effecting my escape. To -Kanaga I gave a letter telling my manager that I had -drawn against him a draft for £200, and instructing -him to honour it; but, in case of accidents, I instructed -Kanaga to see Mankarious Effendi at -Assouan, and, failing to find him, to make his way to -Cairo, and hand the letter to the German Consul. -Kanaga left Omdurman about December 30, 1888. -<span class="xxpn" id="p155">|155|</span></p> - -<p>After my remarks anent the <i>reliable unreliability</i> -of every one in the Soudan, the deceptions practised -one against the other, and the absolute necessity -for secrecy, it will naturally be wondered that I -entrusted my secret to so many, if secret it could be -called when so many knew of it. The explanation is -simple. I <i>knew</i> the people I had to deal with, and -have you noticed the seemingly insignificant fact that -I <i>borrowed money from each of the people I employed</i>? -Later in my narrative I will explain these peculiar -transactions.</p> - -<p>While these different messengers are on their -journeys, being “held up” at one place or the other, -and at others pretending that they were gradually -working their way to Berber or Dongola for trade, I -relate what is happening in Omdurman.</p> - -<p>News filtered through that the “faithful” had won -a great victory over the English at Suakin; but as -the Saier filled with prisoners who were present at the -fight, and who gave different versions to that ordained -by Abdullahi—hence their imprisonment—we learned -the truth. The “faithful” had received a severe -defeat. Soon after this, the army sent against Abyssinia -won its great victory over the forces led by -King John, and the fortunes of the Beit-el-Mal took a -turn for the better from the proceeds of the sale of -slaves and the loot brought in. Adlan was coming into -favour again, but Abdullahi was too much occupied in -goading on Nejoumi to attack Egypt to give any -attention to the decoration of the Mahdi’s tomb or the -extension of trade. He was still less inclined to give -<span class="xxpn" id="p156">|156|</span> -any attention to such matters, when the news arrived—and -it arrived very soon,—that Nejoumi’s army had -been almost annihilated at Toski. My evil star was -certainly in the ascendant, and was mounting higher -and higher, for it was at this time that Joseppi received -a flogging for his vocal exercises, and having a -severe fit of mental aberration in consequence, he -went off to the Saier, and told him that he knew I was -a great military general, and that I was maturing -plans for the overthrow of Abdullahi. I do not for a -moment believe the poor fellow knew what he was saying, -for he came back to share my scanty meal as usual.</p> - -<p>Kanaga and Mohammad Ali we had calculated -would reach Omdurman some time in December or -the early days of January, and as the time for their -return approached, Adlan evidently became more -earnest in his entreaties for the work of decorating -the Mahdi’s tomb to be put in hand. My flight would -have to take place as soon as possible after the return -of my messengers, otherwise the desert relays would -disperse, believing that the scheme had fallen through; -so it was necessary that I should have been at work -for some time before their arrival, that is to say, long -enough for my guards to grow lax in watching my -movements.</p> - -<p>Day after day Adlan sent in to inquire, “Have -you any news from the Khaleefa?” and each day -the messenger took back my reply, “No; have -you?” but my inquiry referred to news of the -messengers. At last the joyful news came; the work -was to be done, and two guards came to the Saier, -<span class="xxpn" id="p157">|157|</span> -and conducted me to the Mahdi’s tomb. There I discovered -that my clay model had been faithfully copied, -with the exception that the builders had shaped the -dome conically. Adlan came to me there, and congratulated -me on this being my last day in makkiehs -(chains). Telling me to remain at the tomb until his -return, he went off to the Khaleefa to receive his -order for my transfer to the Beit-el-Mal, and at the -very moment he was receiving it, the deputation of -the Muslimanieh put in its appearance to report the -disappearance of Joseppi. I was hurried back to -prison, and an extra makkieh fitted to me. How I -cursed Joseppi, but I did not know then that the poor -fellow had been murdered. It was not long after this -when I saw Adlan brought into the prison, heavily -weighted with chains, and taken to a hut some -distance from all the others, the prisoners being forbidden -to approach or speak to him.</p> - -<p>During the night, on pretence of going to the place -of ablution, I shuffled towards his hut, and when a -few yards distant, lay on the ground and wriggled -close up, stretching my chains to prevent their rattling -and attracting the notice of the guards. Asking in -a whisper, “What has happened?” he replied in a -startled voice, “Imshee, imshee (go away, go away), -do not speak to me; a big dog has me by the leg -this time; go away, or he will get your leg.” I tried -again to learn what was the matter, but Adlan’s -entreaties for me to go away were so earnest that -I wriggled off, and gained my hut without being discovered. -Soon afterwards Adlan’s slave boy, when -<span class="xxpn" id="p158">|158|</span> -walking past my hut, said, “Do not speak to my -master; if you do, you will hear the ombeyeh.” The -whole night through the boy passed backwards and -forwards between Adlan’s hut and his house outside. -Asked as to what he was doing, he gave the same -reply each time I put a question to him, “Burning -papers; do not speak to my master.” I had learned -from Adlan that he had been in communication with -“friends,” and understanding from him that, in the -event of my ever returning to Egypt, I was to be his -“friend at court” with the Government, I suspected -that he was destroying all evidences which might be -used against himself and others. That the Khaleefa -himself had received word of some correspondence is -evident from the rage he exhibited when Adlan’s -house was searched, and no incriminating documents -found. Idris es Saier nearly lost his head over the -matter, for the Khaleefa accused him of having -assisted Adlan in disposing of the papers in some -way.</p> - -<p>On the morning of the third or fourth day of -Adlan’s imprisonment, we saw him led out of his hut -bound, and taken to the anvil to have his chains -struck off. We all knew what this meant—an execution, -but most of us believed that the Khaleefa -was only doing this to frighten Adlan, and impress -him with this evidence of his power. We were not -allowed to approach him, but Adlan called out, “This -is my day; have no fear, any of you. I am a man. I -shall say and do nothing a man need be ashamed of. -Farewell.” While extra chains were being fitted to -<span class="xxpn" id="p159">|159|</span> -my ankles, the ombeyehs were announcing the death -of Adlan. The mourning for his death was general, -but few if any knew the reasons which actuated the -Khaleefa in ordering his execution. Maybe the -fugitive Khaleefa himself only knows, but it is -possible I can throw a little light on the matter. -To coin a word, Adlan had been “Gordonized;” -about the time of the anniversary of Gordon’s death, -Adlan met with his, and while waiting for that help -which, as will be seen, started “too late.”</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p160" -title="CHAPTER XIII THE TRUE HISTORY OF MY ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE"> -CHAPTER XIII <span class="blksmaller"> -THE TRUE HISTORY OF MY ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">If I am wearying my readers with this long-drawn-out -episode, which never seems to draw to a close, I -may ask their forgiveness on the ground that weeks -have been spent in collecting the links which were -scattered between Europe and Omdurman, and without -the links complete the tale might, and very reasonably -so, have been disbelieved.</p> - -<p>The messengers I despatched with the first letters -quoted, arrived in Assouan some time in January or -February, 1889, and delivered the letters to Mankarious -Effendi, who at once wrote to my manager, -as he had sold up my business, and left for Alexandria. -Receiving no reply, Mankarious Effendi -wrote to the German Consulate at Alexandria, who, -on March 4, replied as follows:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="psignature">“Alexandria, March 4, 1889.</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">M<span>ANKARIOUS</span></span> - <span class="smcap">E<span>FFENDI</span></span> - <span class="smcap">R<span>IZK</span>,</span> Assouan,―</p> - -<p>“In reply to your letter of February 18 last, I am -very sorry to inform you that the agent of Mr. Charles Neufeld, the -Mahdi’s captive in the Soudan, Mr. Möller has shown that he cannot -help Mr. Neufeld in any way. It is rumoured here that the house -established by Mr. Möller for Mr. Neufeld has refused payments for -<span class="xxpn" id="p161">|161|</span> -some months back, therefore Mr. Möller finds it quite impossible to -send to Mr. Neufeld any sum unless he refuses many payments to -numerous creditors who claim any amounts from Mr. Neufeld’s -house. Mr. Möller was called to this Consulate, and directed to -give a full statement as to his proceedings in the said house, and how -the latter stands, and on doing so, it was found that Mr. Möller has -done nothing wrong, and we have therefore nothing to say against -Mr. Möller.</p> - -<p>“But as regards the £500 deposited in the Credit Lyonnais by -Mr. Neufeld before his departure to the Soudan, Mr. Möller has -shown receipts for over £400 paid to creditors, and the rest was -spent as travelling expenses between here and Assouan, and for the -establishment of the new house in Alexandria. Still Mr. Möller has -asked Abd-el-Kader Bey, who came recently back from the Soudan, -to advise him as to the way in which he could send him a sum of -money. Abd-el-Kader Bey’s advice, however, was that no money -should be sent to Mr. Neufeld, because the latter cannot make use -of money there. Abd-el-Kader Bey stated, further, that Mr. Neufeld -was then in chains, and was only induced by his guards to ask for -money. He was then very much threatened and ill-treated by -them. This is all about the case now which I lay before your -notice.</p> - -<p class="psignature">“(Signed)   The German Consul,   </p> - -<p class="psignature">“<span class="smcap">H<span>ELWIG</span>.”</span></p> -</div><!--blockquot--> - -<p>At the same time, my manager, on my own letter-paper, -sent the following:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="psignature">“Alexandria (undated).</p> - -<p>“After salaams, etc., yours to hand and details notified. In -reply, I inform you that I presented myself at the German Consulate, -and found a letter from you addressed to the Consulate, -stating therein that Mr. Neufeld had written to you to the effect -that he claims £500 from me, although I had paid this sum to -creditors who claimed sums from Mr. Neufeld. I have sent goods -to Halfa and Assouan, the value of which I have not yet received. -I inform you further that Nicola Lutfalla has sold the dahabieh, the -horse, and the donkeys, and did not send me the price of same, -<span class="xxpn" id="p162">|162|</span> -though he sold these without any permission from me. Consequently -I wrote to him to send me the account or the money, yet -nothing of the kind was received from him.</p> - -<p>“Will you kindly arrange to sell all the goods in charge of Nicola, -because he wrote me saying that he was ill, and can neither buy nor -sell; so kindly sell the things and forward the money in order to -cover the claims (<i>i.e.</i> the sums advanced to me by my guides, and the -money I had asked for).</p> - -<p>“Please also have a complete list made by Nicola, showing all -the things he sold, and let me have this list, making thereby the -thing clear, otherwise I shall have to take measures through the -Government.</p> - -<p>“Regarding our two houses in Assouan, will you kindly let them -for any rent, from which you will pay the taxes. Should they be -vacant now, please look after them, and send people each week to -keep them clean. They should always be kept locked. Should -anything remain what cannot be sold, keep it for Mr. Neufeld, and -any letter you write me, please address to Mr. Möller, Mr. Neufeld’s -agent in Alexandria, and oblige.</p> - -<p class="psignature">(Signed)   “<span class="smcap">M<span>ÖLLER</span>.</span></p> - -<p>“N.B.—Ask Nicola for account as well.”</p></div> - -<p class="pcontinue">While -this correspondence was being conducted, -another of my messengers arrived, and again Mankarious -Effendi wrote to the Consulate, receiving the -following in reply:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p class="psignature">“Alexandria, March 12, 1889.</p> - -<p>“A previous letter, dated March 4, was sent you. On the -same date a letter was received from you. You may be sure -that what Mr. Wilhelm Möller says is quite true, that is that Mr. -Neufeld is no longer a German subject nor <i>protégé</i>, because during -his stay in Egypt Mr. Neufeld has never claimed the protection of -Germany, where he was born. Thus he has lost his nationality. -This is according to what we learn from the parties interested in -Germany. Upon this, this Consulate can in no way look into the -affairs of Mr. Neufeld nor protect his rights, except to punish Mr. -Möller should he have done anything to be punished for, as we -<span class="xxpn" id="p163">|163|</span> -stated to you in our letter of March 4th. But the investigations -made in our Consulate show clearly that Mr. Möller has done -nothing wrong for which he ought to be punished.</p> - -<p>“Should you, however, think it necessary, with reference to Mr. -Neufeld’s two letters, which are returned herewith, to have his -business made over to you, this step should be taken before the -Mixed Tribunals, if Mr. Möller refuses to make over to you Mr. -Neufeld’s business willingly.</p> - -<p>“As regarding the testament made by Mr. Neufeld, which you -sent to this consulate on October 23, 1887, this was first kept in -this consulate, and then, when Mr. Neufeld’s wife came here in -September, 1888, she asked for it, as it had been reported that Mr. -Neufeld was dead. This testament was then sent to the Governor -of Alexandria as the one concerned, to which Mrs. Neufeld had to -refer as a local subject. So the Governor opened the testament, and -handed it to Mrs. Neufeld, who is still in possession of it. Mr. -Möller has now removed his business to Cairo, where he intends to -get married. Salaams.</p> - -<p class="psignature">(Signed)   “The German Consul,   </p> - -<p class="psignature">“<span class="smcap">H<span>ELWIG</span>.”</span></p></div> - -<p>Mankarious would have entered an action to secure -my property, but the argument had been used that -the letters were not written by me, and that perhaps -I did not know their real contents. He did not -know, nor did the Consulate in a later incident know, -that the small Latin characters written by me on -these letters proved their genuineness, as they were -the “cash code” I had used with my manager in -business telegrams. Mankarious sent Mohammad Ali -back to Omdurman with my discredited bill, and with -verbal messages that he would do all in his power to -raise monies for my escape. While he was making -arrangements, Moussa Daoud-el-Kanaga, who had -spent some time on the road ingratiating -himself with -<span class="xxpn" id="p164">|164|</span> -the people whose assistance we should require in our -flight, put in his appearance, and learning how matters -stood, without confiding in Mankarious or Mohammad -Ali, came on to Cairo, in the hope that he would be -able to get the money on the strength of the letter -that I had given him, for, as he admits, he wanted all -the glory and all the profit for himself.</p> - -<p>I continue the history from the sworn statement of -Kanaga, taken before a lawyer and in the presence -of witnesses who could vouch for the greater part of it. -I admit I was myself a little incredulous, but Kanaga -has since backed up his statement by producing two -documents, the authenticity of which cannot for a -moment be called into question, while two are actually -recorded <i>in extenso</i> in the registers of the German -Consulate. Kanaga, according to his statement, on -arrival at Cairo, presented the letter addressed to my -manager, at the German Consulate, delivering at the -same time my verbal messages. By the German -Consulate he was taken to the Austrian Consulate-General, -who, after hearing his news, sent a consular -official with him to the War Office, where he related -his story.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig14"> -<img src="images/i164.jpg" width="600" height="378" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">MANKARIOUS EFFENDI WITH GUIDES.</div> -</div> - -<p>It is quite evident that Count Wass, the Austrian -Consul-General, believed that Kanaga would be -assisted to start back immediately on the proposed -expedition, for he entrusted him with an autograph -letter dated Sunday, October 27, 1889, addressed to -Slatin, asking Slatin to request the Khaleefa to reply -to the message sent him by the Emperor of Austria -concerning the Austrian Mission captives. Kanaga -<span class="xxpn" id="p165">|165|</span> -was put off time after time on the grounds that no -reply had been received to the letter he had delivered. -Losing patience, he returned to Assouan and made up -a caravan on his own account, and, when all was ready, -returned to Cairo to report that all arrangements were -complete. He was again passed from one to the -other, and on April 26, 1890, he presented himself for -the last time at the German Consulate, and being told -that there was “no reply,” he demanded a certificate -to the effect that he had delivered my letter, but had -not received any monies in connection with it, when -a signed and sealed certificate was given him.*</p> - - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn08"> - -<p class="pfn">* “Attestation. At the special request of Moussa -Daoud-el-Abadi (Ababdeh), this is to certify that the above on October -22, 1889, brought to the Imperial Consulate a letter addressed to -William Möller Assouan, and said to be from Charles Neufeld. This is -to certify also that the said letter to Mr. Möller was sent to Mr. -Neufeld’s father, but up to the present no monies have been received in -respect of it. Signed, Becker.” </p> - -<p>The letter itself was copied into the Consular registers G. 48, p. -385, and the following is a translation of the contents:― </p> - -<p>“William Möller Assouan. Three days ago I sent to you Mohammad -Ali with a letter and receipt for £100. Do not make any difficulties -about payment, and give him as much money as possible according to the -letter I have sent you. He is a sure man, and I hope he will be the -go-between between me and you after this, and there shall be reward -for it. I have agreed with him that he shall receive 25 per cent. of -the amount you give him for his services. With the other man mentioned -in his letter and mentioned here, you might act as you like, but do -not make any difficulties to him. I hope I shall be able to buy my -liberty after his return, and then all expenses shall be rewarded. I -have sent to you up to now.” . . . The Consulate omitted to -register the names of the guides sent, and left the space blank. The -certified copy of this letter also states that the letter contained -certain Latin characters which were undecipherable; these, again, were -my ‘cash code’ to my manager, proving the authenticity of the letters -and guaranteeing the contents. On the back of the letter was written, -‘Pay to Moussa Daoud-el-Kanaga the sum of £30 received. Dated December -5, 1888.’”</p></div> - -<p>Kanaga concealed the Consular certificate and the -letter for Slatin in his jibbeh, and set off for Omdurman. -On nearing Berber he was met by a dervish patrol, -taken prisoner, and hurried before the Mahdist -Governor of the town. There he was confronted by -two men who swore to having seen him conversing -with myself and Wad Adlan. This Kanaga did not -deny, but said that he had only spoken about trade, -and that he had permission to trade. The Governor -told him it would be better to tell the truth, for he had -<span class="xxpn" id="p166">|166|</span> -received the news from Omdurman of Wad Adlan -having assisted him in arranging my escape, and had -also received news from Cairo of his visits to the War -Office and the Consulates, and knew that the goods he -had with him were a blind to his real object in going -to Omdurman. But, continued the Governor, Adlan -has been killed, and Neufeld has more chains on him. -No confession could be dragged out of Kanaga, so he -was flogged and thrown into prison, the Governor -confiscating his camels and property. After a short -spell in prison, Kanaga was set free and told to return -to his own people. To have sent him as a prisoner to -Omdurman would have necessitated the Governor -sending at the same time the confiscated camels and -goods, and as the Governor wished to keep these for -himself, the only way he could keep them was by -“forgiving” Kanaga, and releasing him. Kanaga -lost no time in making his way back to his people, but -after this narrow escape, he made no further efforts to -penetrate into the Soudan, and the relation of his -experiences deterred every one else from attempting -my escape.</p> - -<p>In giving my narrative to the world—owing to the -very evident attempts made in certain quarters to -discredit me—I have felt it incumbent upon me not -for my own sake, but for the sake of my mother, wife -and child, and relatives, to produce as far as lies in -my power reliable evidence that the slanders persistently -circulated in the Press before and since my -release are only what I have characterized them to be. -Therefore none may cavil at the means I adopt for -<span class="xxpn" id="p167">|167|</span> -the attainment of this object provided those means -are honest, however disagreeable the process may -eventually turn out to be for others.</p> - -<p>In reply to the charges of refusing to escape from -the Soudan, I have, I venture to believe, brought -together the links of the chain of evidence in my -favour up to the present period of my narrative. -Other evidences will be forthcoming in connection -with incidents to be treated of later. The letters I -have quoted are ample proof that from October, 1888, -until April, 1890, my guides and myself were doing all -in our power to effect my escape. Meanwhile, the -Intelligence Department on March 10, 1890, are -writing to my wife as follows:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Mohammad Effendi Rafai, late Sub-Lieutenant, 4th Battalion, -5th Regiment, who left Khartoum three months ago, states he knew -Neufeld very well, and saw him at Omdurman only a few days -before he left. Neufeld had been under surveillance until about five -months prior to this, but was now free. His release was owing to -one of the Emirs representing to Abdullah Khalifa the great service -Neufeld had been in enabling arms and ammunition to be taken -from the Kabbabish at the time Neufeld was captured. He now -was employed as one of the Khalifa’s mulazimeen, and received a -small salary; the Khalifa gave him two wives, and treats him well. -Neufeld has very little to complain of except want of funds, which -renders living difficult, good food being very dear. He is frequently -staying with Ibrahim Bey Fauzi, who has opened a small coffee-shop. -It is untrue that the Khalifa ever threatened Neufeld’s life; -he was only threatened with imprisonment unless he turned -Mussulman. Does not think it possible that Neufeld can receive -any letters, etc., from outside. Neufeld does not occupy himself in -business in any way. Has never heard Neufeld express any wish to -go away, but does not think he would be able to do so even if he -wished it, as every one knows him.” -<span class="xxpn" id="p168">|168|</span></p></div> - -<p>In September, 1888, it had been reported to my -wife that, having made an attempt to escape, I had -been recaptured, and taken back to Omdurman and -executed. It was therefore very kind and considerate -of the Intelligence Department to see the error -rectified, but I venture to think that the sweets of the -good news need not have been converted into gall and -wormwood by telling her that I owed my release to -my “assistance” in betraying the caravan of the loyal -Sheikh Saleh into the hands of the dervishes. Even -had there been any truth in such a statement, I think -that an English lady might have been spared this -unnecessary heart-pang. I thank God nightly—ay, -hourly, that He has brought me alive from the hell I -lived in, to rescue my wife from the hell she was -thrown into with such reports as these.</p> - -<p>It must not be imagined, from the foregoing, that -there is the slightest intention on my part to cast -aspersions on the War Office or the Consulates. I -place plain simple facts before you, and these because -at the time when I was anxiously awaiting the return -of my messengers, picturing to myself the efforts my -friends were making to ensure success—though, as has -been seen, they were very differently occupied—reports -were being circulated that I refused to escape, and my -wife in consequence was the recipient of numberless -letters of sympathy, in which some were “praying to -the Almighty to turn the heart of your erring husband,” -while others were expressing the hope that the ties -which bound her to me would soon be severed by my -meeting my deserts at the hands of the Khaleefa’s -<span class="xxpn" id="p169">|169|</span> -executioner! Those who prayed for me I thank; -One who knew the truth, heard those prayers: those -who condemned me I do not blame, and feel no -resentment against; they merely believed what was -communicated to the Press.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p170" -title="CHAPTER XIV A PRISONER AT LARGE"> -CHAPTER XIV <span class="blksmaller"> -A PRISONER AT LARGE</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">The -disappearance of Joseppi, followed by the death -of Adlan, threw me into a state of almost abject -despair; there appeared to be no hopes of my ever -being released from the Saier, and after the replies -given by Abdullahi to Wad Adlan and the Muslimanieh -when they interceded for me, my friends -outside evidently abandoned all hope also. But I -was to have an interesting fellow-prisoner whose -deceptions on Abdullahi and others were indirectly to -lead to my release. It will take many generations of -Gordon College teachers to uproot the firm belief -of the Soudanese in “jinns” (spirits, sprites, and -fairies) and in the supernatural powers claimed to be -possessed by certain communities and individuals. -Centuries of most transparent deceptions have not -shaken their belief, so that it was no wonder the -Mahdi found many imitators in the miracle-working -line, and that these people found thousands of believers. -The more these charlatans failed in their endeavours -to produce powder from sand, lead from dust, and -precious metals from the baser ones, the more credence -was given to the next professing alchemist who came -<span class="xxpn" id="p171">|171|</span> -along. A man named Shwybo of the Fellati country -(near Lake Chad), had driven a good trade in -Omdurman by inducing people to give him large -copper coins to be converted into silver dollars; he -had offered his services to Wad Adlan, but as the Beit-el-Mal -had been mulcted in some thousands of dollars -already by people like him, Adlan refused to entertain -any of his propositions.</p> - -<p>On the death of Adlan, Shwybo offered his services -to the Khaleefa, and the Beit-el-Mal. The Kadi was -instructed to inquire into his pretensions; Shwybo professed -to have power over the jinns who converted -copper into silver; a number of his dupes presented -themselves to the Kadi, and complained that Shwybo’s -jinns had not only not converted the coins given them -to work upon, but had stolen the coins into the bargain. -Shwybo pleaded that the action of the jinns was in -consequence of the want of faith of the complainants, -and to their curiosity in trying to see the jinns at work; -the jinns would never work in the presence of strangers; -no one but himself might be in the place where the -converting of the metals was in progress. Shwybo -was given about a hundred dollars’ worth of copper -coins, and incense, drugs, spices, etc., to a further -value of nearly two hundred dollars, which were taken -from the Beit-el-Mal, and charged to the account of -the Kadi. The incense, drugs, and spices were to -propitiate the angry jinns; but to ensure their not -being disturbed at work, the Kadi said Shwybo had -better carry out his experiments in the Saier where -Idris would see he was not interfered with. -<span class="xxpn" id="p172">|172|</span></p> - -<p>He was given a hut apart from the rest, where he set -to at once with his incantations and incense burning. -Idris and a number of the prisoners were invited to go -and see the coins buried in the ground—the jinns having -been propitiated. A quarter of an hour’s incantation -was given, Shwybo speaking a language which must -have been as unintelligible to himself and his jinns as -it was to us. A similar incantation had to be given -each day until noon on the following Friday, as it was -at this hour each week that the jinns finished off any -work they had in hand. On the Friday, at noon, we -were asked to go to Shwybo’s hut, and on the earth -being removed, sure enough the copper coins had disappeared, -and silver dollars had replaced them! The -next Friday only part of the coins had been converted, -when Shwybo remembered that the jinns had not been -fed, and must be hungry. They had delicate tastes; -asseeda they would not eat, so they were liberally -supplied with roast chickens, pigeons, white bread, -milk, eggs, etc. We were not permitted to see them -eat, but we were allowed to see the clean-picked bones -and empty egg-shells! Something went wrong again, -for on the following Friday it was discovered that -none of the coins had been converted; evidently -Shwybo had run through his stock of dollars.</p> - -<p>Idris, at the request of the Kadi, asked me my opinion -of the whole thing, as Shwybo wished to have another -try. I replied that little children in my country would -not be deceived by such trickery, and that if the Kadi -wanted to spend his money on food, he had better buy -food for the starving women and children, and not -<span class="xxpn" id="p173">|173|</span> -waste it on supposed jinns. Whether my reply, or the -conviction that he had been duped angered him, I -cannot say, but Shwybo received a severe flogging. -Not a cry escaped his lips; he laughed at the Saier, -telling him to strike harder. The flogging over, he -told Idris that although his silver-working jinns had -flown off, and through no fault of his, his gold-working -jinns had come to his succour, and had interposed -their bodies between his and the lash. Idris, as I -have already pointed out, was the incarnation of -superstition and credulity, and it was only necessary -for Shwybo to tell him that his faithful gold jinns -could convert lead into gold, to set Idris collecting -dollars from the prisoners on the Nebbi Khiddr -account. With these he set up a special laboratory -for Shwybo in the house of Wad Farag, one of the -gaolers—and a reputed son of Idris. Shwybo was -provided with a number of small crucibles, two sets of -Soudanese bellows, with a couple of slave boys to work -them, a quantity of lead and a number of packets of -drugs and powders from the Beit-el-Mal pharmacy. -Farag was told to keep an eye on him, and see that -he did not purloin any of the gold when it appeared.</p> - -<p>When the first lot of lead was melted, Shwybo drew -Farag’s attention to its reddish colour, proving that -the conversion was taking place; then Farag retired -while Shwybo uttered another incantation; on being -called in again, and the cover being removed from the -crucible, a bright yellow mass was seen, from which -strong fumes arose. Farag was told to cover up the -crucible quickly, which he did, and left the room with -<span class="xxpn" id="p174">|174|</span> -Shwybo to allow of the jinns completing their work -and cooling the metal. Farag went off to Idris and -the Kadi, telling them that the conversion of the lead -to gold had actually taken place; that he had seen the -gold for himself. The Kadi was dubious, but as Idris -only was employing Shwybo on this work, he declined -to come into the prison to see the gold turned out. -When it was believed that the work was complete, Idris, -Farag, and Shwybo proceeded to the laboratory, and lo! -the crucibles were found empty. Shwybo thereupon -accused Farag of having stolen the block of gold, and -a pretty row ensued; the prison and the prisoners -were searched, and the gold not being found, Farag -was flogged to make him disclose its hiding-place. -Shwybo essayed a second attempt, but as Idris insisted -upon remaining in the laboratory from beginning -to end, the jinns refused to work, and then Shwybo -was flogged. One would have thought that, after this, -people would see that Shwybo was duping them, but -he continued to collect money for conversion from the -prisoners, and now and again was able to give to an -earlier dupe one or two dollars he had received from a -later one. Complaints were made against him though, -and he received repeated floggings to make him -discontinue his frauds, dying in the prison as a result.</p> - -<p>It was while Shwybo was working away at his -alchemistic frauds that Hassan Zecki, an old Egyptian -doctor, and then in charge of the medical stores of the -Beit-el-Mal, came into the Saier in connection with -the drugs being purchased on Shwybo’s account; -Zecki had known me by name for some time, for I had -<span class="xxpn" id="p175">|175|</span> -in my practice as “medicine man” frequently sent -him notes for the medicines I required, and not -knowing the Arabic terms, I used the Latin names -for such drugs as I was acquainted with. From this, -Zecki must have come to the conclusion that I was a -qualified chemist, and as at that time his assistant, -Said Abdel Wohatt was, and had been for some time, -trying to extract saltpetre in Khartoum and the -neighbourhood, Zecki questioned me as to its production -in Europe, but I had to admit that I had only -seen the crystals obtained in the laboratory when at -the University, and had no experience of their production -on a commercial scale. I told Zecki what -little I knew of testing the crystals, and you may -imagine my surprise when three days later I was -summoned before Yacoub to explain the manufacture -of saltpetre.</p> - -<p>The new Amin Beit-el-Mal—El Nur El Garfawi—came -to the Saier after sunset, and conducted -me to Yacoub’s house. One thinks rapidly under -such circumstances, and by the time we reached -Yacoub’s house I had my tale thought out. I saw -that if I declared that I could not do the work I -should not be believed, and would be flogged and have -extra irons placed on me for contumacy. To lead -them on to believe that I could manufacture saltpetre -meant my release from prison. After a long discussion -with Yacoub, it was arranged that I was to -construct three large tanks, about six feet long and four -feet high, in which impregnated earth was to be mixed -with water, and the solution drawn off and allowed to -<span class="xxpn" id="p176">|176|</span> -evaporate. Believing that I should be set to make -these tanks or reservoirs, I suggested them, as their -construction would necessitate the removal of my -chains. The following morning I was called to the -anvil, the rings holding the heavy iron bar were cut -and forced open, and the heavy ankle-chain I was -wearing was replaced by a piece of light awning chain -taken from one of Gordon’s steamers. I was thankful -even for this relief, as it removed a dead weight of -fifteen to twenty pounds of iron from my feet. Under -an armed escort I was taken to the Nile, where I found -awaiting me the Emirs Yacoub, Ahmed Fedeel—who -is now causing trouble on the Blue Nile—Mohammad -Hamad'na Allah—Zobheir Pasha’s old Wakeel—and -a party of thirty to forty workmen with materials for -the tanks. Whenever Abdullahi gave an order, -immediate execution of it followed.</p> - -<p>I had existed in the vile-smelling Saier for nearly -four years, and you can imagine how I enjoyed the -two hours on the river reaching Halfeyeh. On -arrival at this place, we were met by El Fiki Amin, -a Fellati then in charge of the works. He did not -disguise his displeasure at my being taken there, as -he evidently considered it a slight upon himself. He -was extracting the saltpetre from mounds, mixing the -earth and water in pierced jars lined with fine matting, -allowing the solution to filter through, and then boiling -it down to obtain the crystals; his appliances were -very primitive, but he was producing a very good -quality of saltpetre in “needles.” Yacoub ordered -me to search the ground for any deposits, and, coming -<span class="xxpn" id="p177">|177|</span> -to a dark damp patch, I tasted the earth, and, believing -saltpetre to be present, I mixed some of the earth -with water, pouring off the solution into a small coffeepot, -and setting it to boil. More solution was added -as the water boiled away, and at the end of two hours -I had a small deposit of a thin syrupy consistence; -pouring this upon a burnt brick, the moisture was -absorbed, leaving the crystals behind, and these on -being placed on hot charcoal burned away. I next -took some of the earth, dried it, and rubbing it fine, -allowed it to fall in a thin stream on to the fire; the -“sissing” and occasional coloured sparks convinced -them that a valuable deposit had been discovered, and -Hamad'na Allah was sent to Omdurman to inform -the Khaleefa.</p> - -<p>During his absence, the Fellati told Yacoub that -the burning of the crystals was no proof that they -were saltpetre; I was therefore told to produce -a quantity to be submitted to Zecki and the -Greek Perdikaki, the Khaleefa’s gunpowder manufacturer. -Hassan Zecki came to Halfeyeh to examine -the crystals and declared them good; Perdikaki sent -a Greek employed with him, but he not being able -to give an opinion, took the crystals to Perdikaki, -who sent me a message to the effect that they were -useless, but that rather than I should be sent back -to prison he would say they were good on condition -I tried to produce further quantities in “needles,” -and not in grains. On Hassan Zecki presenting his -report to the Khaleefa, and telling him that I should -have some large pans sent out to me, he sent off -<span class="xxpn" id="p178">|178|</span> -a number of large copper boilers, and an officer’s -camp bath. The latter must have been taken from -Khartoum or Hicks Pasha’s army. The Fellati grew -very sullen, and Yacoub, knowing that the Khaleefa -was entirely dependent upon the Fellatis—the only -people who seemed to understand the extraction of -the saltpetre—rather than offend the man, asked me -if I thought I could not find deposits elsewhere. I -suggested looking further north, but this would not -do. He wanted a place close to Omdurman—where -I could be watched. I then suggested Khartoum, -but the Khaleefa would not at first hear of my transfer -there. What probably decided him was, that when I -had been two weeks at Halfeyeh, Hasseena came to -tell me Makkieh was dead, and the Khaleefa, hearing -of the loss, and believing that there was now nothing -to hold me in the Soudan, agreed to the transfer to -Khartoum, as there a better watch could be kept upon -me. I was not sorry to leave Halfeyeh, for although -the place offered every facility for my escape, I saw -that I had a jealous and bitter enemy in the Fellati, -who was then spying on my every movement. It -was certain that he would frustrate any plans I might -make for flight, and suspicion would have been aroused -immediately if any of the guides came to me there.</p> - -<p>Hamad'na Allah was made director of the Khartoum -saltpetre works! Abdel Wohatt was his second, -and I was to work under the orders of Wohatt. On -arrival at Khartoum, January, 1891, I was also placed -in charge of Khaleel Hassanein, the director of the -arsenal, and all three had to answer for me with -<span class="xxpn" id="p179">|179|</span> -their lives. Wohatt was given the chapel of the -Mission as a house to live in; I was given one of -the priest’s rooms opposite the arches. Windows, -doors, every scrap of wood, metal, and ornaments had -been taken from the place; it was almost a complete -ruin, but the garden had been kept in excellent condition, -its produce—dates, figs, oranges, limes, and -vegetables—being sold on account of the Beit-el-Mal. -Wohatt, when arranging his sleeping quarters, found -the altar in his way, and made two or three ineffectual -attempts to pull it down; failing, he utilized it as -a resting-place for household rubbish, and here cocks -crowed and hens hatched out their broods.</p> - -<p>When we came to construct saturation tanks, it was -proposed to take the material from the walls of the -Mission, but I told Hamad'na Allah and Wohatt that -as we had to live in the place, it would be far better -to repair than further demolish; so the necessary -materials were brought from outside by the fifty to -sixty slaves sent over to assist us in making the tanks -and carrying the earth from the mounds. While the -construction of the tanks proceeded, we had to extract -saltpetre in the boilers, etc., sent to us at Halfeyeh, -and which had been brought with us; we produced -maybe four to five pounds per diem on an average -during a period of six months—the time we were -occupied in building the tanks. Perdikaki made some -gunpowder with our first consignment; it was a -failure. The good fellow, though, mixed it with some -powder from the old Government stock, and sent us -another warning. My chief, Abdel Wohatt, was the -<span class="xxpn" id="p180">|180|</span> -son-in-law of Ali Khaater, the director of the Omdurman -arsenal, to whom our saltpetre went in the first -instance; Perdikaki telling him of the bad quality, -Khaater, fearing for his son-in-law, mixed our next -consignment with an equal quantity of saltpetre from -the old Government stock in his stores, and thus it -passed muster, although Perdikaki complained again -that it was only half purified. However, the powder -made with it would explode, though it did leave about -25 per cent. of ash. The Fellati, hearing of the -success, came to Khartoum to examine our product, -for the secret of producing pure crystals was believed -to be in the hands of the Fellati only, and, as a -matter of fact, in the Soudan, it is. Again he declared -the crystals were useless for the purposes they were -intended for; but as Abdel Wohatt had been a dispenser -in the Egyptian Army, and as such was supposed -to be a chemist, and I, as a medicine man, being -similarly credited, we won the day. Fellati appealed -to Perdikaki, but got no satisfaction in that quarter. -But Perdikaki was not long to be troubled with the -rival saltpetre makers; on the sixth anniversary of -Gordon’s death, some tins of powder in his factory -exploded, killing him and those working with him.</p> - -<p>Some time about June or July, 1891, our tanks were -finished; in about two months’ time we produced -between five or six cwts. of crystals, and then stopped -work on account of the rains. These crystals were -mixed with an equal quantity of good crystals from -the stores, and were sent to the powder factory. It -must not be imagined that at this time the Khaleefa -<span class="xxpn" id="p181">|181|</span> -was actually short of powder or ingredients for its -manufacture; there were, unknown to others in the -town, very large stocks indeed, which Abdullah was -keeping as a reserve, but he wished to add to that -reserve as much as possible, and to expend only such -powder and ammunition as was then and there -produced.</p> - -<p>On the death of Perdikaki, Hassan Hosna—a Circassian, -and, I believe, formerly an officer in the old -army—and Abdes Semmeer, formerly in the ordnance -section of the old army at Kassala, were placed in -charge of the powder factory. When our mixed -product was used for the manufacture of gunpowder, -strange things happened. After a few cartridges -made from such powder had been fired, the barrel of -the rifle was found coated with a thick white fouling; -then an inquiry was held. The rifles were brought -to us at Khartoum, and, pointing to the cleaning rods, -I asked what these were intended for; on being told -for cleaning the barrel, I asked whether it was not -better to have a powder which left a white ash which -might be seen to a powder which left a black ash -which could not be seen. But, for once, my argument -was of no use. Wohatt replied that perhaps we were -working on bad beds, and suggested our being transferred -somewhere else. Nothing was done at the -time, and we worked on for some more months; but -as large quantities of saltpetre came in from Darfur, -and later, considerable quantities of good powder came -from Upper Egypt and by the Suakin route, Khaater -was able to store away our saltpetre, and supply -<span class="xxpn" id="p182">|182|</span> -the factory with powder and saltpetre from these -sources.</p> - -<p>The Upper Egypt and Suakin supplies were supposed -to have been put to the reserve, so that when -cartridges exploded in the breeches of the rifles, and -destroyed the eyesight of a number of soldiers, our -saltpetre came in for the blame again. Another -inquiry was held, when we were told that the bullet -did not leave the rifle, and that the breech-blocks blew -open. This, we argued, could not be the fault of the -powder, but of the rifle. Whatever the Khaleefa’s -opinion might have been, he sent off Wohatt to Alti -on the Blue Nile, where, with a number of Fellatis -working under him, he was able to send considerable -quantities of “needle” saltpetre to Omdurman, while -I continued at the Khartoum works to turn out as -poor a quality of saltpetre as before. Abdel Wohatt -is in Cairo now, and tells me that our precious production—about -two tons of saltpetre—is still lying unused -in the stores at Omdurman. Khaleel Hassanein and -Ali Khaater are still alive, and would doubtless smile -at the legend that I “manufactured powder for the -Khaleefa to shoot English soldiers with,” particularly -when I forbade the use of wood ash in the saturation -tanks, and this addition, they knew later, was the -Fellati secret for the purification of the saltpetre.</p> - -<p>While employed at the Mission-house in Khartoum, -Father Ohrwalder came on three or four occasions to -see me, the last occasion being, I believe, about a -month before his escape. We would sit together -talking of old times, commiserate each other on our -<span class="xxpn" id="p183">|183|</span> -hard lot, and guardedly, very guardedly, breathe a -hope that, in some way and by some means, our release -would come, but I have no recollection that we ever -confided to each other any plans for escape. Father -Ohrwalder knew that I had had letters written by -some Greeks, but I do not think he knew of any of -my plans. That we did not openly discuss such plans -now appears to me strange—and yet it is not strange. -Where all led for years a life of falsehood, in which -deception of self had a no less part than that of -others, suspicious of every one around us, trusting -no one, what wonder that deceit became a second -nature, and that truth, honour, and morality—that is -to say, morality as preached in Europe—should have -retired to vanishing point!</p> - -<p>When I heard of Father Ohrwalder’s escape, the -conclusion I at once jumped to was that my guides, -seeing the impossibility of effecting my escape -from Khartoum, had come to some arrangement -with him. How fervently I cursed them all, but I -did not pray for their recapture. Even had I done -so, it would have been useless. There was nothing, -provided you had money with which to purchase -camels and arrange a couple of relays in the desert, -to prevent every one who wished to, escaping from -Omdurman. Your guides had only to lead you -away from any settlements; no pursuers could overtake -you once you reached your first relay, fast as -their camels might go, and you would travel at twice -the speed the news of your flight could, besides having -some hours’ start of it. In the event of your coming -<span class="xxpn" id="p184">|184|</span> -across any straggler on the desert, a few dollars would -silence his tongue, for the dollar is not more “almighty” -in America than it was in the Soudan. Supposing -the dollars did not appeal to him, and your bullet -missed its mark, the chances were a thousand to one -against his picking up your pursuers on the route you -had come, for they would make to the settlements -near the river, and waste their time in useless -inquiries, while you were lengthening the distance -between you.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p185" -title="CHAPTER XV DIVORCED AND MARRIED"> -CHAPTER XV <span class="blksmaller"> -DIVORCED AND MARRIED</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">As -if my troubles were not all-sufficient in themselves, -Hasseena, in addition to the begging and other -undesirable proclivities she had developed since the -death of Makkieh, added that of thieving. She -naturally devoted her talents in this direction to my -friends, knowing that they would not, on my account, -prosecute her. Numberless complaints came to me, -and many a recommendation was made to get rid of -her; but as she had been sent to me by the Khaleefa, -I could not send her off without his sanction. The -question also arose as to what excuse I might offer -for divorcing her; to give the real reasons might end -in her being stoned, mutilated, or imprisoned, and -this I shrank from. I must admit, too, that, bad as -she was then, I did not like the idea of throwing her -over. Being in receipt of ten dollars a month, I sent -word to my friends that I would save what I could to -repay their losses, and do my best to break Hasseena -of her bad habits. My friends warned me that if -I was not careful I should find myself before the Kadi -as Hasseena’s partner in crime; and the Kadi, being -<span class="xxpn" id="p186">|186|</span> -no friend of mine, would certainly order me into prison -again, which would put an end to all chances of escape.</p> - -<p>In the end Hasseena had to go. Nahoum Abbajee, -my greatest friend, gave a feast at his house to -celebrate the marriage of his son Yousef. Hasseena -was one of the invited guests. She stole all the spoons -and cutlery before the feast commenced, and also a -number of articles of dress belonging to other guests, -all of which she sold in the bazaar. Nahoum could -overlook her stealing his property, but to steal the -property of guests under his roof was carrying matters -too far. He sent word to me that I must get rid of -her, and at once. Calling Hasseena to Khartoum, I -was compelled to quarrel with her in such a way as -to attract the attention of Hamad'na Allah, and on his -asking me the reason for our constant squabbles, I -told him that Hasseena was not acting as she should -by me, and begged his intervention in obtaining -through the Emir Yacoub the Khaleefa’s permission -to divorce her. Abdullahi was “gracious,” permitted -the divorce, and sent word that he would select another -wife for me. This was just what I did not want. -Always expecting the return of my guides, my not -having a woman in the place lent probability to my -having a whole night’s start upon my pursuers, for my -absence might not be discovered until sunrise the -following morning, at which time we went to work, -and some hours more would be lost—and gained—by -Hamad'na Allah and others making a thorough -search for me before daring to tell the Khaleefa that -I was missing. -<span class="xxpn" id="p187">|187|</span></p> - -<p>Returning my thanks to Abdullahi, I asked to be -left in single blessedness for a time; but to this he -replied that “his heart was heavy at the loss of -my child; that no man might be happy without -children, and he wished me to be happy; he also -wished me to have all the comforts of life, which did -not exist where woman was not; that if I did not take -another wife, he would believe I was not content with -my life in the Soudan under his protection.” It was -a long rigmarole of a message he sent, and it wound -up by saying that as I had been ill for two months, he -must send a wife to attend to me, and had selected for -the purpose a daughter of Abd-el-Latif Terran.</p> - -<p>This was making matters worse than ever, for this -girl, although brought up in the Soudan, and speaking -only Arabic, was a French subject, being the granddaughter -of Dr. Terran, an old employé of the Government. -She was only nominally Mohammedan, and lived -in the “Christian quarter.” When marriages took place -in this quarter, the Mohammedan form of marriage -was gone through, and then Father Ohrwalder performed -the Christian religious ceremony surreptitiously -later in the day. I spoke to him about the Khaleefa’s -intention, and as he knew I was already married, he -advised me to try and get out of the proposed marriage -by some means or another, as it would be considered -binding. After casting about for excuses which I -thought might appeal to the Khaleefa, I asked -Hamad'na Allah to inform him that I thanked him -for his selection of a wife, but as she was of European -descent, had been brought up in a rich family where -<span class="xxpn" id="p188">|188|</span> -the ladies are waited upon and never do any work, she -would be no use to me, as I required some one to -nurse me, do the cooking and house work, and go to -the bazaar to buy food, all of which she had had -servants to do for her; I therefore begged to be -allowed to select a wife of the country.</p> - -<p>The latter part of my message evidently pleased the -Khaleefa; it appeared to him as an earnest that I was -“content,” but again he undertook the selection of the -woman. When Abdullahi told any woman she was to be -the wife of any one, she dare no more refuse to accept -than the one she was sent to dare refuse to receive -her. Fearing that he might send me some one from -his hareem, I asked Nahoum and other friends to find -me a wife—sharp. My object was to get her into -the place before Abdullahi sent his “present,” whom, -on arrival, I might send back on the plea that I was -already married, and could not support two wives. -Nahoum found me a wife, and sent me the following -history of her.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig15"> -<img src="images/i189.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">UMM ES SHOLE AND TWO CHILDREN.</div> -</div> - -<p>Umm es Shole (the mother of Shole—Shole being -the name she had given her first child) was an -Abyssinian brought up from childhood in a Greek -family settled in Khartoum. On reaching womanhood, -she was married to one of the sons of the -family. On the fall of Khartoum, her husband, with -seven male relatives, was butchered in the house in -which they had taken refuge; Umm es Shole, with her -three children, was taken as “property” to the Beit-el-Mal, -where she was handed over as a concubine to -the Emir of the Gawaamah tribe. Refusing this -<span class="xxpn" id="p189">|189|</span> -man’s embraces, he in revenge tortured her children -to death, upon which Umm es Shole escaped to -Omdurman. Through Abd-el-Kader, the uncle of the -Mahdi, she had her case brought before Mohammad -Ahmed, who, after listening to the details, gave her a -written document declaring that, as she had been -married to and borne children to a free man, she was -a free woman, but to make certain that she might -never be claimed as a slave, the document also -declared that she was “ateekh” (freed) by him.</p> - -<p>When Abdullahi succeeded the Mahdi, he ordered -every woman without a husband, and every girl of a -marriageable age, to be married at once. He was -most particular that every one in the “Christian -quarter” should be married. Umm es Shole married -an old and decrepit Jew, whom she nursed until he -died two years later. Returning to a woman relative -of her husband’s, she supported the old woman and -herself by cooking, preparing food for feasts, sewing, -and general housework.</p> - -<p>This was the wife my friends had selected for me, -and I accepted her thankfully; but when she was -approached on the subject, she positively declined to -be married again, and it was only upon her being told -that I was ill, and might die, that she consented to the -marriage. I had to appoint a “wakeel” (proxy, in -this instance) to represent me at the marriage and the -festivities; Nahoum prepared the feast at his house, -the bride preparing the food and attending to the -guests. At the conclusion of the few days’ ceremonies -and feastings, Umm es Shole was escorted -<span class="xxpn" id="p190">|190|</span> -to Khartoum—a married woman, and introduced for the -first time to her husband. She set to at once with her -household duties and attendance upon me, and during -a long and weary five months nursed me back to life.</p> - -<p>As can well be believed, Hasseena resented no less -bitterly my projected marriage with Umm es Shole, -or any one else, than she resented her divorce, and -this she resented very bitterly indeed, for passing as -the wife of a European and a presumed “General” to -boot, gave her a certain social status in Omdurman, -which she took advantage of when visiting in the -various ways pointed out. On my saying to her, -“You are divorced,” which is the only formula -necessary in Mohammedan countries in such a -momentous domestic affair, she promptly replied that -she was again pregnant. A few words on the subject -of divorce in the Soudan—and the rules are practically -identical with those laid down in the Quoranic -law—will assist towards an appreciation of the fix -this declaration of Hasseena placed me in.</p> - -<p>If a woman, on being told “you are divorced,” -declared herself with child, the husband was compelled -to keep her until its birth; if it was a son, the divorce -was null and void; if a daughter, the husband had to -support the wife during two years of nursing, and provide -for the child until her seventh year, when he -might, if he chose to do so, claim her as his daughter.</p> - -<p>When a woman was divorced for the first time, she -was not allowed to marry again without the consent -of the husband; this was giving him a “first call” if -he wanted her back, for divorce might be declared for -<span class="xxpn" id="p191">|191|</span> -less trivial things than incompatibility of temper. If -the husband took her back, and divorced her a second -time, the woman was free to marry, but if the husband -again wanted her, he had to pay her a marriage dowry -as at her first marriage. Should he divorce her a -third time, and again want her back, he would have -to arrange for her to be married to—and divorced -from—some one else first, when she was free to -return to him. All this may sound very immoral -to people in Europe, but one cannot help but admire -the simplicity of the proceedings; and consider the -amount of domestic infelicity it prevented. There is -no public examination of the parties concerned; no -publication of interesting details in newspapers; some -little thought is given to the woman who may have -been the mother of your children, and should she have -slipped in the path of virtue, you do not shout it from -the housetops; the marriage was a private arrangement -between you, so is the divorce, and the reasons -for the latter are your affair and no one else’s.</p> - -<p>I have touched upon divorce in some detail, as -many re-marriages under all the conditions given -above occurred, and some family records became a -hopeless tangle to all but those immediately concerned. -When the new Soudan Government comes -to settle up claims to properties, they will be confronted -with a collection of “succession” puzzles to -solve, for one woman might be the proud mother of -the legitimate heirs of three or four different people, -and being, as the widow and mother of the heritor, -entitled to a fixed proportion of the properties, you -<span class="xxpn" id="p192">|192|</span> -may be quite sure that she will fight to the death for -her sons’ interests.</p> - -<p>Hasseena ought not to have been in the interesting -state she declared she was, for we had been separated -for a much longer period than that ordained by law. -I was obliged to tell her that if she empanelled a jury, -after the example of Idris es Saier, all the explanations -they might offer would not convince me that I -held any more relationship to the child than I did -to Makkieh, and there was nothing now to induce -me to claim the paternity,—indeed just the reverse. -However, if Hasseena was with child, I should be -bound to keep her for at least two years, and if the -Khaleefa sent on his present, I should have two -households to support on ten dollars a month. When -making my plans for escape, Hasseena was included; -she was to have got away on the same dromedary as -myself. When my guides returned, they would find -me with two wives, and having made arrangements -for one only, they might demur at taking the two. -The probabilities were they would abandon the thing -altogether, fearing that one or the other might betray -them, which meant instant execution for them and -imprisonment for me. If I kept Hasseena, she might -steal from some stranger, as the houses of my friends -were now closed to her, and then I should be sent -back to the Saier; if I sent her away, she, knowing -my guides and all my arrangements, would be the -first to meet them on arrival in Omdurman, and would -insist upon coming away with me under threats of disclosing -the plot. It was a most awkward fix for me -<span class="xxpn" id="p193">|193|</span> -to be placed in; but after considering the whole matter -most carefully, I decided upon sending Hasseena off, -and trusting to luck for the rest. I had hoped she -might get married to some one in Omdurman, and -then I should not have been afraid of her. But -Hasseena returned in February, 1892, some months -after my marriage with Umm es Shole, carrying a -little bundle of male humanity, who had only been -three or four months less tardy in arrival than -Makkieh.</p> - -<p>Hasseena, doubtless, had for me the Soudan equivalent -for what we understand as affection; she had -saved my life when we were first captured; she had -nursed me, as only a woman can nurse one, through -my first attack of typhus fever, and had kept me from -starvation during the famine. But while I could not -forget all this, I could not forget also that she had -become a source of great danger to me, and although -my treatment of her in sending her away when I did, -might to some appear harsh in the face of what she -had done for me, it must not be forgotten that self-preservation -is no less a law of nature in the Soudan -than it is elsewhere. I supported Hasseena for -nearly two years, when her child died. She then -left Khartoum, where I was still a chained prisoner at -large, and went utterly to the bad. I heard of her -from time to time, and, on my release in September -last, hearing that she was at Berber, I delayed there -until I had hunted her out of the den of vice in which -she was living, and provided for her elsewhere, only -to receive a telegram a few weeks later to say that, -<span class="xxpn" id="p194">|194|</span> -hankering for the life which she had led for a few -years back, she had run off to return to it.</p> - -<p>It was this action of mine, which probably gave rise -to the legend that I had brought her to Cairo with -me, where my wife arrived, “only to be confronted -with a black wife after all her years of mental anxiety -and sufferings.” Why facts should be so persistently -misconstrued, I cannot understand. In making that -last—and I do not say final—effort, to do something -for the woman to whom, at one time, I owed so much, -I feel I have nothing to be ashamed of. Those who -think differently must remember that it takes one -some little time to fall again into European ideas and -thoughts after twelve years of chains and slavery -amongst the people whom I was compelled to associate -with; and no one in the Soudan was more out of the -world than I was.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p195" -title="CHAPTER XVI HOPE AND DESPAIR"> -CHAPTER XVI <span class="blksmaller"> -HOPE AND DESPAIR</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">While -still a prisoner in the Saier, Mankarious -Effendi, with Mohammad Fargoun and Selim Aly, -engaged a man of the Ababdeh, Mohammad Ajjab, to -make his way to Omdurman with a threefold object: -he was to inquire if I was still alive; if so, to pay me -a hundred dollars, and then to try and make arrangements -for my escape. On arrival in Omdurman, Ajjab -met two of his own people—Mohammad and Karrar -Beshir—who recommended him, when he inquired -about me, never to mention my name if he wished to -keep his head on his shoulders. They could only tell -him that I was still in prison, chained, and under -sentence of death. Similar information and the same -recommendation were given to him by people in the -Muslimanieh quarter; but a Greek whom Ajjab knew -only by his Mahdieh name of Abdallah, said that he -would arrange for a meeting between him and my -servant. Through Hasseena, Ajjab sent me word of -the object of his coming to Omdurman. As the Greek -offered to become my trustee, Ajjab handed him the -hundred dollars, taking from him a receipt, and sending -<span class="xxpn" id="p196">|196|</span> -the receipt to me concealed in a piece of bread, to be -countersigned. Ajjab was to return to Assouan, let -my friends know how matters stood, and tell them -that I would try and communicate with them, if I -ever got released from prison, as escape from the -prison was an impossibility. Ajjab returned to -Assouan, and handed over the receipt; but the tale -he had to tell put an end, for the time being, to any -attempts to assist me further.</p> - -<p>When Father Ohrwalder escaped, bringing with him -the two sisters and negress, Mankarious set about -immediately to find some reliable messenger willing to -undertake the journey to Omdurman with a view of -ascertaining if my escape was at all possible. He -argued that if Father Ohrwalder could escape with -three women as an encumbrance to his flight, there -was nothing, provided I was at liberty, to prevent my -escaping; but those who knew the Soudan—and it -was only such he might employ—argued that if the -remainder of the captives were not already killed, -they would be found chained in the prison awaiting -their execution. Months slipped away before he -could find any one to undertake the journey, and then -an old but wiry desert Arab, El Haj Ahmad Abou -Hawanein, came to terms with him. Hawanein was -given two camels, some money, and a quantity of -goods to sell and barter on his way up.</p> - -<p>Some time in June or July, 1894, Abou Kees, a -man employed in the Mission gardens, came to me -while I was working at the mounds of Khartoum, and -whispered that a man who had news for me was -<span class="xxpn" id="p197">|197|</span> -hiding in the gardens, and that I was to try and effect -a meeting with him. The man was Hawanein. -Always suspicious of traps laid for me by the -Khaleefa, I asked the man what he wanted. He -replied that he had come from friends to help me. -He had brought no letters, but by questioning him my -suspicions disappeared, and I was soon deep in the -discussion of plans for my escape. The camels he had -brought with him were, he said, not up to the work of -a rapid flight, and he suggested that he should return -to Assouan, procure two good trotting camels, and also -the couple of revolvers I asked for, as it was more -than likely I should have to use them in getting clear -of Khartoum.</p> - -<p>Soon after Hawanein’s departure, the guide Abdallah, -who brought away Rossignoli, put in his appearance. -Ahmed Wad-el-Feki, employed in Marquet’s old -garden, asked that I might be allowed to call and see -a sick man at his house. On reaching the place, Feki -introduced me to a young man, Abdallah, who, after a -few words, asked me to meet him the following day, -when he would bring me a letter. I met my “patient” -again, when he handed me a bit of paper on which faint -marks were discernible; these, he said, would come out -clear upon heating the paper, and, as cauterization is -one of the favourite remedies in the Soudan, some live -charcoal was procured without exciting any suspicion. -The words, which appeared, proved that the man was -no spy, but had really come from the Egyptian War -Office; however, before we had time to drop into a -discussion of plans, some men employed in the place -<span class="xxpn" id="p198">|198|</span> -came near, and we had to adjourn to the following -day, when I was again to meet my “patient.” On -this occasion we were left undisturbed, and fully discussed -and settled upon our plans.</p> - -<p>To escape along the western bank of the Nile -was not to be thought of; this would necessitate our -passing Omdurman, and to pass the town unobserved -was very improbable. Abdallah, having left his -camels and rifle at Berber, was to return there for -them, and come up the eastern bank of the Nile, -along which we were to travel when I escaped. -During his absence I was to send Umm es Shole on -weekly visits to her friends at Halfeyeh; as she was -to escape with us, this arrangement was made for a -twofold purpose. First, her visits would not excite -suspicion at the critical moment, as the people both at -Halfeyeh and Khartoum would have become accustomed -to them; she was also to bring me the promised -revolver concealed in her clothes, and then return to -Halfeyeh for another visit. She and Abdallah would -keep a watch on the banks of the Blue Nile for me -and assist me in landing. My escape would have to -be effected in my chains, and these, of course, would -prevent my using my legs in swimming. I was to -trust for support to the pieces of light wood on the -banks, used by children and men when disporting -themselves in the Nile, and to the current and whatever -help I might get with my hands for landing on -the opposite shore.</p> - -<p>Abdallah went off, but never came back. I kept to -our agreement for months, for the plan formed with -<span class="xxpn" id="p199">|199|</span> -Abdallah was similar to that arranged with Hawanein. -Besides this, Abdallah, in the event of not being able -to find revolvers at Berber, was to continue his -journey to the first military post, obtain them there, -and exchange his camels for fast-trotting ones, as those -he had left at Berber were of a poor race. In order -to prove to any officer he met that he was really employed -to effect my escape, I gave him two letters -couched in such words that, should they fall into the -hands of the Khaleefa or any of the Emirs, their contents -would be a sort of puzzle to them. Each day -during those months I looked forward eagerly to a -sign from any one of the people entrusted with my -escape.</p> - -<p>For various reasons I considered it advisable to -interview Abdallah after my release, and did so; but to -make certain of his explanations, I also arranged that -others should question him on the subject of Rossignoli’s -flight and his reasons for not keeping his engagement -with me, and this is what he says.</p> - -<p>On leaving Cairo, he was given a sort of double -mission; he was promised three hundred pounds if he -brought me away safely, and a hundred pounds if he -brought away any of the other captives. Seeing the -difficulties to be encountered in effecting my escape, -and appreciating the risks, unless we had revolvers -and swift camels, he decided upon “working out the -other plan,” as he expresses it, viz. the escape of -Rossignoli, as “he was at liberty and could go anywhere -he pleased,” whilst I was shackled and constantly -under the eyes of my guards. Instead of returning -<span class="xxpn" id="p200">|200|</span> -for the camels, Abdallah arranged for Rossignoli to -escape on a donkey as far as Berber. When some -distance from Omdurman, Rossignoli got off his -donkey, squatted on the ground, and refused to budge, -saying he was tired. Abdallah tried to persuade -him to continue the journey, but Rossignoli refused, -said Abdallah was only leading him to his death, and -demanded to be taken back to Omdurman. For a -few moments Abdallah admits that he was startled and -frightened. To go back to Omdurman was madness -and suicide for him; to leave Rossignoli squatting in -the desert made Cairo almost as dangerous for him as -Omdurman, for who would believe his tale there? He -felt sure he would be accused of having deserted the -man, and there was also the chance of Rossignoli -being discovered by pursuers, when a hue and cry -would be set up for Abdallah.</p> - -<p>One cannot help but admire Abdallah’s solution -of the difficulty. There was a tree growing close -by; he selected from it a good thick branch, and -with this flogged Rossignoli either into his right -senses or into obedience to orders; then placing him -on the camel behind him, he made his way to Berber. -Here Rossignoli, instead of keeping in hiding, -wandered into the town, was recognized by some -people, and, when spoken to, told them that Abdallah -was leading him to Egypt, but that he preferred to -return to Omdurman. Fortunately native cupidity -saved Abdallah; he baksheeshed the people into a -few hours of silence, with great difficulty got his charge -clear of the town, and with still greater difficulty -<span class="xxpn" id="p201">|201|</span> -hammered and “bullydamned” him into Egypt and -safety. This is Abdallah’s own tale. He assures me, -and I believe him, that it was his intention, as soon -as he had handed over Rossignoli safe, to have asked -for the revolvers and started back to try and effect my -escape, risky as he knew it to be; but as Rossignoli -had betrayed his name in Berber, he knew well -that the Khaleefa would have men waiting for him -from Omdurman to the frontier, and he showed no -better sense in flogging Rossignoli, than he showed in -settling down with his well-earned hundred pounds -rather than attempting to make it into four hundred -by passing the frontier.</p> - -<p>Rossignoli’s absence was not noticed for a little -time, and fortunately, for a donkey leaves better tracks -to follow than a camel. The Khaleefa was not particularly -angry about the affair, although he imprisoned -for a day Mr. Cocorombo, the husband of Sister -Grigolini, the former superioress of Father Ohrwalder’s -Mission, and Rossignoli’s lay companion, Beppo; but -the latter, after Slatin’s escape, became my fellow-prisoner -in the Saier.</p> - -<p>One would be inclined to believe that either myself -or some dramatist had purposely invented the series -of accidents, which cropped up to frustrate every one -of my plans for escape. On February 28, 1895, -without a word of warning, I was so heavily loaded -with chains that I was unable to move, and I was -placed under a double guard in the house of Shereef -Hamadan, the Mahdist Governor of Khartoum. At -first I surmised that either Abdallah or Hawanein -<span class="xxpn" id="p202">|202|</span> -had been suspected and imprisoned, or had confessed, -or that our plots had been divulged in -some way, so that it was with no little surprise I -heard the questions put to me concerning the escape -of Slatin. I denied all knowledge of the escape, or -any arrangement connected with it. I pointed out -that I had not seen, spoken to, or heard of Slatin -directly for eight years, as my gaolers and guards -could prove. It was from no sense of justice to me, -but to prove that he had not neglected his duty in -keeping a strict watch upon me, that Hamadan took -my part in the inquiry. I might have been again -released, had Hawanein not put in his appearance a -few days after the escape of Slatin was discovered.</p> - -<p>Slatin’s absence from his usual post had not been -reported to the Khaleefa until three days after his -escape; he was supposed to be ill. On the third day, -Hajji Zobheir, the head of the Khaleefa’s bodyguard, -sent to his house to inquire about him. Not being -satisfied with the reply he received, he informed the -Khaleefa, who ordered an immediate search. A letter -from Slatin to the Khaleefa was found sticking in the -muzzle of a rifle, and was taken to Abdullahi. After -the usual string of compliments and blessings, the -letter continues―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“For ten years I have sat at your gate; your goodness and grace -has been great to me, but all men have a love of family and country; -I have gone to see them; but in going I still hold to the true -religion. I shall never betray your bread and salt, even should I -die; I was wrong to leave without your permission; every one, -myself included, acknowledges your great power and influence; -forgive me; your desires are mine; I shall never betray you, -<span class="xxpn" id="p203">|203|</span> -whether I reach my destination or die upon the road; forgive me; -I am your kinsman and of your religion; extend to me your -clemency.*</p></div> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn09"> -<p class="pfn">* This letter was found on the fall of Omdurman, and came -into the hands of people who, probably on the ground of its contents -differing from those given by Slatin after his escape, published it -in such a manner as to lead people to believe that the protestations -of loyalty it contained were sincere. In my opinion the letter should -be looked upon as a clever composition to humbug Abdullahi, so that, -in the event of Slatin being retaken, the protestation of loyalty -would at least save him from the hands of the Khaleefa’s mutilator or -executioner.</p></div> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig16"> -<img src="images/i203.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">SAID BEY GUMAA.</div> -</div> - -<p>Abdullahi, on first realizing that Slatin had actually -escaped, and had had about three days’ start of any -pursuers he might send after him, was furious; losing -his temper, he anathematized him in the presence of -the assembled Emirs, Kadis, and bodyguard. He reminded -them that when Slatin first tendered his submission, -he had been received with honours because -he had openly professed the Mohammedan faith -and had been circumcised while still the “Turk” -Governor-General of Darfur; he reminded them also -how Slatin had been allowed to bring into the camp -his household, bodyguard, and servants, and had been -attached to the Mahdi’s personal suite, of which he, -Abdullahi, was chief; how, with Zoghal, his former -subordinate, he had been entrusted with the subjugation -of Said Gumaa, who had refused to surrender El -Fasher when ordered by him to do so; how he himself -had treated him as his son and his confidant, never -taking any step without his advice and guidance; but, -suddenly pulling himself up, seeing the mistake he -had made in showing how much he had been dependent -on him, he broke off short to say what he -would do to Slatin if he ever laid hands on him, and -promised a similar punishment to any one else who -returned him ingratitude for his favours. Reading -<span class="xxpn" id="p204">|204|</span> -out aloud Slatin’s letter to him, he calmed down on -reaching the protestations of loyalty, and ordered the -letter to be read in the mosque and the different -quarters of Omdurman. Abdullahi has been considered -as an ignorant brutal savage, devoid of all -mental acumen, and but little removed from the brute -creation. As I may be able to show later, such an -expression of opinion either carries a denial with it, -or it is paying a very poor compliment to those -who, once governors of towns and provinces, or high -officials, should have bowed down, kissed hands, and -so far prostrated themselves as to kiss the feet of the -representatives of this “ignorant brute,” by whom for -years they had been dominated. Since Abdullahi -respected me, as a man, by keeping me constantly -in chains, I respect him for the intellectual powers -he displayed, and which apparently paralyzed those -of others who submitted to him.</p> - -<p>Slatin, having given a good account of himself -in his many fights, was, after his submission, looked -up to as the military genius of the Mahdist army; -he could not, as I did, play any pranks with the -work he was entrusted with; the map he had -drawn of Egypt, showing the principal towns and -routes, and upon which the former telegraph-clerk, -Mohammad Sirri, had been instructed to write the -Arabic names, had given some the idea that no expedition -might be planned without the aid of Slatin -and this map. Abdullahi’s object in having the letter -publicly read will be divined; first, it would assure -the dervishes themselves that there was no fear of -<span class="xxpn" id="p205">|205|</span> -Slatin, after his protestations of loyalty, returning at -the head of the Government troops to overthrow the -rule of the Mahdi, and without help from the exterior -the wavering Mahdists could not hope to throw -off the yoke of Abdullahi. Moreover, the reading of -the letter to the Christian captives would confirm -the opinion formed by many, that Slatin was at -heart with the present Soudan dynasty, and that -they could not expect any help as a result of his -escape.</p> - -<p>There is another incident, which must be here -mentioned, to show how acute Abdullahi really was. -Slatin had publicly proclaimed his conversion to -Mahommedanism before his submission to the Mahdi, -so that, when he did submit, he was accepted as one -of the faithful, and treated as one of themselves. The -remainder of the captives—those taken before and -after the fall of Khartoum—had not, up to the time of -the escape of Rossignoli, been actually accepted as -Muslims. At the suggestion of Youssef Mansour, -on January 25, 1895, the Khaleefa was gracious -enough to take all into his fold as real converts to -the faith, and, on the anniversary of Gordon’s death, -all the Muslimanieh (Christians) were ordered to be -circumcised, the only two people not being operated -upon being, I believe, Beppo, who was overlooked -while in prison, and an old Italian mason, who -pleaded old age as an excuse for not undergoing -the operation. The Christian quarter was, therefore, -at the time of Slatin’s escape, considered as a Muslim -community, and the practical immunity they had -<span class="xxpn" id="p206">|206|</span> -enjoyed from a rigorous application of the Mahdieh -laws was thereby put an end to.</p> - -<p>Consequently, when Slatin escaped, leaving behind -him such protestations of loyalty, the safest card -the Khaleefa could play was to read to them his -letter. The reading of it caused some little consternation -and comment, no doubt, but I have already -expressed my opinion as to the light in which this -letter should be considered. It was a clever move -of Abdullahi; the public reading of the letter blasted -all hopes on the part of the discontented Soudanese -of any assistance from Slatin in crumbling to dust -the kingdom of the Khaleefa, and put an end to -all hopes on the part of the former Muslimanieh -captives of release, for the small proportion of old -Government employés who had, up to then, firmly -believed that Slatin was acting, as they express it, -“politeeka” in all his dealings, now joined the ranks -of those who believed differently. But in this they -were, of course, mistaken.</p> - -<p>After the public reading of the letter, the Khaleefa -sent for the officials of the Beit-el-Mal and ordered -them to take possession of Slatin’s house, wives, -servants, slaves, land, and cattle, at the same time -giving them strict instructions, in the presence of all, -that the household were to be treated gently, as being -the property of a true Muslim. His Darfurian wife, -Hassanieh, whom he had married when Governor-General -of Darfur, was claimed from the Beit-el-Mal -by Dood (Sultan) Benga as of a royal family, and was -by him married to another of the Darfurian royal -<span class="xxpn" id="p207">|207|</span> -family. Desta, his Abyssinian wife, was within a few -days of her confinement, and either, as a result of fright -at the ransacking of the house and her reduction to -the position of a common slave, or as a result of what -would be to her, in her then delicate condition, rough -handling, gave birth to a baby boy, who survived but -a few weeks.</p> - -<p>It was while the Khaleefa was awaiting the return -of the scouts sent out to recapture Slatin that -Hawanein put in his appearance at Omdurman. He -was at once seized, accused of assisting in the escape -of Slatin, and also of having returned to effect mine. -Pleading ignorance of myself and Slatin, he was not -believed; he was first sent into the Saier, and then, -as he refused to confess, he was taken out and publicly -flogged. Even this did not extort a confession; the -Khaleefa, not being satisfied, ordered another flogging, -but the Bisharas interceded for Hawanein, and succeeded -in obtaining his release. As my would-be -deliverer passed through the portals of the Saier, I -passed in (March 26, 1895). Hawanein lost no time -in returning to Assouan, where the relation of his -experiences, with his torn back and unhealed wounds -to bear him out, put an end finally to all attempts in -that quarter to assist me in any way whatever.</p> - -<p>It might be as well that I should not attempt to -describe my mental condition on finding myself again -in the Saier. I have a faint idea of what my state -must have been; despair cannot describe it; insanity -at blasted hopes might. Yes, I must have been insane; -but I was mentally sound, if such a contradiction -<span class="xxpn" id="p208">|208|</span> -of terms is permissible. I remember that for days I -shuffled about, refusing to look at or speak to any -one. Perhaps what brought me round was that, in -my perambulations, I came near the Saier anvil and -heard a man crying. It was Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi, -Gordon’s old favourite, who was being shackled. My -expostulations on his acting as a child and bullying -him into a sense of manhood, again prevented that -slender thread between reason and insanity snapping. -It must, in some way, have calmed and comforted me -to be brought to the knowledge that others were -suffering as much as I was; and just as a child, which -requires care and attention itself, gives all its affection -and sympathy to a limbless doll, so must I have -given my sympathy to Fauzi, and in so doing taken -a step back from the abyss of insanity, which I was -certainly approaching.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p209" -title="CHAPTER XVII A NEW OCCUPATION"> -CHAPTER XVII <span class="blksmaller"> -A NEW OCCUPATION</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">When -Said Abdel Wohatt was transferred from the -Khartoum to the Alti saltpetre works, his father-in-law, -Ali Khaater, the storekeeper of the Omdurman -arsenal, considered that he was no longer under the -obligation of risking his neck by mixing the Khartoum -product with the Fellati’s, or substituting it with good -saltpetre in stock. A consignment of mine was consequently -sent direct to the powder factory, and was -used in making what Abd es Semmieh and Hosny, -the directors, believed would be a good explosive. -The result, while being eminently satisfactory to -myself, was just the reverse for the people responsible -for making the powder. Not being certain where the -fault actually lay, they mixed this powder with a -quantity of really good powder made from the Fellati’s -product, only to succeed in spoiling the whole bulk. -When my next consignment was sent in they carried -out some experiments, and, discovering where the -fault lay, sent me an intimation that if our works did -not turn out saltpetre equal in quality to that formerly -supplied by us, I should be reported to the Khaleefa. -Nahoum Abbajee, hearing of the affair, came to me in -<span class="xxpn" id="p210">|210|</span> -a state of excitement, and pointed out the danger I -was running into, and as he was then trying to think -out an invention for coining money, he suggested that -he should apply to the Khaleefa for my services in -assisting him. This request Abdullahi was only too -glad at the time to accede to; saltpetre was coming -in in large quantities, and he was in great trouble -about his monetary system.</p> - -<p>As Khaleefa, he was entitled to one-fifth of all loot, -property, taxes, and goods coming to the Beit-el-Mal; -and as all property of whatever description was considered -to belong primarily to this administration, it -followed that Abdullahi was entitled to one-fifth of -the property in the Soudan; but as he had not much -use for hides, skins, gum, ivory, and such-like, he -took his proportion in coin—after putting his own -valuation upon his share. As the money he took -from the Beit-el-Mal was hoarded and never came -into circulation again, a sort of specie famine set in. -Attempts had been made in the early days of Abdullahi’s -rule to produce a dollar with a fair modicum of -silver; but Nur-el-Garfawi, Adlan’s successor at the -Beit-el-Mal, came to the conclusion, evidently, that -a coin was but a token, and that it was immaterial -what it was made of, provided it carried some impression -upon it. The quantity of silver in his dollars -grew less and less, and then was only represented by -a light plating which wore off in a few weeks’ time. -When people grumbled, he unblushingly issued copper -dollars pure and simple. All the dollars were issued -from the Beit-el-Mal as being of equivalent value to -<span class="xxpn" id="p211">|211|</span> -the silver dollar, and when these coins were refused, -the Khaleefa decreed that all future offenders should -be punished by the confiscation of their property and -the loss of a hand and foot. The merchants, though, -were equal to the occasion; when an intending purchaser -inquired about the price of an article, the -vendor asked him in what coinage he intended to -pay; the merchant then knew what price to ask.</p> - -<p>As the silver dollars gradually disappeared, the few -remaining went up enormously in value, until in the end -they were valued at fifty to sixty of the Beit-el-Mal -coins, so that an article which could be bought for -a silver dollar could not be purchased under fifty to -sixty copper dollars. Although a rate of exchange -was forbidden, the Beit-el-Mal took advantage of the -state of affairs by buying in the copper dollars, melting -them up, recasting, and striking from a different die. -These coins would be again issued at the value of a -silver dollar, and the remaining copper dollars in the -town were put out of circulation by the Beit-el-Mal’s -refusal to receive them. To make matters worse, -the die cutters cut dies for themselves and their -friends, and it was worth the while of the false (?) -coiners to make a dollar of better metal than the Beit-el-Mal -did, and these we re-accepted at a premium. -The false coinage business flourished until Elias el -Kurdi, one of the best of the die cutters, was permanently -incapacitated by losing his right hand and left -foot; and this punishment, for a time at least, acted as -a deterrent upon others, leaving the Beit-el-Mal the -entire monopoly of coinage. -<span class="xxpn" id="p212">|212|</span></p> - -<p>Sovereigns might at any time be bought for a -dollar, for their possessors were glad to get rid of -them. Being in possession of a gold coin denoted -wealth, and many people who attempted to change a -gold coin returned only to find their hut in the hands -of the Beit-el-Mal officials, searching for the remainder -of the presumed gold hoard. Failing to find it, -they confiscated the goods and chattels. The trade -with the Egyptian frontier, Suakin and Abyssinia, -was carried on through the medium of barter and the -Austrian (Maria Theresa) trade dollar.</p> - -<p>It was while the currency question was at its height -that Abbajee came forward with his scheme for a -coining press; and, in order that I might assist him, -I was transferred to the Khartoum arsenal. I was -obliged to give up my quarters in the Mission buildings, -and live with the bodyguard of thirty Baggaras -in the house of Hamadan, the Mahdist governor of -Khartoum. The arsenal was presided over by Khaleel -Hassanein, at one time a clerk under Roversi, in -the department for the repression of the slave trade. -Although ten years had elapsed since the fall of -Khartoum, the arsenal must have been in as perfect -working order as when Gordon made it into a model -Woolwich workshop. Power was obtained from a -traction-engine, which drove lathes, a rolling-mill, -drills, etc., while punches, iron scissors, and smaller -machinery were worked by hand. In the shops proper -were three engines and boilers complete, ready to be -fitted into Nile steamers, and duplicates and triplicates -of all parts of the machinery then in use were ready -<span class="xxpn" id="p213">|213|</span> -in case of accidents. Smelting, casting, moulding, -and modelling were all carried on in the place. The -storeroom was filled with every imaginable tool and -article required for the smithy, carpenters’ shops, and -the boats. All the metal of the Soudan had been -collected here. There were parts of cotton presses; -sugar-mills; bars of steel and iron; ingots of brass -and copper; iron, copper, and brass plates; the heavier -class of tools and implements; and I was assured by -Osta Abdallah, a rivetter in the shops in Gordon’s -time, that there was material in the place to build -three more boats and keep the whole fleet going for -many years. He did not exaggerate either. All -other administrations were supplied by the Khartoum -arsenal with whatever they required in the way of -tools, furniture, iron and other metal work, cartridge -presses and steel blocks for coinage; and very efficiently -indeed was the work turned out.</p> - -<p>The little time I spent in the arsenal was of course -fully occupied with the coinage question. Two men -were kept constantly engaged casting square steel -blocks for the Omdurman mint; these blocks were -polished and cut in Omdurman, and twenty-five sets -were generally in use at the same time. Possibly two -hundred men were employed in the melting of the -copper and casting it into moulds the size and thickness -of the dollars. The discs were next passed on to -the people who gave them the impression; this was -obtained by placing the disc on the lower block, and -then hammering the upper block upon it. The impressions -produced were in the main very poor; the -<span class="xxpn" id="p214">|214|</span> -coins spread and split, and the dies were constantly -splitting and breaking. After we had studied the -process, and Abbajee had explained his ideas of a -press, I suggested that we should commence operations -with the punching-machine. We experimented until -we had succeeded in smashing dies, spoiling sheets of -copper, and in the end smashing the machine itself; -then Abbajee, as the chief of the operations, was -roundly abused. Being of an excitable temperament, -he wanted me to take part of the blame, but I only -laughed at him. Then it was I learned that he had -just reason to be angry; he had gone surety for me -with the Khaleefa, and, as I was expecting Hawanein -and Abdallah every day, I kept the quarrel going -until Abbajee left the work in disgust, for I wished -him to be out of the way when I escaped. His return -to Omdurman, leaving me in complete charge of the -invention, put an end to his surety for me. I might -have saved myself this trouble, and the temporary -misunderstanding with my old friend, for, before I had -time to settle upon an idea for a coining press, Slatin -escaped, and I was taken back to the Saier.</p> - -<p>I have been frequently asked what estimate should -be put upon the Khaleefa’s buried treasure. It is -next to impossible to say; one thing only is certain: -all good gold and silver jewellery and coins have disappeared -during the last fifteen years. Thousands of -individuals may have their hoards here and there. -Some idea of what the Khaleefa’s treasure may amount -to might be gleaned from an examination of the Beit-el-Mal -books, for these were well kept. The real -<span class="xxpn" id="p215">|215|</span> -question is, Where is it? But this is a matter people -need not trouble themselves about. It was generally -believed in Omdurman that those who actually buried -the money were soon afterwards buried themselves. -“Dead men tell no tales.” I doubt myself if the -Khaleefa’s hoards will ever be found—officially. The -fortunate discoverers are hardly likely to exhibit any -particular anxiety to ask their friends or the Government -to share in their good fortune. Perhaps a small -amount might be found, but it will be a very small -one. The few millions he has buried in various places -will, no doubt, be discovered some day, and we shall -hear about it—a long time after the fact.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p216" -title="CHAPTER XVIII MY SECOND IMPRISONMENT"> -CHAPTER XVIII <span class="blksmaller"> -MY SECOND IMPRISONMENT</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">It -was some days after my return to the Saier before -I learned that I had been incarcerated against the -wish of the Khaleefa and Yacoub; but Hamadan -and Khaleel-Hassanein, fearing that I might escape, -declined to be responsible for me any longer, arguing -that Slatin’s escape had been effected through Government -agents, and that mine would certainly follow. -In deference to the wishes of Hassanein more than -those of Hamadan, the Khaleefa ordered my return to -the Saier, but it is very probable that he sent Idris es -Saier instructions how to treat me; so that, taking it all -in all, my life was not rendered so unendurable as it -had been on my first entry into the prison. Added to -Abdullahi’s kindly interest (?) in me, Idris himself had -become a sort of reformed character; he had tasted -the sweets of imprisonment and the lash which he had -been so generous with, and had also experienced himself -what it was to be robbed on the Nebbi Khiddr -account. The tables had been completely turned on -him, and he had learned a lesson.</p> - -<p>When Adlan was executed and his house searched -<span class="xxpn" id="p217">|217|</span> -for incriminating papers without result, Idris es Saier -was accused by the Khaleefa of having assisted Adlan -in disposing of the documents which he was in search -of. Idris was imprisoned in his own house and -flogged into the bargain; he was in disfavour for some -time, and this gave released Baggara prisoners an -opportunity of getting even with him. They explained -the Nebbi Khiddr affair to Abdullahi, who -ordered Idris to repay all the moneys he had collected -on this account; he was deprived of all he had, but -right up to the end, any former Baggara prisoner in -want of a dollar knew where to find one. He presented -himself to Idris, and asked for a further contribution -towards a settlement of his claim.</p> - -<p>These importunities drove Idris into begging from -the prisoners, since the Nebbi Khiddr tale would -only work with prisoners coming in from outlying -districts, and they were few. As Idris never knew -when the next call would be made upon him, he -found it politic to be as kind and considerate to the -prisoners as possible, and to relax discipline to the -utmost. This state of affairs, added to the presumed -instructions of the Khaleefa regarding myself, must -have accounted for Idris’ assembling the gaolers, and -telling them in my presence that I was only brought -into the Saier to prevent any Government people from -carrying me off to Egypt; that if any one of them -begged money from me or ill-treated me in any way, he -would be imprisoned, flogged, and deprived of his -post; Umm es Shole and her child were to be allowed -to come into the prison at any hour they chose—but, -<span class="xxpn" id="p218">|218|</span> -and this spoiled all, I was never to be allowed to sleep -out in the open, and must pass my nights in the Umm -Hagar.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig17"> -<img src="images/i218.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">FAUZI PASHA IN DERVISH DRESS.</div> -</div> - -<p>I have already described a night in this “Black -Hole of Calcutta,” but it might not be out of place -to try and give a slight description of the first -night Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi—one of Gordon’s favourite -officers—spent in that inferno, especially as he wishes -me to do so. When taken to the anvil, as I have -already remarked, Fauzi broke down completely, was -carried off in a swoon to the Umm Hagar, placed -sitting with his back in the angle of the wall furthest -from the door, and there left—as I was, to “come -round.” When the first batch of prisoners was driven -in at sunset, there was room for all to lie down on the -foul and saturated ground. When the second batch -was driven in about an hour and a half later, those -lying down had to sit up with the new-comers, and -Fauzi’s outstretched legs gave a dry and comfortable -seat to four big Soudanese. I was driven in with the -third batch after the night prayers, and then all in the -Umm Hagar had to stand up or be trampled on. -Fauzi, still suffering from the effects of the shell wound -he received in one of the sorties from Khartoum, with -four people sitting or standing on him, and being -heavily chained as well, was unable to rise to his feet. -I could hear him from my place near the door feebly -expostulating with the people who were standing upon -him; I thought that maybe he was being trampled to -death, and in my then frenzied state commenced to -fight my way towards him, striking friend and foe -<span class="xxpn" id="p219">|219|</span> -indiscriminately, and striking harder as I received -blows in return. A general fight was soon in progress -over the few yards I had to travel, as none were -certain in the darkness who struck the blow they had -received, and struck out at random in retaliation. My -friends told me afterwards that I was a “shaitan” -(devil), a mad fool, and showered other dubious compliments -upon me; but I reached Fauzi. The warders, -hearing the uproar, had opened the doors, and, as -usual, commenced to belabour the heads of all they -could reach with their sticks and whips. While the -uproar was at its height, and the prisoners swaying -from side to side, I recognized the voices of one or -two near Fauzi who were under obligations to me for -occasional little kindnesses in the way of food; and, -enlisting their services on most extravagant promises, -we tackled the people standing on Fauzi’s legs, pushed -them away, and made a sort of barricade round him -with our bodies. In clearing the space, we must have -struck each other as often as we struck those whom -we wished to get out of the way, and Fauzi could not -tell whether an attempt was being made to murder or -to rescue him. When we did at last get him clear, we -had to use a bit of old rag as a sort of punka in order -to bring him round; then he babbled.</p> - -<p>At midnight, the doors of the cell were thrown open -again, and about twenty men, each wearing a shayba, -were thrust into the place; practically there was no room -for them, but they had to be driven in by some means. -To make space for them, the gaolers resorted to their -favourite device of throwing into the cell handfuls of -<span class="xxpn" id="p220">|220|</span> -blazing straw and grass, and at the same time laying -about the bare heads and shoulders of the prisoners -with their whips. The scene must be imagined. Fauzi, -seeing the fire falling on the heads of the prisoners, -believed that he had really been sent to hell—but -communed with himself in a dazed sort of way as to -whether he was in hell or not. He appeared to call -to memory all that he had ever read of the place of -torment, and tried to compare the picture his brain had -formed of it from the descriptions, with what he was -experiencing, coming to the conclusion that he could -not be in hell, as hell could not be so bad. At this -stage I was able to get him to take notice of me, and -we discussed hell and its torments until sunrise; but -nothing could even now shake Fauzi’s opinion that -hell could not be as bad as such a night in the Umm -Hagar, and the worst he can wish any one is to pass -such a night. To Youssef Mansour he wishes an -eternity of them.*</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn10"> - -<p class="pfn">* This Mansour was formerly an officer in the Egyptian -Army, who had surrendered with the garrison at El Obeid. After this -surrender, the governor of the town—Mohammad Said Pasha—arranged -with his old officers and black regiments to seize their arms, on a -given signal, and to turn against the Mahdists. Mansour, who, as one -of Said’s former subordinates, was in the plot, is thought to have -betrayed it to the Mahdi. Said and his principal adherents were sent -out of camp by Mohammad Ahmed, and quietly done away with; but Mansour -became the favourite of the Mahdi, and commanded his artillery at -the battle of Omdurman. It is also said that the Christian captives -were circumcised on his representations, and that he suggested the -imprisonment of Fauzi, lest, when the Government troops advanced, Fauzi -should seize an opportunity of joining them. Yet Mansour is reputed to -be coming to Cairo to claim his back pay and pension from the Egyptian -Government.</p></div> - -<p>Among others who spent that memorable night in -the Saier, were Ahmed and Bakheit Egail, Sadik -Osman, Abou-el-Besher and others from Berber, -arrested for assisting in the escape of Slatin; they -were later transported to the convict station at Gebel -Ragaf on the evidence of the guide Zecki, who -<span class="xxpn" id="p221">|221|</span> -conducted Slatin from Omdurman to Berber. Zecki -had been arrested with them on suspicion of complicity -in the escape, and confessed that he had been engaged -by Egail and others to bring away from Omdurman a -man with “cat’s eyes,” but that he did not know who -the man was.</p> - -<p>Close to the common cell was an offshoot of it—a -smaller one named “Bint Umm Hagar” (the daughter -of Umm Hagar), which took the place of the condemned -cell in Europe. On my return to prison, I -learned that my old enemy, Kadi Ahmed, had been -confined there for a year. The ostensible reason for -his imprisonment was that he had been in league with -the false coiners, and had made large amounts of -money; but the real reason was that the Khaleefa -was angry with him on account of the death of Zecki -Tummal, who had conducted the Abyssinian campaign -when King John was killed. Kadi Ahmed had been -induced by Yacoub to sentence Zecki to imprisonment -and starvation; so when Ahmed’s turn came, the -Khaleefa said, “Let him receive the same punishment -as Zecki.” He was placed in the Bint Umm Hagar, -and after about ten months the doorway was built up; -there Ahmed was left, with his ablution bottle of -water only, for forty-three days according to one tale, -and fifty days according to another. When, for days, -no sounds had been heard from his living tomb, he -was presumed to be dead; but on the doorway being -opened up, to the astonishment, not to say superstitious -fear, of all, he was still alive, but unconscious, though -the once big fat Kadi had wasted to a skeleton. -<span class="xxpn" id="p222">|222|</span> -Abdullahi must have received a fright too, for he -ordered Ahmed to be tenderly nursed and given small -doses of nourishing food every twenty-four hours, until -the stomach was able to retain food given oftener; -but in spite of all care and attention, the Kadi died -on or about May 3, 1895. He was regretted by no -one but the Khaleefa, in whose hands he had been a -willing tool, dispensing justice(?) as his master dictated -it, only to die the lingering death in the end to which -he had condemned so many at his master’s nod.</p> - -<p>Kadi Ahmed’s place in the “Bint” was soon taken -by his successor—Kadi Hussein Wad Zarah. His -offence was that of refusing to sentence people unjustly, -when ordered by the Khaleefa and Yacoub to do so. -When first walled up in his tomb, he was given, through -a small aperture left for the purpose, a little food and -water every four or five days, but towards the end of -July, 1895, the doorway was built up entirely, and -Zarah, not being a big stout man like Ahmed, starved, -or rather parched, to death in about twenty-two or -twenty-three days. It is hot in the Soudan in July.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig18"> -<img src="images/i222.jpg" width="600" height="375" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">NEUFELD’S HUT IN THE SAIER, - SHOWING THE FAMOUS ANVIL.</div> -</div> - -<p>During the first weeks of my imprisonment, Umm -es Shole had little difficulty in begging a small quantity -of grain, and borrowing an occasional dollar to keep -us in food. But soon people became afraid of assisting -us any further, and we were bordering upon semi-starvation, -when, in the month of September, an -Abyssinian woman came into the prison to see me -under pretence of requiring medical treatment. She -handed me a small packet, which she said contained -letters from my friends, and which had been given to -<span class="xxpn" id="p223">|223|</span> -her by a man outside, who had said he also had money -for me, and wished to know who he should pay it to. -Three days elapsed before I found an opportunity of -opening the packet unobserved, for with all letters -received and written then, I had to wait until I found -myself alone in the pestilential atmosphere of an annexe -to the place of ablution. The packet contained a letter -from my sister posted in 1891, another from Father -Ohrwalder, and a note from Major Wingate. They -were all to the same import—to keep up hope, as -attempts were to be made to assist me.</p> - -<p>Nearly two months must have slipped away before -I succeeded in getting my replies written. I sent -these to the guide, Onoor Issa, who promised that he -would return for me in a few months’ time. Father -Ohrwalder has handed me the letter I sent to him. -The following is in brief its contents:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“I have received your letter enclosing that of my sister written -four years ago, and the note from Wingate. Before everything else, -let me thank you for the endeavours you are to make to assist me. -Your letter was delayed in reaching me owing to the imprisonment -of the guide, followed by the watch kept upon us after Slatin’s escape, -and my transfer to the Saier, from which I hope to be released soon. -There is great need of coins here; up to the present, no one has been -able to produce a silver-resembling dollar. If I could produce such -a coin, it would lead to my release from prison, and lend probability -to my chances of escape. Could you send me instructions for the -simple mixing of any soft metals to produce a silvery appearance, and -send me some ingredients? I should like also an instrument to -imitate the milling of coins; the dies can be cut here. I should be -glad of any tools or instruments which you think cannot be had here. -If I am not released by the time these arrive, I feel sure that I shall -be released through their agency. Please send the enclosed notes to -their respective destinations, and when the answers arrive, send them -<span class="xxpn" id="p224">|224|</span> -on with the things I ask for. Can you give me any news as to how -my business is progressing at Assouan, and the transactions of my -manager? Our common friends here are in a sad way. Slatin will -have told you all about the forced circumcisions; and now all the -Christians have been ordered to marry three or four wives, and are -engaged with marriage ceremonies. Beppo and I are in prison -together in chains; other prisoners are Ibrahim Fauzi, Ibrahim -Hamza, of Berber, who was arrested after Slatin’s escape; Ahmed -and Bekheit Egail; Sadik and Besher have been transported to -Equatoria, with two of their relations. Your messenger brought with -him seventy dollars, which have been given to Beppo, and I enclose -his receipt for them. Kindly translate the letter I enclose for Wingate; -I have written it in German, as no one here but me understands the -language. Please keep these letters secret. For God’s sake, do not -let the newspaper people get hold of them, as you know, if they did, -it would cost me my head. Perhaps, if you could get them to give -as news something like this, it would help me: ‘We hear that, after -the escape of Slatin, Neufeld was secured against escape; he has -rendered great services to Mahdieh with the saltpetre; he would be -able to replace Osta Abdallah, who is now old and feeble; Neufeld -is in the greatest distress, and in prison with his certain death close -at hand; the people in the Soudan believe he is a relation of -Slatin.’”</p></div> - -<p>Onoor Issa went off with my replies, undertaking -to return in a few months, after having made arrangements -between Berber and Cairo for my escape; and -during his absence I was to scheme for any excuse to -get out of prison; escape from there was impossible. -Onoor—or the translators of his accounts—are mistaken -in saying that he actually met me in prison; all -negotiations were carried on through the Abyssinian -woman whom he employed to come into the prison for -“medical attendance,” or Umm es Shole, and days -and days elapsed between the visits sometimes, in all -amounting to maybe two months. There were times -<span class="xxpn" id="p225">|225|</span> -of mental tension in the Saier of Omdurman. To me -ill luck and good luck appeared to be ever striving for -the ascendency during my long captivity. Good luck -gained in the end—the same good luck which had -accompanied the Sirdar throughout his daring campaign -to conquer, not only Abdullah, but the Soudan, -and which, God grant, may ever accompany him in -future campaigns; but the cup-and-ball-catch-and-miss -strain was to me terrible. My one prayer was that -an end might come. Liberty, of course, I hoped for -to the end; but I often discovered myself speculating -as to whether it was true or not that those suddenly -decapitated by a single blow experienced some seconds -of really intellectual consciousness, and wondering to -myself whether, when my head was rolled into the -dust by the Khaleefa’s executioner, there would be -time to give one last look of defiance.</p> - -<p>Yet when I come to think of it, there was nothing -very strange in such contemplations. What soldier or -sailor has not often in his quiet moments tried to picture -his own death, defiant to the last as he goes down -before a more powerful enemy? And, after all, thousands -and thousands of men and women in civilized -countries are enduring a worse captivity and imprisonment -than many did in the Soudan; but they -are unfortunate in this—that no one has thrown a -halo of romance over their sufferings. My lot was a -hard, very hard one, I must admit; but the lot of some -other captives was such that thousands in Europe -would have been pleased to exchange theirs for it, and -would have gained in the exchange.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p226" -title="CHAPTER XIX RUMOURS OF RELIEF"> -CHAPTER XIX <span class="blksmaller"> -RUMOURS OF RELIEF</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">Soon -after the departure of Onoor Issa I was saved -any further trouble in the way of scheming for excuses -to get out of the Saier. Awwad-el-Mardi, the -successor of Nur-el-Gerafawi as the Amin Beit-el-Mal -on the appointment of the latter as director of the -Khaleefa’s ordnance stores, had been approached by -Nahoum Abbajee and others on the subject of the -extraction of gold and silver from certain stones which -had been discovered in the neighbourhood. Awwad -sent Nahoum to see me about the erection of a crushing-mill -or furnaces. My interview with Nahoum was -a stormy one. It commenced by his upbraiding me -for the pranks I had played in smashing the arsenal -punching-machine when we were associated in the -establishment of a mint. The more I laughed the -angrier Nahoum became; he is deaf, and like most -deaf people, invariably speaks in an undertone, which -is as distressing to the hearer as is the necessity he is -under of bawling back his replies. It is next to impossible -to hold a conversation with a deaf person -without the natural result of raising the voice exhibiting -itself in the features; the annoyance is there plain -<span class="xxpn" id="p227">|227|</span> -enough, but when the face flushes with the unwonted -exertion, your deaf friend thinks you are getting -angry, and follows suit. This is precisely what -Abbajee did. He showed me his specimens, and I -bawled into his ear, “Mica—not gold, not silver—mica;” -and he yelled back, “Gold, silver, gold.” The -noisy discussion, accompanied as it was with gesticulations, -attracted other prisoners around us, and Nahoum -went off in high dudgeon.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig19"> -<img src="images/i226.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">ONOOR ISSA.</div> -</div> - -<p>When he had gone, a few of my friends asked -why I did not offer to assist him, and even if the -thing was a failure, they thought I was clever enough -to find something else to do; but, as they said, -“promise anything provided it gets you out of -the Saier.” There were excellent reasons, but which -I might not confide to them, why any work I -undertook to do should occupy months, and, if -necessary, years in completion. To offer to assist -Nahoum in extracting gold and silver from such -stones meant that two or three weeks at the outside -would evidence our failure to do so, and then it was -Saier again for me. Whether any work I undertook -to do for the Khaleefa was to end in success or failure -was immaterial to me; but it was very material that -the result, whatever it was to be, should not be -attained for months, as by the time my guides returned, -the conditions surrounding my escape might have so -changed as to necessitate an entire change in plans and -programme. They might even entail the guides’ return -to Cairo or the frontier, and this occupied months. -But the advice to accept Nahoum’s proposals and trust -<span class="xxpn" id="p228">|228|</span> -to luck for discovering some other excuse for remaining -out of the Saier when failure could no longer be -concealed, appealed to me, and, in reply to my offer -of assistance, a messenger came from the Khaleefa -ordering the Saier to hand me over to the director of -the Beit-el-Mal. His other instructions were that the -bars and heavy chains were to be taken off my feet -and legs, and that I was to be secured by a single pair -of anklets connected with a light chain. While this -change was being made I received the congratulations -of the gaolers and prisoners, and (February, 1896) -was escorted out of the prison by two guards to enter -upon a new industry which had in it as much of the -elements of success as would accompany an attempt -to squeeze blood out of a cobbler’s lap-stone. I had -not forgotten Shwybo’s fate.</p> - -<p>When I reached Khartoum, Awwad-el-Mardi had -not yet arrived. It was the month of Ramadan, and -as all transactions were in abeyance until after sunset, -I was not allowed to land until Awwad arrived to hand -me over officially. I was left alone on one of Gordon’s -old steamers, moored at the spot where Gordon fell, -and where the victorious Sirdar and his troops landed -to conduct the burial service. During the hours I -had to wait gazing at the ruined town and the dismantled -palace which saw the martyrdom of as good -a man and soldier as ever trod this earth, I ruminated -over his blasted hopes and my own. I shall not pretend -to call to mind all the thoughts which surged -through my brain as I paced alone over the shell-and -bullet-splintered deck; but you can imagine what they -<span class="xxpn" id="p229">|229|</span> -were when I reflected that I was the only European -in the Soudan who had fired a shot for Gordon, and -that I was now a captive in the hands of the successor -of the Mahdi, gazing at the ruined town from which, -just eleven years ago, we had hoped to rescue its -noble defender. I should be ashamed to say that -when Awwad did at last come I was not in tears.</p> - -<p>I felt more acutely than I did when first taken to -Khartoum to be “impressed,” and still more acutely -than when I was hurriedly bundled into the old -Mission to start the saltpetre works. For the first -time since my captivity I had been left absolutely -alone. I was sitting on one of that fleet of “penny -steamers” which, had Gordon not sent down the Nile -to bring up his rescuers, might have saved him and -the Soudan in spite of the wicked delay resulting -from the attempt to make a theatrically impressive -show of an expedition intended to be one of flying -succour to the beleaguered garrison and its brave -commander, praying for months for the sight of -one single red coat. Gordon, I had been told, towards -the end, called the Europeans together in -Khartoum, and telling them that, in his opinion, -the Government intended to sacrifice him, recommended -them to make their escape. A deliberate -attempt to sacrifice him could not have succeeded -better. What wonder, when such thoughts as these -and many others had been affecting me for hours, -that when Awwad came, as darkness was setting in, -the darkness of night had settled too upon my mind. -He, believing that my chains were the real cause of -<span class="xxpn" id="p230">|230|</span> -my depression, ordered that they should be exchanged -immediately for lighter and smoother ones, for the -anklets and chains given me by Idris were rough in -the extreme.</p> - -<p>After being officially handed over to the Governor -of Khartoum, the question arose as to my quarters. -I was offered quarters in his house, but I had already -experienced life amongst his Baggara bodyguard, and -begged hard to be allowed to live in the same place -with Nahoum Abbajee and Sirri—the former telegraph-clerk -at Berber, with whom I was to work. -We were given the house of Ghattas, an old slave-dealer, -to live in. It was one of the best houses left -standing in Khartoum, and boasted an upper floor, -which was taken possession of by Nahoum Abbajee -as head of what I might call the gold syndicate, while -Sirri and I shared the ground floor. In the East -the West is reversed; you climb to the garret with -your rising fortunes, and descend with them, as they -fall, to the lower floors. Instead of having Saier or -Baggara guards to watch me, Awwad gave me some -slaves from the Beit-el-Mal as guardians, and they -had, in addition to watching me, to perform the household -duties; in fact, they were my servants.</p> - -<p>After the evening prayers, Awwad called together -the employés of the arsenal and my guards, and explained -to them that I was no longer a Saier prisoner; -that my chains were left on only to prevent the Government -people taking me; that I was “beloved” of the -Khaleefa, and was to be treated as his friend, and that -if any one treated me differently, he would be sent to -<span class="xxpn" id="p231">|231|</span> -take my place in the Saier. Awwad then taking me -aside under the pretence of giving me instructions from -the Khaleefa, said, “I am your friend; do not be afraid; -if you cannot find gold and silver, tell me of anything -else you can do, and I will see that the work is given -to you, so that you may not be sent back to the Saier.” -As Awwad was then a perfect stranger to me, I at -first had suspicions in my mind as to the genuineness of -his friendship; but he was a Jaalin, and I trusted him.</p> - -<p>We were told to get to work at once with the -extraction of the precious metals. As the engineer, I -had to design and superintend the construction of the -furnaces to be made by Hassan Fahraani (the potter), -who also supplied the crucibles. Our first furnace -crumbled to pieces after being started, and a stronger -one had to be made. Then the crucibles gave out. -We did all we could to coax gold and silver out of -those stones, and obtained some extraordinary results. -We added earth, common salt, saltpetre, oxide of lead—anything -and everything to the split stones in the -crucibles. Sometimes we found the crucible and its -contents fused together. The only thing we actually -found which gave an idea that we were working for -metals was a small shiny black ball, very much resembling -a black pearl, and this Hamadan at once -took possession of and carried off to Abdullahi, telling -him that it only required time for us to succeed. -Hamadan, being our chief, was much interested in -the work, and he was doubtless looking forward to -the day when part of the contents of the crucibles -would find its way to him. -<span class="xxpn" id="p232">|232|</span></p> - -<p>But our experiments were destined never to be -finished. About April, 1896, rumours first, and then -precise news, reached Omdurman that the Government -troops were again advancing. Then came the startling -news that Dongola had been taken, only to be followed -by the news of the capture of Abou Hamad. The -fulminate factory presided over by Hassan Zecki had -run short of ingredients, and as the stock of chlorate -of potash ordered from Egypt had not arrived, it was -believed that now the troops held all the country -between Dongola and Abou Hamad, it would have -no chance of getting through. Abdalla Rouchdi, the -chemist of the Beit-el-Mal, had, with Hassan Zecki, -failed to produce chlorine, as had also others, therefore -we were ordered to experiment at once. -Nahoum was sent over to the Beit-el-Mal to collect -all appliances, chemicals, and anything else he chose -to lay his hands upon. Our establishment was growing, -and Hamadan was delighted at having under his -charge people who were to do so much for Mahdieh. -But the chlorine required for the production of the -chlorate of potash refused to appear. Our laboratory -was a dangerous place to visit, for we had jar upon -jar containing mixed acids, and explosions were the -order of the day. Nahoum had a lively time, deaf as -he was. Once, and once only, Hamadan made pretence -of understanding our experiments; he took a -good inhalation from a vessel which had in it a -mixture of various acids with permanganate of -potash. He was almost suffocated, but he was much -impressed, and told the Khaleefa what devoted -<span class="xxpn" id="p233">|233|</span> -adherents he had when we would work in such a -poison-laden atmosphere.</p> - -<p>There was good reason why I should do all in my -power to keep Hamadan interested and hopeful of grand -results. Onoor Issa had sent me word by a messenger -from Berber that he was at that town with letters and -money for me, but that he had been detained by the -Emir; he hoped, however, to be able to get away very -soon and arrange my escape. Then the consignment of -chlorate of potash put in its appearance—about twelve -hundredweight, I was told—and Sirri getting hold of -a small sample of it, we showed it to Hamadan to -prove that we were just succeeding with our experiments. -He was satisfied, as was also Abdullahi, and -we were told to continue our work.</p> - -<p>However, the tales which were coming in every few -days were causing no little anxiety to the Khaleefa. -None of us believed that the troops were coming -across the desert in “iron devils,” and it was some -time before we understood that a railway was being -built. Indeed we could hardly believe it. Whatever -the “iron devil” was, it behoved the Khaleefa to -look well to his arms and ammunition. Sheikh ed -Din was sent on a round of inspection of stores and -arsenals,* and discovered that a large quantity of the -<span class="xxpn" id="p234">|234|</span> -powder had caked with the absorption of moisture, -that other large quantities were of very poor quality, -and that the powder-stores in general were not as he -thought they were. The Khaleefa threatened to cut -a hand and foot off both Abd es Semmieh and Hassan -Hosny, the directors of the factory, if they did not -work the powder up again into a good explosive. -Awwad, as the head of the Beit-el-Mal, came and -asked if it was not possible to make some sort of -machine for pulverizing the ingredients for the -powder; the work was then being done by hand. I -tried to interest Nahoum Abbajee in the work, as it -was about time we got clear of our alchemists’ establishment -on some excuse or another, otherwise I foresaw -trouble if Sheikh ed Din should inquire too -closely into our work. But Abbajee thought that he -had had quite enough of me in connection with -experiments and machinery, and decided to be out -of the affair altogether; he thought his life had been -in enough jeopardy already. Sirri elected to remain.</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn11"> - -<p class="pfn">* A few errors have crept -into the report submitted to the Earl of Kimberley in April, 1895, -after the escape of Slatin. </p> - -<p>On page 4 it is stated that the church of the Austrian Mission -in Khartoum was utilized as the repairing shops of the arsenal. The -church was never put to such a purpose. The account I have given of the -purpose to which it was put is the correct one. </p> - -<p>On page 7 it is stated “Neufeld started the first saltpetre -refinery in Khartoum.” This may or may not be correct, but it is very -misleading. The refining of saltpetre for the Khaleefa was a big -industry in Darfour and the environs of Omdurman and Khartoum long -before I had anything to do with it. The account I have given as to -how I came to be connected with this industry may be relied upon as -being correct, while there are many living witnesses, irrespective of -the stock of my saltpetre still existing, to prove that I deliberately -prevented “the refining of saltpetre” so far as it lay in my power to -do so. </p> - -<p>In the following paragraph to that quoted, it is stated that the -powder-factory was at Halfeyeh. It never was. It was first in Omdurman, -and, after the explosion, was gradually removed to Tuti Island. The -transfer was not complete when I left Khartoum for the Saier in -November, 1897. </p> - -<p>On page 10, when speaking of the coins in circulation, it is said, -“This decrease in the intrinsic value of money is an interesting -indication of the decline of dervish power and government.” The -inference to be drawn from my account of its depreciation is just the -reverse, but is the correct inference to be drawn.</p></div> - -<p>I invented a powder machine on the principle of -the old German “dolly” toy. We spent a few weeks, -assisted by Hamaida, the head of the carpenters, in -making a model, which worked beautifully; and when -it was shown to the Khaleefa, he was so delighted -that he ordered my chains to be removed. The -mortars were put in hand at once, also the beam which -<span class="xxpn" id="p235">|235|</span> -was to lift and let fall the pulverizers, and then it -was discovered that the machine could not be made -to my dimensions. I knew this when I designed it, -but I had hoped that some one would have been sent -south to try and find trees large enough to provide -the beams, and so delay would be assured. Osta -Abdallah and Khaleel Hassanein, jealous maybe of -me, and fearing that their positions were in danger of -being taken by myself, went to the Khaleefa, and told -him that, in their opinion, I was only “fooling” with -him. They also suggested that Awwad-el-Mardi was a -friend of the Government, and was helping me on this -account; but Yacoub, who was present, supported me. -In the course of the interview, the Khaleefa said he -had heard that in my country women and children -made cartridges with machines, and as I must know -all about it, I was to make him such a machine while -the powder-mill was being constructed.</p> - -<p>For ten years I had been so chained and weighted -with iron that it was only with effort I was able to -raise my feet from the ground in order to shuffle from -place to place; the bars of iron connected with the -anklets had limited the stride or shuffle to about ten -or twelve inches. When freed from all this, I ran -and jumped about the whole day long like one possessed; -but the sudden call upon muscles so long -unused resulted in a swelling of the legs from hips to -ankles, and this was accompanied with most excruciating -pains. I had just got the drawings ready for -the cartridge-machine when I was compelled to lie -up. This gave Osta Abdallah and Hassanein another -<span class="xxpn" id="p236">|236|</span> -chance to approach the Khaleefa, and again they -suggested that I was “fooling.”</p> - -<p>Awwad was sent for, and in reply to the Khaleefa, -said that he believed I was doing my best, and would -certainly succeed; that had he not believed in me himself, -he would never have recommended him to employ -me on such important works. Yacoub again took my -part, and said that whoever did not assist me, or whoever -hindered me, would be considered an enemy of -Mahdieh. Although, as he admitted, he did not understand -the machines, yet in his opinion “there must be -something in the head of the man who invented them, -and he was better employed in the arsenal than idling -his time in the Saier.” Awwad also said that if Osta -Abdallah and Hassanein had not and could not find -the materials for the construction of the machines, he -believed that I could make another one with such -materials as they had. This decided the matter—both -machines were to be proceeded with; but the -Khaleefa agreed to my being put into chains to -prevent my escaping, and on the thirteenth day of my -freedom the chains were replaced. Being unable to -move from my house, the joiners, with a lathe, their -tools and material, were sent to me, as the Khaleefa -wished the machine to be completed as rapidly as -possible. Abdallah Sulieman, the chief of the cartridge-factory, -was then employing upwards of fifteen -hundred men, and the Khaleefa wished to release -them for fighting purposes.</p> - -<div class="imctr02" id="fig20"> -<img src="images/i236.jpg" width="528" height="697" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">POWDER-MACHINES.</div> -</div> - -<p>My efforts to obtain either the original models or -photographs of them not having so far been successful, -<span class="xxpn" id="p237">|237|</span> -I have had models of the machines made here. -Those interested in mechanics will discover for themselves -the mechanical defects and unnecessary complications -introduced into them. I was working -under the supervision of fairly good mechanical -engineers, so that defects might not be made too -glaring. Some were detected and rectified, but the -main defects were not seen, being beyond the powers -of calculation of Abdallah; and Hamaida, who could -and did see them, was enjoying the pranks which were -played. The various ideas I had picked up while -associated with Gordon’s old corps were now standing -me in good stead. When the model of the cartridge-machine -was taken over to Abdullahi, instead of being -pleased with it he was furious: Berber had been -taken! He said, “I want cartridges, not models;” and -gave orders that I should be taken from my house, -kept at work all day in the arsenal, and locked up at -night in the arsenal prison with the convicts employed -there as labourers.</p> - -<p>To gain more time, I insisted upon a full-sized -wooden model of the cartridge-machine being first -made for the metal workers to work from. Yacoub -had given orders that all the material and labour -of the arsenal was to be put at my disposition. -While the wooden model was being made, I occupied -myself in selecting the metal required, and in doing -this I laid hands upon everything Osta Abdallah -required for the ordinary works in hand. I appropriated -the paddle axle of one of the steamers, -as I said I required this to be cut with eccentric -<span class="xxpn" id="p238">|238|</span> -discs, and did my best to smash the best lathe -with it, to give me still more time; but the lathe -stood the strain, and four or five discs were actually -cut in the axle.</p> - -<p>It would have taken them another year to cut the -remainder at the rate the work was progressing, and -probably four years to make the machine; then -when it was finished there would have been an -accident, and some people would have been killed -or maimed, for that paddle axle would have come -tearing through the machine with the first revolution. -I was taking a fiendish delight in destroying every -good piece of metal I could lay my hands on under -pretence of its being required for the machine; the -copper and brass which I appropriated interfered -considerably with the production of the cartridges, -and the skilled workmen whom I kept employed -delayed for months the finishing touches to the new -powder-factory on Tuti Island. But there could be no -going back now. Abdallah was my sworn enemy; but I -knew that the more I destroyed under his own eyes, the -less risk there was of his going to the Khaleefa again -to induce him to believe that the whole of my work -was, as he called it, “shoogal khabbass”—all lies, for -Abdallah himself would get into trouble for not having -discovered it before all the damage had been done.</p> - -<p>While still engaged on collecting material for the -machine (for no sooner was one lot cut up when -it was discovered that some mistake had been made -in either length or thickness, so that another raid -had to be made on the stores), the steamer <i>Safia</i> -<span class="xxpn" id="p239">|239|</span> -was brought up and beached opposite Mokran fort -for repairs. Instead of being allowed to settle on a -cradle running the whole length of her keel, she was -supported only amidships, and her bow and stern tore -away. All the boats were at this time in the charge -of the Beit-el-Mal, and when Osta Abdallah condemned -the <i>Safia</i>, and said it was impossible to repair -her, Awwad-el-Mardi, fearing the Khaleefa’s displeasure -at such a time, asked me if it was not possible -to repair her. Taking with us a number of men -discontented with Osta Abdallah, we examined the -boat, and declared that she could be repaired. Awwad -was pleased, and I was appointed superintendent of -this work too. My superintendence consisted in -hiding below and smoking surreptitiously.</p> - -<p>Sometime in August, 1897, Onoor returned to -Omdurman, and sent messages to me through Umm -es Shole. The import of them will be seen from the -following letter, which I was able to write and smuggle -over to him; the letter was to be delivered to the -first officer he came across:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“In accordance with my arrangement with the bearer Onoor, I -succeeded in getting liberated from the Saier, and moved over to -Khartoum, where I have spent two years in the arsenal under surveillance. -Onoor has been unable to meet me personally to consult -over plans for escape, which offers little difficulty provided I had -funds. In May, 1896, Onoor sent me, through his agent, your letter, -and gave me to understand that the money mentioned in this letter -was in his possession, and that he was awaiting an opportunity to -bring it to Khartoum. Now (July-August, 1897) he has come to -Omdurman only to find me in a difficult position, owing to the -progress of the war. He tells me he was ordered to Suakin, where -he was put in prison, and the money he had for me taken from him, -<span class="xxpn" id="p240">|240|</span> -as he had no reply from me to the letter sent, or any evidence to -show that the letter had been sent. He has borrowed some money -here, for which I have gone bail for fifty pounds, and Onoor promises -to be back in three months’ time with news from you and the money -required for my support and escape. The course of the war will -soon deliver us alive or dead from the hands of this savage rabble.</p> - -<p>“The greater part of the arsenal has been moved over to the Beit-el-Mal -at Omdurman owing to the war, and the remaining material will -follow very shortly, and I will go over with it, when I may have an -opportunity of meeting Onoor if nothing occurs to disturb the extremely -good relations existing between myself and my present -masters. Please give Onoor (here follows a list of medicines); -practising medicine facilitates my communication with the outer -world. I hope Onoor will find with you a letter from my family; I -am in good health, as is also my daughter Bakhita, and her mother -Umm es Shole. We send you greetings.”</p></div> - -<p class="padtopc">News was coming each day of the most alarming -description for the Khaleefa; tales of big gunboats -coming to reconnoitre Khartoum, and the “iron -devil” (the railway) creeping forward, decided him on -collecting everything under his eyes. All stores were -hurried over to Omdurman; a hundred and fifty to -two hundred men were sent over to destroy the -mission house, mosque, and other buildings in Khartoum, -as the Khaleefa was determined to leave no -place of shelter for any troops who succeeded in landing -there. I was looked upon with the greatest -suspicion, as there was no concealing, try as I might, -my anxiety to glean every bit of news possible about -the expedition, and I was also in a fever of excitement -expecting the return of Onoor. Each day was -bristling with opportunities for escape, provided there -was a man with a camel ready for me on the opposite -<span class="xxpn" id="p241">|241|</span> -shore. With the dozens of boats and hundreds of -men employed in transferring the arsenal to the other -side of the river, a successful escape was assured; but -Onoor never came. Towards the end of November, -1897, I was taken over with the last of the arsenal -material to Omdurman, and put into the Saier prison, -only until, as I was told, a house could be got ready -for me in the Beit-el-Mal, where we were to complete -the powder-and cartridge-machines.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p242" -title="CHAPTER XX PREPARING TO RECEIVE THE GUNBOATS"> -CHAPTER XX <span class="blksmaller"> -PREPARING TO RECEIVE THE GUNBOATS</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">When -I returned to the Saier in November, 1897, -it was as a visitor—a distinguished one at that. I was -told that I was only to remain there until my quarters -in the Beit-el-Mal were ready for occupation, when I -was to leave the prison and continue the construction -of the powder-and cartridge-machines, to the completion -of which the Khaleefa and Yacoub were looking -forward with no little interest and anxiety. But -once inside the gates of the Saier, Osta Abdallah and -Khaleel Hassanein determined to keep me there, and -succeeded in doing so. When Awwad-el-Mardi again -interested himself on my behalf, these worthies succeeded -in persuading Yacoub that Awwad’s interest in -me was sure evidence of his sympathies with the -Government, and their schemes ended by Awwad also -being sent into the prison with threats of what would -happen to him if he attempted to hold any intercourse -with me.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig21"> -<img src="images/i242.jpg" width="600" height="424" alt="" /> -<div class="caption"> -<div class="fsize6">A GROUP—FROM PHOTOGRAPH -TAKEN AT THE FEAST OF BEIRAM, 1899.</div> - -<div class="csstable fsize7"><div class="tabrow"> -<div class="tabcell cellwtha cellrpad"> -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">1.</span> Mohammed -Sirri, formerly telegraph clerk at Berber. He, -with Hassan Bey Hassanein, cut the Khaleefa’s -communications.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">2.</span> Morgan Torjin. -Imprisoned for two years for telling the Khaleefa -that he insisted on being allowed to smoke -tobacco and drink Marissa.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">3.</span> Khaleel Agha -Orphali.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">4.</span> Said Bey -Gumaa.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">5.</span> Osman Bey Daali, -commandant of Irregular troops in Sennaar.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">6.</span> Hassan Bey -Hassanein.</p> -</div> - -<div class="tabcell"> -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">7.</span> Sheikh Ali -Toulba, formerly of the Khartoum Medrassa -(college).</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">8.</span> Ahmed Riad, -formerly head clerk of Slatin at Dara. He it was -who wrote the letters calling upon Said Gumaa to -submit to the Mahdi, and who accompanied Slatin -to Zoghal when Dara was surrendered.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">9.</span> Mohammad Farag, -former officer of Dara troops.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">10.</span> Rhubrian -Baalbal, clerk to Lupton.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">11.</span> Sheikh Taher -Farrag, Kassala Medrassa (college).</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">12.</span> Ahmed Yusef -Kandeel, clerk to Wad Nejoumi.</p> - -<p class="hangb pleft"><span class="rnum">13.</span> Hassan Bey Abdel -Minain, president of the Court of Appeal at -Khartoum.</p></div></div></div> -</div></div><!--imctr01--> - -<p>It was possibly a week after entering the prison that -Umm es Shole came in to say that she had seen and -spoken to Onoor Issa, who had not left -<span class="xxpn" id="p243">|243|</span> -Omdurman—the same Onoor whose return I had looked for so -anxiously during the time of the transfer of the arsenal -from Khartoum, when each day bristled with opportunities -for successful flight! Fearing that he might play -me false, and hand the notes I had given him to the -Khaleefa as an earnest of his loyalty to him, I sent off -Umm es Shole, and told her to say that I had a few -notes to add to the letters which I had given him. -Onoor at once suspected my reasons for sending for -them, and replied that he was not pleased with my want -of confidence in him, that he had a permit to proceed -to Suakin for trade, but, having fallen under suspicion, -he had so far been prevented from leaving, though he -hoped to be able to leave any day. Upon this I -again trusted him, and added the following to my -notes, sending them out to him as soon as it was -written:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“News from here (the Saier); Slatin knows Omdurman prison. -From the Beit-el-Mal to Morrada along the river are six semicircular -forts with flanks; each fort has three guns, but the flanks are loopholed -for musketry only. The parapets are of Nile mud, and appear -to be three metres thick. Most of the forts are situated close under -the high wall. There is a similar fort at the north end of Tuti Island, -two more at Halfeyeh, and the same number at Hugra, north of -Omdurman. Two batteries near Mukran sweep the White Nile and -the arm which skirts Tuti Island, and I have just heard that some -one has offered to lay torpedoes in the Nile to blow up the steamers. -Slatin knows more about the army than I do; Wad Bessir has come -in from Ghizera with about two thousand men. Osman Digna, with -a force I have not learned the strength of, is at Halfeyeh. Onoor -will tell you all about these troops. Ahmed Fedeel is at Sabalooka -(Shabluka), and his strength is better known to you than me. The -whole population left here is in the greatest dread of this savage -rabble and their rulers, and pray God to deliver them out of their -<span class="xxpn" id="p244">|244|</span> -hands, and that you may save them from the fate of the Jaalin. I -pray you to keep this letter an absolute secret. There are traitors -among your spies” (this remark was confirmed a few weeks later); -“if the least inkling of my communications with you reach the -Khaleefa’s ears, it will be all over with me. Answer me in German, -as no one else here understands the language. It is a mistake to -trust any Arab—civilized or uncivilized. Onoor is the only one who -has brought me any news. He is the best man to go between us. -In expectation of an early reply from you, I subscribe myself yours -devotedly, and pray God he may enable me to join you soon. I -have been moved from Khartoum to the Omdurman prison only -until my house is ready in the Beit-el-Mal.</p> - -<p>The Khaleefa has received news that steamers are coming to -reconnoitre Khartoum.”</p></div> - -<p>It was not until the end of December that Onoor -succeeded in obtaining permission to leave Omdurman; -and then hurrying to Suakin, he handed in my notes -to the commandant there, returning six months later -with his thanks for the information given and money -to keep me going. It is passing strange that my -trouble in collecting information about the forts, -writing to the advancing army, and giving what -details I could, should have given those on the way to -Omdurman the impression that it was “Neufeld’s forts” -which were being knocked to pieces. Even my good -friend—that King of War Correspondents—Mr. -Bennet Burleigh, was good enough to tell me that he -believed I had designed and constructed them. They -were all the work, from beginning to end, of Youssef -Mansour.</p> - -<p>At the time I am speaking of, the prison was filled -with suspected sympathizers with the Government; -the presence of Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi and -<span class="xxpn" id="p245">|245|</span> -Awwad-el-Mardi has already been alluded to. Hogal, who -should have accompanied me on the expedition to -Kordofan, was also a prisoner; but it was three months -before I was able to steal an interview with him—about -the time of the anniversary of my capture—and then -I learned, at almost the hour of my release, the real -history of my capture. Our circle of “Government -people” was added to daily; one of the most interesting -additions being a party of sixteen or seventeen -spies, amongst whom was Worrak from Dongola, -Abdalla Mahassi from Derawi, Ajjail from Kassala, -and others from Suakin. They had been betrayed by -other spies; I have forgotten the names of the traitors, -but it is of little moment now, as doubtless the betrayed -settled up their accounts on the taking of Omdurman. -The betrayer or betrayers were Dongolawi—perhaps -the only coterie of thieves on earth who have no -honour among themselves.</p> - -<p>Whatever may have been the excitement and anxiety -in other parts of the world concerning the Sirdar’s -advance, we had our share of both in Omdurman. -Strange tales had reached us of offers of assistance sent -to the Khaleefa to resist the advance of the troops. -Shortly before I left Khartoum, a field-gun had arrived -from the south as a present for the Khaleefa; it -was accompanied by a limited supply of ammunition—brass -cartridges carrying a shell in the same way as -the rifle carries its bullet. One of the cartridges was -sent to the Khartoum arsenal, to see if others could be -made like it. Various tales were told concerning its -origin; but as the gun must have been taken at the -<span class="xxpn" id="p246">|246|</span> -capture of Omdurman, its real history has no doubt -been traced.</p> - -<p>It was only when I met in prison Ibrahim Wad -Hamza of Berber, and Hamed Wad-el-Malek, that I -learned from them what had transpired when the -King of Abyssinia sent an envoy to the Khaleefa asking -his assistance against the Italians. The envoy had -been brought to the Khartoum arsenal to inspect it, -but I was not allowed to speak to him. An arrangement -had been come to by which the Abyssinians were -to open up trade routes from Gallabat, and send in so -much coffee and other articles of food monthly, in -return for the promised assistance of the Khaleefa in -attacking the Italians; but the contributions or tribute -was paid for a few months only, as another envoy -came with offers of assistance against the advancing -armies. He was the bearer of a flag which he asked -the Khaleefa to fly, as the troops might not fire at -it; the conferences, like all conferences between the -Khaleefa and strangers, were held privately, but at -the end of the last conference, the Khaleefa gave his -reply in the presence of the Emirs and others. Handing -back the flag, he said, “My mission is a holy and -religious one; I trust to God for help and success; I do -not want the help of Christians. If ever I required the -help of man, the Mohammedan boy Abbas is nearer -and better to me,” and with this he waved the envoy -and his companions off. The only construction we -could place on the concluding sentence, was that the -Khaleefa wished every one to understand that, sooner -than accept the help of a Christian power, he would -<span class="xxpn" id="p247">|247|</span> -surrender to the Khedive, and this meant never, for he -was looking forward to the day when he would erect -his scaffolds in the Cairo citadel, and haul up the -Khedive and “Burrin” (Lord Cromer) as his first -victims. To the Soudanese, Lord Cromer, or -“Burrin,” as they mispronounced Baring, held the -same relation to the Khedive as Yacoub did to the -Khaleefa.</p> - -<p>From the day Mahmoud started until the arrival of -the victorious army in Omdurman, I was pestered with -questions day and night; the Mahdists wished to -know whether the advancing troops belonged to the -sheikh who sent the troops for Gordon in 1884; those -against Mahdieh wished to know if they belonged to -the other sheikh. From the Arabic papers which -found their way to Omdurman, the Soudanese had -learned that there were two tribes in England, each -led by powerful sheikhs; one, the sheikh of 1884, -and the other the sheikh who had said that when he -started there would be no coming back until he had -“broken up” (smashed) Mahdieh. To the Mahdists, it -was the troops who “ran away” who were coming -again; to the “Government” people it was immaterial -which sheikh was in power; British troops were -advancing, and that was enough. At night our circle -would sift and discuss all the tales we had heard -during the day, and although we were filled with hope, -anxiety and fear got the better of us on most occasions.</p> - -<p>When Mahmoud was sent off, his instructions were -to wait at Metemmeh, and do all in his power to harass -the troops as they crossed the river; if strong enough -<span class="xxpn" id="p248">|248|</span> -to attack them, he was to do so, but if they were -stronger, he was to retire gradually to Kerreri, where -an old prophecy had foretold that the great battle was -to take place. Mahmoud disobeyed these instructions, -and crossed to the east bank, upon which the Khaleefa -sent him orders not to remain in a zareeba or trenches, -but to attack the infidels in the open. Hardly had the -excitement caused by Mahmoud’s defiance of the -Khaleefa’s orders died down, when the news came that -he had attacked and annihilated the English army. -But other news than this followed on its heels; we -learned the truth from a band of about thirty-eight -blacks wearing the Egyptian uniform. They were -dervishes taken at Dongola and Abou Hamad, and -drafted into the army. At the Atbara they deserted to -the dervishes, but suspected of being spies, they were -sent to the Saier. The whole truth came out when -Osman Digna came back to Omdurman to report to -the Khaleefa.</p> - -<p>“What news have you brought me, and how fare -the faithful?” inquired Abdullahi. “Master,” replied -Osman, “I led them to Paradise.” Now, Osman -had been doing this at every battle for years, and -the Khaleefa’s patience was exhausted; he wanted -victories, and not pilgrimages of his best troops to the -next world. “Then why did you not go with them?” -retorted Abdullahi. “God,” replied Osman, “had not -ordained it so; He must have more work for me to -do; when that work is finished, He will call me.” It -was well known to the Khaleefa, and every one else in -the Soudan, that Osman had an excellent eye for a -<span class="xxpn" id="p249">|249|</span> -field of battle, and knew an hour before any one else -did, when to make a bolt for it on a losing day. -Osman’s appearance was quite sufficient to let people -understand that all the tales of victory on the side -of the dervishes were false, and it was useless for the -Khaleefa to try any longer to conceal the truth, but -some explanation had to be given for the terrible -rout of his army. It was all the doing of an outraged -Deity. Mahmoud had disobeyed the orders transmitted -through Abdullahi by the Prophet, and this -was the result! As other stragglers came in, extraordinary -tales were told of enormous steamers with -enormous guns which fired “devils” and “lightning”; -this description probably referred to the rockets, which, -I gathered, had ricochetted all over Mahmoud’s camp, -playing terrible havoc.</p> - -<p>On the fall of Dongola, a Mograbin (from Tunis, or -Algiers), named Nowraani, had offered his services to -Yacoub, as a maker of torpedoes, and with these he -said he could blow up every boat on the Nile. His -offer at the time was refused, as the Khaleefa said -that it was his intention to capture all these boats for -himself; he did not wish them to be destroyed. But the -tales which came in about them after the Atbara fight, -showed that something must be done to secure them. -Abdallah and Hassanein undertook to make a “boom” -of chains across the Sabalooka (Shabluka) pass, and -for this purpose almost every scrap of chain in Omdurman -was collected. Their plan, as described to me, was -as follows: the chains were to be laid across the -stream, their ends made fast to posts on the opposite -<span class="xxpn" id="p250">|250|</span> -banks of the Nile. To prevent them from sinking to -the bed of the stream, a series of large wooden buoys -had been made, and these were to be fixed at intervals -along the boom. It had been calculated that the buoys -would, with the weight of the chains, be sunk just -below the surface of the water, and also keep the -chains in a series of loops; these loops were intended -to entangle the paddles and propellers of the gunboats, -and, while so entangled, Mansour’s picked men were -to shoot every one on board, and then, releasing the -boats, bring them on to Omdurman. That was the -arrangement.</p> - -<p>Employed in the arsenal at the time was a man -named Mohammad Burrai—a Government sympathizer, -and a bitter enemy of Mansour and the others; -he was entrusted with the attaching of the buoys -at the fixed points in the boom. A few days after -the boom was sent down the river, and, while I -was “practising” the healing art at the gates of the -prison, I received an interesting patient; it was Burrai, -his head so wrapped up in cloths as to make him -unrecognizable. He told me first of the arrangements -made for the boom, and how he had succeeded in -destroying it. The chains had been laid over the -sterns of boats anchored in the Nile from bank to -bank, and Burrai had fixed the buoys to them, but -instead of making the buoys <i>fast</i> at these points, he -merely slipped the rings round the boom so that the -buoys could run from one end to the other. The word -was given to slip the boom off the boats. The buoys -with the force of the current were carried to the centre -<span class="xxpn" id="p251">|251|</span> -of the boom, and, with the resistance offered by them -to the stream, the cables snapped and were lost. -Burrai’s object in coming to me will be divined; -having been employed on the construction of the -boom, he might, when the English arrived, be shot as -a Mahdist, and he wished to tell me, as a “Government -man,” what he had done, so that I could speak up for -him. This I promised to do.</p> - -<p>There were no more chains left with which to make -another boom, but those terrible boats must be stopped -from coming to Omdurman, and Nowraani was sent -for to explain his project again. He proposed to take -two large tubular boilers, then lying at Khartoum, -cut them in two, fill them with powder, seal up the -open ends, and fire them by electricity as the boats -passed over them. Sirri, the former telegraph-clerk -at Berber, was asked to design the electrical apparatus, -but he pleaded ignorance of such things. I was next -sent to, to give my opinion as to the feasibility of -Nowraani’s plan. It was explained to me that each -half of the boilers would contain thirty cantars (a ton -and a half) of gunpowder; then it was mines, and not -torpedoes, the man wished to make; however, the -name “torpedo” was always used. I replied that I -had heard, as Nowraani said, of torpedoes being used -in the sea for the destruction of great ships, but had -never heard of them being used in rivers, and I -doubted his ability to make them. The Khaleefa was -not satisfied with my answer, and sent word that he -believed I could assist in the making of them, but -would not. To this, again, I said I should be only too -<span class="xxpn" id="p252">|252|</span> -pleased to help Nowraani in his work, but what he -proposed to do was very dangerous and risky. I said -I felt sure that the only result would be an explosion -while the torpedoes were being made, and that, while -I did not mind being killed myself, I would not like -to meet Allah responsible for the lives of others. -Perhaps I made a mistake in putting forward religious -scruples, for the Khaleefa never believed in my conversion; -he took it for granted that I refused to help, -and told the Saier to load me with an extra chain -and bar.</p> - -<p>Nowraani insisted that his plans were feasible, and -a small experimental “torpedo” was ordered to be -made; Mansour, Hassanein, and Abdallah superintended -the work, which was carried out in almost -absolute secrecy. When finished, the mine was taken -over to the Blue Nile, made fast under a boat, and -exploded. The result was most satisfactory—the boat -being blown to matchwood, and a large column of mud -and water thrown into the air, which was more -impressive, evidently, than the destruction of the -boat.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig22"> -<img src="images/i252.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">NEUFELD DOUBLY FETTERED.</div> -</div> - -<p>The “torpedoes” were ordered immediately, and -men were kept working night and day for their completion; -the boilers were cut in two, plates fitted to -the open ends, wires and “strings,” as it was described -to me, fitted to mechanism in the interior, and in -maybe a fortnight’s time I learned that four big and -one small torpedo were fastened to gyassas ready to -be lowered into the stream, while others were being -made. Again I received a visit from Burrai; he had -<span class="xxpn" id="p253">|253|</span> -to assist in the laying of the mines, and wanted to know -from me how they might be rendered useless. From -his description of the wires and lines running in pairs, -I came to the conclusion that electricity was to be the -medium for their explosion, especially as Burrai’s -instructions were to take charge of these lines, pay -them out as the torpedoes sank, and make the free -ends of the line fast to posts, which had been fixed -on the land just south of Khor Shamba. I told him -that if either wire or string of the pairs of lines was -broken, the torpedoes could not be fired, and suggested -his giving a hard tug to one of the lines as soon as the -“barrel” as he called the mines, was lowered to the -bed of the stream.</p> - -<p>What happened we know; how it happened we -never shall. Burrai was seen on the <i>Ismailia</i>, which -towed down the stone-laden gyassas with the torpedoes; -the gyassas were to have a hole knocked in -them, and the boat and torpedoes allowed to sink -gradually. One torpedo had been lowered, and an -explosion immediately followed. The boats with -Nowraani and between thirty and forty men were -blown to atoms; the <i>Ismailia</i> was blown in two—the -stern floating a few yards down stream and sinking. -Burrai was picked out of the water with the -whole of the flesh of the calf of his left leg blown clear -away, and also the flesh from his ribs on the left side. -He lingered for seven days, asking repeatedly for me; -but all that I was allowed to do was to send him -carbolic acid for his wounds—I was not allowed to go -and see him. To all inquiries as to how the accident -<span class="xxpn" id="p254">|254|</span> -happened he could, or would, only say that all he did -was to pull in the slack of the lines, to prevent their -becoming entangled.</p> - -<p>Sorry as I am for poor Burrai’s death, I cannot consider -that I am in any way to blame for it; I can only -think that some system of fuse, or detonator, had been -fixed to the “torpedoes,” and that the very action which -I had suggested to render them useless had exploded -them. About the time that the mines exploded, Onoor -returned, or, at least, I received the news of his return, -by receiving the letter and money he had brought -from Suakin. Every one with leanings towards the -Government was now coming to me in prison under -one pretext or another, to give me information as to all -that was going on; it was to their interest to do so, -as to the end I was looked upon as an official. Owing -to this, I was able to send out to Onoor slips of paper -giving as nearly correct details as possible of the -number of various arms possessed by the dervishes, the -stock of ammunition, and the Khaleefa’s plans as far -as they were known. In one of my notes I informed -the army of the explosion of the “torpedoes,” and the -existence of two other mines ready to be sent off, with -details concerning the forts. I asked Onoor to get -away with these as quickly as possible, and he promised -to do so. I do not know who he handed these notes -to, or whether he handed them over himself; he -replies to my inquiries by writing me from Omdurman -saying that he was arrested on the Nile by Osman -Digna, but whether coming or going from the army it -is impossible to say. My own opinion is that Onoor, -<span class="xxpn" id="p255">|255|</span> -not knowing how the day would go, remained in -Omdurman the whole time. If the English won, his -life was safe as a well-known spy; if the dervishes -won, he was among his own people, and could take -credit for having contributed towards the victory. He -was not the only one in the Soudan who debated -chances and probabilities as did Hassib Gabou, and -Hogal when Gabou talked him over on April 1, 1887.</p> - -<p>No sooner had my “latest intelligence” been sent -off by Onoor, than an arsenal carpenter, Mohammad -Ragheb, came to me on the subject of the remaining -torpedoes. He had been ordered to assist in the laying -of them, and was particularly anxious to learn from -me how he might render them useless, and no less -anxious that I should make a mental note of the fact -so that I could say a “good word” for him if ever he -was accused of trying to impede the advance of the -“Government.” Associated with him was a no particular -friend of mine—Ali Baati, and others; but there -was no mistaking their earnest desire and real anxiety -to circumvent all the schemes of Mansour, Hassanein, -and Abdallah in favour of the Government troops.</p> - -<p>Ragheb could give me no more information as to -the firing medium of the mines than could Burrai; all -he could tell me was that the “barrels” had the wires -wrapped two or three times round them to prevent -their being pulled or dragged in removal. I suggested -first that he should chip away any cement which he -thought filled any hole or crevice; this would allow of -the water penetrating. Next I suggested that he -should, as the boats carrying the mines went down -<span class="xxpn" id="p256">|256|</span> -the river, try and “snip” any or all of the wires -running round the “barrel,” but cutting the wires in -different places, so that the trick would not be discovered. -Ragheb must have succeeded, for neither of -the mines exploded, although Mansour had appointed -people to fire them as the gunboats passed.</p> - -<p>It is impossible for me, away from the spot where -association would bring to memory the incidents of -those stirring times, to remember the names of all who -came to me asking what they might do to evidence, -before the arrival of the troops, their loyalty to the -Government, and it must not be forgotten that they -were running risks in fighting Mahdieh. It is but right -that I should record the one or two striking examples -which occur to me, especially in the face of my oft-expressed -opinion that there are one or two released -captives, who should not even be allowed the formality -of a drum-head court-martial.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p257" -title="CHAPTER XXI NEARING THE END"> -CHAPTER XXI <span class="blksmaller"> -NEARING THE END</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">Events -were now following each other in rapid -succession. In the universal excitement prevailing, -sleep was almost unknown, drums were beaten and -ombeyehs blown continuously day and night, days -and dates were lost count of; even Friday, that one -day in the week in Mahdieh, was lost sight of by -most, and the prayers were left unsaid.</p> - -<p>Councils of war were the order of the day—and -night; and what tales we heard! The Emir Abd-el-Baagi -had been entrusted by the Khaleefa and -Yacoub with keeping in touch with the advancing -armies, and sending to Omdurman information of -every movement. Never was a general better served -with “intelligence” than was Abdullahi by Abd-el-Baagi; -his messengers were arriving every few hours -in the early days, and hourly towards the end. It -was with no little astonishment that we heard Sabalooka -was to be abandoned. The boom of chains -which was to entangle the paddles of the gunboats -had snapped, therefore it was the will of Allah that -the boats were to come on. Then the mines exploded. -Again it was Allah, who in this showed that -<span class="xxpn" id="p258">|258|</span> -he would not have His designs interfered with. The -real truth of the matter was, that the troops at -Sabalooka, hearing that the gunboats had guns which -could send one of the “devils” (shells) half a day’s -journey, and over hills too, took upon themselves to -retire out of range.</p> - -<p>There was an old prophecy to the effect that the -great fight would take place on the plains of Kerreri. -Here the infidels were to be exterminated, and all -the waverers on the side of the faithful were to -be killed, the remnant collecting afterwards and then -starting off, a purified army, on the conquest of the -whole world. Again, it was decided that the faithful -were to collect in Omdurman, and allow the infidels -to come on. While attacks were being made against -them on the western flank and rear, a great sortie was -to be made from the town, when the infidels, pressed -back to Kerreri plains, would be caught between three -fires, and exterminated. The gunboats, with their -“devils,” would be afraid to shoot, as they would kill -their own people. But no sooner had this been -decided upon when objections were raised. Those -gunboats could anchor half a day’s journey off, knock -Omdurman to pieces, and bury the faithful under -the ruins.</p> - -<p>Again the prophecy was alluded to, and a move out -to meet the armies finally decided upon. Every man -was to be taken out of Omdurman, so that, if the -infidels should succeed in reaching the town, they would -find only women and children, and instead of their -being the besiegers, they would become the besieged. -<span class="xxpn" id="p259">|259|</span></p> - -<p>Omdurman was overrun by Abdullahi’s spies, who, -professing to be friendly towards the “Government,” -tried to wheedle out of known friends of the Government -expressions of opinion as to the chances of -success to the Mahdists’ arms, and at the same time to -ascertain the general feeling of the populace. Their -favourite hunting-ground was of course the Saier, -where the more influential people were incarcerated. -From the persistence with which these spies pressed -their inquiries as to the chances of success which -might attend large bodies deserting to the Ingleezee -under cover of darkness—their anxiety to learn how -they might approach the camp without being fired -upon before they had been given an opportunity of -evidencing their peaceable intentions—we came to the -conclusion that Abdullahi had been advised to make -a night attack. Few knew better than we did what -might be the result of such a tactic. At close quarters -the dervish horde was more than a match for the best-drilled -army in Europe. Swift and silent in their -movements, covering the ground at four or five times -the speed of trained troops, every man, when the -moment of attack came, accustomed to fight independently -of orders, lithe and supple, nimble as cats -and as bloodthirsty as starving man-eating tigers, -utterly regardless of their own lives, and capable of -continuing stabbing and jabbing with spear and sword -while carrying half a dozen wounds, any one of which -would have put a European <i>hors de combat</i>—such were -the 75,000 to 80,000 warriors which the Khaleefa had -ready to attack the Sirdar’s little army. Artillery, -<span class="xxpn" id="p260">|260|</span> -rifles, and bayonets would have been but of little avail -against a horde like this rushing a camp by night.</p> - -<p>We had heard from the prisoner deserters how, at -the Atbara, the armies had advanced by night and delivered -their attack at dawn, first shelling the zareeba -with their “devils,” which “came from such a great -distance.” With Fauzi, Hamza the Jaalin, and others, -I came to the conclusion that the same tactics would -be employed for the attack at Kerreri; therefore, to -the spies we swore that the English never did things -twice in the same way; that they would on this -occasion march during the day and attack at night, -since the Sirdar would be afraid to let his soldiers see -the Khaleefa’s great army, as they would all run away -if they did. Our advice was that the faithful should -remain in their camp, and await the attack. It would -have been very awkward for me had the Sirdar -planned a night attack, for he would have found the -dervishes on the <i>qui vive</i> awaiting him, and then I -might have been blamed for the advice I had given. -However, I believed that a night attack would be the -very last thing he would resort to, and any tale from -our side was good enough, provided doubts were -raised in the minds of the Khaleefa and his advisers -as to the chances of success which would attend his -attacking by night.</p> - -<p>The population at this period may be said to have -divided itself into three camps; the one praying—and -sincerely, for the victory to Mahdieh; the second -praying openly to the same end, but breathing prayers -to Heaven for just the reverse; the third camp—and -<span class="xxpn" id="p261">|261|</span> -this the bigger of the three, consisting of those waiting -to see which side would probably win in order to -throw in its lot with it. Dozens of people, who really -were friends of the Government, came to me in prison -asking advice as to what they might do before the -troops actually arrived to evidence their loyalty, and it -must not be forgotten that they were risking death at -the hour of deliverance. To most I was still the -“brother of Stephenson el Ingleezee,” and there were -“brothers” of mine coming up with the Government -troops.</p> - -<p>I was able, through these people, to collect the -information I was sending off daily by spies. Abdallah-el-Mahassi, -who had received some message from -Major Fitton, asking about me, and also asking -for all information procurable concerning the arms -and ammunition possessed by the dervishes, sent to -me the spy Worrak, who had been released from -prison, for any information I could give. Worrak, -doubtless looking forward to a reward, decided upon -delivering my messages himself. He was to be accompanied -by two others; so, besides giving him notes -with the numbers of rifles, etc., issued to the troops, -and a last warning about the mines near Halfeyeh, I -gave the information verbally to the three, so that, in -the event of it being found necessary to destroy the -papers, the verbal messages would get through. -Worrak and his companions left, but were intercepted -by Abd-el-Baagi’s scouts. Inflating their -water-skins, they took to the river under a shower -of bullets. Worrak must have been killed or drowned, -<span class="xxpn" id="p262">|262|</span> -as he was not seen again; but the two others reached -the British lines, delivered the messages, and said -that they would be confirmed by Worrak, who they -then thought must have been carried by the current -to the east bank of the Nile. These were the last -messengers I actually sent off.</p> - -<p>One of the Saier gaolers had worked himself into -a state of frenzied excitement in describing, for the -edification of the prisoners—and mine in particular, -the coming destruction of the infidels. He gloated -over the time when the principal officers—their eyes -gouged out to prevent their looking upon the benign -face of his master, would be brought into the Saier, -and there baited for the amusement of the populace. -How little the Sirdar thought, on that September -evening, that one of the gaolers grovelling at his -feet had, but a few days previously, looked forward -to the time when he, blinded and shackled, would -be lashed round the place, and, with the rest of my -“brothers,” spend the nights in the “Umm Hagar.” -This gaoler, in his mad enthusiasm, rushed at me, -and nearly succeeded in gouging out my left eye. -There was a struggle, and getting up almost breathless, -and certainly driven to desperation, I turned -stupidly round, and prophesied, for his edification this -time, that the destruction he had predicted for my -“brothers” was the destruction which was to fall upon -Mahdieh.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig23"> -<img src="images/i263.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">SHEREEF, THE “FALSE FOURTH KHALEEFA.”</div> -</div> - -<p>It was fortunate for me that, for a few days previous, -Idris es Saier had been sending for me, under one -pretext and another, and asking what action he should -<span class="xxpn" id="p263">|263|</span> -take in case the English won the battle. I promised -that if he treated me well, I would say “good words” -for him; but perhaps Fauzi’s tale made the greatest -impression upon him. Fauzi related that when the -English took Egypt there was one gaoler at Alexandria -and another at Cairo. The gaoler at Cairo -treated his prisoners well, and so the English promoted -him; the gaoler at Alexandria killed his -prisoners, and ran away to another country across the -seas, but the English brought him back, and hanged -him in his old prison. Knowing that the troops were -close, Idris took me under his especial care, for he -knew I had sent messages to my “brothers” telling -them I was alive, and he feared that if they came and -found me dead, they would hang him on the same -scaffold with my corpse. Although he warned the -gaolers and spies to say that I was mad, and did not -know what I had been saying, my little speech by some -means got to Yacoub’s ears. I was carefully watched, -and no one from outside was allowed to speak to me. -I should have been taken out of prison to see the -great fight, but I believe that I was the only Christian -not called out to the field of battle. I had asked Idris -not to remove my chains if I was sent for. I had no -wish to be found alive or dead on the field as a practically -free man, and, dressed as a dervish, any attempt -on my part to escape to the British lines during the -fight could only end in my being shot down.</p> - -<p>The Khaleefa had been sitting for eight days in the -mosque in communion with the Prophet and the -Mahdi, and it was either on the Tuesday night or -<span class="xxpn" id="p264">|264|</span> -Wednesday morning immediately preceding the battle -that the decision to move out of town was arrived at. -On the Wednesday afternoon a grand parade of all -the troops was held on the new parade ground, and, -while it was being held, alarming news was brought -by Abd-el-Baagi’s messengers. Instead of returning -to the town as intended, the Khaleefa set off with the -whole army in a north-westerly direction. It was this -hurried movement which accounted for the greater -part of the arms and ammunition he required being -left in the Beit-el-Amana, for Abdullahi had intended -distributing the remainder of the rifles only at the last -moment, when his troops would have to use them -against the infidels in self-defence; he could trust -none but his Baggara and Taaishi. Sheikh ed Din, -with Yunis, Osman Digna, Khaleefa Shereef, and Ali -Wad Helu, moved off first in command of the attacking -army of 35,000 rifles and horsemen. Yacoub followed -in command of a similar number of spear and swordsmen; -in all, the army assembled must have numbered -between 75,000 and 80,000 men. As every male had -been taken from Omdurman, the Khaleefa issued -a hundred rifles to the gaolers with which to shoot -down the prisoners in case of trouble.</p> - -<p>That night the rain came down in torrents, and -the following day the army arose uncomfortable, and -maybe a little dispirited, but Abdullahi restored their -good spirits by the relation of a vision. During -the night the Prophet and the Mahdi had come to -him, and let him see beforehand the result of the -battle; the souls of the faithful killed were all rising -<span class="xxpn" id="p265">|265|</span> -to Paradise, while the legions of hell were seen tearing -into shreds the spirits of the infidels. While this -tale was going its rounds, the gunboats were creeping -up, and a further move to the north was ordered, -for it had been reported that the English were landing -the big guns on Tuti Island, to shell the camp.</p> - -<p>We, too, in prison heard that the gunboats were -approaching, and then we heard the distant boom, -boom of the guns gradually nearing and growing louder. -Before we had time to speculate as to whether the -great fight had commenced or not, a boy whom I -had stationed on the roof of a gaoler’s house, came -running down to say that the “devils” were passing -Halfeyeh. At the same moment we were smothered -in dust and stones; a shell had struck the top of the -prison wall, ricochetted to the opposite wall, and fallen -without exploding in the prison of the women. All -we prisoners hurried off and squatted at the base of -the north wall, believing this to be the safest place. -The air was now filled with what to us chained -wretches appeared to be the yells and screeches of -legions of the damned let loose. We shuddered and -looked helplessly from one to the other. Then I -noticed that the shells were all flying high over us. -Getting to my feet, I rushed—as far as my shackles -allowed—stumbling to the middle of the open space, -tried to dance and jump, called on all to come and -join me. I shouted that my “brothers” had got my -messages; that only one place in Omdurman would -be left—the Saier; my brothers would spare all their -lives for me. Yes, I had gone mad; reason had left -<span class="xxpn" id="p266">|266|</span> -me, and I was raving, laughing, crying, singing, kissing -my hands in welcome to those terrible messengers of -death screeching and yelling overhead; throwing open -my arms, and leaping up to embrace the shell which -a second later was to gather in death seventy-two then -praying in the mosque.*</p> - -<div class="footnotes" id="fn12"> - -<p class="pfn">* The flight of the shells overhead had a most extraordinary -effect; they appeared to compress the atmosphere and press it down to -the earth; we could actually feel the pressure on our bodies, and with -some it brought on nausea.</p></div> - -<p>I was only saved from death at the hands of the -infuriated Baggara prisoners by Idris es Saier locking -them all up in the Umm Hagar, and leaving myself, -Fauzi, the Jaalin, and other Government sympathizers -in the open. Then the tales of the fight came to us; -two of the gunboats had been sunk, and the remainder -had run away again! Fauzi and I sat there distracted, -heartbroken. The attack on Khartoum, in 1885, had -been enacted over again. I sat in a daze; the reaction -from the madness of joy to that of despair was more -than the strongest man could stand, after nearly twelve -years’ captivity, but fortunately I broke down and -sobbed like a child.</p> - -<p>During the night we could hear the pat, pat, pat of -at first a few dozen feet, until eventually we could tell -that thousands were running into the town. It is no -use relating the tales then told us, I will relate what -actually occurred. After the bombardment of the -forts, the Khaleefa sent messengers to bring in all -news from Omdurman. When told that all the forts -had been destroyed, he ordered a salute to be fired in -token of his having gained a victory, and called out, -“Ed deen mansour”—the Faith is Triumphant! But -<span class="xxpn" id="p267">|267|</span> -other messengers were hurrying in, and as they came -with grave faces and asked to see Yacoub before -delivering their news to the Khaleefa, it was soon -noised abroad that the volley from the rifles was only -to try and hide something serious which had occurred. -First, it was learned that, instead of the gunboats -having been destroyed, it was the forts which had -been battered to pieces. Then the more superstitious -lost heart when it was related that one of the “devils” -had entered the sacred tomb of the Mahdi, and -numbers deserted desertwards, afterwards striking -back to town. Later on, it became known that not -only had one of the shells destroyed the Mimbar -(pulpit), but had also destroyed the Mihrab—that -sacred niche in the wall of the mosque giving the -direction of Mecca. What rallying-place was there -now for Mahdieh? And so more deserted.</p> - -<p>Between ten and eleven at night a riderless horse -from the British or Egyptian cavalry came slowly -moving, head down, towards the dervish lines. The -Khaleefa had related how, in one of his visions, he had -seen the Prophet mounted on his mare riding at the -head of the avenging angels destroying the infidels. -This apparition of the riderless horse was too much; -at least one-third of the Khaleefa’s huge army deserted -terrified. When Yacoub told him of the desertions, -Abdullahi merely raised his head to say, “The -prophecy will be fulfilled, if only five people stay near -me,” His Baggara and Taaishi stood by him, but -they too were losing heart, for the Khaleefa, on his -knees, with head bowed to the ground, was groaning, -<span class="xxpn" id="p268">|268|</span> -instead of, as customary, repeating the name of the -Deity. However, he pulled round a little as the -night progressed, and invented visions enough to -put spirits into the remaining but slightly despondent -troops.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p269" -title="CHAPTER XXII AT LAST"> -CHAPTER XXII <span class="blksmaller"> -AT LAST</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">It -will, I believe, surprise but few when I admit that -it is next to impossible for me to remember and relate -the incidents which occurred during my last night and -day in the Saier. Added to the general excitement -shared by every one, I had also to contend against -the mental excitement which, earlier in the day, had -almost deprived me of reason. From where I lay -chained to a gang of about forty prisoners, I could hear -the infuriated Baggara in the Umm Hagar heaping -their curses on the head of that “son of a dog—Abdallah -Nufell,” and promising what would happen -when they laid hands upon me. These were no idle -promises that they made. Apart from the threats -which may not be spoken of, those of “drinking my -blood” at the moment my brothers reached Omdurman -almost froze that blood in my veins.</p> - -<p>The whole night through we could hear the soft pat, -pat, pat of naked feet, and sometimes the hard breathing -of men running a race. Not having heard any firing, -we made all sorts of conjectures. At one moment it was -thought that the troops had rushed one of the zareebas -<span class="xxpn" id="p270">|270|</span> -under cover of darkness, and that these were the fugitives -coming into town; at another moment it was believed -that the Khaleefa had altered his plans, and had -decided to stand a siege in Omdurman. Next it was -thought that the dervishes had rushed the camp of -the troops; but this idea was soon discarded, for the -people running back to town would have still had -breath to yell out the news of victory. I have -already given the reasons for these people returning, -but I only learned them later; to us prisoners, the -night passed in anxiety, and amidst alternate hopes -and fears.</p> - -<p>Daylight was only creeping through the skies when -we heard a low boom, followed by an ever-increasing -volume of yells and screechings as of Pandemonium -let loose, and then a terrific explosion which positively -shook Omdurman. The town could not stand this -sort of thing for ten minutes; we gave ourselves up for -lost, but the bombardment ceased as suddenly as it -began. I asked one of the gaoler’s boys to climb to -the roof of the Umm Hagar to see what the gunboats -were doing, as it was believed that the shells had -been fired by them. He called back that they were -“standing still” near Halfeyeh, and not firing at all. -As we could hear the distant booming still going on, -we knew then that the English were holding their -own if nothing more, and hope returned.</p> - -<p>It did not need the boy to call out when the gunboats -moved down stream that they, too, were opening -fire on the dervish camps; we could almost follow the -tide of battle in that furious artillery duel from the -<span class="xxpn" id="p271">|271|</span> -alternate roars and silence as of waves breaking on a -rock-bound coast. There was no doubt in our minds -now that the tactics of the Atbara had been repeated, -and that the zareebas were being shelled preparatory -to being stormed; the conjecture was wrong, as we -learned later. Then the rattle of musketry was borne -down on the wind; it was not the rattle of dervish -rifles either; we knew the sound of these when fired. -Then followed a long silence, only to be succeeded by -another terrific fusillade; to us prisoners, it was the -reserve zareeba which was now being carried. But the -tale of the battle is old, and who has not heard of that -second fight on the day of Omdurman, when MacDonald’s -brigade withstood the combined attack of -the armies of Sheikh ed Din and Yacoub?</p> - -<p>One must go amongst the survivors of that attack to -learn the details of the fight. Those having glasses in -the British lines must have noticed Yacoub prancing -about on horseback in front of his lines; this was in -imitation of the man he could see on horseback in -front of the brigade which was mowing down his men -by hundreds at each volley. They have learned since -who the man was, and “MacDonald” with “Es-Sirdar” -is now a name to conjure with in the Soudan. -It was not the first time MacDonald had so terribly -punished the dervishes, while commanding troops -which they had expected would throw down their -arms and bolt, as in olden days.</p> - -<p>While all this was occurring on the field of battle, -I in prison, to hide my excitement—and really to -calm my overstrung nerves,—took the Ratib of Ibrahim -<span class="xxpn" id="p272">|272|</span> -Wad-el-Fahel, and occupied myself with “illuminating” -its pages with red-and black-ink designs; this -was an occupation I had often earned a few dollars at, -but Fahel still owes me for my last exploit in “illumination.” -I left the work unfinished about noon to -attend to two young men attached to the prison, who -had come in from the fight, one with a bullet over the -left temple, and the other with a bullet in the muscle -of the left arm. Provided only with a penknife, I -made a cross cut over the spot where I could in one -case see, and the other feel the bullet imbedded, and -pressed them out; both bullets had kept their shape, -and must have been encountered at extreme range, or -rather beyond it.</p> - -<p>Maybe, with a European, chloroform might have -been necessary for the extraction of the bullet in -the arm, but with a Soudanese—have I not already -said that a dervish can continue leaping and stabbing -with half a dozen severe wounds in his body? A -dervish can and will kill at the moment when the ventricles -of his heart make their last contraction. Bodily -pain, as we understand it, is unknown to them. Many a -time have I applied, and seen applied, red-hot charcoal -to sores, with the patients calmly looking on. With -my present patients, after dabbing a little carbolic -acid over the wounds, I asked what news they had -brought. Yacoub, they said, was killed; almost all -the faithful were killed or wounded; the Khaleefa -himself was running back to town, but they had outstripped -him. While still questioning them, Idris es -Saier told me that the Muslimanieh who had been -<span class="xxpn" id="p273">|273|</span> -taken out to fight had made their way back to town, -and were rummaging for European clothes in which to -array themselves to receive the troops when they -arrived.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig24"> -<img src="images/i273.jpg" width="600" height="416" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap"> -<div>THE FLAG OF KHALEEFA SHEREEF.</div> -<div class="nowrap"> -<p class="hangb pleft">Line 1. “In the Name of God, the most - Compassionate and Merciful.”</p> -<p class="hangb pleft">Line 2. “Thou Living, Thou Existing and - most Glorious Source of generosity.”</p> -<p class="hangb pleft">Line 3. “There is no God but God. Mohammad - is the messenger of God.”</p> -<p class="hangb pleft">Line 4. “Mohammad El Mahdi is the Khaleefa - of the messenger of God.”</p> -</div></div></div> - -<p>I should here take up the tales of those who were -fighting in the dervish lines in order to present a complete -narrative. At sunrise on September 2, Sheikh -ed Din determined on attacking with his army of -riflemen and cavalry, leaving Yacoub, with whom -was his father, the Khaleefa, as a reserve. The -shells which fell amongst his men did not knock them -over or mow them down in lanes, they “blew a -hundred men and horses high into the air”; then, -when the rifle fire struck them, it “rolled them about -like little stones.” The carnage was so frightful that -Sheikh ed Din himself led the way to the shelter in -a khor to the west of Surgham hill.</p> - -<p>And now, to understand clearly what followed next, -and in a measure to explain the post of honour being -given to Sheikh ed Din, I must refer to an incident -occurring at the last moment before the army left -Omdurman. Khaleefa Shereef, since his insurrection -against Abdullahi, had not been allowed to exhibit the -white flag made specially for the family of the Mahdi. -It was believed that Abdullahi intended to nominate -his son to succeed him, but this was against the expressed -order of the Mahdi that Wad Helu and then -Shereef should do so. While Sheikh ed Din was -given the principal command, Shereef was not allowed -any command at all, nor was the white flag of Mahdieh -brought out of the Beit-el-Amana. Discontent was -<span class="xxpn" id="p274">|274|</span> -openly expressed at this, and some of the more religious -or fanatic of the Mahdists demanded to know -whether it was Abdullahi or Mahdieh they were to -fight for. Abdullahi was advised to bring out the -white flag, and it was carried at the extreme left of -his army, but Sheikh ed Din Abdullahi had hoped -would return as the victor of Kerreri, and thus his -succession could be assured with the aid of a vision.</p> - -<p>Seeing the repulse of Sheikh ed Din, the Khaleefa -ordered the advance of Yacoub’s army, and, as -they were advancing, Sheikh ed Din collected his -men and joined it. Then it was that the determined -attack was made on MacDonald’s brigade. The -Khaleefa had dismounted, and, sitting on his prayer-skin, -surrounded by his Mulazameen six deep, he -held communion again with the Prophet and the -Mahdi, while his army was being thinned by the -thousands. Yacoub, with his Emirs and bodyguard -of horsemen, rode in front of the troops and did his -best to incite them to a final rush on the brigade. -The white flag of Mahdieh was pushed close to where -the 2nd Egyptian battalion, under Colonel Pink, was -posted, and five standard-bearers in succession were -shot down; others ran to raise it only to be shot -down in turn, until the flag was buried under the slain.</p> - -<p>Almost at this moment a well-aimed shell blew -Yacoub and his bodyguard “high in the air,” and -before the Khaleefa’s eyes; the black flag was -planted, but the dervishes had had a lesson. Yunis, -breaking through Abdullahi’s bodyguard, ran to him, -saying, “Why do you sit here? Escape; every one is -<span class="xxpn" id="p275">|275|</span> -being killed;” but Abdullahi sat still, dazed and -stupefied with what he had seen. With the help of -others, Yunis raised him to his feet, and actually -pushed and bundled him along. Then Abdullahi -started running on foot. He refused to mount a -horse or camel; after stumbling and falling three -times, Yunis persuaded him to mount a donkey. His -army was now in full retreat, and “Where, oh, -Abdullahi—where is the victory you promised?” assailed -his ears. Calling his camel syce, Abou Gekka, -he told him to hurry on a fast camel to Omdurman, -collect his wives, children, and treasures, and conduct -them to the Zareeba-el-Arrda (parade-ground) to the -west of Omdurman, where he would meet them, and -then all were to fly together. On reaching the -zareeba, his household were not visible, and hearing -that there were still thousands of his troops in Omdurman, -he was persuaded to enter the town, and -make a last stand at the praying-ground. When -nearing the mosque, Abdullahi saw Yacoub’s eunuch -waiting there. Telling him to collect Yacoub’s wives, -children, etc., and take them to the zareeba, the -eunuch asked, “Where is my master?” Abdullahi -then probably for the last time exercised his power of -life and death. Turning to one of those near him, he -said, “Who is this slave, to question my orders?” and -the eunuch fell dead at Abdullahi’s feet with a bullet -through his head.</p> - -<p>Reaching the large praying enclosure, Abdullahi -ordered the drums and ombeyehs to be sounded, but -few or none obeyed the summons; some came, looked -<span class="xxpn" id="p276">|276|</span> -at him sitting there mute, and slunk off; some, I have -heard, jibed at him by asking if he was “sitting on his -farwah.” The farwah, or prayer-skin, is what the -leaders formerly stood upon when the day was lost, and -awaited their death. Finding himself deserted by all, -he called for his secretary, Abou-el-Gassim, and asked -what could be done. Gassim, whether in a sarcastic -vein or not, recommended that he should continue -praying where he was, and, maybe, his prayers would -still bring victory; but there being none to join in the -prayers, he asked Gassim to collect his household, and -bring them to him. Gassim went off, and did not -return.</p> - -<p>At this time the Taaishi, Baggara, Berti Habbanieh, -Rhizaghat, Digheem and other tribes, whom -he formerly depended upon for support, were streaming -off to the number of probably fifteen thousand, -from the south of the town. Calling two men, he asked -them to go outside the town, and see how far the -Government troops were distant. The messengers, -on reaching the Tombs of the Martyrs, about twelve -hundred yards from where Abdullahi was sitting, suddenly -came across the Sirdar and his staff standing at -the angle of the great wall; they watched the staff -move off towards the Beit-el-Mal, and returned and -reported this to Abdullahi. Slipping through the door -communicating with his house, he changed his clothes, -collected the remainder of his household, and quietly -slipped off while the Sirdar was making the complete -circuit of Omdurman with the exception of those twelve -hundred yards. It is a thousand pities, as things -<span class="xxpn" id="p277">|277|</span> -actually were, that the staff did not continue in the -direction they were then taking, for a few minutes’ trot -along the deserted street leading to the prayer-ground -would have allowed the Sirdar to lay his hands upon -Abdullahi, as he sat there absolutely alone, on the -spot where he had hoped that his faithful would make -their last stand.</p> - -<p>The sun was falling, and still we in prison did not -know exactly how the day had gone. We had -heard the drums and ombeyehs, which told us that -Abdullahi was calling upon the faithful to assemble at -the prayer-ground; a cloud of dust on the desert and -the gunboats slowly steaming up, meant that the troops -were advancing on the town. Idris es Saier came and -asked me what he was to do—to go to his master -or wait for the English. I advised him to close the -gates of the prison, use his rifles upon any of the -Baggara trying to force an entrance, and wait and see -who would ask for the keys—the expected Sirdar or -the Khaleefa. In all cases, I told him, it was his duty -to protect the prisoners in his charge, and reminded -him of Fauzi’s tale of the two gaolers. When we -heard the shrill cries of the women, we knew that some -one was being welcomed, and guessed correctly that it -was the English at last. Idris, in his anxiety to secure -his prisoners, had us all chained in gangs earlier than -usual, and this linking of my gang to the common -chain had only just been completed when Idris came, -frightened out of his life, as one could tell by his voice, -to tell me that the “place was filled with my English -brothers,” that a big, tall man, who, he was told, was -<span class="xxpn" id="p278">|278|</span> -the dreaded Sirdar, had asked for me, and that I was -to come at once.</p> - -<p>It seemed an age while the chain was being -slipped from my shackles, and then, led by Idris, I -made my way to the gate of the Saier. I was crying -dry eyed; I could see a blurred group, and then I -was startled out of my senses by hearing English -spoken—the only words of a European language I had -heard for seven long years. From that blurred group, -and through the gloom, came a voice, “Are you -Neufeld? are you well?” And then a tall figure stepped -towards me, and gave my hand a hearty shake. It -was the Sirdar. I believe I babbled something as I -received a handshake from one, and a slap on the -shoulder from another, but I do not know what I said. -Looking down at my shackles, the Sirdar asked, “Can -these be taken off now?—I am going on.” I believe -a second’s discussion went on with Idris, and then I -heard the last order I was to receive and obey in -the Saier, “Neufeld, <i>out you go</i>!” It was the Sirdar’s -order, and, half carried by the friendly and strong arms -supporting me, I obeyed. The next thing I remembered -was a British officer slipping off his horse, lifting -me into the saddle, and trudging along at my side -after the terribly trying and arduous day he must -have had.</p> - -<p>I was taken to the “head-quarters’ mess” at the camp; -the Sirdar had, I believe, allowed himself the luxury -of a broken angareeb on which to rest; the staff were -lying in all positions on the sand, fagged out, but hard -at work with despatches and orders by the light of -<span class="xxpn" id="p279">|279|</span> -guttering candles. It was a hungry, thirsty, and deadbeat -head-quarters’ mess I had been invited to on the -night of the memorable 2nd of September. While the -comfort of the troops had been looked to, the Sirdar and -his staff had evidently neglected themselves. Their -canteen and mess were miles away on slow-travelling -camels; one of the most brilliant victories of the -nineteenth century was being celebrated by a supper -of a few biscuits, poor water, some of my prison bread, -which I shared with others around me, and Cairo -cigarettes, with the sand of the desert for seats, and -the canopy of heaven as the roof over our heads.</p> - -<p>Soon after reaching the “mess,” I heard a voice -calling, “Where’s Neufeld?” and the inquirer introduced -himself to me; it was Mr. Bennet Burleigh, of the -<i>Daily Telegraph</i>. I had heard, and yet had not heard, -much English spoken to me, but the flood of language -he poured out when he found me still in chains came -as a revelation to me; it was as picturesque as his -description of the battle which I have since read. -Rushing off, he was back in a few moments with some -farriers with their shoeing implements to try and -remove my chains; off again, he came with some -engineers, and amidst a running torrent of abuse, anent -cold chisels and other implements which he required -and which were not forthcoming, he questioned me. -Every one had a try at those chains; some one I -heard use language concerning the Khaleefa when he -found his thumb between the hammer and the links, -but with a great deal of strong language, and equally -as strong blows, the links connecting with the anklets -<span class="xxpn" id="p280">|280|</span> -were cut through, but the anklets themselves were only -removed, owing to want of appliances, on board -Colonel Gordon’s steamer a few minutes before he led -the way to the troops who were to take part in the -funeral-service at the spot where his hero uncle fell.</p> - -<p>While Slatin’s countryman, Joseppi, was imprisoned -with me, I was able to exercise my mother tongue, and -correct his broken German, which gave me, at all -events, some little amusement; but after his murder, -and the escape of Father Ohrwalder, I never had -another opportunity of speaking a European language -except in my dreams, and when I discovered myself -talking to myself. For seven long years, with the -exception of the word “torpedo,” by which name the -Algerian called his mines, I had not heard a syllable -of a European tongue. The last Europeans I had -spoken to before leaving Egypt were English; the -first language I was to hear on my release was English, -and then a strange thing happened. As far as language -was concerned, my brain became a blank from the -moment I left Wadi Halfa, to the moment when the -Sirdar called out, “Are you Neufeld?” so that when -the German Military Attaché spoke to me in German, -while hearing, and in the main understanding what he -said, I could not, much to his very evident annoyance, -find words in my mother tongue to reply. It -was weeks after my return to Egypt before I was able -to express myself properly in the German language. -While to myself this was not to be greatly wondered -at, yet the fact might be of interest to some scientist, -who has made cerebral affections his particular study.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p281" -title="CHAPTER XXIII THE SIRDAR AND SAVAGE WARFARE"> -CHAPTER XXIII <span class="blksmaller"> -THE SIRDAR AND SAVAGE WARFARE</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">On -the morning following the battle of Omdurman, a -number of the townspeople came out to the camp, complaining -of the rough usage which they had been subjected -to at the hands of the Soudanese troops left in -charge of the town, and of the looting of their houses. -The majority, not knowing that the Sirdar and his -staff were fluent Arabic scholars, brought their complaints -to me, and asked me to interpret for them. In -my then excited and half-dazed state, I rushed off to -report the matters. Colonel Maxwell at once called -up a hundred men, and with an officer and sergeant, -instructed me to proceed to the town and see the men -posted to the houses of the complainants. The real -truth of the matter, of course, only came out later, and -as I do not know of any one else who is in as good a -position as I am to relate it, I submit the following.</p> - -<p>Long before the troops reached the town, the -inhabitants were busily engaged in looting the Mahdieh -institutions and the deserted houses of the fleeing -Baggara and others. Their local knowledge obviated -the necessity of <i>searching</i> for loot; they knew where -<span class="xxpn" id="p282">|282|</span> -there was anything at all worth taking and took it, -anticipating the troops by half a day. Into every -occupied house loot was being carried, if not by the -head of the household, then by the servants and -others attached to the establishment, while the head -mounted guard. True, the soldiers did loot towards -midnight; but what? angareebs (the native seats and -bedsteads combined), on which to rest themselves -instead of lying down on the filth-sodden ground of -Omdurman. Heaven knows they richly deserved the -temporary loan of these angareebs. Wherever residents -were looted, it was their own fault. The victorious -and therefore happy and grinning Blacks kept -an eye on their hereditary enemies—the lighter -coloured population, as they passed backwards and -forwards, always entering their huts loaded and -emerging empty-handed. In their eagerness to collect -all they could, they threw down their loot, and -hurried off for more, and during their absence the -Black “Tommy” annexed whatever he thought -might be useful to him.</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="fig25"> -<img src="images/i282.jpg" width="600" height="378" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">TROPHIES TAKEN AT OMDURMAN.</div> -</div> - -<p>The Sirdar himself could not have made a better -arrangement than that which came of itself. The -troops were enabled to keep at their posts with an -eye open for any lurking Baggara; the looting -was being done for them by the residents, who -knew exactly where to lay their hands upon anything -worth taking, instead of time being wasted -by searching empty houses, while the soldiers were -kept in good spirits by having the fun of the -looting without running the risk of being suddenly -<span class="xxpn" id="p283">|283|</span> -confronted with half a dozen Baggara concealed in -some hut or room. When some one came staggering -along under a particularly heavy load, a Black -would assist him with his burden; some of his comrades -would join in, and when the looter protested -that he did not require any help, a little Soudan -horseplay was indulged in, and later on these little -pleasantries came up as grave charges of assault.</p> - -<p>The only people in Omdurman who had anything -worth looting were the real Mahdists themselves—and -they deserved to be looted of their ill-gotten -gains. In dealing with any claims for compensation -for having been looted, three things should be kept in -mind—the complainant should prove that he was not -a real Mahdist; that what he was looted of on the evening -of the 2nd of September was not the proceeds of his -own looting during the day; and, having got so far, -should reconcile the fact of his having been looted of -property and valuables with his tales of abject misery, -poverty, and semi-starvation.</p> - -<p>It did not take me long to grasp the situation, for -after seeing the soldiers posted to the houses of the -“Government” people, I started on a voyage of discovery -after the houses of the principal Baggara and -others, and having had them pointed out to me, I -recommended the soldiers to take their cleaning rods -and bayonets, and probe the walls of the hareem rooms -for hidden valuables. I am pleased to say that the -suggested operations were not entirely without some -gratifying results; but a very small find indeed gratifies -the native troops. Whoever possessed property -<span class="xxpn" id="p284">|284|</span> -in Omdurman was either a thief or murderer. Most -had bolted with the Khaleefa, and it was through no -fault of theirs that they left a few dollars behind for -people who could make good use of them. I regret -now that I did not organize a looting party, and place -myself at the head of it.</p> - -<p>I have heard of, but I have not read, the article or -articles written by one of the correspondents who -accompanied the Khartoum Expedition, consisting of a -series of wholesale charges brought against the Sirdar -and the troops in connection with “Khartoum Day.” -I gauge what the articles must have been from some -of the letters written in reply. As every one appears -to have criticized and shown how much better than -the Sirdar they could have carried out the reconquest -of the Soudan, as the “oldest resident” I -think I am entitled to express an opinion, and to -criticize also.</p> - -<p>The Sirdar, in my opinion, made one grave error—he -gave quarter; and I have no doubt that, in doing so, -he knew that he was doing a positive injustice to his -Black troops in order to pander to an ignorant public -opinion which he knew existed elsewhere. I know -that some people, profoundly ignorant of the Soudan -and its tribes, and their history, religion, laws, customs, -and legal rights, will hold up their hands in holy -horror, and jump to the conclusion that my long -captivity has engendered a spirit of vindictiveness -against my captors which has deadened in me every -sense of humanity—and in this they will be wrong. -Lord Kitchener of Khartoum made a grave error in -<span class="xxpn" id="p285">|285|</span> -extending to a horde of murderers the advantages of -civilized warfare, <i>and the clemency he felt called upon -to extend to them will cost England the loss of many a -gallant life yet</i>.</p> - -<p>There was not a man in the Black Battalions who -had not, by the old Law of Moses, the laws of his -country in which he was then fighting, the law of the -Prophet, and the religious law, irrespective of the law -handed down from the remotest ages, more right to -take a life on that day than any judge in a civilized -country has to sentence to death a man who has -personally done him no wrong. Every man there -was entitled to a life in retaliation for the murder of -a father, the rape of a mother, wife, daughter, or -sister, the mutilation of a brother or son, and his own -bondage. To prevent, as the Sirdar did prevent, -these soldiers from exercising their rights, was doing -them an injustice, and running a risk as well, when -it is remembered how they had slaved for this “Day -of Retaliation.” There may have been, doubtless -were, many cases of the killing outright of wounded -dervishes; this was no more murder than a judicial -hanging; and looking at the matter from a humanitarian -point of view, would it not have been better to send -those Blacks over the field to put the wounded out of -their misery, and thus kill two birds with one stone? -For let it be remembered, that when a dervish sits and -lies wounded, he is wounded to death, and only by -force of will keeps himself alive until he dies happy -at the moment when he sends his spear through the -heart of his would-be saviour. I repeat, the Sirdar -<span class="xxpn" id="p286">|286|</span> -committed a grave error in extending to the dervishes -the advantages of civilized warfare. I who have lived -amongst the people, who have discussed with their -greatest exponents of the religious law, and made comparisons -between the administration of their and our -laws, consider that I am well qualified to express an -opinion, and better qualified than those who, with a -command of language, can so present their views to -the public that the cant, ignorance, and humbug—not -to say hankering for notoriety which underlies it all—is -hidden.</p> - -<p>You who have held up your hands in holy horror at -the foregoing, prepare to hold them up again.</p> - -<p>The day after the battle of Kirbekan an outpost -was being sent forward. Moving to its position, it -espied a wounded dervish making signs for water. -One of the soldiers slipped off his camel to give him -some, and his comrades moved on. As time went on, -and their chum did not catch them up, they came -back to see what had happened. There he was, still -attending to the wounded dervish, his hand resting on -his shoulder, but there was no movement from either. -Approaching—this was the tale plainly written. The -lines on the ground showed that “Tommy” had taken -the wounded man in his arms, and half supporting -and half dragging him, had placed him in a sitting -posture in the shade, with his back against a rock; -then, taking his water-bottle, he began to pour the -life-giving drops down the throat of the dervish, for -he still grasped the empty water-bottle. With returning -life came, of course, returning strength—sufficient -<span class="xxpn" id="p287">|287|</span> -strength for the dervish to slip off his knife, poise his -hand for a second of time behind “Tommy’s” back, -while he was occupied with his mission of mercy, and -then, plunging it in with sufficient force to divide the -spinal column, the dervish died happy as “Tommy” -fell dead across his shoulder. That dervish was -glorified in the Soudan, and thousands of others were -awaiting the opportunity of dying as gloriously. Do -you like the picture now? These are the sort of -people you howl for the protection of. If you wish -the wounded dervishes to be attended to against their -will, then institute some special decoration for those -who return alive from their mission of mercy, and -when you have discovered that for each decoration -given, a few hundred valuable lives have been sacrificed, -perhaps you will agree to the issue of orders -which I, knowing what I do know, should issue now.</p> - -<p>If I had my say in the matter, when next the -Government troops come face to face with the tribes, -whom Lord Kitchener in his clemency spared to -gather again around the Khaleefa, I should make it -a drum-head court-martialling business for any doctor -who risked the lives of his wounded in hospital by -attempting to throw away his own in attending to a -wounded dervish who does not want to live. He is -wounded to death or would not be lying or sitting -there, and he wants to die—but to die killing; he wants -your life’s blood, not your aid and succour. As he -wants to die—as he <i>must</i> die—then shoot him at once -and put him out of his misery. In doing this, you are -but acting humanely to a dying but still ferocious -<span class="xxpn" id="p288">|288|</span> -animal in the guise of a man. You are not taking a -life needlessly, but in all probability saving a better -one; and as the troops pick their way over the field -of battle, another bullet should be put into the -“dead” and “wounded” from a distance a yard -beyond the point to which a dervish can throw a -spear, to prevent any more accidents. The number of -soldiers killed by “dead” and “wounded” dervishes -is great enough already, and it would be criminal to -add to it. Have you no thought for some English -mother mourning the loss of her brave lad, who threw -away his life in attending to a wounded dervish, when -she had been looking forward to his return as the -hero of the village? How many cottages in England -have been made desolate by the hands of “dead” and -“wounded” dervishes?</p> - -<p>If none of the foregoing suggestions are acceptable, -then let each correspondent accompanying an expedition -into the heart of Africa declare whether he votes -for first aid to the wounded dervishes or not. If he -does not, then let him hold his peace if he sees things -which he would not expect to come across, were he -witnessing the sequel to a fight between civilized -peoples. If he declares for first aid, then give him -a packet of bandages and a water-bottle, and let -him put his principles into practice, while his more -enlightened brother knights of the pen tag on to -their despatches his obituary notice.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p289" -title="CHAPTER XXIV BACK TO CIVILIZATION"> -CHAPTER XXIV <span class="blksmaller"> -BACK TO CIVILIZATION</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">I -must leave it to my readers to try and imagine what -my sensations were as I sailed away from Omdurman -on the first stage of my journey to civilization and -liberty. Remembering the reason which I gave my -wife, manager, and friends, when I was begged to -abandon my projected journey into Kordofan, knowing -that others knew how I had comported myself before -my captors and Abdullahi, I was conscious that I had -nothing to be ashamed of in the production of a worse -than useless saltpetre, which I could easily have -refined—but the real refinement of which I prevented. -Nor was I ashamed of having designed impossible -machines for the manufacture of powder and cartridges, -in order to keep out of that terrible Saier; nor of -the wilful destruction of so much good material for -their construction, especially as there were living -witnesses to bear me out. Thinking, therefore, that -the small, very small, risk I ran in the collecting of -information to send to the advancing armies might -have been appreciated, I built up on my journey what -proved to be a house of cards to be blown down by -<span class="xxpn" id="p290">|290|</span> -a breath as soon as I reached Cairo. I was much -disappointed in the reception awaiting me; so also was -every other released captive, and not a few Mahdists. -Perhaps I am to blame for delaying at Berber for the -purpose I have “admitted” in my chapter “Divorced -and Married,” when my arrival had been announced -by a certain train; but I have been punished for -this, though even now I am too uncivilized to feel -ashamed of the action, or to appreciate the justice of -the strictures passed upon me in consequence.</p> - -<p>When at last I did reach Cairo, it was but to learn -that although I had taken as “jokes” the compliments -which I received on my way down, on the “manufacture -of gunpowder with which to kill English soldiers”—on -the “‘damned clever’ design and construction of -the forts to oppose the advance of the gunboats,” on -my “smartness in galloping away from the field when -I saw it was all over for Mahdieh, and reaching the -prison just in time to get on my chains again before -the Sirdar put in his appearance”—yet these, and a -great many other tales, were implicitly believed in. -Moreover, they had lost nothing in being translated -into the many languages spoken in Cairo, which include -every language of Europe, with a few of the East.</p> - -<p>It was heartrending to me, after what I had gone -through, to return to my own flesh and blood to be -spurned and shunned as the incarnation of everything -despicable in a man. I, who had defied my captors -and had looked for death, wished for it more now that -I was amongst my own people; but fortunately the -persecution I was subjected to, added to my change of -<span class="xxpn" id="p291">|291|</span> -life, caused me to break down completely, and when I -recovered from my delirium it was to find myself in the -hands of a few friends. Do not think that I had -worried myself over what was mere idle gossip; all -the charges were made in sincerity, and this owing to -the influential quarters whence they were emanating.</p> - -<p>A few days after receiving the generous offer of my -publishers, I was told that I was a prisoner of war, -and as such was debarred from entering into any -engagements; moreover, my experiences were said to -be the property of the War Office. Later on, I was -told that, in consideration of the subscriptions raised -by a newspaper group in England for the purpose of -effecting my escape some years ago, I was to write -my experiences for the benefit of the subscribers. -Then, after keeping me waiting weeks for a reply, -they offered me £100—a sum not sufficient to pay the -guides already in Cairo—and asked me to repay them -the moneys they had lent me while in prison. When -in reply to this offer I pointed out the ruined condition -I am in, and offered to repay the subscribers the monies -spent from the money I am to receive for my book, I -was first threatened with an injunction upon the book, -and then with the publication of “interesting” -disclosures (?) concerning me.</p> - -<p>When H.R.H. Duke Johann Albrecht, the Regent -of Mecklenburg, graciously writes to me himself, -instructing me to call at the German Consul-General’s, -in Cairo, for some money sent there to “give me a -new start in life,” I am met, when I do present -myself, with accusations of ingratitude and broken -<span class="xxpn" id="p292">|292|</span> -engagements towards people whose names I had never -heard of. However, these people wrote disclaimers -to the <i>Times</i>, saying that they knew nothing of the -claims made against me in their names; yet, in spite of -the disclaimers, the money was impounded for about -five months in all, and then some claims paid from it, -but on whose account I am still ignorant.</p> - -<p>While all these charges are being levelled at me, I -am warned that if I dare contradict anything published -formerly concerning myself or Soudan affairs, certain -correspondence will be communicated to the London -Press; yet what am I to do but contradict them -wherever I can find a scrap of evidence to support my -contradiction? Surely I cannot be expected to confirm -such reports in the face of the threats made verbally -and in the columns of a newspaper, especially as I and -mine must remain the social outcasts we have been -since my release, until my narrative appears. I am -writing more in grief than in anger; these are all -subjects I should have preferred not to mention in my -narrative, and I am touching on them as lightly as is -possible, but as others have chosen to publish them, by -keeping silence I should be doing myself an injustice. -My hand or tongue has been forced, therefore those -who have taken the initial action against me must be -responsible for the inevitable result which will follow -when, questioned as to the foregoing by those entitled -to ask for the evidence, I hand over for publication the -whole of the correspondence. For the public, having -been led to form opinions about me on the strength of -the reports and explanations printed, have the right to -<span class="xxpn" id="p293">|293|</span> -know the whole truth before pronouncing a second -judgment; but my narrative ought not to be burdened -with such a voluminous correspondence. Surely a -kind Providence kept watch over the few documents -which I have been fortunate enough to find after all -these years, and which are of such value to me in -substantiating my story.</p> - -<p>Amongst the many articles published concerning me, -one printed in the London and Provincial papers on -the 5th and 6th of September last caused me considerable -injury in England and Egypt, and, maybe, -irreparable injury in my native country, to which I -have appealed for the rights of citizenship which my -capture and long captivity precluded my returning to -claim during 1887. To this appeal I have as yet -received no answer—and little wonder. On the -appearance of this article, some of my countrymen -attacked me in no measured terms, and I was shunned -by them as they would shun a pestilence. The -communication made was on the presumable authority -of General Hunter, as his name is mentioned; but so -sure am I that he was no more capable of communicating -such a report for publication than he is of -turning his back in the face of an enemy, that I have -not so much as written to him asking his denial. I -was advised to allow these reports to accumulate and -circulate, and reply to them <i>en bloc</i> in my narrative, -leaving a deceived public to take up the matter. The -article I refer to reads as follows:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Twice had every preparation been made. The relays of camels -to take the exile across the desert were ready. Nothing remained -<span class="xxpn" id="p294">|294|</span> -but for Neufeld to pluck up courage and quit Omdurman. Each -time he backed out at the last moment. At length he confessed the -truth, namely, that he did not care to come away. He had married a -black wife. His friends in Germany were dead or had forgotten him. -He would stay where he was.”</p></div> - -<p>Is it not possible to find some one to swear that -<i>more</i> than two attempts were made during those long -twelve years to extricate me? I have in my narrative -said all that I know of the visits of any guides to -Omdurman. Having been promised the publication -of interesting documents concerning me, perhaps the -proofs of the above will be forthcoming; let it be -proved that on even <i>one</i> occasion relays of camels were -posted to effect my escape, and at the same time let it -be proved that the guide who posted those relays ever -came to me.</p> - -<p>It is quite possible that there are a sheaf of letters -waiting to be published bearing my signature; and -maybe when they are, I shall learn their contents for -the first time. I had to sign many letters the contents -of which I was ignorant of, as is evidenced by -the letter to my manager, and the letter to General -Stephenson, in reply to the one he entrusted me with -when I went on my expedition. This letter was photographed, -and a translation is given on p. <a href="#p338">338</a>. The -reply was dictated by Abdullahi to his secretary, and -handed me to sign. Let the note, letter, or report, on -which my refusal to escape is founded, be produced, and -then see if the date of it does not correspond with the -date of the maturing of one of my many plans for -escape. But do not press me too closely for my reason -<span class="xxpn" id="p295">|295|</span> -for writing or giving such a message. If I gave it I -should be committing as great an injustice as did poor -Lupton, when sending back part of the monies sent -him by his friends at Suakin, who were trying to effect -his escape, wrote. . . . Those friends are still living, -and as they have not chosen to tell the world what they -did for their countrymen, and how it was that their -schemes fell through, I may not do so—at least, not yet.</p> - -<p>If I lied, as I have been told to my face that I -did, when I denied some of the charges made against -me, why should more credence be given me for -sincerity in notes refusing to escape than was given -to Slatin’s protestations of loyalty in his letter to the -Khaleefa when he escaped? If during my capture -and my long captivity my behaviour was unmanly, or -such as I, a European, ought to be ashamed of, then -let the proofs be at once forthcoming. Do not weary -me out and keep the world against me with threats -of coming disclosures; moreover, have I not good -reason to complain of the communication of everything -damaging to me while everything in my favour is -suppressed?</p> - -<p>The sources of information, reference, and assistance -thrown open to Ohrwalder and Slatin when compiling -their experiences have been closed to me. When -Slatin arrived in Cairo, he was handed the statements -of guides reporting his “persistent refusals to -escape,” and allowed to be the first to inform the -world of their existence. When I arrive in Cairo, -I find that similar reports concerning me have been -given wide publicity and believed in. Why, I ask, -<span class="xxpn" id="p296">|296|</span> -should it have been believed that the guides’ reports -were false in Slatin’s case and true in mine? and -why should I not have been given the opportunity -of first announcing their existence to the world? -Perhaps, before I have completed my narrative, people -will come to the conclusion that some of those privileged -to look at all my papers have, for some reason -or another, felt that it was necessary thoroughly to -discredit me, so that, when my story appeared, I -should not be believed in; but then, who could have -foreseen that I should ever be so fortunate as to -collect any evidence in support of it?</p> - -<p>It has been suggested that maybe I have taken too -much to heart the “tales being told about” me; that -they were but gossip. It was no idle gossip for me. -I was persuaded, much against my wish, to attend a -hotel garden-party, my first and last appearance in -public in Cairo, for this was the sequel: One of my -few friends connected with the Press there handed me -some cuttings containing the usual inaccuracies and -slanders, and while sitting down in a corridor, my -amanuensis at my side taking notes as I read -them over, I heard, “Hello, how is that book of -Neufeld’s getting on?” The speaker, when asked if -he knew Neufeld, blurted out, “Know him—no, nor -do I want to know him, considering the number of -English soldiers he has sent to eternity with his gunpowder. -I would not even look at the fellow’s face.” -And as my companion whispered, “This is Neufeld,” I -raised my head just in time to see the representative -of a great news agency hurrying through the doorway. -<span class="xxpn" id="p297">|297|</span> -Maybe, on the appearance of this, Reuter’s Cairo Agent -may not be averse to telling me on what or whose -authority he made this charge in my own hearing. -The incident for the moment is closed, but if it is re-opened, -it must be re-opened somewhere where highly -placed officials may not be successfully appealed to -to go around asking lawyers not to take up my case. -Memo. for that News-Agency representative—“Walls -have ears,” and “Don’t shout till you are out of the -wood.”</p> - -<p>I trust that when I send up my card to the London -correspondent of the newspaper from whose article -I have quoted, he will, instead of imitating his -brother knight of the pen in Cairo, at least receive -me, and examine the originals of the documents -inserted in my narrative, disproving the charges -which he was the medium of circulating in England -and on the Continent. Then, if satisfied with their -genuineness in the first place, and in the second place -convinced that during my long captivity I was striving -more than any other captive to effect my escape, he -will at least, when next writing to his readers, try to -do what little he can towards repairing the great -injury which he did me in England, though it was -without malice, I admit, and then try to have his error -corrected in the German papers. I ask nothing more -than this. Is it too much to ask?</p> - -<p>But from the sea of slander and uncharitableness in -which I was struggling, there rose some kindly hands -to help me. When pressed by the War Office to repay -the £20 I had borrowed from it on the way -<span class="xxpn" id="p298">|298|</span> -down—with my old guides in Cairo asking me to redeem the -receipts they had for monies lent me while in prison—with -the monies kindly sent me from Berlin to give -me a “new start in life” impounded—with the hand -of every one against me, after calling at one bank and -being refused, I went to Mr. Hewett Moxley, an old -friend of the Bleichröders, of Berlin, and now the -Director of the Imperial Ottoman Bank in Cairo. -Handing him my file of letters and telegrams, I asked -if he thought that they contained sufficient guarantees -for my being able eventually to repay the money which -I wished him to advance to me. He left me for a few -moments, and then returned, and as he went over one -letter after the other, my hopes fell, for he remarked that -my “guarantees were not of the very highest order,” and -that my “credentials were not of a very satisfactory -nature.” But I knew a few moments later that these -were pithy, maybe sarcastic, remarks upon the letters -which he was glancing through, for while engaged upon -these running comments, his clerk was counting out -£150 in gold for my immediate needs, and opening a -credit for a further £250. I thoroughly enjoyed his -joke, so different from those I had so far encountered, -for his action was the first kindly one which I received -in civilization.</p> - -<p>It was late on a Saturday night when, for the first -time, I rose from my bed of sickness to meet the -proprietor of one of those great English papers, which -I had been promised were to hound me. In spite -of the assurances given me, it was with no little -nervousness that I approached him; but instead of -<span class="xxpn" id="p299">|299|</span> -the ogre whom I had expected to meet, I found -myself being supported by a kindly spoken English -gentleman, assisted to an easy-chair, and tucked up in -rugs. A few waiters were in attendance, and the -“ogre” was blaming himself for having asked me to -call and see him, and begging my forgiveness, as he -did not know that I was so ill. The “ogre” was Sir -George Newnes. He listened patiently to all I had -to say, went through my correspondence, ventured the -opinion that certain actions directed against me were -“monstrous,” told me not to believe that the English -Press would attack me without reason, and recommended -me, as soon as I was well, to go ahead with -my book and collect every scrap of evidence which I -could in support of my own story. I have followed his -advice, but the collecting of the little evidence which -I have got has been no light task, groping as I was -in the darkness of a twelve years’ oblivion.</p> - -<p>I must not forget either to acknowledge the handsome -treatment which I have received at the hands of -my publishers, who have kept me in funds, and with -extraordinary patience awaited the completion of my -narrative; but the absolute necessity of collecting -proofs for what I state, in face of the threats dangling -over my head, accounts for the long delay.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p300" -title="CHAPTER XXV HOW GORDON DIED"> -CHAPTER XXV <span class="blksmaller"> -HOW GORDON DIED</span></h2></div> - -<p class="pfirst">When -the news of the Sirdar’s splendid victory -reached England, the British nation may be said to -have breathed again, and when the great rush was -made for the cheap edition of “Ten Years’ Captivity,” -which was extensively advertised with my portrait to -catch attention, the few known details of Gordon’s -death became as fresh again in people’s minds as they -had been years before. I was constantly asked to relate -all I had heard concerning Gordon. When I had done -so I was invariably met with quotations and readings -from “Mahdism,” “Ten Years’ Captivity,” “Fire -and Sword,” and other works; for what I had been -told of Gordon’s death by eye-witnesses was an -entirely different history to those published.</p> - -<p>The first to relate the story of Gordon’s death was -a man whose tongue Gordon had threatened to cut -out as the only cure for his inveterate lying, and -when he escaped and reached Cairo, in telling his -tale he sustained his reputation. All accounts of -Gordon’s death have apparently been based upon -this first one received. Gordon, the world has been -<span class="xxpn" id="p301">|301|</span> -made to believe, died as a coward, for what other -construction may be placed on the assertion that he -turned his back upon his assailants, and in his back -received his mortal wound? It is an infamous lie; but, -then, what was to be expected from a man whom -Gordon knew so well, and who, maybe, had good -reason to invent the tale he did? I quote, side by -side, what may be called the three official accounts of -Gordon’s death:―</p> - -<div class="blockquot csstable"> -<div class="tabrow"> - -<div class="tabcell cellrpad cellwthb"> -<div><span class="smcap">M<span>AHDISM.</span></span></div> -<p class="pleft">“He (Gordon) -made a gesture of -scorn with his right -hand, and turned his -back, where he received -another spear -wound which caused -him to fall forward -and was most likely -his mortal wound. . . . -He made no resistance, -and did not -fire a shot from his -revolver.”</p> - -<p class="pleft">“. . . One of them -rushing up, stabbed -him with his spear, -and others then followed, -and soon he -was killed. . . . He -(Nejoumi) ordered -the body to be dragged -downstairs into the -garden, where his -head was cut off.”</p></div> - -<div class="tabcell cellrpad cellwthb"> -<div><span class="smcap">O<span>HRWALDER.</span></span></div> -<p class="pleft">“<i>The first</i> Arab -<i>plunged his huge spear -into his body</i>. <i>He -fell forward on his -face</i>, was <i>dragged -down</i> the stairs, -many stabbed him -with their spears, -and <i>his head was -cut off and sent to -the Mahdi</i>.”</p></div> - -<div class="tabcell"> -<div><span class="smcap">S<span>LATIN.</span></span></div> -<p class="pleft">“<i>The first</i> man up -the steps <i>plunged his -huge spear into his -body; he fell forward -on his face</i> without -uttering a word. His -murderers <i>dragged</i> -him <i>down</i> the steps to -the palace entrance, -and here <i>his head -was cut off and</i> at -once <i>sent</i> over <i>to the -Mahdi</i>.” -<span class="xxpn" id="p302">|302|</span></p></div> -</div> -</div><!--blockquot--> - -<p>It will be noticed that Father Ohrwalder’s account -appears to be a condensation of the first given, while -it is hard to believe that a coincidence only accounts -for Slatin giving the history in almost the identical -words used by Ohrwalder. It is still more extraordinary -that the first account should ever have been -believed and published, and still <i>more</i> extraordinary -that it was not corrected by Ohrwalder and Slatin, for -when I arrived in Omdurman, in 1887, the real details -of the death of Gordon were the theme of conversation -whenever his name was mentioned, and there -are many eye-witnesses to his death—or were until -the battle of Omdurman, who could tell a very -different tale.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig26"> -<img src="images/i303.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">KHALEEL AGHA ORPHALI.</div> -</div> - -<p>Those who knew Charles George Gordon, will -believe me when I aver that he died, as they must all -have believed that he died—in spite of the official and -semi-official accounts to the contrary—as the soldier -and lion-hearted man he was. Gordon did not rest his -hand on the hilt of his sword and turn his back to his -enemies to receive his mortal wound. Gordon drew -his sword, and used it. When Gordon fell, his sword -was dripping with the blood of his assailants, for no -less than sixteen or seventeen did he cut down with it. -When Gordon fell, his left hand was blackened with -the unburned powder from his at least thrice-emptied -revolver. When Gordon fell, his life’s blood was -pouring from a spear and pistol-shot wound in his -right breast. When Gordon fell, his boots were -slippery with the blood of the crowd of dervishes he -shot and hacked his way through, in his heroic attempt -<span class="xxpn" id="p303">|303|</span> -to cut his way out and place himself at the head -of his troops. Gordon died as only Gordon could -die. Let the world be misinformed and deceived -about Soudan affairs with the tales of so-called guides -and spies, but let it be told the truth of Gordon’s death.</p> - -<p>A week before the fall of Khartoum, Gordon had -given up hopes. Calling Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi, he -ordered him to provision one of the steamers, get all -the Europeans on board, and set off for the north. To -their credit be it said, they refused to leave unless -Gordon saved his own life with theirs. Finding him -obdurate, a plot was made to seize him while asleep, -carry him off, and save him in spite of himself; but he -somehow heard of the plot, smiled, and said it was his -duty to save their lives if he could, but it was also his -duty to “stick to his post.” As the troops must be -near, then sail north, he told them, and tell them to -hurry up.</p> - -<p>Each day at dawn, when he retired to rest, he bolted -his door from the inside, and placed his faithful -body-servant—Khaleel -Agha Orphali—on guard outside it. -On the fatal night, Gordon had as usual kept his vigil -on the roof of the palace, sending and receiving telegraphic -messages from the lines every few minutes, -and as dawn crept into the skies, thinking that the -long-threatened attack was not yet to be delivered, he -lay down wearied out. The little firing heard a few -minutes later attracted no more attention than the -usual firing which had been going on continuously -night and day for months, but when the palace guards -were heard firing it was known that something serious -<span class="xxpn" id="p304">|304|</span> -was happening. By the time Gordon had slipped -into his old serge or dark tweed suit, and taken his -sword and revolver, the advanced dervishes were -already surrounding the palace. Overcoming the -guards, a rush was made up the stairs, and Gordon -was met leaving his room. A small spear was thrown -which wounded him, but very slightly, on the left -shoulder. Almost before the dervishes knew what was -happening, three of them lay dead, and one wounded, -at Gordon’s feet—the remainder fled. Quickly reloading -his revolver, Gordon made for the head of -the stairs, and again drove the reassembling dervishes -off. Darting back to reload, he received a stab in his -left shoulder-blade from a dervish concealed behind the -corridor door, and on reaching the steps the third time, -he received a pistol-shot and spear-wound in his right -breast, and then, great soldier as he was, he rose almost -above himself. With his life’s blood pouring from his -breast—not his back, remember—he fought his way -step by step, kicking from his path the wounded and -dead dervishes—for Orphali too had not been idle—and -as he was passing through the doorway leading -into the courtyard, another concealed dervish almost -severed his right leg with a single blow. Then Gordon -fell. The steps he had <i>fought</i> his way—not been -dragged—down, were encumbered with the bodies of -dead and dying dervishes. No dervish spear pierced -the live and quivering flesh of a prostrate but still -conscious Gordon, for he breathed his last as he turned -to face his last assailant, half raised his sword to strike, -and fell dead with his face to heaven. -<span class="xxpn" id="p305">|305|</span></p> - -<p>Even had I not been specially requested, as the last -of the Soudan captives, to relate in my narrative all that -I had heard and learned concerning Gordon, I should -have done so to a certain extent at all events, for he -was no more the hero of the British people than he -was mine, and the belief that he was still alive had no -little to do with my ill-starred journey in 1887. The -truth about his death, which is now published for the -first time, is ample justification for what follows concerning -him while still alive. It is true, as I have -been told, that all I can have to say will be from -“hearsay;” but then all the reports published concerning -Gordon’s last days are from hearsay. I have -the advantage over all others in this—that I was -maybe the one man, captive or not, in Omdurman -whom Mahdist and “Government” man alike could -trust implicitly and confide in, for there was no -questioning what my attitude was towards Abdullahi -and Mahdieh. The consequence was that old “Government” -people and the powerful men who from time -to time became my fellow-prisoners, and, as a consequence, -enemies of Abdullahi, gave me confidences -which, if given in other quarters, might have resulted -in the loss of a head.</p> - -<p>Again, almost all the tales told about the Soudan -may be classed in one of two categories; the first, -tales like mine, related by people interested in putting -their own version upon events and incidents with -which they were personally connected, and the second, -tales told by people with versions for which they -believed their questioners were hankering, so that what -<span class="xxpn" id="p306">|306|</span> -was white to “A” became black to “B,” if it was -considered that this colour pleased “B” best. The -system scarcely puts a premium on accuracy.</p> - -<p>But before proceeding to my comments on the -criticisms, a few introductory remarks are called for to -prevent misconceptions and misunderstandings arising -in the minds of my readers. As an evidence that the -following is not intended—far from it—to lacerate the -feelings of any of those who suffered with me, I might -mention that I have read over the notes of this -chapter to many of my fellow-captives, and have, at -their suggestion, cut out a series of incidents well -known to Gordon, which influenced him in the stand -he took towards certain people, and other incidents -which prove how clear and long-sighted he was, and -how events justified his taking up the stand which -he did. One incident ought to be written, to punish -on this earth, if possible, the man whose escape has not -been recorded, and whose deserted and broken-hearted -wife lies by the side of their unshriven baby-boy in the -sands of the Soudan. However, maybe Gordon, had -he come back alive to meet all the calumnies directed -against him, would have hesitated to help his “clearance” -by stabbing the living with a dead hand, and -out of respect to his memory this incident, with a -number of others, has been expunged.</p> - -<p>I have already told Father Ohrwalder that, in -commenting upon what he says in “Ten Years’ -Captivity,” when speaking of Gordon’s actions, the -remarks I may feel called upon to make are not -intended for him personally, and although I foresee -<span class="xxpn" id="p307">|307|</span> -that I must in the main have to speak as to the -second person, I think Father Ohrwalder quite understands -that the second person in this instance is his -book, not himself. I do not, as I have told him, -consider that he is directly responsible for the opinions -he is credited with in “Ten Years’ Captivity,” and -this notwithstanding the remark, “The reader is -reminded that all opinions expressed are those of -Father Ohrwalder.” Considering that Father Ohrwalder -is a priest and missionary, and has ventured -upon thin ice in attacking Gordon’s memory, such -a statement is hardly fair to him, as in the preface -to the book it is stated, that “Father Ohrwalder’s -manuscript, which was in the first instance written in -German, was roughly translated into English by -Yusef Effendi Cudzi, a Syrian; this I entirely rewrote -in narrative form; the work therefore does -not profess to be a literal translation of the original -manuscript. . . .”</p> - -<p>I should have thought that when Gordon was -being attacked the original manuscript might have -been treated a little differently. Of course it is -easily understandable that when a Syrian, with -Arabic for his mother tongue, translates from -one difficult language which he has picked up into -another equally difficult, and translates roughly too, -when moreover this rough translation is handled in -the manner admitted, errors may have crept in or -been passed unnoticed, whilst salient points were lost -sight of. It is also quite possible that the peculiar -idioms of the Arabic, German, and English languages -<span class="xxpn" id="p308">|308|</span> -got into a hopeless tangle, and were left so. Whatever -the cause, there is no gainsaying the fact that -Father Ohrwalder is credited with the expression of -opinions which he, as a priest and missionary, ought -to be one of the last on this earth to give utterance -to. That he did not appreciate to the full the real -import of the opinions he is credited with, I feel -certain of after my long interview with him, when, -with the Bible in one hand and a copy of “Ten -Years’ Captivity” in the other, we compared the -opinions expressed in the latter with the teachings of -Christ in the former.</p> - -<p>Father Ohrwalder may or may not have been ill-advised -in omitting or suppressing the relation of -well-known incidents, which accounted for Gordon’s -attitude in certain cases. It was only by omitting to -mention these incidents that the criticisms on Gordon -were rendered possible, or I should say that, had those -incidents been included, the criticisms would not have -lived a day. It would have been far better to tell -everything to the generous and sympathetic world -which he and Slatin met when they escaped, and to -leave it to condone, if any condoning was called for, -and to sympathize with them in the parts force of circumstances -compelled them to act, which must have -been so repugnant to them; for to omit, when criticizing -Gordon, the relation of the very acts which -compelled him also by force of circumstances to act -as he did, was, to say the least of it, very unwise.</p> - -<p>In “Ten Years’ Captivity” the reader is led into a -maze of opinions, and left there. Once inside, you -<span class="xxpn" id="p309">|309|</span> -discover that you can neither gain the centre of the -maze or return to the starting-point; you must either -wander round for an eternity, or do as I shall do, cut -your way through the hedges planted to bewilder -you, and thank Heaven when on the outside that -you are clear of the tortuous passages. Compare, for -instance―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“He (Cudzi) added that Gordon should have no anxiety about -Berber as long as Hussein Pasha Khaleefa was Mudir,”</p></div> - -<p class="pcontinue">with,</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“Gordon himself committed a mistake by which he gave a deathblow -to himself and his mission. On his way to Khartoum, he -stopped at Berber, and interviewed the Mudir Hussein Pasha -Khaleefa; he <i>imprudently</i> told him that he had come up to remove -the Egyptian garrisons, as Egypt had abandoned the Soudan.”</p></div> - -<p>Gordon cannot be blamed for confirming, as -Governor-General of the Soudan, the news telegraphed -to his subordinate, the Mudir of Berber, <i>through whose -hands the retiring garrisons must pass</i>, nor can he -be blamed if, when his suspicions were aroused, he -deferred to the opinion of the man who was acting -British Consul, Government representative, and his -own agent, when he wrote and telegraphed as he did, -“Trust in Hussein Pasha.”</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“The catastrophe which had overtaken Hicks filled the inhabitants -of Khartoum with indescribable dismay. Several of them returned -to Egypt, and the members of the Austrian Mission, with their blacks, -quitted Khartoum on the 11th December, 1883.”</p></div> - -<p>I therefore take it for granted that Father -Ohrwalder’s fellow-workers saw that all was hopeless -<span class="xxpn" id="p310">|310|</span> -<i>two months before Gordon’s name had been suggested to -the Egyptian Government</i>, yet, in the face of this, we -are first asked―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“What could Gordon do alone against the now universally -worshipped Mahdi?”</p></div> - -<p class="pcontinue">and then told―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“General Gordon’s arrival in Khartoum gave fresh life and hope -to the inhabitants.”</p></div> - -<p>Then,</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“As it appeared to us in Kordofan, and to the Mahdi himself, -Gordon’s undertaking was very strange; it was just as if a man -were attempting to put out an enormous fire with a drop of water,”</p></div> - -<p class="pcontinue">and,</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“I have not the slightest hesitation in saying that had the Egyptian -Government not sent Gordon, then undoubtedly the evacuation originally -ordered could have been carried out without difficulty.”</p></div> - -<p>One is simply staggered by such an assertion. -When Gordon arrived in Khartoum, the whole of the -western Soudan had fallen. The town was overrun -with the mourning women and children—the widows -and orphans, I should say—of the troops who, under -Hicks Pasha, had been annihilated a few months -before on their way to extricate the garrisons. Slatin -had surrendered Dara to Zoghal. Said Bey Gumaa, -the last man to fight for the Government in the -western Soudan, was compelled to capitulate very -shortly before Gordon’s arrival, and this only after a -second siege when his men were dying with thirst. -<span class="xxpn" id="p311">|311|</span> -Bahr-el-Ghazal fell before Gordon had had time to -turn round, and, for all that he or the Mahdi knew, -the Equatorial province had fallen also. The town -was hemmed in by the Mahdists, and the commanders -of the garrisons which Gordon was expected to -extricate were holding various commands in the -dervish army, while Slatin had taken part already as -a Mahdist in the subjugation of his subordinate, -Said Bey Gumaa of El Fasher, who had refused to -surrender. Am I not justified in saying that only -the suppression of such facts made possible such -attacks upon Gordon?</p> - -<p>We are next told―</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Those who escaped massacre in Khartoum have often told me -that they were perfectly ready to leave, and it was only Gordon’s -arrival that kept them back, but Gordon’s arrival without troops had -rather disappointed them. Had he been accompanied by five -hundred British bayonets, his reputation in the Soudan might have -been maintained, and probably the Mahdi would never have left -Kordofan.”</p></div> - -<p>Why did not those perfectly ready to leave leave -with the members of the Austrian mission, or leave -between the date of their departure, December 11, -and the early days of February, when the news -of Gordon’s mission first reached Khartoum? Who -prevented their leaving during that interval of at least -two months from the moment when they were all -thrown into “indescribable dismay” until they heard -of Gordon’s appointment? And if, when he did arrive, -they were so bitterly disappointed at his not being -accompanied with five hundred British -<span class="xxpn" id="p312">|312|</span> -bayonets—much good these would have been against the “universally -worshipped Mahdi” in extricating those who -had surrendered to him—why did they stay on? Did -not Gordon beg them to leave? did he not try and -compel them to do so? did he not put boats at their -disposal to sail north or south as best suited them? -And has not Gordon himself given the real reason for -their staying on?—though to this should be added -their unbounded faith and confidence in Gordon.</p> - -<p>Gordon, I venture to believe, sustained his reputation -in the Soudan up to the end—up to the moment -when, with the hand of Death on him, he fell facing -his last assailant. True, he lost his reputation for -telling the truth, but there are few men in this world -whose telling of an untruth would startle and astonish -a community. The people of Khartoum, their eyes -dry and wearied with looking for a sign of the returning -steamers which Gordon had sent off three months -before to bring up the troops expected to arrive at -the beginning of November, turned to each other, and, -in an amazed whisper, said, “Gordon has told a lie,” -and were startled and afraid at their own words.</p> - -<p>Having dealt as tersely as possible with this curious -collection of contradictions, I proceed to the quotation -of and replies to the criticisms passed upon Gordon in -the book I have already quoted from.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><span class="rnum">1.</span> “Looking back on the events of the siege of Khartoum, I cannot -refrain from saying I consider Gordon carried his humanitarian -views too far, and this excessive forbearance on his part added to -his difficulties.”</p> - -<p><span class="rnum">2.</span> “It was Gordon’s first and paramount duty to rescue the -<span class="xxpn" id="p313">|313|</span> -Europeans, Christians, and Egyptians, from the fanatical fury of the -Mahdi, which was especially directed against them. This was -Gordon’s clear duty, but unfortunately he allowed his kindness of -heart to be made use of to his enemy’s advantage.”</p> - -<p><span class="rnum">3.</span> “Thus, in his kindness of heart, did Gordon feed and support -the families of his enemies. It was quite sufficient for a number of -women to appeal to Gordon, with tears in their eyes, that they were -starving for him to order that rations of corn should be at once -issued to them, and thus it was that the supplies in the hands of the -Government were enormously reduced.”</p> - -<p><span class="rnum">4.</span> “Gordon should have recognized that the laws of humanity -differ in war from peace time, more especially when the war he was -waging was especially directed against wild fanatical savages, who -were enemies to all peace.”</p> - -<p><span class="rnum">5.</span> “He was entirely deceived if he believed that by the exercise -of kindness and humanity he was likely to win over these people to -his side; on the contrary, they ridiculed his generosity, and only -thought it a sign of weakness. The Soudanese respect and regard -only those whom they fear, and surely those cruel and hypocritical -Mahdists should have received very different treatment to civilized -Europeans.”</p> - -<p><span class="rnum">6.</span> “I also think that Gordon brought harm on himself and his -cause by another action, which I am convinced led to a great extent -to his final overthrow. Such men as Slatin, Lupton, Wad-el-Mek, -and others, had offered, at the risk of their lives, to come and serve -him. . . . Gordon would not, however, vouchsafe an answer to the -letters of appeal these men wrote to him.”</p></div> - -<p>In the first five extracts, Father Ohrwalder, from an -initial mistake in forgetting or being unaware of the -presence in Khartoum of the thousands of widows and -orphans of the soldiers of Hicks’ army, flounders on -until, as I have said, he is credited with opinions which -he should be the last to give utterance to. It is passing -strange that any missionary should place limits to -the humanitarian views and forbearance of a military -commander in time of war, who may invariably be -<span class="xxpn" id="p314">|314|</span> -depended upon to err on the wrong side from the -biblical point of view. Gordon, in keeping in mind -the Sermon on the Mount, and acting up to its precepts -as far as the exigencies of a state of war permitted, -performed no act derogatory to him as a -military commander. Gordon was no worse a -Christian than he was a soldier—and the world never -saw a better soldier. And whatever Gordon’s paramount -duty may have been, it certainly was <i>not</i> his -paramount duty to weaken his little garrison by sending -an expedition into Kordofan to rescue, say, a dozen -people who, as far as Gordon and every one else in -Khartoum knew, had disavowed the Christian religion -and adopted that of the Mahdi.</p> - -<p>There is another aspect to the case. Gordon’s -troops were Muslims. The “Christians” had adopted -the “true faith” and become Muslims also. Why, -then, should Muslim lives be sacrificed to “rescue” -them from Islam and bring them back to Christianity? -And it must not be forgotten that Slatin, so far from -denying his conversion, excused himself on the ground -that his religious education had been neglected at -home. Gordon is not to be blamed for having believed -that the “Christians” had sincerely adopted Islam, for -apart from the mere adoption of the religion, people -sworn to celibacy and chastity had entered the matrimonial -state, which was considered a further evidence -of their conversion. While the gardener of the -Khartoum Mission was bewailing the money he had -sent to the “apostates,” Consul Hansal wrote, asking -that the matter be kept secret, to the Austrian -<span class="xxpn" id="p315">|315|</span> -Consul-General in Cairo, informing him of what had occurred. -Had there been any “Christians” to rescue from the -Mahdi, doubtless Gordon’s paramount duty would -have exhibited itself in some action. Nor is there -any evidence that the Mahdi’s “fanatical fury” was -in any single instance especially directed against the -“Christians,” but there is a great deal of evidence to -the contrary. With the exception of putting Slatin -in chains, when he believed that he was playing him -false, I know of no case of wanton cruelty practised -by the Mahdi towards the “Christians,” and I am -not sure whether “clemency” would not be the proper -word to use in Slatin’s case, when it is remembered -what happens to prisoners of war who break their -parole, for Slatin and the others had sworn the oath -of allegiance.</p> - -<p>Extract No. 3, apart from the extraordinary censure -on Gordon for feeding the families of his enemies, and -being moved to pity at the sight of the tears of -starving women, calls for a more detailed reply to the -criticism. Gordon, according to “Ten Years’ Captivity,” -ought to have turned these women out of the -town to be at the tender mercies of the “wild fanatical -savages” and been responsible for the rehearsal under -his own eyes of the hunt for lust which followed on -the fall of Khartoum. Father Ohrwalder can never -have heard of England’s proud roll of heroes who -on land and sea have given their lives to save -those of helpless women and children. In feeding -these women—even had all been the wives of his -enemies, which they were not—Gordon committed -<span class="xxpn" id="p316">|316|</span> -no graver military crime than did the commander of -the troops on board the <i>Birkenhead</i>, when, instead of -seeing first to the safety of the soldiers for whose lives -he was responsible, he placed the women and children -in the boats which could have saved the troops, and -called upon his men to present arms as the boats left -the side of the ship—and to stand to attention as the -vessel sank under them. So much for British principle, -apart from Christ’s teachings, in peace and war; now -for the facts in Gordon’s case.</p> - -<p>When Gordon arrived in Khartoum, he found -wandering—hungry and helpless—the thousands of -widows and orphans of the soldiers who a few months -before constituted Hicks Pasha’s army. Throughout -his journals you will discover constant reference to the -food question, with accounts of his successful search -for the <i>stolen</i> biscuits, which had “enormously reduced” -the supplies in the hands of the Government. Gordon -had calculated that the relieving army would reach -him at the beginning of November, so that we find -him writing on the 2nd of that month that he has six -weeks’ food supplies. In making this estimate he -was allowing for full rations to the troops (who were -also in receipt of the money with which to buy those -rations), and the wants of the poor. On the 11th of -that month he discovers nearly a million pounds of -stolen biscuits. On the 21st he writes, “I do not -believe one person has died of hunger during the -months we have been shut up.” On December -14—that is a month after the latest date he had -estimated for the arrival of the relief expedition, he -<span class="xxpn" id="p317">|317|</span> -says that unless the troops come in ten days the town -may fall, and this because he had on November 12 -written, “Omdurman fort has one and a half months’ -supply of food and water.” With the fall of this fort, -he knew that the end would soon come.</p> - -<p>But up to this date the soldiers, who were not entitled -to rations since they received money for their -purchase, were given full rations, and there is every -reason to believe that the pinch only came when Omdurman -fort fell on January 14 or 15, and the town -was completely hemmed in. Food was short, no -doubt, but, eight days before the fall of the town, -Gordon could spare from the stores fifteen hundred -pounds of biscuits to provision a boat for the Europeans. -One should only be filled with amazement -that Gordon held out so long after the date when he -had expected relief, and it is not only ridiculous but -monstrous to attack him, because he did not calculate -that the expedition would only arrive <i>seventy-eight</i> -instead of seventy-six days late, when we know for -certain that his troops were receiving full rations which -they were not entitled to for at least a month after -the date of the expected arrival of the expedition.</p> - -<p>It is true that Gordon, seeing the food supplies -giving out, recommended people to leave him and -join the Mahdi, but this was only after more days had -slipped away after the “ten days from December 14.” -He had then abandoned all hope, and saw that his -prophecy was to come true—the expedition would -arrive just “too late.” In comparison with the -number of widows whom Gordon had had to support -<span class="xxpn" id="p318">|318|</span> -for ten months, without the slightest assistance or aid -from outside, the number of wives of his “enemies” in -the Mahdi’s camp was so insignificant as to be -unworthy of notice. But even supposing that all the -starving women who went to Gordon crying for the -bread which Father Ohrwalder suggests should have -been represented by a stone, were the wives of his -enemies, his own writing justifies Gordon’s feeding of -them, for he says, “These crafty people thus assured -themselves that, should the Mahdi be victorious, their -loyalty to him would ensure the safety of their families -and property in Khartoum, while, on the other hand, -should Gordon be victorious, then their wives and -families would be able to mediate for them with the -conquerors.”</p> - -<p>It is quite evident, then, that these people who -went over to the Mahdi’s camp did so, not from -conviction of his divine mission, but to save the -lives of their wives and families, whom by preference -they entrusted to Gordon even at the last hour, and -nearly a year after the date when his arrival without -five hundred British bayonets is supposed to have -ruined his reputation in the Soudan. I am inclined -to think that the “craftiness” displayed by some in -trying to secure their wives and daughters against -violation and death, was no less justifiable than the -“craftiness” displayed by others for an entirely -different purpose. What a tribute these “crafty” -people paid to Gordon! I mean the crafty people -who left Khartoum in January, 1885, and trusted -Gordon with the lives of their wives and children. -<span class="xxpn" id="p319">|319|</span> -In discussing this food question with Khartoum -survivors, I laid particular stress upon the feeding of -the women and children, and I can do no better than -give the summing-up of it in the words of a native -survivor, after I had translated to him the criticisms I -am replying to—“What! Would Gordon Pasha -send away the hungry women and children of -soldiers who had been killed fighting for the Government?”</p> - -<p>I pass over extract No. 5 for the moment to refer to -No. 6. The use of my portrait in advertising the -book I am quoting from led most to believe that I -approved of the criticisms it contained, and I have -taken this opportunity of showing how thoroughly I -disagree with them. To say that Slatin and others -had offered, at the risk of their lives, to join Gordon -is hardly correct, and if Gordon did not vouchsafe -a written answer to the letters he received, he -probably had good reason for not doing so, especially -as it appears likely that some of Said -Bey Gumaa’s letters addressed to the Governor-General -before Gordon’s appointment had succeeded -in getting through to Khartoum, and from these -and deserters from the Mahdi, Gordon must have -learned all.</p> - -<p>Under pretence of intending to submit, Gumaa -gained time, and tried to hurry up reinforcements, but -this having been suspected, Zoghal ordered Slatin, -Tandal, the President of the Civil Court, Aly Bey -Ibrahim-el-Khabir, Slatin’s head-clerk Ahmad Riad, -and a few others, to send in an ultimatum to Gumaa, -<span class="xxpn" id="p320">|320|</span> -and await his reply. The reply travelled quickly; as -soon as he read the letter, Gumaa opened fire upon the -spot where Slatin and his companions were awaiting -him. During the first siege of El Fasher, Gumaa -must have accounted for at least fifteen thousand -dervishes, and utterly defeated the army which retired -to Walad Birra, from whence a party was sent off to -Dara to bring up the ammunition which, as appears -from Gordon’s Journal, was handed over to the -Mahdists by Slatin when he surrendered the province. -This occupied eleven days, and then the second siege -was laid. The wells were filled up, thus depriving -the garrison of water; but for seven or eight days -they held out, dying of thirst, while the town was -constantly bombarded with Government ammunition. -Said Bey Gumaa has always protested that -had it not been for the ammunition handed over by -Slatin to the Mahdists he could have held out—and -more.</p> - -<p>The knowledge of these things must have influenced -Gordon, especially when Slatin writes to him, through -Consul Hansal, offering to place his services at his -disposal, but only on condition that Gordon should -guarantee never to surrender, for, if he did, Slatin -would be maltreated by the Mahdists when they laid -hands upon him. Gordon was the best judge as to -the value of services offered under such conditions. -For “moral and political reasons,” Gordon considered -it unadvisable to have anything whatever to do with -what he called “apostate” Europeans in the Mahdi’s -camp, but appreciating the enormous responsibility -<span class="xxpn" id="p321">|321|</span> -thrown upon his shoulders, he appealed to the Ulema -for their advice, as these apostates were now -their co-religionists, and they decided to have nothing -whatever to do with their “proposals of treachery,” -as no good could come of it. Matters were made still -worse by Slatin writing to Gordon asking him to be -a party to proceedings very foreign indeed to Gordon’s -nature at all events. Slatin’s request to Gordon was -to write to him personally one letter in French, and -another letter in Arabic, “asking him to obtain permission -from his Master to come to Omdurman and -discuss with him the conditions of his (Gordon’s) surrender,” -which letter he could use in order to obtain -permission to come to Omdurman. If Gordon had -written that Arabic letter. . . .</p> - -<p>If all these facts were not known to Father -Ohrwalder before 1892, six years is quite long enough -time to have learned them, and now I have no -hesitation in saying that to assert that Gordon -brought about his downfall by refusing the services -of people willing to risk their lives in reaching him -is, to put it charitably, pure fiction.</p> - -<p>Irrespective of the opinions expressed in the first -four extracts given, extract No. 5 makes out a very -good case for the Sirdar to write in large letters at the -Soudan Frontier, “No Missionaries Admitted,” for -Father Ohrwalder proves conclusively that they can do -no good. Honestly I believe that for many years to -come the only religious teachers allowed to penetrate -into the Soudan should be enlightened exponents of -the Quoran. Consider that for sixteen years the -<span class="xxpn" id="p322">|322|</span> -Soudan has been in the throes—is still in the throes -of one of the greatest religious upheavals known. -While this revival of Islam has been in progress in -the Soudan proper, the converts at Uganda and elsewhere -have been snicking each other’s throats to -evidence their zeal for the rival Christian creeds. In -the Soudan, missionaries have openly avowed to -thousands their acceptance of the “true faith”—Islam, -the very religion from which they had gone out -to convert the Blacks. I have not the slightest hesitation -in saying myself that for some time to come -religious revivalism in the Soudan will, if permitted to -take place, very soon spell -<span class="smcap">R<span>EBELLION</span>.</span> Time must -be given for the bad (?) effect produced on the native -mind by the conversion of the Soudan missionaries to -die out, and goodness knows the poor country requires -a rest. If missionaries must be sent, then let them -be honest traders, the best missionaries for savage -countries. When the Soudan has again been opened -up, and the natives have become a little more civilized -through their contact with trade, and so Europeanized -that their simple faith, “There is one God, and He -is God,” is not sufficient for them, but they must -needs snarl and fight over creeds, then and only then -remove the “No Admittance” signboard.</p> - -<p>I trust that no religious body or society of earnest -Christians will think from the foregoing that I am -either sneering or scoffing at religion, or that their -disinterested efforts to spread the gospel of peace to -the remotest ends of the earth have not my sincerest -sympathy. I have spoken plainly and to the point, -<span class="xxpn" id="p323">|323|</span> -for I consider that the occasion calls for it. The -missionaries required in the Soudan now are clean-minded, -honest traders, who will do more for you by -a few years’ preparing the ground for “talking” -missionaries than the missionaries can do in a score -of years of preaching. It is men like Gordon who, -though not preaching religion, yet practise it in -their every act, whom the Soudan requires. Ask any -one in the Soudan what is his opinion about Gordon, -and he will reply, “Gordon was not a Christian; he -was a true Muslim; no Christian could be so good -and just as he was,” and I believe that this saying, -or estimate of him, emanated from the Mahdi himself. -I draw your particular attention to the word “just,” -which proves that, in the eyes of the Mahdists and -Soudanese alike, his justice ranked with his goodness. -If any Soudanese or Mahdist ridiculed to Father -Ohrwalder Gordon’s generosity, and considered it a -sign of weakness, it must have been done for a purpose. -During my twelve years amongst all shades of people -of the Soudan, I never heard a single word against -Gordon, nor did I hear one until I came amongst his -own flesh and blood. I cannot do better than relate -another example of the esteem he was held in, and this -example is from a Christian source.</p> - -<p>My friend Nahoum Abbajee, when he reached Cairo, -prepared a petition which he had intended forwarding -to her Majesty the Queen, asking that the British -Government should restore part of the fortune accumulated -by him during his twenty-three years’ residence -in the Soudan. His argument was that, trusting to -<span class="xxpn" id="p324">|324|</span> -Gordon, he had delayed in Khartoum until Stewart’s -departure was arranged for, when, acting on the advice -of Gordon, he sold off his goods, realizing but half their -value, accepted Gordon Bonds in payment, bought a -boat, as no one then would hire one out, set off with -Stewart, and was captured by the dervishes. This -would not have happened, had not the commander of -the gunboat disobeyed Gordon’s orders by steaming -off to Khartoum, instead of bombarding Berber for -three days, and Gordon was consequently responsible -for the delinquencies of his subordinate.</p> - -<p>On being asked what his personal impressions of -Gordon were, he said that his thoughtfulness for every -one, his goodness, justice, and innumerable virtues -would take years to relate; and then when he was told -that his claim could only be sustained on his proving -that Gordon was to blame for the loss of Stewart’s -party, ill as he was, he rose from his couch, tore up the -petition, and, with his hand raised, prayed Heaven that -if the bit of bread to save him from starvation should -be purchased with money obtained through laying a -fault upon Gordon, it might choke him. One had -to witness the scene really to appreciate it. Ruined, -broken down in health, too old to make a new start -in life, his eyes lost their dulness and glistened as -he breathed his prayer and fell back on his couch -exhausted with the effort. Nahoum, I am afraid, will -have joined Gordon by the time this appears in -print.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig27"> -<img src="images/i325.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">HASSAN BEY HASSANEIN.</div> -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p325" title="Appendices.">APPENDICES</h2></div> - -<h3 title="Appendix I. Hassan Bey Hassanein."> -<span class="smcap">A<span>PPENDIX</span></span> I -<span class="blksame">HASSAN BEY HASSANEIN</span></h3> - -<p class="pfirst">When -Gordon heard of the murder of Colonel Stewart and -his companions, he held a sort of court-martial on himself, -and, after reviewing all the arrangements which he had made -for their safety, he came to the conclusion that Stewart must -have been invited on shore and murdered. Then, as if endowed -with second sight, he almost exactly described what actually -happened. The <i>Abbas</i>, drawing less than two feet of water, -ought not to have stranded, as it was High Nile. Treachery -on the part of the crew he had guarded against by sending -a bodyguard of highly paid Greeks. The cutting adrift of -their boats just after passing Berber contributed to the -catastrophe, for had they been with the steamer at the -time she struck, it is hardly likely that the inhabitants of -the village would have planned the treachery they did. As -interpreter to the party, Gordon gave them the man he could -least spare, and one in whom he had every confidence—Hassan -Bey Hassanein. Gordon himself writes, “thus the -question of treachery was duly weighed by me and guarded -against,” yet, in “Ten Years’ Captivity,” we find the contrary -stated. “It is said that the interpreter, Hassan, arranged the -betrayal.” Moreover, to clinch the matter, and to show that -Gordon had selected a traitor in the very man whom the -<span class="xxpn" id="p326">|326|</span> -lives of the party might depend upon, it is added, “And I -was afterwards told that, when he got into difficulties later, -he sent a petition to Mohammad-el-Kheir, in which he said -that he was entitled to reward for having secured Colonel -Stewart’s death. He is still living in Omdurman.”</p> - -<p>Hassan Bey Hassanein has lived to come back to Egypt -and bear witness to the goodness and virtues of the heroic -defender of Khartoum. The only bit of treachery Hassan -Bey acknowledges is that—with his fellow-clerk, Sirri—he -cut the Khaleefa’s telegraph and telephone communications -as the troops were advancing, to prevent communication -between Omdurman and Khartoum and the outpost at -Khor Shambat. It was Hassan Bey who ran out of the -telegraph-hut as the gunboats advanced and attempted to get -on board in order to warn them of the mines. He succeeded -in attracting attention, and barely got off with his life, for his -shouts in English were drowned by the report of the rifles as -the men “potted” at his dervish dress.</p> - -<p>Hassan Bey Hassanein, speaking English, French, and -Arabic, was sent to Khartoum in July, 1883, for telegraphic -work. When Gordon arrived, in 1884, he wrote an official -letter detailing him for his special service. Orders were -given that he was to have access to him at all hours of the -day and night. It was Hassan Bey who used to mark the -words Gordon required to use at a forthcoming interview, in -his Arabic dictionary. Before giving his version of the -murder of Stewart’s party, a few words concerning him and -his relations with Gordon will prove that, in selecting him -as interpreter to the party, Gordon “well-guarded against -treachery.”</p> - -<p>One of Hassan Bey’s first missions after the arrival of -Gordon was to seek out the widow of Bussati Bey; for, on -arrival at Berber, he had telegraphed to Bussati Bey, not -knowing that he had been killed with Hicks. Having found -the widow and her children in dire straits, he returned with -one of the children to Gordon, and then took the child back -carrying a handkerchief containing a hundred pounds. “Bis -<span class="xxpn" id="p327">|327|</span> -dat qui cito dat” was certainly Gordon’s motto in Khartoum, -from the hundreds of tales which I have heard. On handing the -money to the widow, she brought out her husband’s uniform -and sword, and, handing them to Hassan Bey, said, “As you -take the place of my husband at Gordon’s side, then take -his sword and uniform.” Hassan Bey took it to Gordon, who -asked what it was worth, and being told “perhaps ten pounds,” -sent twenty pounds to the widow to make sure, and told Hassan -Bey to keep the uniform, as it might yet come in useful.</p> - -<p>Later on, when Hassan Bey, who was then but “effendi,” -had had a particularly hard spell of night and day work, -Gordon asked him which he would prefer—an increase of pay -or a rank. Hassan Bey left the matter to Gordon, and he -gave him both, writing the “firman” himself. On the -Friday following, Hassan Bey presented himself to Gordon -in Bussati’s uniform—for uniform was worn on Fridays and -feast days. Gordon was evidently much amused at his interpreter -and telegraph-clerk appearing in the uniform of a -lieut.-colonel, although the rank he had bestowed upon him -was nothing more nor less. Telling Hassan Bey that such a -uniform did not look well without a decoration, he pinned on -to his right breast one of the decorations he had had struck -to commemorate the siege of Khartoum, and Hassanein -walked off a proud man to delight the eyes of his wife, then -nearing her confinement. Fifteen days before the departure -of the <i>Abbas</i>, he presented himself to Gordon, and told him -that he was the father of a boy. “No, I am the father,” -replied Gordon, and, knowing Hassan Bey’s house, he hurried -off at a quick walk, which Hassan Bey had to run to keep up -with. Pushing his way through the women assembled in the -outer room, he tapped gently on the door where mother and -child were lying, and asked, “Mary, tyeeb-tyeeb?” (“Is all -well?”) and then, as the child’s “father,” he insisted upon -entering, took the child in his arms, crooned to it, kissed it, -and then hurried off and wrote a note to the Finance Office -to pay a hundred pounds <i>from his salary</i> “to his boy.” -Mother and child were to meet with a tragic death. -<span class="xxpn" id="p328">|328|</span></p> - -<p>Two days before the departure of the <i>Abbas</i>, Gordon told -Hassan Bey that he had selected him to accompany Colonel -Stewart as interpreter. He was to accompany the party as -far as Dongola, at all events, but there was the possibility of -Stewart requiring him as far as Cairo, therefore his wife -collected a number of presents for her relatives in Cairo, -which Hassan Bey was to present in uniform and decorations, -so that all should understand how highly she had married. -I must now, having given an idea of the relations existing -between Gordon and the man who “betrayed” Colonel -Stewart, and who had left with Gordon his wife and fifteen-day-old -boy, give his account of what actually occurred. I -purposely leave out all the incidents of the voyage until the -boats reach the island opposite the village of El Salamanieh.</p> - -<p>A discussion arose between the two Reises (pilots) as the -island was neared, as to what course to take; the river -was running strong, and between the island and mainland -resembled a mill race. One reis contended for the left bank -and the other for the right. Stewart, who spoke Turkish and -Arabic, asked what was the matter, and decided that judgment -was to rest with the oldest of the reises, and he selected the -right bank. Instead of coming through the race stern first, -it was decided to put on full steam and “shoot” what might -be called the rapids. While the decision was being given, -the steamer had come end on with the island, and when full -steam ahead was signalled, she steamed ahead at an angle of -about seventy-five degrees to the southern spit, and before -reaching the race proper, struck—swung round, and struck -again. Colonel Stewart took down his revolver, and threatened -to shoot both reises, upon which they dived overboard and -swam to the right bank of the Nile, but thirty or forty yards -distant. Colonel Stewart did not fire at them as they swam -off. This occurred about an hour before mid-day.</p> - -<p>About an hour later, the two reises—Mohammad el Dongolawi -and Ali el Bishtili—returned to the vessel, said they had -spoken to the people of the village, who had declared they -acknowledged the authority of Mustapha Pasha Yawer, the -<span class="xxpn" id="p329">|329|</span> -Mudir of Dongola; they at the same time begged that -Stewart would not molest them in any way, and they would -provide camels to take the whole party to Dongola. Colonel -Stewart spiked the cannon, and threw it overboard along -with the ammunition. He then ordered Hassan Bey, with -one of Gordon’s cavasses, and the clerk Mahmoud Ghorab, -to go on shore and interview the people. At first they -demurred, as, being Egyptians, they felt sure they would be -murdered, and asked that the small boat should be sent as -far as a village near Derawi, where it was certain “friends” -would be met with. Colonel Stewart, after first threatening -to throw them into the river, took his revolver again and -threatened to shoot all three if they did not obey instantly. -They obeyed, and went on shore to meet the men awaiting -them—a blind man named Osman, and two men of the -Wadi Kamr tribe. On reaching the reception-room of the -Sheikh-el-Belad (headman of the village), a copy of the Quoran -was produced, and upon this Osman and his companions -swore loyalty to the Government. Osman remained behind -while the other two accompanied Hassan Bey and the others -to the island where Stewart’s party had then landed. Here -again the oath of allegiance to the Government was taken, -and the men left, promising to send for camels to be ready -on the following morning.</p> - -<p>At about ten o’clock the next day they returned, and -suggested that all should come to the right bank and pack -up their effects, to be ready for the camels when they -arrived. About two hours after mid-day, while all were -either seated on the bank or fastening up their effects, -a man came, said that the Sheikh-el-Belad had arrived, -and invited the “Pasha” and the Consuls to his house. -Colonel Stewart ordered Hassan Bey to accompany him as -interpreter. On reaching the reception-room, they found -about forty or fifty people assembled to receive them. -The Sheikh-el-Belad was seated in the centre of the room on -the left. Two angareebs were placed at each side of the -doorway: Stewart and Power seated themselves on the -<span class="xxpn" id="p330">|330|</span> -angareeb on the right, and Hassan Bey and Herbin on -the angareeb to the left. Some minutes were taken up in -the usual salutations, and before they had time to speak -about the journey, the natives rose, and, saying the camels -were approaching, left the room, only to rush back a few -minutes later shouting, “Salaamoo tisslaamoo ya kaffarah” -(“Become Muslims, you infidels, and you will be spared”); -but at the same moment Herbin had his head smashed in -with an axe, and Hassan Bey was stabbed in the right arm -with a crease knife, and, as he was falling, received a large -spear wound in the left leg. He fell unconscious, and did -not see how Stewart and Power were killed. While the -bodies were being dragged out of the room, some time after -sunset, Hassan Bey was found to be still alive; it was -proposed to kill him, but the brother of the Sheikh-el-Belad, -he heard afterwards, pleaded for him, as his -“stomach felt sick.”</p> - -<p>After the murder of Stewart and the others, the party -made their way to the river, and a long fight ensued between -them and the crew of the vessel, the latter being killed -to a man. Hassan Bey was given some engine-oil from the -steamer with which to dress his wounds, and, when he -recovered, was sent to attend the flocks of the tribe. About -fifty to sixty days later, he was sent to Berber on the -orders of Mohammad-el-Kheir, and there imprisoned for four -months, and, on the death of the Mahdi, was, with other -prisoners, sent to Omdurman, to take the oath of allegiance -to Khaleefa Abdullahi.</p> - -<p>In 1889–90 he was sent to Kassala, and, on the breaking -out of the famine, he, with his wife and child, and many others, -made up a party to return to Omdurman. Hassan Bey’s group -consisted of his family, a man named Ismail, with his wife -and daughter, and a man with two women. They ran short -of water, and, leaving the others, who were worn out, to rest -under some shrubs, Hassan Bey and Ismail set off in search -of water. In about four hours’ time they reached some pools -near the Atbara, and filling their water-skins, set off to rejoin -<span class="xxpn" id="p331">|331|</span> -their families. On reaching the spot, they found that they had -been devoured by lions; the heads of Hassan’s wife and boy—then -between six and seven years of age—and the heads of -Ismail’s wife and daughter were all that remained. No trace -was left of the heads of the man and the other two women, and -it is surmised that they must have escaped, for the lion never -eats the head of its victim. Half mad, the two wandered on, -living on roots and leaves, until, on reaching the village of -El-Mughetta, on the banks of the Atbara, they were taken -prisoners and made slaves. Ismail had to work at the ferry, -but Hassan Bey, being weak and ill, was allowed to wander -about until, meeting with a caravan bound for Geddaref, -he joined it, and then made his way to Omdurman, being -employed, first, as clerk under Abdallah Sulieman, the head -of the cartridge-factory, and then transferred to the telegraph -service.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 id="p332" title="Appendix II. Orphali."> -<span class="smcap">A<span>PPENDIX</span></span> II -<span class="blksame">ORPHALI</span></h3></div> - -<p class="pfirst">The -account which I have given of how Gordon died differs -so very little in essentials from the account which I have since -received from Khaleel Agha Orphali, and which has been read -to Khartoum survivors with the idea of comparing the statements -made with what was related at the time, that I think it -advisable to allow my account to stand, and to append that -of Orphali, giving a few details concerning Orphali himself. -I might mention that Gordon was credited with having killed -a much greater number of dervishes than I have given, but -the error arose from his being credited with the killing of -the dervishes on the “Gouvernorat” (E) staircase; but these -were killed by the guards. The fact of his having killed so -many as he did, is to be accounted for in two ways; first, the -people who first assailed him on the private staircase were -unaccustomed to the use of the small spears they carried—indeed, -it is safe to say that they had only been dervishes -outwardly for half an hour or so; and, secondly, as they were -packed on a narrow staircase, every shot told on the mass. -To assist the reader in following Orphali’s narrative, I have -drawn from memory a rough plan of the palace as I remembered -it while it stood intact, and, with the assistance of -Fauzi Pasha and others, have been able to name each of -the rooms.</p> - -<p>Khaleel Agha Orphali joined the army for service in the -Soudan in the Coptic year 1591 (1873–74). After taking part -in a number of engagements, he was promoted to the rank -of Bulok Bashi (commander of twenty-five men), and when -<span class="xxpn" id="p333">|333|</span> -Gordon reached Kulkul, in 1878–79, Orphali and his men had -been without pay for months. They presented themselves to -Gordon and clamoured for their pay; he recommended them -to go to Khartoum for it, upon which they became abusive, -and Gordon drew his revolver. Orphali followed suit, but -neither fired. Gordon quietly ordered the cavasses to remove -their chief in custody, which they did. Shortly afterwards, -Gordon sent for Orphali, told him he was a “man,” gave him -a present of money, and offered him the post of cavass to -himself, which Orphali at once accepted, accompanying -Gordon to Khartoum, and remaining with him until he left.</p> - -<p>On Gordon’s return, in 1884, he found Orphali then in -Khartoum, and made him his chief cavass. Orphali is one -of those men who know but one master, and believe that -master to be the ruler of the universe. He, therefore, was no -great favourite with some in the administration, as, during the -siege, he was never away from Gordon’s side, and his cavasses -were allowed to do nothing but keep their arms clean, and be -ready to surround Gordon in case of trouble. They were -strictly forbidden to leave their posts to carry coffee, bread, -run messages, or perform all the other little services which -they had been accustomed to perform for the katibs (clerks). -Orphali’s ideas as to the duty of his cavasses were the cause -of constant bickerings, which came to a climax about twenty -days before the fall of Khartoum, when he espied one of -them carrying an ink-bottle behind Geriagis Bey—the head-clerk, -who succeeded Rouchdi Bey. This was too much -for Orphali. Grasping the brass inkstand, he drove it with -all his force against Geriagis’ chest, and this assault Gordon -could not pass over. Orphali was in disgrace for eight days, -and “confined to barracks,” that is to say, the palace precincts, -but he slept at Gordon’s door as usual. Twelve days before -the fall, he was re-instated in favour, and never again left -Gordon’s side for a moment.</p> - -<p>Orphali—as Gordon is not alive to speak for him, and as so -many knew from Gordon himself of his threat to shoot him -many years before—has been afraid, since his return, to talk -<span class="xxpn" id="p334">|334|</span> -about his relations with Gordon, and was not a little surprised -when I assured him that, if he appeared in “Londra,” he need -have nothing to be afraid of from the English people. -Having introduced the man, I now give his description of the -night of the 25th January, keeping as much as possible to his -own words, and only, to give a complete account, mentioning -the incidents occurring in other parts of the palace while -Gordon and he fought the upper floor:―</p> - -<div class="imctr01" id="figplans"> -<img src="images/i334.jpg" width="600" height="798" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">PLANS OF PALACE AT KHARTOUM -ILLUSTRATING THE DEATH OF GORDON.</div> -<div class="imglg"> - <a href="images/i334lg.jpg">see better image</a></div> -</div> - -<p>His excellency was not an early sleeper, and on the night -the dervishes entered Khartoum he was in his room. At -eight o’clock, Consul Hansall, Consul Leontides and the -Doctor, Abou Naddara (he of the spectacles), came to see -him, and remained until midnight. After their departure, he -did not go to sleep, but sat reading and writing letters, and -sometimes pacing the room. At one o’clock in the morning, -he sent me to the telegraph-office to inquire about the -enemy’s movements, as he had received confirmed news of -the intended attack, and his excellency had issued general -orders to the soldiers and employés to be on guard to attack -and withstand the dervishes. Ali Effendi Riza, Mohammad -Effendi Fauzi, and Youssef Effendi Esmatt were on duty, also -the messenger Mohammad Omar. They reported all was -quiet, and this news I gave his excellency. Half an hour -later, perhaps, firing was heard from the land side (<i>i.e.</i> to the -south); I was sent to seek information. Bakhit Bey, from -Buri, telegraphed that a few dervishes had attacked, but had -been driven off, and when I told his excellency, he prepared -to sleep, and gave me the customary order to bolt his door, -and this I did. Then I closed the door of the terrace (I, plan), -then the door of the Gouvernorat (H), near Rouchdi Bey’s room, -and returning along the corridor leading to the private apartments, -closed the door in the middle (B), and then went down -the private staircase (D), gave the usual orders to the guards, -and returned to my sleeping place opposite the pasha’s room -(K), after I had told the telegraph-clerks to bring information -as soon as any news came from the lines. About three -o’clock, Mohammad Omar, the messenger, with Cavass Ali -<span class="xxpn" id="p335">|335|</span> -Agha Gadri, roused me and said that an attack was being -made at Kabakat (boats) on the White Nile. I informed the -Pasha, who told me to run to the telegraph-office for more -news, and there I met Hassan Bey Bahnassawi, who was on -duty, and we heard that an attack had been made, but had -been repulsed.* On informing the Pasha, he told me to close -the door of his room again, which I did, and sat down to -make coffee. Then we heard more firing from the White -Nile, and the cavasses, having run to the terrace, called to -me that the dervishes were coming into the town. I ran -down to Buluk Bashi Ibrahim El Nahass, who had twenty-four -men; fifteen we placed at the windows (rooms on right -ground-plan), and nine on the terrace overlooking the garden -(G). There were also twenty-four cavasses and ferrashes; -thirteen were placed at the windows (left of ground-plan) -under my second, Niman Agha, eight on the terrace (F), and -three at the door of the palace (B). Each man had ten dozen -cartridges, besides which, each party had a spare case of -ammunition. All these arrangements did not take five -minutes, as each knew his place. I then ran up to the -Governor-General’s room, and informed him of the arrangements. -The day had now come (dawned). The dervishes -who ran to the front of the palace were killed by the fire -from the steamer. About seventy were killed in the garden -by the soldiers firing on them from the terrace, and then we -saw the dervishes coming over the rukooba (vine-trellis A), -and they were met with the fire from the windows and terraces. -They came in great numbers very quickly. Some ran to the -entrance (B), killed the guards and opened the door; then -they all ran to the Gouvernorat door and killed the telegraph-clerks, -all except Esmatt, who hid among the sacks in the storeroom; -they then went to the terrace (G) and killed the soldiers, -and Nahass, seeing the massacre, jumped from the window. -Four men were on guard at the private stairs, but when the -<span class="xxpn" id="p336">|336|</span> -dervishes came back from the Gouvernorat door (E) they -were soon killed, and some of the dervishes ran to the terrace -(F), and killed the soldiers there; others came up the steps -to the private apartment, and broke the door; Gordon Pasha -met them with his sword in his right hand and his pistol -(revolver) in his left, and killed of them two who fell at the -door, and one who fell down the stairs,† and the others ran -away. Then we heard the dervishes breaking the private -door (B), while the Pasha was loading his revolver. I went -forward and received a little wound in the face, and when the -Pasha came, he received a wound in the left shoulder; the -man who wounded him was a half-blood slave. We followed -them to Rouchdi Bey’s room, killing three and wounding -many, and the others ran away and fell down the stairs. We -went back to the Pasha’s room and reloaded, but the -dervishes came back, and I received a slight wound in my -right leg from a sword, but I warded the blow, and the cut -was nothing. We attacked the dervishes on the private -stairs (D), and while we were passing the door a native of -Khartoum, dressed as a dervish, stabbed the Pasha with a -spear on the left shoulder; seeing this man’s hand coming -from behind the door, I cut at it, and he ran and fell on a -spear held by one of his companions on the steps, and was -killed. At this time more dervishes were coming along the -corridor (from H), and we returned to meet them; I received -a thrust in the left hand, but the Pasha cut the man down -with his sword, and kicked him on the head and he died; -then the dervishes ran into the clerks’ offices (5, 6, 7, upper-floor -plan), and while we were standing in the corridor, a tall -negro fired a shot from the door (H) near Rouchdi Bey’s -room, and the bullet struck the Pasha in the right breast, and -the Pasha ran up and shot the man dead. The dervishes -then came out of the offices, and we turned, and they ran to -the private stairs, and we fired into them, but the Pasha was -getting weak from loss of blood. We fought these dervishes -down the stairs till we reached the last one, and a native of -<span class="xxpn" id="p337">|337|</span> -Katimeh speared the Pasha in the right hip, but I shot him, -and the Pasha fell down on the cavasses’ mat at the door, and -he was dead, and as I turned to seek refuge in the finance-office -(F plan), I was struck down and lost my senses, and I -was lying down with the dead. In the afternoon, a man of -El Katimeh—Abd-el-Rahman, whom I knew, helped me to -go to the river for water, and I saw the body of the Pasha at -the door (D), but the head was not there. I was helped to -my house, and found my wife and children and property all -missing. . . . I was taken by a friend and Abd-el-Rahman to -El Dem-el-Darawish, and left on the plain all night, and in -the morning I was taken before Wad en Nejoumi . . . and I was -stripped to see if I had any money and papers, but I had not; -and when I said that I was ignorant of any treasure, I was -heavily beaten, though much wounded, and was very ill for -seventeen days, and my wife found me.</p> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<p id="fn13" class="pfn">* This is a literal translation. What Orphali intends to -convey is, that on telegraphing to the lines, Bahnassawi Bey, who -was on duty, was at his post, and replied to the inquiries sent by -telegraph. The distance between the palace and Bahnassawi’s post was -about two and a half miles.</p></div> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<p id="fn14" class="pfn padtopc">† That is to say, fell dead or wounded.</p></div> - -<p class="padtopa">All who were taken to see the steps where Gordon fell -remarked upon the number and extent of the blood stains, -for they could not believe that all had come from one body. -These stains were shown to me in 1887. It has been stated -on good authority that “Stains of blood marked the spot -where this atrocity took place, and the steps from top to -bottom for weeks bore the same sad traces.” Here is what I -choose to consider not only a confirmation of Gordon having -died fighting, but a confirmation of Orphali’s narrative, for -there were only two people on the upper floor—Gordon and -Orphali, and all the fighting must have been done by them. -It is quite impossible that the steps “from top to bottom”—four -flights-could have been stained as they were stained -with large patches of blood left by a body which had been -dragged downstairs some time after death. The steps <i>were</i> -stained with the blood of the dervishes through whom I -have said Gordon shot and hacked his way in his heroic -attempt to reach his troops.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 id="p338" title="Appendix III. Translation of Letter."> -<span class="smcap">A<span>PPENDIX</span></span> III -<span class="blksmallerb">Translation -of the letter which the Khaleefa dictated in -reply to the letter given me by General Stephenson, in Cairo, -before leaving for Kordofan.</span></h3></div> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p>“In the name of God the Most Merciful, and thanks to God the -Omnipotent and Generous, with prayers on Mohammad our Lord -and his descendants; Greeting.</p> - -<p>“From the servant of his Lord Abdallah-el-Muslimani-el-Brussi -(the Prussian), formerly named Karl Neufeld, to Stephenson the -Englishman, at Cairo.</p> - -<p>“We have to inform you that, in conformity with your letter, dated -March 1, 1887, addressed to us, and recommending us to Sheikh -Saleh Fadlallah-el-Kabashi with regard to your projects,</p> - -<p>“We started from Halfa, with his men bearing the arms and -ammunition and other things sent him by the Government.</p> - -<p>“We proceeded on our course, and were constantly on guard on -ourselves and our property, until we arrived at a well called Selima, -from where we took the water supply, and continued our way to our -destination.</p> - -<p>“It was our fate to be met in the desert by six fakirs, followers of -the Mahdi, who attacked us, so that we and Saleh’s men had to -defend ourselves, our number being fifty-five men.</p> - -<p>“The six fakirs were later reinforced by others, all of them being -men of Abd-el-Rahman en Nejoumi. Thus there remained for us -no way of escape, and in the space of half an hour we were defeated, -many being killed, and the rest taken prisoners. The rifles, ammunition, -and things destined for Saleh were seized, and I, my servant -Elias, and my slave-girl, Hasseena, were among the prisoners, and -<span class="xxpn" id="p339">|339|</span> -we were thus conducted to Abd-el-Rahman en Nejoumi, to Ordeh -or Dongola.</p> - -<p>“From this place we were sent to the Khaleefa of the Mahdi, on -whom be peace, at Omdurman, to whom we were presented. We -were certain that we were to be killed, taking into consideration our -great crime against him.</p> - -<p>“The Khaleefa of the Mahdi, on whom be peace, however, pitied -our condition, and proposed to us to avow the Mohammedan faith. -We accepted, and became Muslims by pronouncing the two declarations -in his presence, and by publicly professing that there is no God -but God, and that Mohammad is the Prophet of God, and I then -added that I believed in God and his Prophet Mohammad, and in -the Khaleefa of the Mahdi. We then asked him for his clemency -and pardon, which was granted. He thereupon embraced me, and -named me Abdallah. I was then accepted of the Mohammedan -religion.</p> - -<p>“It was on these conditions that the Khaleefa of the Mahdi, on -whom be peace, pardoned me and spared my life, which was already -forfeited.</p> - -<p>“This was done to the honour and glory of the Mohammedan -religion.</p> - -<p>“We further inform you that although Dufa'Allah Hogal deceived -us, notwithstanding his perfidy, we cannot sufficiently thank and -reward him, as his treachery turned to our great benefit, and he has -allowed us to enjoy great prosperity.</p> - -<p>“Finally, we inform you confidentially that Saleh Fadlallah Salem -has lost all his power and influence, and has taken refuge in the -desert. This is the truth. I write this for your advice.</p> - -<p class="psignature">“The 17th Shaaban, 1304.”</p> -</div><!--blockquot--> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 id="p340" title="Appendix IV. Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi-gordon’s -Favourite Officer."> -<span class="smcap">A<span>PPENDIX</span></span> IV -<span class="blksame">IBRAHIM PASHA FAUZI-GORDON’S FAVOURITE -OFFICER</span></h3></div> - -<p class="pfirst">When -Gordon arrived in Khartoum, in 1874, Ibrahim Pasha -Fauzi was then a second-lieutenant. Gordon had applied -to the then Governor-General of the Soudan, Ismail Pasha -Ayoub, for four companies of soldiers to accompany him to -the Equatorial Provinces. Ayoub was not at all pleased at -Gordon’s mission, as he took it as a slight upon his administration, -so that when Gordon’s application for troops was -received, Ayoub selected for the purpose his most worthless -men, with the double object of getting rid of them, and -making Gordon’s mission a failure. Fauzi, anxious to see -some service, had volunteered to accompany Gordon, and, for -doing so, Ayoub placed him under arrest. Gordon, hearing -of the matter, sent to Ayoub demanding that the officer who -had volunteered his services should be sent to him immediately. -Fauzi was sent to Gordon’s head-quarters, when -Gordon first asked him, “Are you the officer who volunteered -your services?” following up the question, when Fauzi in reply -said, “Yes, sir,” the only two words he then knew of English, -by asking why he had done so. On learning that Fauzi -wished to see service, he promised that his wish should be -gratified. “But,” added Gordon, “I wish you to answer me -as an officer—why did the Governor place you under -arrest?” Fauzi gave the reason—Ayoub was afraid that -<span class="xxpn" id="p341">|341|</span> -Gordon would discover, before departure, that he had been -sent the worst troops. Sending back the four companies, he -requisitioned four companies indicated by Fauzi, and, Fauzi -being too young for a command, he appointed him commandant -of his body-guard, and a sort of adjutant-major to -the little force.</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig28"> -<img src="images/i340.jpg" width="455" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">FAUZI PASHA IN UNIFORM.</div> -</div> - -<p>Fauzi accompanied Gordon to the Albert Nyanza, returned -with him to Khartoum, was gazetted major in consideration -of his services, and appointed Mudir (Governor) of Bohr, -but given two months’ leave of absence before taking up his -post. Gordon left for England, and Fauzi came to Cairo -for his leave, on the expiration of which he set out for the -Soudan, but, on reaching Berber, he found a telegram awaiting -him from Gordon telling him not to go further than Khartoum, -as he (Gordon) was returning as Governor-General. -When Gordon reached Khartoum, it was to hear that Darfur -was in revolt, and that the Bahr-el-Ghazal province was -joining the rebels. A council of war was held, when Gordon -asked the officers present to select one of themselves to head -an expedition to the Bahr-el-Ghazal province, while he took -another into Darfur; he had expected all of them to volunteer -for the command, but they believed that such an expedition -had more the elements of defeat and death in it than of glory -and distinction. Told that they must name an officer, they -named Fauzi, who was not present, and Gordon at once -accepted him, sending him off with 4000 troops and the -clerks for the civil administration. Fauzi succeeded in -setting the province to rights without fighting, and while -travelling about setting the administration right in the -districts, he often met, and assisted with food and money, -a holy man then living as a sort of hermit at Abba and the -neighbourhood. The man’s name was Mohammed Ahmed—whom -the world was to hear of six years later as the Mahdi.</p> - -<p>Breaking down in health, Gordon ordered Fauzi to -Khartoum, for rest, promoted him to the rank of full colonel, -and named him Governor of Equatoria, in which province he -spent about a year carrying out Gordon’s instructions to the -<span class="xxpn" id="p342">|342|</span> -letter, and making a host of enemies amongst the officials -whose peculations and interest in the slave-trade he put a -stop to. He accompanied Gordon to Cairo in 1879, and -when Gordon decided upon resigning, he asked Fauzi whether -he would prefer to remain in Cairo or return to the Soudan. -Fauzi saw that, without Gordon to back him up, his tenure of -office would be but of short duration, unless he engaged himself -in the maladministration of the provinces; he elected to -remain in Cairo, where, at Gordon’s request, he was gazetted -Colonel commanding the 1st Regiment of the 3rd Brigade. -Gordon made it a point to be present at Fauzi’s first parade, -congratulated him on the handling of his men, and bidding -him farewell, gave him three hundred pounds as a souvenir of -their days together in the Soudan. At the outbreak of the -Arabist rebellion, Fauzi’s regiment, with others under the -command of Kourschid Pasha, was ordered to Rosetta, and -after the defeat of Arabi, at Tel-el-Kebir, he was, with other -colonels, ordered to surrender to Sir Evelyn Wood at Kafr -Dawar. Sent to Alexandria, he was tried, degraded, and then -dismissed in disgrace.</p> - -<p>Some days before the arrival of Gordon, in 1884, H. E. -Nubar Pasha and Sir Evelyn Wood sent for Fauzi, and told -him to be in readiness to proceed to the Soudan, as Gordon -had asked for his services. When Fauzi said that he had -been dismissed, and was no longer on the army-list, Nubar -Pasha replied, “General Gordon will see to the matter.” -It had not been Gordon’s intention to call at Cairo, and -Fauzi was to have gone to Suez or viâ the Nile, as Gordon -might decide. However, Gordon was stopped at Port Said, -and asked to come through Cairo; Fauzi went to the station -to meet him, and Gordon, on alighting, went up to his old -Soudan lieutenant, and asked how it was that he was not in -uniform. Fauzi detailed his dismissal, upon which Gordon -turned to Sir Evelyn Wood, and asked him how it was. It -appears that when Gordon saw Fauzi’s name amongst the -names of the colonels to be tried, he wired, or wrote—or both—to -Sir Evelyn Wood, asking him to look after Colonel -<span class="xxpn" id="p343">|343|</span> -Ibrahim Fauzi. General Wood did do so, but there was -another Colonel Ibrahim Fauzi; and while Gordon’s Fauzi -was dismissed in disgrace, the other Fauzi retired in glory -and with a pension.</p> - -<p>Gordon had some difficulty in seeing Fauzi reinstated, for -his enemies were powerful; but, not to be thwarted, he took -Fauzi direct to His Highness the Khedive, and carried his -point. Two days later, Fauzi took his seat in the carriage -with Gordon and Stewart, and left Bulac Dacroor station on -that journey from which he only was to return alive, and that -fourteen years later.</p> - -<p>On the way to Khartoum, Gordon named Stewart sub-Governor-General -of the Soudan, and Fauzi Director of -Military and Marine, and, in communicating these appointments -to Cairo, he wrote of Fauzi, “I especially recognize in -Fauzi Bey the desired activity which he has displayed with -me while previously in the Soudan; he has already given -proof of his abilities, and I am more than ever satisfied -with him.”</p> - -<p>Soon after his arrival at Khartoum, Fauzi was entrusted -with the clearing out of the rebels from Khor Shambat and -Halfeyeh, and the restoring of the telegraphic communications -which they had cut. Fauzi won his dual victory, and -restored the line, but, in leading his men, he was hit in the -right leg with a bullet fired from an elephant-gun, which split -and shattered the bone. Owing to want of skill on the part -of the Greek doctor, the broken bone was allowed to overlap, -and a suppurating wound set in from the unextracted fragments, -which kept Fauzi confined to his official residence for -about six months, although he was able to transact the executive -part of his duties. On the departure of Stewart, Gordon -named Fauzi Governor of Khartoum and Commandant of -Troops, calling a special parade for the occasion. Fauzi Pasha -must be left to relate, at some future date, the incidents of -the siege of Khartoum; I pass on to January 25, 1885.</p> - -<p>About three o’clock in the afternoon, Gordon called Fauzi -to the roof of the palace, to see the activity taking place in -<span class="xxpn" id="p344">|344|</span> -the dervish camp. He had a large tripod telescope fixed -on the roof immediately over his room.*</p> - -<div class="footnotes"> -<p id="fn15" class="pfn">* It has been repeatedly stated that Gordon had a gun on -the roof of the palace, with which he used to shell the dervish camp. -In one account of the fall of Khartoum, it is averred that Gordon, in -his sleeping suit, served this gun for an hour until it was rendered -useless, as it could not be depressed sufficiently to bear upon the -dervishes surrounding the palace. There never was a gun on the roof of -the palace, for the roof would not have supported its dead weight, much -less the shock of its recoil.</p></div> - -<p>About 3.30, Fauzi, riding a donkey, accompanied Gordon -on what proved to be his last visit to the lines. Most of -the troops were lying down exhausted and hungry; as -they saw Gordon approach, they wished to present arms, but -he kept calling out to them, “Rest, rest; but keep your eyes -open.” At sunset they regained the palace, and walked up -and down for some time discussing the situation. As the -dinner-hour approached, Gordon told Fauzi that he was sorry -he could not invite him to dinner, as he had nothing to eat. -Fauzi said he had, for himself and guards, the hearts of four -date trees, and would send one to the palace, upon which -Gordon ran in and brought out his dinner—also the heart of -a date tree. This was the last Fauzi was to see of Gordon.</p> - -<p>At midnight, Fauzi Pasha, as usual, went his rounds of the -posts in the town, reaching his guards at about 2 a.m. While -giving orders in the courtyard of his official residence, a sound -as of shouts in the distance was heard. This was towards -dawn. Fauzi went to the roof, and, through his binoculars, -could faintly make out hand-to-hand fighting going on in the -lines. Hurrying down, he drew up his men, and set off for -the palace, being joined by ten Greeks who had been on -duty. On coming in sight of the palace, they were met by -two bands of dervishes, but succeeded in cutting their way -through one, only to be met by a troop of dervish horse. -The little party was forced back, fighting every step, and -when close to his house all rushed inside, closed the doors, -and commenced to fight through the windows, but for every -shot they fired, a score came back in reply. The little -garrison assembled in the courtyard for a last stand as the -dervishes were then beating down the doors. Fortunately, -the sight of other dervishes rushing past with loot drew the -<span class="xxpn" id="p345">|345|</span> -besiegers off on a similar errand, and the party was able to -hold its own against successive parties until the Mahdi sent -word to stop the massacre. When Fauzi was taken before -the Mahdi, he was asked, “Why is it that you, a good Muslim, -have never written to me when every one else has done so, -expressing their loyalty? Have you forgotten the days at -Abba, and the instruction I gave you? If you have, I have -not;” and, kissing him, the Mahdi told him to “go in peace.” -The Mahdi was very wroth at the death of Gordon, for he -really admired and respected him, and he had given strict -orders that he was not to be harmed in any way.</p> - -<p>As, during his captivity, Fauzi used to receive moneys from -Cairo, he had, to explain his being able to live, to engage in -some occupation, and took to lime-burning, a business which -cost him more than he ever got out of it. As an Egyptian, he -was under the surveillance of Youssef Mansour, who, after the -escape of Slatin, refused to be responsible for Fauzi any longer. -Failing to get him executed for having assisted in Slatin’s -escape, he succeeded in getting him committed to the Saier, -where he remained as a prisoner for four years, until released -by the Sirdar.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 id="p346" title="Appendix V. Ahmed Youssef Kandeel."> -<span class="smcap">A<span>PPENDIX</span></span> V -<span class="blksame">AHMED YOUSSEF KANDEEL</span></h3> -</div> - -<p class="pfirst">Ahmed -Youssef Kandeel, though actually a civilian -employé, held the rank in Khartoum, where he was born, of -Lieutenant in the 3rd Soudan Artillery. He took part in -many of the attacks on the dervishes during the siege, and -fought with Bakhit Bey on the night the town was taken. -He managed to fight his way to his house, and held out until -the Mahdi’s orders came to stop the massacre of the inhabitants, -when he gave himself up. His father, uncle, and -brother had already been killed fighting. For some time he -supported himself at Omdurman by cutting firewood, living -in a state of semi-starvation. Being a good clerk, he offered -his services to Wad Nejoumi, who, it appears, would employ -no one but old Egyptian employés as “katibs” (clerks). -He was with Wad Nejoumi when I was taken prisoner to -Dongola, and throws an interesting light upon Nejoumi’s -attitude towards Mahdieh, which more than confirms the -impressions I had formed, and which I have given expression -to in Chapter VI.: “Dongola to Omdurman.”</p> - -<div class="imctr03" id="fig29"> -<img src="images/i346.jpg" width="454" height="700" alt="" /> -<div class="caption-allcap">AHMED YOUSSEF KANDEEL.</div> -</div> - -<p>Kandeel tells me that, on the arrival of our party at -Dongola, Nejoumi called a meeting of emirs, and asked what -should be done with us. All voted for instant execution, but -this Nejoumi would not sanction. Among the emirs was a -Taaishi wakil (spy or agent of Abdullahi)—a similar wakil -being appointed to each army not actually led by one of -the Khaleefa’s relatives. This wakil’s name was Messaad -Geydoom-el-Taaishi. When Nejoumi insisted upon saving -<span class="xxpn" id="p347">|347|</span> -my life, and, as an alternative, sending me to the Khaleefa, -leaving him to decide what should be done with me, he instructed -Kandeel to write a letter saying that, as I was a -“hakeem” (doctor), I might be useful to him (Nejoumi) -and also to the army. Geydoom, having his suspicions about -Nejoumi’s loyalty to Mahdieh, used his sparing of my life as -a proof of his sympathies with the Government, and Nejoumi -was ordered to Omdurman, and kept a prisoner in his house -for some months.</p> - -<p>Geydoom’s treatment of the army during Nejoumi’s absence -caused so much discontent that Abdullahi determined to send -Nejoumi back to Dongola, but with strict instructions to at -once commence the march for the conquest of Egypt. He -was given a hundred and twenty rifles only, and very little -ammunition.</p> - -<p>When General Grenfell sent the letter to Nejoumi, calling -upon him to surrender, Nejoumi called a council of emirs, -said that the army could not possibly fight, as they were -tired, hungry, and thirsty, and suggested surrender, for they -must either be killed upon the field or die in the desert on -the way back. The emirs, being of the Taaishi family, first -accused Nejoumi of cowardice and then of treachery. They -threatened to report him to the Khaleefa when the fight was -<i>won</i>, and to ask that one of themselves should be given the -command when the further advance into Egypt was ordered. -There appears to be but little doubt that, had it not been for -the Taaishi emirs, the army would have followed Nejoumi -unarmed to the lines of the Government troops. The emirs -dictated the reply which Nejoumi was to send to General -Grenfell, and when Nejoumi dashed down into the plain as -the dervish army was in retreat, it was doubtless with the -object of reaching the Government lines, but under pretence -of rallying the few remaining troops, so that they should not -shoot him down if they thought he was deserting them—or -follow him if they thought he was charging, for this would -have drawn the fire of the brigades upon them. After the -death of Nejoumi, spies reported to the Khaleefa that he had -<span class="xxpn" id="p348">|348|</span> -attempted to open up negotiations with the Government -troops, and Kandeel, being suspected as Nejoumi’s “katib,” -was loaded with chains and sent to Omdurman, where he was -imprisoned for fourteen months, and then released to become -the clerk of Yacoub, the brother of Abdullahi.</p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 id="p349" title="Appendix VI. The Soudan: Its Past, -Present, and Future."> -<span class="smcap">A<span>PPENDIX</span></span> VI -<span class="blksame">THE SOUDAN: ITS PAST, -PRESENT, AND FUTURE</span></h3> -</div> - -<p class="pfirst">To -the present generation the history of the Soudan may -be said to commence with the date of its partial conquest by -Mohammad Ali Pasha, the Viceroy of Egypt. To go further -back than this is to compile from various sources, all more or -less inaccurate, a mass of information which, where not misleading, -would be next to useless to the would-be correct -historian. Even the recent history of the benighted country -has from force of circumstances been compiled from sources -not the most reliable, and it is extremely difficult for the -moment to sift the facts from the legends. The Soudan is -still an unknown and unconquered land. Small tribes have -been magnified into nations, and petty chiefs and sheikhs into -kings and sultans who evidenced their exalted position in the -possession of a few more sheep, goats, donkeys, and slaves, -than their neighbours. No single tribe or sheikh ever held -general supremacy over the others; Zubeir was within an ace -of making himself the Sultan of the Soudan, when he accepted -an invitation to visit Cairo; that was twenty-five years ago, -and he is still here. The Soudan was nothing more nor less -than a collection of little commonwealths; occasionally a -number of these would acknowledge allegiance to one particular -headman, and, in such instances, the “nation” might -have boasted almost as great a population as some small and -obscure provincial town. But that such instances were rare -<span class="xxpn" id="p350">|350|</span> -is proved by the facility with which Mohammad Ahmed and -Abdullahi set the various sections of tribes fighting among -themselves.</p> - -<p>When Mohammad Ali established his government, and -when later Ismail Pasha attempted to extend his empire, they -each took advantage of the chronic anarchy reigning in the -Soudan to further their schemes, but the tribes soon found -that they had but stepped from the frying-pan into the fire, -and waited patiently for the strong man who was to rid them -of the thraldom of the now hated and detested Turks, from -whom they had hoped so much. From the time when, what -the Soudanese call the “Turk” rule, was established, until the -rebellion of 1882, nothing whatever was done to develop -the natural resources of the country—indeed, the reverse. The -only trade the officials fostered was that of slaves, and these -were invariably drawn from peaceful and agricultural districts; -the adult male population of whole districts was swept away -in those raids organized to supply the hareems of Arabia, -Algeria, Egypt, and Turkey, with eunuchs and concubines. -The mineral wealth of Sennar, Darfur and Kordofan was -neglected, as when the soldiers reached the gold, silver and -copper mines, they discovered that the precious metals did -not exist in the pure blocks they had expected to find, and -that to extract the metals meant work.</p> - -<p>The population of the half-conquered provinces was robbed -in every conceivable manner by tax-collectors, who were -seldom or never paid their salaries of from twenty-five to -thirty shillings a month, and they were assisted in the duties -of tax collecting by companies of irregular soldiers whose -salaries also were never paid. Where money was not forthcoming, -the taxes were collected in kind, and it may be -imagined what the result of tax collecting was. The people -were driven farther and farther away from the cultivated -lands and watercourses. The “Sudd,” that rank growth of -weeds which obstruct the navigation of the Nile and its -tributaries, was left to accumulate year after year, the little -clearances which the inhabitants themselves made formerly, -<span class="xxpn" id="p351">|351|</span> -being abandoned as they but aided the passage of boats conveying -soldiers on tax collecting or conquest of territory -expeditions.</p> - -<p>Admitting, for the sake of argument, that some of the -Soudan tribes may have risen to the dignity of independent -kingdoms, their history may be written with one word—“anarchy,” -and when the “Turk” government was established, -general rebellion was rife from the beginning until it culminated -in the rising of Mohammad Ahmed.</p> - -<p>The population of the Soudan was, and still is, divided into -three great classes, (1) the pure Arab to whom manual labour -has been unknown since the day his ancestor Ishmael mixed -the mortar with which to cement the stones of the Kaaba or -House of God, which Abraham built at Mecca; (2) the -Negroid, who will perform a few light duties, but who has -absorbed all the worst to the exclusion of the few better -qualities of his progenitors,—and, (3) the Black—naturally -indolent and too lazy to work,—without ambition, and whose -presumed avarice only extends to the possession of a little -more than he can eat. For centuries the Black has been the -slave of the Arab, and performed all the manual labour, such as -the collection of gum and senna leaves, indiarubber, ivory, the -cultivation of cereals, and the navigation of the rivers; but -taking it all in all, the lot of the black slave might be envied -by millions of workers in other parts of the world. With the -introduction of the “Turk” government, all three classes were -considered as “prey”; the slave proper had to work harder -so that his master might be able to satisfy the rapacity of <i>his</i> -master—the official, and the slave knew this; the negroid, -who believed in cultivating only so much dourra as was -requisite for his needs, found that he had to cultivate enough -to feed the soldiers quartered in his province, and to pay -taxes not only on what he grew for himself, but on what he -grew for nothing for the soldiers. It is no wonder, then, that -the three waited the coming of some strong man to rid them -of the common enemy.</p> - -<p>Although a religious element was introduced into -<span class="xxpn" id="p352">|352|</span> -Mohammad Ahmed’s movement, many fail to grasp the fact that -religion here takes the place of politics in Europe, and when -the Arabs rise against the powers that be, they are backed up -by some “religious” question, for their laws are based entirely -upon the Quoran. Mohammad Ahmed had for years been -preaching against the extortions of the Turk officials, and had -it not been suggested to him, it is unlikely that he would ever -have assumed the <i>rôle</i> of Mahdi, though as a holy man only, -it is almost certain that his crusade would have succeeded -equally as well as it did. The country was ripe for rebellion, -and when the followers of Mohammad Ahmed overcame the -first “Turk” sent against him, and against whom he had been -preaching for years, success was assured, and thousands -flocked to him. His crusade, therefore, in the beginning, was -not a religious movement pure and simple as we understand -such; it was the rising of an oppressed people against a -government that had but lately tried to establish its authority -over them. It is true that once having had the <i>rôle</i> of Mahdi -forced upon him, Mohammad Ahmed did his best to act up to -it; his miracles—in the way of annihilating successive armies -sent against him were very real indeed, and if thousands flocked -to his banner in consequence of them, they should not be too -severely criticized and charged with fanaticism and unreasoning -superstition, for while they flocked to see the worker of these -very real miracles, just as many thousands of people in more -enlightened climes were making pilgrimages to caves, grottoes -and shrines in the belief that the miracles they were praying -for would be performed. Nor, considering that the faith in -dreams and visions is almost as strong in the east as it was -when Pharaoh had his dreams interpreted by Joseph, should -Mohammad Ahmed and his successor be blamed for taking -advantage of the credulity of the most credulous people on -earth in the relating of visions, when but a little time since -thousands of people in a highly civilized country were flocking -to the doors of one who pretended to be the mouthpiece on -earth of the angel Gabriel—a much more mythical being than -either the prophet Mohammad or the Mahdi. -<span class="xxpn" id="p353">|353|</span></p> - -<p>Had Mohammad Ahmed lived, there is no doubt but that -he would have succeeded in establishing some form of government -which, if not better, would certainly have been no worse -than the one he had overturned. With the Mahdi’s death, -Abdullahi found himself with a trust which, as he saw immediately, -only a powerful military despotism could enable him to -keep. Threatened with attack from all points of the compass, -he had also internal dissensions to combat, and met them -unflinchingly. While his atrocities have been made much -of, he invariably went through the farce of trying people for -disobedience during his reign of martial law before carrying -out the capital sentence; perhaps, if Abdullahi’s atrocities -were placed side by side with those associated with revolutions -in other countries, his list would be found not the -longest. Oppression doubtless was great, but it was concentrated -in one place, and being more seen, was as a consequence -more felt. Still opinions may be said to be equally -divided as to whether oppression was any greater during the -worst days of the reign of Abdullahi than it had been under -the old government. The foregoing is not written in defence of -Mohammad Ahmed or Abdullahi—and I have little reason to -say a single good word for the latter, but it is time that the -Soudan should be seen through clear glasses. Jealousy of -power was Abdullahi’s besetting sin, and to this must be -attributed the swift punishment meted out to those who in the -slightest degree exhibited disobedience of orders. To this -jealousy must be added vanity of his power also. I have -heard since my release, from people of the Muslimanieh -quarter, some of the reasons for Abdullahi’s sparing of my -life. I had forgotten the incident, but am reminded that -when on my arrival at Omdurman I was taken to the gallows -in chains to be hanged, I turned to the Emirs and shouted -“Has your Mahdi (I used this name at the time) no other -way of exhibiting his power but by hanging a bound man -before all his soldiers? Take off my chains, and I will fight -you, or else get on with your work.” Abdullahi was told this -while I was still being played with, and said, “A man who will -<span class="xxpn" id="p354">|354|</span> -talk like that when he is going to be hanged is a man! He is -a big man; I will not hang him; a man who is not afraid of -me is not to be hanged; I will keep him.” This was said to -the Muslimanieh and others. Abdullahi had not made up his -mind whether I was a merchant, spy, medicine man or general. -Then, again, he kept me alive in order to prove that he was -more powerful than my Malek (the Emperor of Germany). I -am told that he very often said to people, “You have heard of -Abdalla Nufell; he is not afraid of me; his Malek has -millions of soldiers like him, but he dare not bring his armies -to release him; he is afraid to meet my ansar.”</p> - -<p>There are other stories of Abdullahi’s many references to -me, but, as they are of a complimentary nature, I must leave -others to relate them; the above are only given for the -purpose of affording a slight insight into the man’s complex -character, and to give an idea of the small actions which -could influence him.</p> - -<p>The Past of the Soudan may be said to close with the -battle of Omdurman; the Present may be given in one word—Transition. -Its Future is still in the future; but from -what I have written, those intending to make a rush to the -Soudan as soon as it is declared open for trade, will understand -that a settled government has yet to be established. -The Soudan has had but one government, and I have given an -idea of what that government was to the inhabitants; the -next government established will, as a matter of course, -be looked askance at. Although the Khaleefa’s army was -smashed up at Omdurman, his influence still remains with -great numbers, and time must be given for the Soudanese to -learn that there are governments <i>and</i> governments. All they -are conscious of now is, that the Government they turned out -has come back again, and they expect from it no better treatment -than they received formerly, if they do not expect worse -as a punishment for their rebellion. The possession of slaves -will be forbidden, and this will give umbrage to the Arabs, -while the slaves will no more appreciate or enjoy their freedom -than would so many cage-bred birds theirs. There is a -<span class="xxpn" id="p355">|355|</span> -considerable amount of ignorance in Europe on the subject of -slavery in Mohammedan countries, but I must confine myself -to the Soudan on this question. Slave raiding should of course -be put down with a strong hand, and there should be, when a -raider is captured, no other formality than that of loading -the rifles or affixing the rope; the trial might take place at -some future date, so that the fact of his execution might be -recorded. I wish to speak now only of those who are already -<i>called</i> “slaves,” for, in the majority of cases, it is but a name.</p> - -<p>I have remarked that the Black is naturally lazy, and will -do no more work than he is compelled to; if liberated unconditionally, -he will, unless drafted into regiments, loaf about, -and occasionally do a little work for the sake of a meal; but -he will refuse to keep to any work long unless some sort of -pressure is brought to bear, and he will be only too glad if it -is. As a slave, his master must keep him in food and clothes, -and also support his wife and children in return for his services, -and, being “property,” he is well looked after; he is, as I -have said, a slave but in name, but the name has an ugly -sound to Europeans. The new Government might open a -slave register, have a few inspectors to go round and “ask -for complaints,” and either give an age, or name a date, when -all holding of slaves would be a breach of a law yet to be -made. Treaties are all very well when dealing with countries -boasting a civilized Government, but it is not an easy matter -to compel petty chieftains in the heart of Africa to agree -to laws which upset the whole political economy of their -domains—and this only to please people who know nothing of -the existing conditions. However the whole question bristles -with difficulties and with arguments for and against leaving -matters as they are—only suppressing raiding as I have said -already—but as those difficulties do exist, it would be well not -to be rash, or to burden the still unconquered and unsettled -country with revolutionary laws. Far better to make haste -slowly, for laws are of little use unless a breach of them -is quickly punished, and the Soudan Arabs have yet to be -taught to respect laws emanating from a “Government.” -<span class="xxpn" id="p356">|356|</span></p> - -<p>These few remarks on the unsettled state of the country are -intended for those who may be going out as entire strangers -to the Soudan. They must be prepared to meet with difficulties -great and small, disappointments, much discomfort, and many -annoyances big and little; but it is to be hoped that they -will endure these for a time, and not pester the little and still -half-formed new administration with big complaints about -petty quarrels or troubles. Any reprisals asked for in case -of small annoyances or unpleasantnesses, can but bring in -their train much bigger ones; you want but to earn the respect -of both Arab and Soudanese to earn his devotion, and you -may have both by at least treating him as a man and not as -a beast. When speaking of my having borrowed money from -the guides whom I entrusted with the arrangements I made -for my escape, I drew attention to the strange fact of my -borrowing money from them. This was putting the principle -I have pointed out into practice; I required their aid. I -went further, and gave evidence that I was entirely in their -hands—a weakling, but they understood that if they helped -me in my weakness, I would help or protect them in my -strength; above all, they valued my trust and confidence. -There are limits, I know, to both, but you must learn those -limits.</p> - -<p>The great want of the Soudan at the present time is means -of communication; there are enormous tracts of land on which -cereals can be raised with the minimum of cost and labour, -but without means of transport they might as well not -exist. Some talk has been made of a line of rail connecting -Khartoum with the Red Sea, and this, certainly, would provide -the means of transport and enable the Soudan to compete -with almost any other country in cereals, but it is a question -whether it would be worth while to construct a railway for -the sake of the grain trade, if the trucks which take it to the -seaboard have to be hauled back empty, and, maybe, left idle -for the greater part of the year. It is possible that during -the last fifteen years Nature has to a great extent repaired -the enormous damage done to indiarubber and gum trees, -<span class="xxpn" id="p357">|357|</span> -when the plants and trees were destroyed in order to obtain -a big enough crop to satisfy the rapacity of the “Turk” -officials. The forests abound in ebony and other hard -woods, but power to saw them into beams or planks of -suitable dimensions for transit is requisite before this valuable -industry can be developed. From what prisoners from the -south told me, in places an almost pure iron is found on -or near the surface; this the Shilluks and Dinkas smelt in -mud furnaces about six to eight feet high and three to four -feet in diameter. The spear heads of the Shilluks and -Dinkas, beside their shape being different from all others, are -readily distinguishable from their peculiarly deep black shade, -while the spear heads made from imported iron are many -shades lighter, and in comparison, when polished, have a -tinny appearance. If coal is found, and I believe it will be, -if the description I was given of “black stones” which took -fire is correct, then one might say that there is no limit to -the development of the country. Should the Nile and its -tributaries be cleared of the “sudd,” considerable development -would be immediately possible, but the whole country -must first be studied, and its present condition with its existing -means of transport thoroughly grasped, before people will -be justified in subscribing for big ventures, for the failure of -one means the failure of others, and a retarding, for want of -new capital, of present possibilities in the way of development.</p> - -<p>It is quite impossible to compile any statistics of the former -import and export trade of the Soudan, that is to say reliable -statistics, and as the whole trade of the country was governed -by the slave trade—now abolished—a new condition of things -has been introduced but not yet established. Barter must, -for some time to come, be the medium of trade and exchange, -and, here again, new conditions are certain to be met with. -Formerly the principal imports were cheap cotton goods, -earthenware, ironware, dried and preserved provisions, sugar, -perfumes, and such like, which generally came in the category -of things which are “cheap and nasty.” There are two -great reasons why all this must now be changed; with almost -<span class="xxpn" id="p358">|358|</span> -20,000 regularly paid troops in the country, and troops, too, -who have, in a measure, been living in the lap of luxury, -since 1882, their demands must be met. The sight of well-fed, -well-housed, and well-clothed troops, will excite the admiration -and cupidity of the Soudanese for similar luxuries, and a -demand for articles formerly unknown to them will at once be -created. I hesitate to specify some of the goods which I -know there will be a demand for, not that I am in any way -interested in the subject for the moment, but only to guard -against numbers of people exporting large quantities of -merchandise of the same class far in excess of the actual -demand. I cannot too strongly advise manufacturers to -study on the spot the requirements of the people, and to -comply with their requirements, whatever the article might -be. Disappointment and loss can only ensue if articles -they do not want, or which do not meet with their requirements, -are attempted to be forced upon them, for while -engaged upon this suicidal policy, some one else will certainly -be studying the question with the intention of meeting the -wishes of his prospective customers. I would strongly deprecate -the formation of big syndicates and companies for the -exploitation of the Soudan; the country, granted certain -facilities for transport, has a great future, but it would be very -unwise to lock up large capitals, the greater part of which -would be lying unused. Small companies, with all the capital -employed, will pay best for the time being, and the pioneers -of such companies might be accompanied by a mineralogist, -to examine the gold, silver, copper, lead, and other mineral -deposits. That gold exists is well known, but the richness of -the quartz I cannot speak of; one thing, though, is certain, -gold can be obtained with little or no difficulty and labour, -otherwise the small bags of gold I saw at Khartoum and -Omdurman would not have been brought in. Lead and -copper will be found to the west and south-west of Darfur—and -possibly silver also, but whether it would pay to work -the mines can only be ascertained after an examination of -the districts. -<span class="xxpn" id="p359">|359|</span></p> - -<p>To sum up. The Soudan is a country which for nearly -a century has been fighting against the establishment of any -foreign government; its experience of a “benevolent” administration -is of the very worst; the inhabitants sank all or -nearly all differences between them when they rose to turn -out the hated Turks; their experience of Christians has -evidently not been of the best, else why the saying concerning -Gordon? Large numbers are still loyal to the Khaleefa -Abdullahi, and it will require but a very little mistake -to make the inhabitants flock to his banner, or, what is -worse, they will retire to the west and leave the country -denuded of the population it stands in so much need of. -Strangers are not wanted—they will be looked upon with -suspicion until they have given evidence of their honest -intentions towards the villagers; traders, before they may -look for success, must overcome the prejudice of the people -against European traders, a prejudice based upon experience -of them formerly. And it is necessary for me to say that, after -recent experience, it will take some time before the Muslim -will believe that the Christian religion is anything but what -he believes it to be, and he will be convinced that the boasted -superiority of the European over the Arab does not hold good -in the Soudan at all events. If those going to the Soudan -will bear these points in mind, they will save themselves -and others an infinity of trouble, and all barriers will be -surmounted, if they keep in mind always the reputation -Gordon made for himself for “Goodness and Justice,” and -make Goodness and Justice their motto.</p> - -<ul class="chapter" id="ulindex0"><li> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="p361">INDEX</h2> -<ul id="ulindex"> -<li>A -<ul><li>Abbas, - <a href="#p246" title="go to p. 246">246</a></li> -<li><i>Abbas, The</i>, - <a href="#p325" title="go to p. 325">325</a>–<a href="#p328" title="go to p. 328">328</a></li> -<li>Abdalla Rouchdi, - <a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a>, - <a href="#p333" title="go to p. 333">333</a>–<a href="#p336" title="go to p. 336">336</a></li> -<li>Abdallah Sulieman, - <a href="#p236" title="go to p. 236">236</a>, - <a href="#p331" title="go to p. 331">331</a></li> -<li>Abd el Kader Bey, - <a href="#p161" title="go to p. 161">161</a>, - <a href="#p189" title="go to p. 189">189</a></li> -<li>Abd es Semmieh, - <a href="#p181" title="go to p. 181">181</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a>, - <a href="#p234" title="go to p. 234">234</a></li> -<li>Abou-el-Gassim, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a></li> -<li>Abou Hamad, - <a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a>, - <a href="#p248" title="go to p. 248">248</a></li> -<li>Abyssinian embassy, - <a href="#p246" title="go to p. 246">246</a></li> -<li>Abyssinian expedition, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>, - <a href="#p221" title="go to p. 221">221</a></li> -<li>Adultery, punishment of, - <a href="#p136" title="go to p. 136">136</a>, - <a href="#p137" title="go to p. 137">137</a></li> -<li>Ahmed Abdel Maajid, - <a href="#p086" title="go to p. 86">86</a>, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a></li> -<li>Ahmed Youssef Kandeel, - <a href="#p346" title="go to p. 346">346</a>–<a href="#p348" title="go to p. 348">348</a></li> -<li>Aid to wounded, - <a href="#p286" title="go to p. 286">286</a>–<a href="#p288" title="go to p. 288">288</a></li> -<li>Ajjab Abou Jinn, - <a href="#p084" title="go to p. 84">84</a>, - <a href="#p102" title="go to p. 102">102</a>, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a></li> -<li>Ali Khaater, - <a href="#p180" title="go to p. 180">180</a>–<a href="#p182" title="go to p. 182">182</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a></li> -<li>Alti, - <a href="#p182" title="go to p. 182">182</a></li> -<li>Ansar, the, - <a href="#p042" title="go to p. 42">42</a>, - - <a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a>, - - <a href="#p097" title="go to p. 97">97</a>, - <a href="#p100" title="go to p. 100">100</a>–<a href="#p102" title="go to p. 102">102</a>, - <a href="#p130" title="go to p. 130">130</a>, - <a href="#p354" title="go to p. 354">354</a></li> -<li>Arab tribes― -<ul> -<li>Ababdeh, - <a href="#p009" title="go to p. 9">9</a>, - <a href="#p153" title="go to p. 153">153</a></li> -<li>Alighat, - <a href="#p010" title="go to p. 10">10</a>, - <a href="#p023" title="go to p. 23">23</a>, - <a href="#p030" title="go to p. 30">30</a>, - <a href="#p031" title="go to p. 31">31</a>, - <a href="#p050" title="go to p. 50">50</a>, - <a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a></li> -<li>Baggara, - <a href="#p212" title="go to p. 212">212</a>, - <a href="#p217" title="go to p. 217">217</a>, - <a href="#p230" title="go to p. 230">230</a>, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>–<a href="#p269" title="go to p. 269">269</a>, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a>, - <a href="#p277" title="go to p. 277">277</a>, - <a href="#p281" title="go to p. 281">281</a>–<a href="#p283" title="go to p. 283">283</a></li> -<li>Bedawi, - <a href="#p040" title="go to p. 40">40</a>, - <a href="#p055" title="go to p. 55">55</a></li> -<li>Dabaanieh, - <a href="#p083" title="go to p. 83">83</a></li> -<li>Danagli, - <a href="#p048" title="go to p. 48">48</a></li> -<li>Dar Hamad, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p013" title="go to p. 13">13</a>, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p055" title="go to p. 55">55</a></li> -<li>Digheem, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a></li> -<li>Dinkas, - <a href="#p357" title="go to p. 357">357</a></li> -<li>Fellati, - <a href="#p171" title="go to p. 171">171</a>, - <a href="#p176" title="go to p. 176">176</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a></li> -<li>Gawaamah, - <a href="#p098" title="go to p. 98">98</a>, - <a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a>, - <a href="#p188" title="go to p. 188">188</a></li> -<li>Habbanieh, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a></li> -<li>Hadendowas, - <a href="#p088" title="go to p. 88">88</a>, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a></li> -<li>Hammadah, - <a href="#p084" title="go to p. 84">84</a></li> -<li>Jaalin, - <a href="#p037" title="go to p. 37">37</a>, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>, - <a href="#p231" title="go to p. 231">231</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p260" title="go to p. 260">260</a>, - <a href="#p266" title="go to p. 266">266</a></li> -<li>Kabbabish, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>, - <a href="#p005" title="go to p. 5">5</a>, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p011" title="go to p. 11">11</a>, - <a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a>, - <a href="#p053" title="go to p. 53">53</a>, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a>, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a></li> -<li>Rhizaghat, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a></li> -<li>Shilluks, - <a href="#p357" title="go to p. 357">357</a></li> -<li>Shukrieh, - <a href="#p084" title="go to p. 84">84</a></li> -<li>Taaishi, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>, - <a href="#p267" title="go to p. 267">267</a>, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a>, - <a href="#p346" title="go to p. 346">346</a></li> -</ul></li> -<li>Ardagh, Colonel, - <a href="#p005" title="go to p. 5">5</a></li> -<li>Arsenal, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a>, - <a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>, - <a href="#p212" title="go to p. 212">212</a>, - <a href="#p226" title="go to p. 226">226</a>, - <a href="#p237" title="go to p. 237">237</a>–<a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a></li> -<li>Assouan, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>–<a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p052" title="go to p. 52">52</a>, - <a href="#p065" title="go to p. 65">65</a>, - <a href="#p077" title="go to p. 77">77</a>, - <a href="#p160" title="go to p. 160">160</a>–<a href="#p162" title="go to p. 162">162</a></li> -<li>Atbara, battle of, - <a href="#p248" title="go to p. 248">248</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p271" title="go to p. 271">271</a></li> -<li>Austrian Consulate-general, - <a href="#p164" title="go to p. 164">164</a>, - <a href="#p168" title="go to p. 168">168</a>, - <a href="#p314" title="go to p. 314">314</a></li> -<li>Austrian mission, - <a href="#p164" title="go to p. 164">164</a>, - <a href="#p233" title="go to p. 233">233</a>, - <a href="#p309" title="go to p. 309">309</a></li> -<li>Awad el Kerim, - <a href="#p084" title="go to p. 84">84</a>; his three sons, - <a href="#p085" title="go to p. 85">85</a></li> -<li>Awwad el Mardi, - <a href="#p226" title="go to p. 226">226</a>–<a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>, - <a href="#p242" title="go to p. 242">242</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>B -<ul><li>Bakah Wells, - <a href="#p053" title="go to p. 53">53</a></li> -<li>Bakhita, - <a href="#p240" title="go to p. 240">240</a></li> -<li>Beit-el-Amana, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a></li> -<li>Beit-el-Mal (Treasury), - <a href="#p013" title="go to p. 13">13</a>, - <a href="#p033" title="go to p. 33">33</a>, - <a href="#p034" title="go to p. 34">34</a>, - <a href="#p036" title="go to p. 36">36</a>, - <a href="#p051" title="go to p. 51">51</a>, - <a href="#p085" title="go to p. 85">85</a>, - <a href="#p087" title="go to p. 87">87</a>, - <a href="#p100" title="go to p. 100">100</a>, - <a href="#p125" title="go to p. 125">125</a>, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>, -<a href="#p157" title="go to p. 157">157</a>, - <a href="#p171" title="go to p. 171">171</a>, - <a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a>, - <a href="#p179" title="go to p. 179">179</a>, - <a href="#p206" title="go to p. 206">206</a>, - <a href="#p210" title="go to p. 210">210</a>, - <a href="#p214" title="go to p. 214">214</a>, - <a href="#p241" title="go to p. 241">241</a>, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a>; Amin or Director -of, - <a href="#p046" title="go to p. 46">46</a>, - <a href="#p049" title="go to p. 49">49</a>, - <a href="#p064" title="go to p. 64">64</a>, - <a href="#p145" title="go to p. 145">145</a>, - <a href="#p147" title="go to p. 147">147</a>, - <a href="#p175" title="go to p. 175">175</a>, - <a href="#p210" title="go to p. 210">210</a>, - <a href="#p226" title="go to p. 226">226</a>, - <a href="#p234" title="go to p. 234">234</a></li> -<li>Berber, - <a href="#p086" title="go to p. 86">86</a>, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>, - <a href="#p165" title="go to p. 165">165</a>, - <a href="#p193" title="go to p. 193">193</a>, - <a href="#p198" title="go to p. 198">198</a>, - <a href="#p237" title="go to p. 237">237</a>, - <a href="#p309" title="go to p. 309">309</a></li> -<li>Blackmail (<i>see</i> Nebbi Khiddr)</li> -<li>Black population of Soudan, - <a href="#p351" title="go to p. 351">351</a>, - <a href="#p355" title="go to p. 355">355</a></li> -<li>Burleigh, Bennet, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p279" title="go to p. 279">279</a></li> -<li>Bussati Bey, - <a href="#p326" title="go to p. 326">326</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>C -<ul><li>Cairo, start from, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>–<a href="#p007" title="go to p. 7">7</a>; return to, - <a href="#p001" title="go to p. 1">1</a>, - <a href="#p290" title="go to p. 290">290</a></li> -<li>Caravan, constitution of, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p011" title="go to p. 11">11</a>, - <a href="#p012" title="go to p. 12">12</a>; betrayal of, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p021" title="go to p. 21">21</a>, - <a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a>, -<a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a>, - <a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a>, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p106" title="go to p. 106">106</a>, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a>, - <a href="#p168" title="go to p. 168">168</a></li> -<li>Catarina, - <a href="#p114" title="go to p. 114">114</a>, - <a href="#p116" title="go to p. 116">116</a></li> -<li>Coinage, - <a href="#p171" title="go to p. 171">171</a>, - <a href="#p210" title="go to p. 210">210</a>–<a href="#p215" title="go to p. 215">215</a>, - <a href="#p223" title="go to p. 223">223</a></li> -<li>Cromer, Lord, - <a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>D -<ul><li>Dara, - <a href="#p310" title="go to p. 310">310</a></li> -<li>Darfur, - <a href="#p181" title="go to p. 181">181</a>, - <a href="#p203" title="go to p. 203">203</a>, - <a href="#p350" title="go to p. 350">350</a>, - <a href="#p358" title="go to p. 358">358</a></li> -<li>Derawi, - <a href="#p007" title="go to p. 7">7</a>–<a href="#p010" title="go to p. 10">10</a>, - <a href="#p245" title="go to p. 245">245</a>, - <a href="#p329" title="go to p. 329">329</a></li> -<li>Dervishes, horsemanship of, - <a href="#p041" title="go to p. 41">41</a>, - <a href="#p044" title="go to p. 44">44</a>, - <a href="#p049" title="go to p. 49">49</a>; treachery of, - <a href="#p285" title="go to p. 285">285</a>, - <a href="#p288" title="go to p. 288">288</a></li> -<li>Desert routes, - <a href="#p012" title="go to p. 12">12</a>, - <a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a>–<a href="#p023" title="go to p. 23">23</a></li> -<li>Divorce laws, - <a href="#p123" title="go to p. 123">123</a>, - <a href="#p180" title="go to p. 180">180</a>, - <a href="#p190" title="go to p. 190">190</a>–<a href="#p192" title="go to p. 192">192</a></li> -<li>Dongola, - <a href="#p010" title="go to p. 10">10</a>, - <a href="#p039" title="go to p. 39">39</a>–<a href="#p043" title="go to p. 43">43</a>, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>, - <a href="#p066" title="go to p. 66">66</a>, - <a href="#p067" title="go to p. 67">67</a>, - <a href="#p328" title="go to p. 328">328</a>, - <a href="#p329" title="go to p. 329">329</a>; capture of, - <a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a>, - <a href="#p248" title="go to p. 248">248</a>, -<a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p346" title="go to p. 346">346</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>E -<ul><li>Earle, General, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a></li> -<li>Egyptian War Office (Intelligence Department), - <a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a>, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a>, - <a href="#p168" title="go to p. 168">168</a>, - <a href="#p197" title="go to p. 197">197</a>, -<a href="#p291" title="go to p. 291">291</a>, - <a href="#p295" title="go to p. 295">295</a>, - <a href="#p298" title="go to p. 298">298</a></li> -<li>El Agia, - <a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a>, - <a href="#p016" title="go to p. 16">16</a>, - <a href="#p019" title="go to p. 19">19</a>–<a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a></li> -<li>El Etroun, - <a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a>, - <a href="#p023" title="go to p. 23">23</a></li> -<li>El Fasher, - <a href="#p203" title="go to p. 203">203</a>, - <a href="#p311" title="go to p. 311">311</a></li> -<li>El Fun, - <a href="#p143" title="go to p. 143">143</a>, - <a href="#p144" title="go to p. 144">144</a></li> -<li>El Kiyeh, - <a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a>, - <a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a>, - <a href="#p023" title="go to p. 23">23</a></li> -<li>El Obeid, - <a href="#p010" title="go to p. 10">10</a>, - <a href="#p220" title="go to p. 220">220</a></li> -<li>Elias, clerk to Neufeld, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p012" title="go to p. 12">12</a>, - <a href="#p014" title="go to p. 14">14</a>, - <a href="#p024" title="go to p. 24">24</a>–<a href="#p029" title="go to p. 29">29</a>, - <a href="#p035" title="go to p. 35">35</a>, - <a href="#p036" title="go to p. 36">36</a>, - <a href="#p043" title="go to p. 43">43</a>, - <a href="#p050" title="go to p. 50">50</a>, - <a href="#p066" title="go to p. 66">66</a></li> -<li>Elias Pasha, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a></li> -<li>Emirs― -<ul> -<li>Abd-el-Baagi, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a>, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a>, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a></li> -<li>Ahmed Fedeel, - <a href="#p176" title="go to p. 176">176</a>, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a></li> -<li>Ali Wad Saad, - <a href="#p091" title="go to p. 91">91</a></li> -<li>Makin en Nur, - <a href="#p037" title="go to p. 37">37</a>, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a></li> -<li>Mohammed Hamad'na Allah, - <a href="#p176" title="go to p. 176">176</a>–<a href="#p179" title="go to p. 179">179</a>, - <a href="#p186" title="go to p. 186">186</a></li> -<li>Mohammed Hamza, - <a href="#p027" title="go to p. 27">27</a>, - <a href="#p037" title="go to p. 37">37</a>–<a href="#p040" title="go to p. 40">40</a>, - <a href="#p043" title="go to p. 43">43</a>, - <a href="#p044" title="go to p. 44">44</a>, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a></li> -<li>Mohammed Taher, - <a href="#p088" title="go to p. 88">88</a></li> -<li>Nur Angara, - <a href="#p070" title="go to p. 70">70</a>, - <a href="#p076" title="go to p. 76">76</a></li> -<li>Wad Bessir, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a></li> -<li>Wad en Nejoumi, - <a href="#p027" title="go to p. 27">27</a>–<a href="#p034" title="go to p. 34">34</a>, - <a href="#p039" title="go to p. 39">39</a>, - <a href="#p046" title="go to p. 46">46</a>–<a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>, - <a href="#p064" title="go to p. 64">64</a>–<a href="#p067" title="go to p. 67">67</a>, - <a href="#p078" title="go to p. 78">78</a>, - <a href="#p118" title="go to p. 118">118</a>, - <a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a>, - <a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a>, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>, - <a href="#p337" title="go to p. 337">337</a>, - <a href="#p346" title="go to p. 346">346</a>–<a href="#p348" title="go to p. 348">348</a></li> -<li>Wad Eysawee, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a></li> -<li>Wad Farag, - <a href="#p027" title="go to p. 27">27</a>–<a href="#p035" title="go to p. 35">35</a>, - <a href="#p044" title="go to p. 44">44</a>, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>–<a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a>, - <a href="#p173" title="go to p. 173">173</a>, - <a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a></li> -<li>Wad Umma, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a></li> -<li>Yacoub, - <a href="#p148" title="go to p. 148">148</a>, - <a href="#p175" title="go to p. 175">175</a>, -<a href="#p176" title="go to p. 176">176</a>, -<a href="#p186" title="go to p. 186">186</a>, - <a href="#p216" title="go to p. 216">216</a>, - <a href="#p221" title="go to p. 221">221</a>, - <a href="#p235" title="go to p. 235">235</a>, - <a href="#p242" title="go to p. 242">242</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a>, - <a href="#p263" title="go to p. 263">263</a>, - <a href="#p267" title="go to p. 267">267</a>, - <a href="#p271" title="go to p. 271">271</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a>, - <a href="#p348" title="go to p. 348">348</a></li> -</ul></li></ul></li> - -<li>F -<ul><li>Famine, - <a href="#p112" title="go to p. 112">112</a>, - <a href="#p116" title="go to p. 116">116</a>–<a href="#p119" title="go to p. 119">119</a>, - <a href="#p147" title="go to p. 147">147</a></li> -<li>Fettering, method of, - <a href="#p072" title="go to p. 72">72</a>, - <a href="#p079" title="go to p. 79">79</a>, - <a href="#p080" title="go to p. 80">80</a>, - <a href="#p091" title="go to p. 91">91</a>, - <a href="#p093" title="go to p. 93">93</a>, - <a href="#p229" title="go to p. 229">229</a>, - <a href="#p235" title="go to p. 235">235</a>, - <a href="#p279" title="go to p. 279">279</a></li> -<li>Fitton, Major, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a></li> -<li>Flogging, - <a href="#p041" title="go to p. 41">41</a>–<a href="#p043" title="go to p. 43">43</a>, - <a href="#p126" title="go to p. 126">126</a>, - <a href="#p127" title="go to p. 127">127</a>, - <a href="#p129" title="go to p. 129">129</a>–<a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a></li> -<li>Forts, - <a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p254" title="go to p. 254">254</a>, - <a href="#p266" title="go to p. 266">266</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>G -<ul><li>Gebel Ain, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a></li> -<li>Gebel Ragaf, - <a href="#p111" title="go to p. 111">111</a>, - <a href="#p220" title="go to p. 220">220</a></li> -<li>Gebel Roiyan, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a></li> -<li>German Consulate, - <a href="#p154" title="go to p. 154">154</a>, - <a href="#p160" title="go to p. 160">160</a>, - <a href="#p162" title="go to p. 162">162</a>–<a href="#p165" title="go to p. 165">165</a>, - <a href="#p168" title="go to p. 168">168</a>, - <a href="#p291" title="go to p. 291">291</a></li> -<li>Germany, Emperor of, - <a href="#p354" title="go to p. 354">354</a></li> -<li>Gordon, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a>, - <a href="#p212" title="go to p. 212">212</a>, - <a href="#p218" title="go to p. 218">218</a>, - <a href="#p228" title="go to p. 228">228</a>, - <a href="#p300" title="go to p. 300">300</a>–<a href="#p324" title="go to p. 324">324</a>, - <a href="#p325" title="go to p. 325">325</a>–<a href="#p328" title="go to p. 328">328</a>, - <a href="#p332" title="go to p. 332">332</a>–<a href="#p337" title="go to p. 337">337</a>, - <a href="#p340" title="go to p. 340">340</a>–<a href="#p345" title="go to p. 345">345</a>; -relief expedition, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p065" title="go to p. 65">65</a>, - <a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a>, - <a href="#p229" title="go to p. 229">229</a>, - <a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a>, - <a href="#p316" title="go to p. 316">316</a>–<a href="#p321" title="go to p. 321">321</a></li> -<li>“Gordonizing,” - <a href="#p159" title="go to p. 159">159</a></li> -<li>Grenfell, General, - <a href="#p347" title="go to p. 347">347</a></li> -<li>Guides― -<ul><li>Abdallah, - <a href="#p197" title="go to p. 197">197</a>–<a href="#p201" title="go to p. 201">201</a>, - <a href="#p214" title="go to p. 214">214</a></li> -<li>Ali el Amin, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p012" title="go to p. 12">12</a>, - <a href="#p017" title="go to p. 17">17</a>–<a href="#p024" title="go to p. 24">24</a>, - <a href="#p031" title="go to p. 31">31</a>, - <a href="#p036" title="go to p. 36">36</a>, - <a href="#p049" title="go to p. 49">49</a>, - <a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a>, - <a href="#p067" title="go to p. 67">67</a></li> -<li>Darb es Safai, - <a href="#p021" title="go to p. 21">21</a>–<a href="#p029" title="go to p. 29">29</a>, - <a href="#p049" title="go to p. 49">49</a>, - <a href="#p050" title="go to p. 50">50</a></li> -<li>Hassan, - <a href="#p012" title="go to p. 12">12</a>–<a href="#p024" title="go to p. 24">24</a>, - <a href="#p030" title="go to p. 30">30</a>, - <a href="#p050" title="go to p. 50">50</a>, - <a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a>–<a href="#p062" title="go to p. 62">62</a>, - <a href="#p067" title="go to p. 67">67</a></li> -<li>Hassib el Gabou, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>–<a href="#p016" title="go to p. 16">16</a>, - <a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a>, - <a href="#p048" title="go to p. 48">48</a>, - <a href="#p052" title="go to p. 52">52</a>–<a href="#p058" title="go to p. 58">58</a>, - <a href="#p064" title="go to p. 64">64</a>, - <a href="#p106" title="go to p. 106">106</a>, - <a href="#p107" title="go to p. 107">107</a>, - <a href="#p255" title="go to p. 255">255</a></li> -<li>Hawanein, - <a href="#p196" title="go to p. 196">196</a>, - <a href="#p201" title="go to p. 201">201</a>, - <a href="#p207" title="go to p. 207">207</a>, - <a href="#p214" title="go to p. 214">214</a></li> -<li>Ismail, - <a href="#p011" title="go to p. 11">11</a>–<a href="#p026" title="go to p. 26">26</a>, - <a href="#p057" title="go to p. 57">57</a>, - <a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a></li> -<li>Mohammad Ali, - <a href="#p153" title="go to p. 153">153</a>, - <a href="#p154" title="go to p. 154">154</a>, - <a href="#p156" title="go to p. 156">156</a>, - <a href="#p163" title="go to p. 163">163</a></li> -<li>Moussa Daoud Kanaga, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p154" title="go to p. 154">154</a>, - <a href="#p156" title="go to p. 156">156</a>, - <a href="#p163" title="go to p. 163">163</a>–<a href="#p166" title="go to p. 166">166</a></li> -<li>Onoor Issa, - <a href="#p223" title="go to p. 223">223</a>, - <a href="#p226" title="go to p. 226">226</a>, - <a href="#p233" title="go to p. 233">233</a>, - <a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>–<a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p254" title="go to p. 254">254</a></li> -<li>Zecki, - <a href="#p220" title="go to p. 220">220</a></li> -</ul></li> -<li>Gunboats, - <a href="#p240" title="go to p. 240">240</a>, - <a href="#p250" title="go to p. 250">250</a>–<a href="#p256" title="go to p. 256">256</a>, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a>, - <a href="#p265" title="go to p. 265">265</a>, - <a href="#p270" title="go to p. 270">270</a>, - <a href="#p290" title="go to p. 290">290</a>, - <a href="#p326" title="go to p. 326">326</a></li> -<li>Gunpowder manufacture, - <a href="#p175" title="go to p. 175">175</a>–<a href="#p182" title="go to p. 182">182</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a>, - <a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>, - <a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a>–<a href="#p241" title="go to p. 241">241</a>, - <a href="#p289" title="go to p. 289">289</a>, - <a href="#p296" title="go to p. 296">296</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>H -<ul><li>Halfeyeh, - <a href="#p176" title="go to p. 176">176</a>–<a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>, - <a href="#p198" title="go to p. 198">198</a>, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a>, - <a href="#p265" title="go to p. 265">265</a>, - <a href="#p270" title="go to p. 270">270</a></li> -<li>Hamad Wad el Malek, - <a href="#p246" title="go to p. 246">246</a></li> -<li>Hamaida, - <a href="#p234" title="go to p. 234">234</a>, - <a href="#p237" title="go to p. 237">237</a></li> -<li>Hanafi, - <a href="#p110" title="go to p. 110">110</a>, - <a href="#p151" title="go to p. 151">151</a></li> -<li>Hassan Bey Hassanein, - <a href="#p325" title="go to p. 325">325</a>–<a href="#p331" title="go to p. 331">331</a></li> -<li>Hassan Hosny, - <a href="#p181" title="go to p. 181">181</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a>, - <a href="#p234" title="go to p. 234">234</a></li> -<li>Hassan Zecki, - <a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a>, - <a href="#p177" title="go to p. 177">177</a>, - <a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a></li> -<li>Hasseena, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>–<a href="#p012" title="go to p. 12">12</a>, - <a href="#p025" title="go to p. 25">25</a>–<a href="#p029" title="go to p. 29">29</a>, - <a href="#p032" title="go to p. 32">32</a>–<a href="#p036" title="go to p. 36">36</a>, - <a href="#p040" title="go to p. 40">40</a>–<a href="#p046" title="go to p. 46">46</a>, - <a href="#p050" title="go to p. 50">50</a>–<a href="#p052" title="go to p. 52">52</a>, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p072" title="go to p. 72">72</a>, - <a href="#p081" title="go to p. 81">81</a>, - <a href="#p102" title="go to p. 102">102</a>, - <a href="#p103" title="go to p. 103">103</a>, -<a href="#p108" title="go to p. 108">108</a>, - <a href="#p109" title="go to p. 109">109</a>, - <a href="#p118" title="go to p. 118">118</a>, - <a href="#p135" title="go to p. 135">135</a>, - <a href="#p185" title="go to p. 185">185</a>–<a href="#p194" title="go to p. 194">194</a>, - <a href="#p195" title="go to p. 195">195</a></li> -<li>Hassib Allah, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>, - <a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a></li> -<li>Hicks Pasha, - <a href="#p088" title="go to p. 88">88</a>, - <a href="#p101" title="go to p. 101">101</a>, - <a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>, - <a href="#p309" title="go to p. 309">309</a>, - <a href="#p310" title="go to p. 310">310</a>, - <a href="#p313" title="go to p. 313">313</a>, - <a href="#p326" title="go to p. 326">326</a></li> -<li>Hogal Dufa'allah, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>–<a href="#p014" title="go to p. 14">14</a>, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p058" title="go to p. 58">58</a>, - <a href="#p062" title="go to p. 62">62</a>, - <a href="#p078" title="go to p. 78">78</a>, - <a href="#p245" title="go to p. 245">245</a>, - <a href="#p255" title="go to p. 255">255</a></li> -<li>Hunter, General, - <a href="#p293" title="go to p. 293">293</a></li> -<li>Hussein Pasha Khaleefa, - <a href="#p308" title="go to p. 308">308</a>, - <a href="#p309" title="go to p. 309">309</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>I -<ul><li>Ibrahim Pasha Fauzi, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a>, - <a href="#p208" title="go to p. 208">208</a>, - <a href="#p218" title="go to p. 218">218</a>, - <a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p260" title="go to p. 260">260</a>, - <a href="#p263" title="go to p. 263">263</a>, - <a href="#p266" title="go to p. 266">266</a>, - <a href="#p277" title="go to p. 277">277</a>, -<a href="#p303" title="go to p. 303">303</a>, - <a href="#p332" title="go to p. 332">332</a>, - <a href="#p340" title="go to p. 340">340</a>–<a href="#p345" title="go to p. 345">345</a></li> -<li>Ibrahim Wad Adlan, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a>, - <a href="#p143" title="go to p. 143">143</a>, - <a href="#p145" title="go to p. 145">145</a>–<a href="#p159" title="go to p. 159">159</a>, - <a href="#p165" title="go to p. 165">165</a>, - <a href="#p166" title="go to p. 166">166</a>, - <a href="#p170" title="go to p. 170">170</a>, - <a href="#p216" title="go to p. 216">216</a></li> -<li>Ibrahim Wad Hamza, - <a href="#p246" title="go to p. 246">246</a>, - <a href="#p260" title="go to p. 260">260</a></li> -<li>Ismail Pasha Ayoub, - <a href="#p340" title="go to p. 340">340</a>, - <a href="#p350" title="go to p. 350">350</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>J -<ul><li>Jinns (spirits), - <a href="#p170" title="go to p. 170">170</a>–<a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a></li> -<li>Joseppi, - <a href="#p141" title="go to p. 141">141</a>, - <a href="#p156" title="go to p. 156">156</a>, - <a href="#p157" title="go to p. 157">157</a>, - <a href="#p179" title="go to p. 179">179</a>, - <a href="#p200" title="go to p. 200">200</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>K -<ul><li>Kadis Hassein Wad Zarah, - <a href="#p222" title="go to p. 222">222</a> -Ahmed - <a href="#p221" title="go to p. 221">221</a></li> -<li>Kassala, - <a href="#p181" title="go to p. 181">181</a></li> -<li>Kerreri, - <a href="#p248" title="go to p. 248">248</a>, - <a href="#p258" title="go to p. 258">258</a>, - <a href="#p260" title="go to p. 260">260</a>, - <a href="#p274" title="go to p. 274">274</a></li> -<li>Khaleefa, Abdullahi― -<ul><li>His cruelty, - <a href="#p069" title="go to p. 69">69</a>, - <a href="#p073" title="go to p. 73">73</a>–<a href="#p075" title="go to p. 75">75</a>, - <a href="#p084" title="go to p. 84">84</a>, - <a href="#p085" title="go to p. 85">85</a>, - <a href="#p110" title="go to p. 110">110</a>, - <a href="#p353" title="go to p. 353">353</a>; his -superstition, - <a href="#p099" title="go to p. 99">99</a>, - <a href="#p103" title="go to p. 103">103</a>, - <a href="#p120" title="go to p. 120">120</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a>, - <a href="#p263" title="go to p. 263">263</a>, - <a href="#p267" title="go to p. 267">267</a>; -respect for Neufeld, - <a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a>, - <a href="#p143" title="go to p. 143">143</a>, - <a href="#p204" title="go to p. 204">204</a>, - <a href="#p230" title="go to p. 230">230</a>, - <a href="#p353" title="go to p. 353">353</a>; -objection to traders, - <a href="#p149" title="go to p. 149">149</a>, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>; encouragement of -marriage, - <a href="#p123" title="go to p. 123">123</a>, - <a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a>, - <a href="#p186" title="go to p. 186">186</a>–<a href="#p189" title="go to p. 189">189</a>, - <a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>; relations with -Slatin, - <a href="#p204" title="go to p. 204">204</a>–<a href="#p208" title="go to p. 208">208</a>; his flight, - <a href="#p274" title="go to p. 274">274</a>–<a href="#p277" title="go to p. 277">277</a>; opposition -to him among Mahdists, - <a href="#p066" title="go to p. 66">66</a>, - <a href="#p085" title="go to p. 85">85</a>, - <a href="#p146" title="go to p. 146">146</a>–<a href="#p148" title="go to p. 148">148</a>, - <a href="#p245" title="go to p. 245">245</a>–<a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a>, -<a href="#p254" title="go to p. 254">254</a>–<a href="#p256" title="go to p. 256">256</a>, - <a href="#p305" title="go to p. 305">305</a>, - <a href="#p345" title="go to p. 345">345</a>, - <a href="#p346" title="go to p. 346">346</a></li> -<li>Ali Wad Helu, - <a href="#p044" title="go to p. 44">44</a>, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a></li> -<li>Shereef, - <a href="#p146" title="go to p. 146">146</a>, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a></li> -</ul></li> -<li>Khaleel Agha Orphali, - <a href="#p303" title="go to p. 303">303</a>, - <a href="#p332" title="go to p. 332">332</a>–<a href="#p337" title="go to p. 337">337</a></li> -<li>Khaleel Hassanein, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a>, - <a href="#p098" title="go to p. 98">98</a>, - <a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>, - <a href="#p182" title="go to p. 182">182</a>, - <a href="#p212" title="go to p. 212">212</a>, - <a href="#p216" title="go to p. 216">216</a>, -<a href="#p235" title="go to p. 235">235</a>, - <a href="#p242" title="go to p. 242">242</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p252" title="go to p. 252">252</a></li> -<li>Khartoum, - <a href="#p029" title="go to p. 29">29</a>, - <a href="#p047" title="go to p. 47">47</a>, - <a href="#p083" title="go to p. 83">83</a>, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a>, - <a href="#p175" title="go to p. 175">175</a>, - <a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>, - <a href="#p181" title="go to p. 181">181</a>, - <a href="#p212" title="go to p. 212">212</a>, -<a href="#p218" title="go to p. 218">218</a>, - <a href="#p228" title="go to p. 228">228</a>, - <a href="#p266" title="go to p. 266">266</a>, - <a href="#p284" title="go to p. 284">284</a>, - <a href="#p303" title="go to p. 303">303</a>, - <a href="#p309" title="go to p. 309">309</a>, - <a href="#p310" title="go to p. 310">310</a></li> -<li>Khedive, - <a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a></li> -<li>Kirbekan, battle of, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a>, - <a href="#p286" title="go to p. 286">286</a></li> -<li>Kordofan, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>, - <a href="#p007" title="go to p. 7">7</a>, - <a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a>, - <a href="#p146" title="go to p. 146">146</a>, - <a href="#p289" title="go to p. 289">289</a>, - <a href="#p310" title="go to p. 310">310</a>, - <a href="#p350" title="go to p. 350">350</a></li> -<li>Korosko, - <a href="#p065" title="go to p. 65">65</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>L -<ul><li>Lupton, - <a href="#p295" title="go to p. 295">295</a>, - <a href="#p313" title="go to p. 313">313</a></li></ul></li> - -<li>M -<ul><li>Macdonald, Colonel, - <a href="#p271" title="go to p. 271">271</a>, - <a href="#p274" title="go to p. 274">274</a></li> -<li>Mahdi, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p066" title="go to p. 66">66</a>, - <a href="#p069" title="go to p. 69">69</a>, - <a href="#p078" title="go to p. 78">78</a>, - <a href="#p086" title="go to p. 86">86</a>, - <a href="#p098" title="go to p. 98">98</a>, - <a href="#p103" title="go to p. 103">103</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a>, - <a href="#p309" title="go to p. 309">309</a>–<a href="#p318" title="go to p. 318">318</a>, - <a href="#p330" title="go to p. 330">330</a>, - <a href="#p341" title="go to p. 341">341</a>, - <a href="#p345" title="go to p. 345">345</a>, -<a href="#p351" title="go to p. 351">351</a>–<a href="#p353" title="go to p. 353">353</a></li> -<li>Mahdieh, - <a href="#p070" title="go to p. 70">70</a>, - <a href="#p085" title="go to p. 85">85</a>, - <a href="#p088" title="go to p. 88">88</a>, - <a href="#p099" title="go to p. 99">99</a>, - <a href="#p101" title="go to p. 101">101</a>, - <a href="#p110" title="go to p. 110">110</a>, - <a href="#p145" title="go to p. 145">145</a>, - <a href="#p205" title="go to p. 205">205</a>, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a>, - <a href="#p260" title="go to p. 260">260</a>, - <a href="#p262" title="go to p. 262">262</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a></li> -<li>Mahdi’s Ratib, - <a href="#p094" title="go to p. 94">94</a>, - <a href="#p271" title="go to p. 271">271</a></li> -<li>Mahdi’s Tomb, - <a href="#p044" title="go to p. 44">44</a>, - <a href="#p070" title="go to p. 70">70</a>, - <a href="#p151" title="go to p. 151">151</a>, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>–<a href="#p157" title="go to p. 157">157</a>, - <a href="#p267" title="go to p. 267">267</a></li> -<li>“Mahdism,” - <a href="#p300" title="go to p. 300">300</a></li> -<li>Makkieh, - <a href="#p141" title="go to p. 141">141</a>, - <a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>, - <a href="#p185" title="go to p. 185">185</a>, - <a href="#p192" title="go to p. 192">192</a></li> -<li>Mankarious Effendi, - <a href="#p077" title="go to p. 77">77</a>, - <a href="#p152" title="go to p. 152">152</a>–<a href="#p154" title="go to p. 154">154</a>, - <a href="#p160" title="go to p. 160">160</a>, - <a href="#p195" title="go to p. 195">195</a></li> -<li>Marriage customs, - <a href="#p086" title="go to p. 86">86</a>, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a>–<a href="#p123" title="go to p. 123">123</a>, - <a href="#p126" title="go to p. 126">126</a>, - <a href="#p135" title="go to p. 135">135</a>–<a href="#p138" title="go to p. 138">138</a>, - <a href="#p189" title="go to p. 189">189</a></li> -<li>Maxwell, Colonel, - <a href="#p281" title="go to p. 281">281</a></li> -<li>Mecklenburg, Duke of, - <a href="#p291" title="go to p. 291">291</a></li> -<li>Mehkemmeh, the, - <a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a>, - <a href="#p110" title="go to p. 110">110</a>, - <a href="#p163" title="go to p. 163">163</a></li> -<li>Metemmeh, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a></li> -<li>Mihrab, - <a href="#p267" title="go to p. 267">267</a></li> -<li>Mimbar, - <a href="#p267" title="go to p. 267">267</a></li> -<li>Mohammad Ali Pasha, - <a href="#p349" title="go to p. 349">349</a>, - <a href="#p350" title="go to p. 350">350</a></li> -<li>Mohammad Effendi Rafai, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a></li> -<li>Möller, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p153" title="go to p. 153">153</a>, - <a href="#p154" title="go to p. 154">154</a>, - <a href="#p160" title="go to p. 160">160</a></li> -<li>Moxley, Hewett, - <a href="#p298" title="go to p. 298">298</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>N -<ul><li>Nahoum Abbajee, - <a href="#p114" title="go to p. 114">114</a>, - <a href="#p186" title="go to p. 186">186</a>, - <a href="#p188" title="go to p. 188">188</a>–<a href="#p190" title="go to p. 190">190</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a>, - <a href="#p226" title="go to p. 226">226</a>–<a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a>, - <a href="#p323" title="go to p. 323">323</a></li> -<li>Nebbi Khiddr, - <a href="#p101" title="go to p. 101">101</a>–<a href="#p104" title="go to p. 104">104</a>, - <a href="#p112" title="go to p. 112">112</a>, - <a href="#p113" title="go to p. 113">113</a>, - <a href="#p120" title="go to p. 120">120</a>, - <a href="#p128" title="go to p. 128">128</a>, - <a href="#p173" title="go to p. 173">173</a>, - <a href="#p216" title="go to p. 216">216</a></li> -<li>Negroid population, - <a href="#p351" title="go to p. 351">351</a></li> -<li>Neufeld― -<ul><li>Official accounts, - <a href="#p001" title="go to p. 1">1</a>–<a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>, - <a href="#p053" title="go to p. 53">53</a>, - <a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a>, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a>; -newspaper accounts, - <a href="#p001" title="go to p. 1">1</a>, - <a href="#p079" title="go to p. 79">79</a>, - <a href="#p134" title="go to p. 134">134</a>, - <a href="#p166" title="go to p. 166">166</a>, - <a href="#p169" title="go to p. 169">169</a>, -<a href="#p291" title="go to p. 291">291</a>–<a href="#p299" title="go to p. 299">299</a>; as trader, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p009" title="go to p. 9">9</a>, - <a href="#p010" title="go to p. 10">10</a>, - <a href="#p046" title="go to p. 46">46</a>, - <a href="#p047" title="go to p. 47">47</a>, - <a href="#p076" title="go to p. 76">76</a>, - <a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a>, -<a href="#p149" title="go to p. 149">149</a>, - <a href="#p168" title="go to p. 168">168</a>; as Government spy, - <a href="#p037" title="go to p. 37">37</a>, - <a href="#p046" title="go to p. 46">46</a>, - <a href="#p047" title="go to p. 47">47</a>, - <a href="#p053" title="go to p. 53">53</a>, - <a href="#p145" title="go to p. 145">145</a>, -<a href="#p156" title="go to p. 156">156</a>, - <a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>; letters to his manager and Mankarious, -<a href="#p077" title="go to p. 77">77</a>, - <a href="#p152" title="go to p. 152">152</a>–<a href="#p154" title="go to p. 154">154</a>, - <a href="#p160" title="go to p. 160">160</a>–<a href="#p165" title="go to p. 165">165</a>, - <a href="#p199" title="go to p. 199">199</a>; letter to General -Stephenson, - <a href="#p294" title="go to p. 294">294</a>, - <a href="#p338" title="go to p. 338">338</a>, - <a href="#p339" title="go to p. 339">339</a>; named Abdallah, - <a href="#p077" title="go to p. 77">77</a>, -<a href="#p091" title="go to p. 91">91</a>, - <a href="#p102" title="go to p. 102">102</a>, - <a href="#p151" title="go to p. 151">151</a>, - <a href="#p269" title="go to p. 269">269</a>; interview with the Khaleefa, -<a href="#p076" title="go to p. 76">76</a>, - <a href="#p079" title="go to p. 79">79</a>, - <a href="#p090" title="go to p. 90">90</a>, - <a href="#p092" title="go to p. 92">92</a>; practises medicine, - <a href="#p106" title="go to p. 106">106</a>, - <a href="#p124" title="go to p. 124">124</a>, -<a href="#p130" title="go to p. 130">130</a>, - <a href="#p175" title="go to p. 175">175</a>, - <a href="#p197" title="go to p. 197">197</a>, - <a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>, - <a href="#p240" title="go to p. 240">240</a>, - <a href="#p250" title="go to p. 250">250</a>, - <a href="#p272" title="go to p. 272">272</a>; plans to -escape, - <a href="#p107" title="go to p. 107">107</a>, - <a href="#p143" title="go to p. 143">143</a>, - <a href="#p152" title="go to p. 152">152</a>–<a href="#p157" title="go to p. 157">157</a>, - <a href="#p160" title="go to p. 160">160</a>–<a href="#p169" title="go to p. 169">169</a>, - <a href="#p198" title="go to p. 198">198</a>–<a href="#p201" title="go to p. 201">201</a>, -<a href="#p227" title="go to p. 227">227</a>, - <a href="#p293" title="go to p. 293">293</a>; floggings, - <a href="#p127" title="go to p. 127">127</a>, - <a href="#p131" title="go to p. 131">131</a>; relations with -Hasseena, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>, - <a href="#p010" title="go to p. 10">10</a>, - <a href="#p040" title="go to p. 40">40</a>, - <a href="#p108" title="go to p. 108">108</a>, - <a href="#p109" title="go to p. 109">109</a>, - <a href="#p118" title="go to p. 118">118</a>, - <a href="#p135" title="go to p. 135">135</a>–<a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a>, -<a href="#p185" title="go to p. 185">185</a>–<a href="#p194" title="go to p. 194">194</a>, - <a href="#p290" title="go to p. 290">290</a>; conversion, - <a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a>, - <a href="#p150" title="go to p. 150">150</a>, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a>, - <a href="#p205" title="go to p. 205">205</a>, -<a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>; not a German subject, - <a href="#p162" title="go to p. 162">162</a>, - <a href="#p293" title="go to p. 293">293</a>; native -wives, - <a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a>, - <a href="#p167" title="go to p. 167">167</a>, - <a href="#p186" title="go to p. 186">186</a>–<a href="#p189" title="go to p. 189">189</a>; English wife, - <a href="#p004" title="go to p. 4">4</a>, - <a href="#p163" title="go to p. 163">163</a>, -<a href="#p166" title="go to p. 166">166</a>–<a href="#p169" title="go to p. 169">169</a>, - <a href="#p194" title="go to p. 194">194</a>, - <a href="#p289" title="go to p. 289">289</a>; furnishes information to -Government, - <a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a>–<a href="#p245" title="go to p. 245">245</a>, - <a href="#p254" title="go to p. 254">254</a>, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a>, - <a href="#p289" title="go to p. 289">289</a>; employed -under the Khaleefa (<i>see</i> Coinage, Arsenal, and -Gunpowder Manufacture); offers from publishers, -<a href="#p291" title="go to p. 291">291</a>, - <a href="#p299" title="go to p. 299">299</a>; reception in Cairo, - <a href="#p290" title="go to p. 290">290</a>–<a href="#p299" title="go to p. 299">299</a>; relations -with Gordon, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a>, - <a href="#p228" title="go to p. 228">228</a>, - <a href="#p305" title="go to p. 305">305</a>; views on -missionaries, - <a href="#p321" title="go to p. 321">321</a>–<a href="#p323" title="go to p. 323">323</a>; views on trade, - <a href="#p356" title="go to p. 356">356</a>–<a href="#p359" title="go to p. 359">359</a> -</li></ul></li> -<li>Newnes, Sir George, - <a href="#p299" title="go to p. 299">299</a></li> -<li>Nubar Pasha, - <a href="#p342" title="go to p. 342">342</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>O -<ul><li>Ohrwalder, - <a href="#p006" title="go to p. 6">6</a>, - <a href="#p114" title="go to p. 114">114</a>–<a href="#p116" title="go to p. 116">116</a>, - <a href="#p119" title="go to p. 119">119</a>, - <a href="#p182" title="go to p. 182">182</a>, - <a href="#p187" title="go to p. 187">187</a>, - <a href="#p223" title="go to p. 223">223</a>; his -escape, - <a href="#p183" title="go to p. 183">183</a>, - <a href="#p280" title="go to p. 280">280</a>, - <a href="#p295" title="go to p. 295">295</a>; his book, “Ten Years’ -Captivity,” - <a href="#p300" title="go to p. 300">300</a>, - <a href="#p306" title="go to p. 306">306</a>–<a href="#p323" title="go to p. 323">323</a>; criticisms of Gordon, -<a href="#p306" title="go to p. 306">306</a>–<a href="#p323" title="go to p. 323">323</a>, - <a href="#p325" title="go to p. 325">325</a></li> -<li>Ombeyehs (war-trumpets), - <a href="#p072" title="go to p. 72">72</a>, - <a href="#p073" title="go to p. 73">73</a>, - <a href="#p076" title="go to p. 76">76</a>, - <a href="#p158" title="go to p. 158">158</a>, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a>, -<a href="#p275" title="go to p. 275">275</a>, - <a href="#p277" title="go to p. 277">277</a></li> -<li>Omdurman, - <a href="#p001" title="go to p. 1">1</a>–<a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p062" title="go to p. 62">62</a>–<a href="#p065" title="go to p. 65">65</a>, - <a href="#p067" title="go to p. 67">67</a>, - <a href="#p069" title="go to p. 69">69</a>, - <a href="#p071" title="go to p. 71">71</a>; battle of, -<a href="#p044" title="go to p. 44">44</a>, - <a href="#p258" title="go to p. 258">258</a>, - <a href="#p265" title="go to p. 265">265</a>–<a href="#p277" title="go to p. 277">277</a>, - <a href="#p281" title="go to p. 281">281</a>, - <a href="#p326" title="go to p. 326">326</a>, - <a href="#p354" title="go to p. 354">354</a>; looting of, - <a href="#p281" title="go to p. 281">281</a></li> -<li>Osman Digna, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a>, - <a href="#p248" title="go to p. 248">248</a>, - <a href="#p254" title="go to p. 254">254</a>, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a></li> -<li>Osta Abdallah, - <a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>, - <a href="#p235" title="go to p. 235">235</a>–<a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>, - <a href="#p242" title="go to p. 242">242</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p252" title="go to p. 252">252</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>P -<ul><li>Perdikaki, - <a href="#p177" title="go to p. 177">177</a>–<a href="#p181" title="go to p. 181">181</a></li> -<li>Pink, Colonel, - <a href="#p274" title="go to p. 274">274</a></li> -<li>Prison (Saier)― -<ul><li>Horrors of, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>, -<a href="#p081" title="go to p. 81">81</a>, -<a href="#p093" title="go to p. 93">93</a>–<a href="#p096" title="go to p. 96">96</a>, - <a href="#p116" title="go to p. 116">116</a>–<a href="#p119" title="go to p. 119">119</a>, - <a href="#p218" title="go to p. 218">218</a>; -Idris es Saier, - <a href="#p082" title="go to p. 82">82</a>, - <a href="#p091" title="go to p. 91">91</a>, - <a href="#p098" title="go to p. 98">98</a>–<a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a>, - <a href="#p112" title="go to p. 112">112</a>, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a>, - <a href="#p127" title="go to p. 127">127</a>, -<a href="#p130" title="go to p. 130">130</a>, - <a href="#p135" title="go to p. 135">135</a>, - <a href="#p138" title="go to p. 138">138</a>, - <a href="#p158" title="go to p. 158">158</a>, - <a href="#p171" title="go to p. 171">171</a>–<a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a>, - <a href="#p216" title="go to p. 216">216</a>, - <a href="#p262" title="go to p. 262">262</a>, - <a href="#p266" title="go to p. 266">266</a>, - <a href="#p272" title="go to p. 272">272</a>, -<a href="#p277" title="go to p. 277">277</a>, - <a href="#p278" title="go to p. 278">278</a>; the Umm Hagar, - <a href="#p094" title="go to p. 94">94</a>, - <a href="#p095" title="go to p. 95">95</a>, - <a href="#p106" title="go to p. 106">106</a>, - <a href="#p113" title="go to p. 113">113</a>, - <a href="#p128" title="go to p. 128">128</a>, -<a href="#p218" title="go to p. 218">218</a>, - <a href="#p262" title="go to p. 262">262</a>, - <a href="#p266" title="go to p. 266">266</a>, - <a href="#p269" title="go to p. 269">269</a>; the Bint Umm Hagar, - <a href="#p221" title="go to p. 221">221</a>; -escape from, - <a href="#p096" title="go to p. 96">96</a>, - <a href="#p107" title="go to p. 107">107</a>, - <a href="#p120" title="go to p. 120">120</a>–<a href="#p123" title="go to p. 123">123</a>; food, - <a href="#p112" title="go to p. 112">112</a>, - <a href="#p113" title="go to p. 113">113</a>, -<a href="#p116" title="go to p. 116">116</a>–<a href="#p119" title="go to p. 119">119</a>, - <a href="#p143" title="go to p. 143">143</a>; subordinate gaolers, - <a href="#p123" title="go to p. 123">123</a>, - <a href="#p127" title="go to p. 127">127</a>–<a href="#p129" title="go to p. 129">129</a>, -<a href="#p173" title="go to p. 173">173</a>, - <a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a>, - <a href="#p262" title="go to p. 262">262</a>; women’s prison, - <a href="#p125" title="go to p. 125">125</a>, - <a href="#p126" title="go to p. 126">126</a></li></ul></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>R -<ul><li>Rossignoli, - <a href="#p132" title="go to p. 132">132</a>, - <a href="#p134" title="go to p. 134">134</a>, - <a href="#p197" title="go to p. 197">197</a>–<a href="#p201" title="go to p. 201">201</a>, - <a href="#p205" title="go to p. 205">205</a></li></ul></li> - -<li>S -<ul><li>Sabalooka, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p257" title="go to p. 257">257</a></li> -<li>Said Abdel Wohatt, - <a href="#p175" title="go to p. 175">175</a>, - <a href="#p178" title="go to p. 178">178</a>–<a href="#p182" title="go to p. 182">182</a>, - <a href="#p209" title="go to p. 209">209</a></li> -<li>Said Gumaa, - <a href="#p091" title="go to p. 91">91</a>, - <a href="#p203" title="go to p. 203">203</a></li> -<li>Selima Wells, - <a href="#p011" title="go to p. 11">11</a>–<a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a>, - <a href="#p019" title="go to p. 19">19</a>–<a href="#p023" title="go to p. 23">23</a>, - <a href="#p059" title="go to p. 59">59</a>, - <a href="#p078" title="go to p. 78">78</a></li> -<li>Sennar, - <a href="#p084" title="go to p. 84">84</a>, - <a href="#p350" title="go to p. 350">350</a></li> -<li>Shayba (yoke), - <a href="#p038" title="go to p. 38">38</a>, - <a href="#p219" title="go to p. 219">219</a></li> -<li>Sheiks― -<ul><li>Ahmed Nur ed Din, - <a href="#p054" title="go to p. 54">54</a>, - <a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a>–<a href="#p109" title="go to p. 109">109</a>, - <a href="#p111" title="go to p. 111">111</a>, -<a href="#p127" title="go to p. 127">127</a></li> <li>Ed Din, - <a href="#p130" title="go to p. 130">130</a>, - <a href="#p233" title="go to p. 233">233</a>, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>, - <a href="#p271" title="go to p. 271">271</a>, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a>, -<a href="#p274" title="go to p. 274">274</a></li> <li>Hamad El Nil, - <a href="#p085" title="go to p. 85">85</a>, - <a href="#p102" title="go to p. 102">102</a>, - <a href="#p103" title="go to p. 103">103</a></li> -<li>Mahmoud Wad Said, - <a href="#p083" title="go to p. 83">83</a>, - <a href="#p090" title="go to p. 90">90</a>, - <a href="#p118" title="go to p. 118">118</a>, - <a href="#p121" title="go to p. 121">121</a>, - <a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a></li> -<li>Saleh Bey Wad Salem, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>–<a href="#p006" title="go to p. 6">6</a>, - <a href="#p011" title="go to p. 11">11</a>–<a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a>, - <a href="#p028" title="go to p. 28">28</a>, - <a href="#p031" title="go to p. 31">31</a>, -<a href="#p046" title="go to p. 46">46</a>–<a href="#p049" title="go to p. 49">49</a>, - <a href="#p055" title="go to p. 55">55</a>–<a href="#p057" title="go to p. 57">57</a>, - <a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a>, - <a href="#p068" title="go to p. 68">68</a>, - <a href="#p077" title="go to p. 77">77</a>, - <a href="#p105" title="go to p. 105">105</a></li></ul></li> -<li>Shereef Hamadan, - <a href="#p201" title="go to p. 201">201</a>, - <a href="#p216" title="go to p. 216">216</a>, - <a href="#p231" title="go to p. 231">231</a>–<a href="#p233" title="go to p. 233">233</a></li> -<li>Shwybo, - <a href="#p171" title="go to p. 171">171</a>–<a href="#p174" title="go to p. 174">174</a>, - <a href="#p228" title="go to p. 228">228</a></li> -<li>Sirdar, - <a href="#p225" title="go to p. 225">225</a>, - <a href="#p228" title="go to p. 228">228</a>, - <a href="#p262" title="go to p. 262">262</a>, - <a href="#p271" title="go to p. 271">271</a>, - <a href="#p276" title="go to p. 276">276</a>–<a href="#p279" title="go to p. 279">279</a>, - <a href="#p290" title="go to p. 290">290</a>, - <a href="#p321" title="go to p. 321">321</a>, -<a href="#p345" title="go to p. 345">345</a>; rumours concerning, - <a href="#p097" title="go to p. 97">97</a>, - <a href="#p155" title="go to p. 155">155</a>, - <a href="#p232" title="go to p. 232">232</a>, - <a href="#p233" title="go to p. 233">233</a>, - <a href="#p259" title="go to p. 259">259</a>; -advance of, - <a href="#p240" title="go to p. 240">240</a>, - <a href="#p245" title="go to p. 245">245</a>, - <a href="#p247" title="go to p. 247">247</a>; charges against, - <a href="#p284" title="go to p. 284">284</a>, -<a href="#p286" title="go to p. 286">286</a></li> -<li>Sirri, - <a href="#p230" title="go to p. 230">230</a>, - <a href="#p233" title="go to p. 233">233</a>, - <a href="#p251" title="go to p. 251">251</a>, - <a href="#p326" title="go to p. 326">326</a></li> -<li>Slatin, - <a href="#p006" title="go to p. 6">6</a>, - <a href="#p070" title="go to p. 70">70</a>, - <a href="#p071" title="go to p. 71">71</a>, - <a href="#p076" title="go to p. 76">76</a>, - <a href="#p079" title="go to p. 79">79</a>, - <a href="#p091" title="go to p. 91">91</a>, - <a href="#p110" title="go to p. 110">110</a>, - <a href="#p280" title="go to p. 280">280</a>; his -escape, - <a href="#p087" title="go to p. 87">87</a>, - <a href="#p201" title="go to p. 201">201</a>–<a href="#p207" title="go to p. 207">207</a>, - <a href="#p214" title="go to p. 214">214</a>, - <a href="#p220" title="go to p. 220">220</a>, - <a href="#p223" title="go to p. 223">223</a>, - <a href="#p295" title="go to p. 295">295</a>, - <a href="#p315" title="go to p. 315">315</a>, -<a href="#p345" title="go to p. 345">345</a>; kindness to Neufeld, - <a href="#p119" title="go to p. 119">119</a>; Austrian Consul’s -letter, - <a href="#p164" title="go to p. 164">164</a>; his letter to the Khaleefa, - <a href="#p202" title="go to p. 202">202</a>, -<a href="#p295" title="go to p. 295">295</a>; position with the Khaleefa, - <a href="#p204" title="go to p. 204">204</a>; conversion, -<a href="#p205" title="go to p. 205">205</a>; his wives, - <a href="#p206" title="go to p. 206">206</a>; reception at Cairo, - <a href="#p295" title="go to p. 295">295</a>, -<a href="#p308" title="go to p. 308">308</a>; his book, “Fire and Sword,” - <a href="#p300" title="go to p. 300">300</a>; relations -with Said Bey Gumaa, - <a href="#p203" title="go to p. 203">203</a>, - <a href="#p310" title="go to p. 310">310</a></li> -<li>Slave Trade, - <a href="#p350" title="go to p. 350">350</a>, - <a href="#p354" title="go to p. 354">354</a></li> -<li>Soudan, future of, - <a href="#p322" title="go to p. 322">322</a>, - <a href="#p323" title="go to p. 323">323</a>, - <a href="#p349" title="go to p. 349">349</a>–<a href="#p359" title="go to p. 359">359</a></li> -<li>Spies― -<ul><li>Government, - <a href="#p062" title="go to p. 62">62</a>, - <a href="#p106" title="go to p. 106">106</a>, - <a href="#p150" title="go to p. 150">150</a>, - <a href="#p158" title="go to p. 158">158</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p250" title="go to p. 250">250</a>, - <a href="#p255" title="go to p. 255">255</a>, - <a href="#p256" title="go to p. 256">256</a>, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a>, - <a href="#p305" title="go to p. 305">305</a></li> -<li>Mahdist, - <a href="#p062" title="go to p. 62">62</a>, - <a href="#p065" title="go to p. 65">65</a>, - <a href="#p066" title="go to p. 66">66</a>, - <a href="#p082" title="go to p. 82">82</a>, - <a href="#p097" title="go to p. 97">97</a>, - <a href="#p150" title="go to p. 150">150</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p259" title="go to p. 259">259</a>, - <a href="#p305" title="go to p. 305">305</a>, - <a href="#p346" title="go to p. 346">346</a></li></ul></li> -<li>Stanley, Emin, expedition of, - <a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a></li> -<li>Stephenson, General, - <a href="#p002" title="go to p. 2">2</a>–<a href="#p006" title="go to p. 6">6</a>, - <a href="#p047" title="go to p. 47">47</a>, - <a href="#p048" title="go to p. 48">48</a>, - <a href="#p056" title="go to p. 56">56</a>, - <a href="#p076" title="go to p. 76">76</a>, - <a href="#p145" title="go to p. 145">145</a>, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a>, - <a href="#p294" title="go to p. 294">294</a>, - <a href="#p338" title="go to p. 338">338</a></li> -<li>Stewart, Colonel, - <a href="#p324" title="go to p. 324">324</a>, - <a href="#p325" title="go to p. 325">325</a>–<a href="#p330" title="go to p. 330">330</a>, - <a href="#p343" title="go to p. 343">343</a></li> -<li>Sulieman Haroun, - <a href="#p153" title="go to p. 153">153</a></li> -<li>Surghani hill, - <a href="#p273" title="go to p. 273">273</a></li></ul></li> - -<li>T -<ul><li>Toki, battle of, - <a href="#p139" title="go to p. 139">139</a>, - <a href="#p156" title="go to p. 156">156</a></li> -<li>Torpedoes, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a>, - <a href="#p249" title="go to p. 249">249</a>, - <a href="#p251" title="go to p. 251">251</a>–<a href="#p256" title="go to p. 256">256</a>, - <a href="#p280" title="go to p. 280">280</a></li> -<li>Tuti island, - <a href="#p228" title="go to p. 228">228</a>, - <a href="#p243" title="go to p. 243">243</a>, - <a href="#p265" title="go to p. 265">265</a></li> -<li>Typhus fever, - <a href="#p108" title="go to p. 108">108</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>U -<ul><li>Umm es Shole, - <a href="#p188" title="go to p. 188">188</a>–<a href="#p190" title="go to p. 190">190</a>, - <a href="#p193" title="go to p. 193">193</a>, - <a href="#p198" title="go to p. 198">198</a>, - <a href="#p217" title="go to p. 217">217</a>, -<a href="#p222" title="go to p. 222">222</a>, - <a href="#p224" title="go to p. 224">224</a>, - <a href="#p239" title="go to p. 239">239</a>, - <a href="#p242" title="go to p. 242">242</a></li></ul></li> - -<li>W -<ul><li>Wadi El Kab, - <a href="#p008" title="go to p. 8">8</a>, - <a href="#p015" title="go to p. 15">15</a>, - <a href="#p019" title="go to p. 19">19</a>, - <a href="#p022" title="go to p. 22">22</a>, - <a href="#p023" title="go to p. 23">23</a>, - <a href="#p033" title="go to p. 33">33</a>, - <a href="#p056" title="go to p. 56">56</a>–<a href="#p060" title="go to p. 60">60</a>, - <a href="#p067" title="go to p. 67">67</a></li> -<li>Wadi Halfa, - <a href="#p005" title="go to p. 5">5</a>–<a href="#p013" title="go to p. 13">13</a>, - <a href="#p030" title="go to p. 30">30</a>, -<a href="#p031" title="go to p. 31">31</a>, - <a href="#p042" title="go to p. 42">42</a>, -<a href="#p048" title="go to p. 48">48</a>–<a href="#p051" title="go to p. 51">51</a>, - <a href="#p057" title="go to p. 57">57</a>, - <a href="#p061" title="go to p. 61">61</a>, - <a href="#p065" title="go to p. 65">65</a>, - <a href="#p071" title="go to p. 71">71</a>, - <a href="#p077" title="go to p. 77">77</a>, - <a href="#p089" title="go to p. 89">89</a>, - <a href="#p141" title="go to p. 141">141</a>, - <a href="#p280" title="go to p. 280">280</a></li> -<li>Wakih Idris, - <a href="#p003" title="go to p. 3">3</a>, - <a href="#p135" title="go to p. 135">135</a></li> -<li>Wass, Count, - <a href="#p164" title="go to p. 164">164</a></li> -<li>Wilson, Sir Charles, - <a href="#p069" title="go to p. 69">69</a></li> -<li>Wingate, Major, - <a href="#p223" title="go to p. 223">223</a></li> -<li>Wood, Sir Evelyn, - <a href="#p342" title="go to p. 342">342</a></li> -<li>Worrak, - <a href="#p245" title="go to p. 245">245</a>, - <a href="#p261" title="go to p. 261">261</a></li> -</ul></li> - -<li>Y -<ul><li>Youssef Jebaalee, - <a href="#p114" title="go to p. 114">114</a>, - <a href="#p116" title="go to p. 116">116</a></li> -<li>Youssef Mansour, - <a href="#p205" title="go to p. 205">205</a>, - <a href="#p220" title="go to p. 220">220</a>, - <a href="#p244" title="go to p. 244">244</a>, - <a href="#p250" title="go to p. 250">250</a>, - <a href="#p252" title="go to p. 252">252</a>, - <a href="#p256" title="go to p. 256">256</a></li> -<li>Yunis, - <a href="#p264" title="go to p. 264">264</a>, - <a href="#p274" title="go to p. 274">274</a></li></ul></li> - -<li>Z -<ul> -<li>Zecki Tummal, - <a href="#p221" title="go to p. 221">221</a></li> -<li>Zobheir Pasha, - <a href="#p176" title="go to p. 176">176</a>, - <a href="#p202" title="go to p. 202">202</a></li> -<li>Zoghal, - <a href="#p203" title="go to p. 203">203</a>, - <a href="#p310" title="go to p. 310">310</a></li> -<li>Zubeir, - <a href="#p349" title="go to p. 349">349</a></li> -</ul></li></ul></li></ul> - -<div class="padtopa">THE END</div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<div class="fsize7 padtopa">PRINTED BY</div> - -<div class="fsize7">WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,</div> - -<div class="fsize7">LONDON AND BECCLES.</div> -</div> - -<div class="transnote chapter">TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE -<p>This transcription is based on the first edition of this book, -page scans of which are available from archive.net; search for -<span id="plongword"><i>prisonerofkhalee00neuf</i>,</span> for example. -Original spelling and grammar are generally retained, with a few -exceptions noted below. The original page numbers are shown like -this: |97|. ¶ Illustrations have been moved from within paragraphs -to between. I created the cover image by editing -an image of the original, and it is in the public domain. Larger -images with better resolution are provided only in the html -edition, for three illustrations—the Map (p. 15), the Sketch -(p. 23), and the Plans (p. 334). -¶ Blank pages, numbered or not, have been removed. Footnotes -have been moved from within paragraphs to between paragraphs. -Ditto marks have been removed, with associated text rearranged as -necessary to retain the same meaning.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#p078" title="go to p. 78">78</a>. -In “is his prophet; and then, ‘I believe”, a right single -quotation mark was added after <i>prophet</i>, to match the earlier left -mark.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#p165" title="go to p. 165">165</a> note. -The double quotation marks do not seem to be balanced, but have been -retained as printed.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#p294" title="go to p. 294">294</a>. -The author refers to a translation of a letter appearing on -“p. 336”. This seems to be an error, and has been corrected to point to -page <a href="#p338" title="go to p. 338">338</a>, Appendix III.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#p352" title="go to p. 352">352</a>. -In original “to the doors of one who pretented to be the -mouthpiece”, <i>pretented</i> is changed to <i>pretended</i>.</p> -</div><!--transnote--> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A Prisoner of the Khaleefa: Twelve -Years Captivity at Omdurman, by Charles Neufeld - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A PRISONER OF THE KHALEEFA: *** - -***** This file should be named 52226-h.htm or 52226-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/2/2/2/52226/ - -Produced by Roberta Staehlin, RichardW and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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