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diff --git a/old/52903.txt b/old/52903.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 0c69810..0000000 --- a/old/52903.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,7562 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Gandhi and Anarchy, by Sir Chettur Sankaran Nair - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Gandhi and Anarchy - -Author: Sir Chettur Sankaran Nair - -Release Date: August 27, 2016 [EBook #52903] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GANDHI AND ANARCHY *** - - - - -Produced by MWS, Bryan Ness, Chris Pinfield and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - -Transcriber's Note. - -Variations in the spelling of words associated with the Muslim religion -have been retained. Other apparent typographical errors have been -corrected. - -In the main body of the text (though not the appendices) paragraphs in -smaller font have been indented one space. - -Italic font is indicated by _underscores_ and bold font by +plus signs+. -Small capitals have been replaced by full capitals. An 'oe' ligature has -been removed. - -The tables in Appendix XXII were originally printed sideways. In order -to fit into the format of this edition the first three columns of each -table (that list the province, date, and place of each riot or incident) -have been combined. - - - - -GANDHI AND ANARCHY - - - BY - SIR C. SANKARAN NAIR - - - Published by - TAGORE & CO., MADRAS - - - _First Published March 1922_ - _Second Edition July 1922_ - - - _All Rights Reserved_ - _Right of Translation not Reserved_ - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - Preface ix - - His Philosophy 1 - - The Non-Co-operation Resolution 24 - - The Kilafat Question 29 - - The Punjab Atrocities 54 - - Swaraj or Home Rule 59 - - Education 66 - - Vakils and Courts 73 - - Boycott of Councils 74 - - Boycott of Foreign Goods 77 - - Non-Violent Non-Co-operation 96 - - Individual Civil Disobedience 109 - - APPENDIX I - Viceroy's Speech 129 - - APPENDIX II - Diabolical Atrocities 130 - - APPENDIX III - Malabar's Agony 132 - - APPENDIX IV - Proceedings of the Conference at Calicut 138 - - APPENDIX V - Petition of Malabar Ladies to Lady Reading 139 - - APPENDIX VI - Jayakar on Non-co-operation 145 - - APPENDIX VII - Extracts from the Speech of Sir H. Butler 151 - - APPENDIX VIII - Extracts from the Speech of Sir H. Butler 152 - - APPENDIX IX - Extracts from the Speech of Sir H. Butler 153 - - APPENDIX X - Statement by Sir L. Porter 156 - - APPENDIX XI - Barabanki Disorders 161 - - APPENDIX XII - Gorakpur Tragedy 164 - - APPENDIX XIII - Bengal Governor's Speech 166 - - APPENDIX XIV - Bengal Governor's Warning 171 - - APPENDIX XV - Extracts from the Speech of Sir H. Wheeler 175 - - APPENDIX XVI - Speech of Hon. Mr. Macpherson 179 - - APPENDIX XVII - Disgraceful Tyranny 189 - - APPENDIX XVIII - Demand for an Indian Republic 193 - - APPENDIX XIX - Government Replies Mr. Gandhi's Misstatements 204 - - APPENDIX XX - Non-co-operation resolution 209 - - APPENDIX XXI - Mr. Gandhi's Statements 212 - - APPENDIX XXII - Lists of Riots and Disturbances 218 - - APPENDIX XXIII - Speech of Sir William Vincent 252 - - - THE TATA PRINTING - WORKS : : MADRAS - - - - -PREFACE - - -The struggle for Indian Home Rule which was started with the -inauguration of the Indian National Congress has many difficulties to -encounter, has strong and powerful opponents and has received many -checks. But its strongest opponent is Mr. Gandhi and perhaps the most -severe check it has received is the adoption by the National Congress at -his instance in Calcutta and Nagpur of the so-called-Non-violent -Non-co-operation. Non-co-operation as advocated by Mr. Gandhi may be a -weapon to be used when constitutional methods have failed to achieve our -purpose. Non-violence and passive suffering will lead to bloodshed or be -unfruitful of any satisfactory results. Moreover, nothing shows the lack -of statesmanship more than practically basing the claim for Swaraj upon -the Punjab and the Khilafat grievances. As representing Asia against -Europe, the fair against the white race, the Hindus regarded the Turkish -Empire with sympathy and were disposed to support the Mahomadens as -Asiatic representatives. But when by Gandhi and Khilafatist that claim -was abandoned; when the Arabs perhaps the noblest of the Mahomadan races -who fought as our allies and helped us to defeat Turkey were sought to -be brought under Turkish dominion, when other Asiatic races freed by the -war were asked to accept Turkish sovereignty on grounds based on the -Mahomaden religion which had already produced such baneful result in -India, the situation became entirely different. It was rightly realised -by many, and the sequel has proved that they were right, that the path -of the progress of the Gandhi movement fused with the Khilafat element -will be bloody. The claim for Indian Home Rule rests upon very different -grounds. The Hindus have nothing to do with the Khilafat agitation. The -Mahomadans themselves are not agreed as to the claims advanced on behalf -of the Calif. It is even questionable, to put it mildly, whether that -claim has the support of the majority of the Mahomadans. While the claim -itself rested on such slender grounds, the means first adopted to -enforce the claim were grotesque. The methods advocated by Mr. Gandhi -and the Congress are directed against Western civilization; against the -class which fought for and won the reforms; and the Montague reforms -scheme of constitutional progress. They have failed miserably and as was -natural more violent methods leading to direct conflict with the forces -of Government have been advocated which would in all probability have -been carried out but for the arrest and imprisonment of Mr. Gandhi. He -belongs to a class of thought which has attracted some of the noblest -minds in this world, but in applying his the gospel of life to politics, -he has shown himself a babe and his interference has been generally -mischievous. In South Africa he is responsible for creating a situation -which makes a peaceful and satisfactory solution practically impossible. -His factious policy in India stands in the way of further reforms. The -opposition to Gandhi was however not strenuous. The so-called Moderates -only whispered their protests against his policy so as not to be heard -beyond a few feet. They are loud however, in their denunciation of -Government action to check the illegal activities of Mr. Gandhi and his -followers. It can hardly be doubted that their cautious attitude has -contributed to the growth of the Gandhi movement. But the inexplicable -conduct of a certain--I won't say class--body of gentlemen has still -more contributed to that result. - -There is scarcely any item in the Gandhi programme which is not a -complete violation of everything preached by the foremost sons of India -till 1919; which has not been strongly even vehemently denounced by -those old respected members of the Congress who now follow Mr. Gandhi, -Pandit Malaviya, Messrs. Vijayaragavachari, Lajapat Rai, Natarajam, S. -Kasturiranga Iyengar, the Editor of the 'Hindu.' Mr. Gandhi's emotional -outbursts, fastings, penances, Sanyasi waist cloth, may carry away the -emotional masses, women and students. But whether this wave of -emotionalism submerged the men abovenamed I would not care to guess. No -one of course has any right to find fault with his genuine followers -like Mr. Prakasam, Editor, 'Swaraj' whose motives, however much we might -differ from his politics, no one will question. He is one of those -genuine patriots who believes in the efficacy of Mr. Gandhi's methods to -obtain Home Rule. By far the great majority however, follow him for -other reasons. - -The severe simplicity and austerity of Mr. Gandhi's life combined with -his appeal to the principle of '_Ahimsa_' non-injury inherited from -Buddists and now ingrained in Hindu life, has secured him the support of -the Hindu masses and particularly vegetarians. His support of the caste -system has won over the higher classes and the reactionary elements of -Hindu society to his side. The caste system is entirely opposed to the -'Ahimsa' (Non-injury) principle. The former has dedicated one of the -main castes to death. Its function is to kill and be killed. It is also -the function of some of the sub-castes of the lowest caste or class to -slaughter animals. His indiscriminating support of the extreme Khilafat -demands has ensured the Mahomedan support. Islam is more opposed than -the caste system to "Ahimsa." The trouble with the Hindus over the -slaughter of cows is due to this difficulty. Some politicians who -naturally desire to use him and the influence he has acquired for -putting pressure on the Government to concede further reform, also have -joined him. But I am satisfied he is using them all to further his own -ends. An attempt in which he is bound to fail. His success _i.e._ the -success of the reactionary forces in India to obtain what they call -Dominion status or Home Rule, but, which really means their rule, will -not only lead to bloodshed and anarchy and the dismemberment of the -Empire; but to the triumph of a reactionary policy, social, moral and -economic, against which the democratic policy of the recent reforms and -the Legislative Councils is an emphatic protest. I have attempted in the -following pages to give my reasons for these conclusions. - -Far more important than my narrative are the extracts published in the -appendix. They consist of speeches made by the Viceroy, and members of -Government in the Legislative Councils. I have on account of -considerations of space omitted speeches in many provinces. I have not -given any speech in full for the same reason. I have also given a list -of riots or disturbances. These give a fair idea of the activities of -Mr. Gandhi. - -C. SANKARAN NAIR - - - - -GANDHI AND ANARCHY - - - - -HIS PHILOSOPHY - - -All of us are now striving for "Swaraj" or Home Rule. We wish to be -masters of our own destiny. We want sooner or later the representatives -of the people of the country to govern it. There are some amongst us who -consider that Home Rule, is an immediate necessity. Others believe that -Home Rule, at present without the fulfilment of certain preliminary -conditions would be attended with disastrous results. But all are agreed -that we should work for it. The practical difficulties in the way of its -attainment due, partly to the relations between the various communities -in India, partly to the opposition of powerful interests and the period -that must therefore elapse before we overcome them render the discussion -of time, ignoring or brushing aside those difficulties, only of academic -interest. Mr. Gandhi's great influence is due to the popular belief in -the efficacy of his leadership to attain immediate Home Rule. To me his -Non-Co-operation Campaign appears to be an egregious blunder for which -we are already paying dearly. A long line of illustrious statesmen, -Indian and English have just succeeded in leading us out of the house of -bondage. How long we shall have to wander in the deserts we do not know. -But it is certain that Mr. Gandhi is not leading his followers in the -direction of the promised land. He is not only going in the opposite -direction but instead of toughening our fibre by a life of toil and -struggle is endeavouring to entirely emasculate us and render us -altogether unfit for the glorious destiny that, but for him and others -like him, is awaiting us. - -This will be clear once the nature of his agitation is realised. For -that purpose, it is necessary to understand his mentality and his real -views on the problems of life and the various questions now in debate. - -These are given in various books which have been published and in his -paper "Young India", edited by him. His "Indian Home Rule", was first -published in 1908. In a publication of 1921, he says "I withdraw nothing -except one word of it and that in deference to a lady friend." The -reason is the indelicacy of the expression.... - -The book is in the form of a dialogue between a Reader and the "Editor" -the latter being Gandhi himself. - -Mr. Gandhi wishes to know the necessity of driving away the English, - - _Reader_:--"Because India has become impoverished by their Government. - They take away our money from year to year. The most important posts - are reserved for themselves. We are kept in a state of slavery. They - behave insolently towards us, and disregard our feelings." - - _Gandhi_:--"Supposing we get Self-government similar to what the - Canadians and South Africans have, will it be good enough?" - - _Reader_:--"That question also is useless. We may get it when we have - the same powers. We shall then hoist our own flag. As is Japan so must - India be. We must own our navy, our army, and we must have our own - splendour. Then will India's voice ring throughout the world." - - _Gandhi_:--"You have well drawn the picture. In effect it means this: - that we want English Rule without the Englishman. You want the tiger's - nature but not the tiger; that is to say you would make India English - and when it becomes English, it will be called not Hindustan but - Englistan. _This is not the Swaraj that I want._" - -Nothing can be clearer. He does not want -the dominion status of Canada or South Africa -for India. He does not claim the independence -of Japan for India as he points out a few lines -below, "What you call swaraj is not truly -swaraj." - -What is then the real "Swaraj" according -to Mr. Gandhi? He proceeds to develop his -views by illustrations. - -He gives his views on the poverty of India. -He says Railways, Lawyers and Doctors have -impoverished the country, so much so that, if -we do not wake up in time, we shall be ruined. - -About railways he says as follows:-- - - "Man is so made by nature as to require him to restrict his movements - as far as his hands and feet will take him. If we did not rush about - from place to place by means of railways and such other maddening - conveniences, much of the confusion that arises, would be obviated. Our - difficulties are of our own creation. God set a limit to a man's - locomotive ambition in the construction of his body. Man immediately - proceeded to discover means of overriding the limit. God gifted man - with intellect that he might know his Maker. Man abused it so that he - might forget his Maker. I am so constructed that I can only serve my - immediate neighbours, but in my conceit, I pretend to have discovered - that I must with my body serve every individual in the Universe. In - thus attempting the impossible, man comes in contact with different - religions and is utterly confounded. According to this reasoning, it - must be apparent to you that railways are a most dangerous institution. - Man has gone further away from his Maker". - -And he advises all his friends to go into the interior of the country -that has yet not been polluted by the railways and live there in order -to be patriotic. - -I shall not insult the intelligence of my reader by attempting a defence -of the railways which have knit India together. I will only observe that -according to Mr. Gandhi, the construction and use of railways for -locomotion not possible for man in his natural condition, is an abuse of -God's gift. And why? Because if he comes into contact with different -natures, with different religions he might try to serve others than his -neighbour whom alone God intended him to serve!!! - -As to lawyers, he will have none of them; without lawyers, courts could -not have been established or conducted and without them the British -could not hold India. He has yet to learn that there were courts both in -pre-British India and British India before lawyers. He thinks the -Hindu-Mahomedan quarrels have often been due to the intervention of -lawyers. He wants all people to settle their own quarrels; "men were -less unmanly if they settled their disputes either by fighting or by -asking their relatives to decide them. They became more unmanly and -cowardly when they resorted to the Courts of Law. It is a sign of -savagery to settle disputes by fighting. It is not the less so by asking -a third party to decide between you and me. The parties alone know who -is right and therefore they ought to settle it". Such is his opinion of -lawyers and of Courts. - -He is even more harsh on doctors. His opinion is quoted below as any -statement of it in my own words might be regarded as travesty:-- - - "Let us consider; the business of a doctor is to take care of the body, - or, properly speaking, not even that. Their business is really to rid - the body of diseases that may afflict. How do these diseases arise? - Surely by our negligence or indulgence. I overeat, I have indigestion, - I go to a doctor, he gives me medicine. I am cured, I overeat again, - and I take his pills again. Had I not taken the pills in the first - instance, I would have suffered the punishment deserved by me, and I - would not have over-eaten again. The doctor intervened and helped me to - indulge myself. My body thereby certainly felt more at ease, but my - mind became weakened. A continuance of a course of medicine must, - therefore, result in loss of a control over the mind. - - "I have indulged in vice, I contract a disease, a doctor cures me, the - odds are that I shall repeat the vice. Had the doctor not intervened, - nature would have done its work, and I would have acquired mastery over - myself, would have been freed from vice, and would have become happy. - - "Hospitals are institutions for propagating sin. Men take less care of - their bodies, and immorality increases". - - He says therefore that a doctor should "give up medicine, and - understand that rather than mending bodies, he should mend souls", and - he must also understand that "if, by not taking drugs, perchance the - patient dies, the world will not come to grief and he will have been - really useful to him". - -There is no use in arguing with him and his dupes on this subject after -this. But his views must be borne in mind when we come to deal with the -present agitation. - -About education, his views are equally remarkable. If, he says, -education simply means knowledge of letters it is merely an instrument -and an instrument may be well used or abused. He adds:-- - - "We daily observe that many men abuse it and very few make good use of - it". - -He will not give any education to a raiyat or poor peasant:-- - - "The ordinary meaning of education is a knowledge of letters. To teach - boys reading, writing and arithmetic is called primary education". - - "What do you propose to do by giving him a knowledge of letters? Will - you add an inch to his happiness? Do you wish to make him discontented - with his cottage or his lot?" - -So much for primary education. As to higher education he says he has -learnt Geography, Astronomy, Algebra, Geometry etc., but neither has -that learning benefited him nor any body about him. As to knowledge of -English, it is only useful to enslave people:-- - - "The foundation that Macaulay laid of education", he says: "has - enslaved us. It is worth noting that by receiving English education, we - have enslaved the nation. Hypocrisy, tyranny etc. have increased; - English-knowing Indians have not hesitated to cheat and strike terror - into the people. Now, if we are doing anything for the people at all, - we are paying only a portion of the debt due to them". - -I shall have to deal with this question of education later in connection -with this appeal to the boys to leave the schools and colleges. - -After all this, it will not surprise any one to be told that we must -have nothing to do with machinery:-- - - "It was not that we did not know how to invent machinery, but our - forefathers knew that, if we set our hearts after such things, we would - become slaves and lose our moral fibre. They, therefore, after due - deliberation, decided that we should only do what we could with our - hands and feet. They saw that our real happiness and health consisted - in a proper use of our hands and feet." - -He would not therefore have mills for the reason that machinery is the -chief symbol of modern civilisation and it has already begun to desolate -Europe. In his opinion it were better for us to send money to Manchester -and to use flimsy Manchester cloth than to multiply mills in India. I -wonder why he does not ask Lancashire to pay him his crore of rupees. -Lancashire would no doubt do so in consideration of the monopoly of -supplying India with manufactured goods and India would, according to -Mr. Gandhi, get Swaraj. India does not want manufactured goods; he -asks:-- - - "What did India do before these articles were introduced? Precisely the - same should be done to-day. As long as we cannot make pins without - machinery, so long will we do without them. The tinsel splendour of - glassware we will have nothing to do with, and we will make wick, as of - old, with home grown cotton, and use hand-made earthen saucers for - Lamps". He finally adds: "I cannot recall a single good point in - connection with machinery." - -Mr. Gandhi wrote his book in 1908 after a visit to England when the -Liberal and the Labour parties were carrying on their great campaign in -favour of the working men and against the capitalists and Lloyd George -was about to launch his great land campaign. He seems to have been -impressed with the horrors of the condition of the wage earners which -was then portrayed in dark colours in order to support that campaign. -His mind, emotional and ill balanced, seems to have been entirely upset -by the descriptions that he had then read. He is on the fringe of a -large question about which he seems to have been singularly ill -informed. In England there is not at this time and there was not when he -wrote, any question of the destruction of machinery which is a necessary -adjunct to the industrial system. The questions under debate are the -conditions of labour and the distribution of the wealth created by -machinery between capitalists and labour. These questions have been -under consideration now for some years; the condition of the labourers -is being slowly improved, a minimum wage has been introduced and there -is a prospect of a still more equitable distribution of the proceeds -between capital and labour. Mr. Gandhi says that he has read Dutt's book -on the decline of Indian industries but he does not seem to have learnt -the lesson inculcated therein--that it is necessary to improve our -industries not only to meet the needs of the people of the country, find -employment for our labouring population, but also not to force them to -compete with the cultivating classes. In India the same problem as in -England awaits us. We have to see that the condition of the labourers in -the mills and in the other industries is improved. In asking for the -ruin of all our manufacturing industries Mr. Gandhi is only playing into -the hands of our opponents. He will find strong support in this respect -from Lancashire who will, according to some Indian publicists, only be -too willing to take any steps to effect the destruction of our competing -industries. If he had directed half the energy of his non-co-operation -campaign to improving the conditions of the workmen in all our -industries he might possibly have succeeded in getting rid of many of -those evils which in his opinion require elimination of all machinery -and of all industrial undertakings. The other reason for the deplorable -condition of the industrial workmen in England is the congestion and -overcrowding, in the industrial centres. This is due to a great extent -to the action of the landlords who will not allow any expansion of those -industrial centres in order to increase the value of their land and thus -to exploit the community. In India we have not got that trouble. There -is ample room for extension except in Bombay, in all the industrial -centres and even in Bombay the difficulty is not due, so far as I am -informed to the action of landlords but to natural conditions arising -out of the geography of Bombay. Machinery is essential to the creation -of wealth by manufacturing industries. The evils that have been -portrayed by Mr. Gandhi can be and are being removed by patient effort. -His tirade against machinery and mill industries on account of the evils -he has witnessed in the West, is due to his ignorance; a little -knowledge in his case has proved a dangerous thing. It is this feeling -which has led him to advocate the universal use of spinning wheel in -India. This might be useful as a cottage or home industry. It might find -work for some who would otherwise be idle. But he is living in a fool's -paradise if he considers it a substitute for or will supplant, machinery. - -It is unnecessary to say that he hates Parliaments:-- - - "The condition of England at present is pitiable. I pray to God that - India may never be in that plight. That which you consider to be Mother - of Parliaments is like a sterile woman and a prostitute. Both these are - harsh terms, but exactly fit the case. That Parliament has not yet of - its own accord done a single good thing; hence I have compared it to a - sterile woman. The natural condition of that Parliament is such that - without out-side pressure it can do nothing. It is like a prostitute - because it is under the control of ministers who change from time to - time. To-day it is under Mr. Asquith; tomorrow it may be under Mr. - Balfour." - - "If the money and the time wasted by Parliament were entrusted to a few - good men, the English nation would be occupying to-day a much higher - platform. The Parliament is simply a costly toy of the nation. These - views are by no means peculiar to me. Some great English thinkers have - expressed them. - - "That you cannot accept my views at once is only right. If you will - read the literature on this subject, you will have some idea of it. The - Parliament is without a real master, under the Prime Minister, its - movement is not steady, but it is buffeted about like a prostitute. The - Prime Minister is more concerned about his power than about the welfare - of the Parliament. His energy is concentrated upon securing the success - of his party. His care is not always that the Parliament shall do - right. Prime Ministers are known to have made the Parliament do things - merely for party advantage. All this is worth thinking over." - -It is no wonder that he called upon all his followers to boycott the -Indian Councils. I shall deal with this when dealing with the boycott -question. - -After all this one would naturally think that if we expel the English -from India we would be happy. Not a bit, says Mr. Gandhi whose views -about independence are peculiar. Look, he says, at Italy. He thinks that -Italy has not gained anything by independence of Austrian domination. He -adds:-- - - "If you believe that because Italians hold Italy, the Italian nation is - happy, you are groping in darkness. What substantial gain did Italy - obtain after the withdrawal of the Austrian troops? The gain is only - nominal. You do not want therefore to reproduce the same conditions in - India. India to gain her independence can fight like Italy only when - she has arms and in order to gain her independence India has to be - armed and to arm India on a large scale is to Europeanise it. Then her - condition will be just as pitiable as that of Europe. This means in - short, that India must accept European civilisation ... but the fact is - that the Indian nation will not adopt arms and it is well that she does - not." - -She must not therefore use force to fight the English. - -But what is it she has to do. She must obtain Swaraj or Home Rule by -'soul force'. What is it?:-- - - "When we are slaves we think that the whole universe is enslaved. - Because we are in an abject condition, we think that the whole of India - is in that condition. As a matter of fact, it is not so, but it is as - well to impute our slavery to the whole of India. But if we bear in - mind the above fact we can see that if we become free, India is free. - And in this thought you have definition of 'swaraj.' It is 'swaraj' - when we earn to rule ourselves. It is therefore in the palm of our - hands. Do not consider this 'swaraj' to be like a dream. Hence there is - no idea of sitting still. The 'swaraj' that I wish to picture before - you and me is such that, after we have once realised it, we will - endeavour to the end of our lifetime to persuade others to do likewise. - But such 'swaraj' has to be experienced by each one for himself." - -The assumption made by a few persons that Mr. Gandhi is only condemning -parliamentary government for its inutility is unfounded. The extracts -already given might lend some colour to that view. But such is not the -fact. In England Parliamentary government is denounced by certain -persons on the ground that it will always be under the influence of a -capitalist Press and therefore unable to redress the evils from which -the people of the country other than the capitalists are suffering. Mr. -Gandhi's objection is not based on any such ground; he is against not -only Parliamentary Government but practically against any Government in -any form as is apparent from the extracts given above. The doctrine that -Governments have very little to do with our happiness which depends upon -self-control or 'soul force' has many advocates, but to deduce it as a -doctrine from the alleged failure of Parliamentary Government in England -is ludicrous. I shall not stop here to justify Parliamentary government -which has justified itself by its results; it is only ignorance of the -work that has been done which is responsible for opinions like those to -which Mr. Gandhi has given expression. - -Towards the end of the book he says:-- - - Before I leave you, I will take the liberty of repeating:-- - - 1. Real Home Rule is Self Rule or control; - - 2. The way to it is Passive Resistance; that is soul force or love - force. - - In my opinion, we have used the term "Swaraj" without understanding its - real significance. I have endeavoured to explain it as I understand it, - and my conscience testifies that _my life henceforth is dedicated to - its attainment_. - -Such is the real Gandhi. Railways, lawyers, courts, doctors, education -on Western lines, machinery of every kind or manufacturing industries, -parliamentary government should disappear. He is singularly ill informed -on every one of the questions he has discussed. 'Soul force' alone -should be relied upon. No resistance should be offered to violence. No -resistance should be offered to robbery and the robbers are to be left -to cut one another's throats. No resistance to be offered to murderers -or to those who might want to enslave you. Briefly, no protection is to -be given by laws and their administrators to person and property. - -There is no harm perhaps as long as such fantastic visionaries restrict -the application of these principles to themselves, to their own persons -or properties. But it becomes a serious matter when their general -application is sought for. - -These are the sentiments he expressed in 1908, and it was with these -sentiments that he came to India. As it is well to be definite and -clear, I will quote from a letter addressed by him in 1909 to a friend -in India:-- - - "Bombay, Calcutta and the other chief cities of India are the real - plague spots". - - "If British rule were replaced tomorrow by Indian rule based on modern - methods, India would be no better, except that she would be able then - to retain some of the money that is drained away to England; but then - India would only become a second or fifth nation of Europe or America". - - "Medical science is the concentrated essence of black magic. Quackery - is infinitely preferable to what passes for high medical skill". - - "Hospitals are the instruments that the devil has been using for his - own purpose, in order to keep his hold on his kingdom. They perpetuate - vice, misery and degradation and real slavery". - - "India's salvation consists in unlearning what she has learnt during - the past fifty years. The railways, telegraphs, hospitals, lawyers, - doctors, and such like have all to go, and so called upper classes have - to learn to live consciously and religiously and deliberately the - simple peasant life, knowing it to be a life giving true happiness". - -But he soon found that it was hopeless to carry out his theories in the -face of the determination of the people of India to attain Home Rule -preached by the Indian National Congress and the Indian politicians. He -had accordingly to put on a new garb. Therefore, in 1917, the year of -the famous declaration made by the British Government about the -progressive realisation of self government, he found it necessary, to -obtain a hearing, to accept the Home Rule programme. In his Presidential -address at the First Gujarat Political Conference in 1917 he said that -without going into the merits of the scheme of reforms approved by the -Congress and the Muslim League he will do all that is necessary to get -it accepted and enforced. Though the scheme itself is not 'swaraj', he -admitted it was a great step towards 'swaraj'. At the same time he said -that though he is acting on the propriety of the current trend of -thought it does not appear to him to be tending altogether in the right -direction as the 'swaraj' put forward is one of Western type. -Nevertheless as India is being governed in accordance with the Western -system and without Parliament we should be nowhere, he does not hesitate -to take part in the Parliamentary swaraj movement and the programme that -he sketched out for himself may be described thus in his own words -written in 1921:-- - - "But I would warn the reader against thinking that I am to-day aiming - at the Swaraj therein (spiritual swaraj as described in his 'Indian - Home Rule'), I know that India is not ripe for it. It may seem an - impertinence to say so. But such is my conviction. I am individually - working for the self-rule pictured therein. But to-day my corporate - activity is undoubtedly devoted to the attainment of Parliamentary - Swaraj in accordance with the wishes of the people of India. I am not - aiming at destroying railways or hospitals, though I would certainly - welcome their natural destruction. Neither railways nor hospitals are a - test of a high and pure civilisation. At best they are a necessary - evil. Neither adds one inch to the moral stature of a nation. Nor am I - aiming at a permanent destruction of law courts, much as I regard it as - 'a consummation devoutly to be wished for,' still less am I trying to - destroy all machinery and mills. It requires a higher simplicity and - renunciation than the people are to-day prepared for". - -He also admitted that his acceptance of Parliamentary Swaraj required -some modification of his theory of using violence or force. He admitted -that though there is no scope for violence or force in spiritual swaraj, -and military training is intended only for those who do not believe in -it, he was prepared to accept the view that the whole of India will -never accept Satyagraha. He added:-- - - "Not to defend the weak is an entirely effeminate idea, everywhere to - be rejected. In order to protect our innocent sister from the brutal - designs of a man we ought to offer ourselves a willing sacrifice and by - the force of Love conquer the brute in the man. But if we have not - attained that power, we would certainly use up all our bodily strength - in order to frustrate those designs. The votaries of soul force and - brute force are both soldiers. The latter, bereft of his arms, - acknowledges defeat, the former does not know what defeat is". - -It was a consequence of this acceptance of Parliamentary Swaraj that he -should try to work the Montagu Chelmsford Council reforms. Though these -reforms may be inadequate yet for one who accepts the goal of -Parliamentary Government it was his bounden duty to avail himself of the -available Parliamentary scheme to carry out those reforms which were -then possible and to take the necessary steps to enlarge the scope of -the scheme to carry out the further reforms that might be needed. -Accordingly at the Amritsar Congress in December 1919, he resolved to -co-operate with the country in working the Reform Scheme. - -I have already pointed out that he entirely disagreed with the system of -Parliamentary government and his acceptance was one of necessity. At the -earliest opportunity at the special sessions of the Indian National -Congress held at Calcutta in September 1920 and at the National Congress -held at Nagpur in December 1920 he took steps to destroy the Montagu -Reform Scheme of Parliamentary Swaraj and everything else to which he -had given a reluctant assent and to bring the country to adopt his wild -theories already stated by me and in order to do so, he brought into -prominence forces entirely opposed to his own principles which he proved -himself unable to control with disastrous consequences and had to resort -willingly or unwillingly to dishonest methods. - -What was the reason for his throwing overboard the Montagu Reform -Scheme? The following resolution which at his insistence was passed by -the National Congress at Calcutta and practically re-affirmed at Nagpur -will explain the situation as then developed. - - - - -THE NON-CO-OPERATION RESOLUTION - - - "In view of the fact that on the Khilafat question both the Indian and - Imperial Governments have signally failed in their duty towards the - Musalmans of India, and the Prime Minister has deliberately broken his - pledged word given to them, and that it is the duty of every non-Moslem - Indian in every legitimate manner to assist his Musalman brother in his - attempt to remove the religious calamity that has over taken him:-- - - "And in view of the fact that in the matter of the events of the April - 1919 both the said Governments have grossly neglected or failed to - protect the innocent people of the Punjab and punish officers guilty of - unsoldierly and barbarous behaviour towards them and have exonerated - Sir Michael O'Dwyer who proved himself directly or indirectly - responsible for the most official crimes and callous to the sufferings - of the people placed under his administration, and that the debate in - the House of Lords betrayed a woeful lack of sympathy with the people - of India and showed virtual support of the systematic terrorism and - frightfulness adopted in the Punjab and that the latest Viceregal - pronouncement is proof of entire absence of repentance in the matters - of the Khilafat and the Punjab. - - "This Congress is of opinion that there can be no contentment in India - without redress of the two afore-mentioned wrongs, and that the only - effectual means to vindicate national honour and to prevent a - repetition of similar wrongs in future is the establishment of - Swarajya. This Congress is further of opinion that there is no course - left open for the people of India but to approve of and adopt the - policy of progressive non-violent non-co-operation until the said - wrongs are righted and Swarajya is established. - - "And inasmuch as a beginning should be made by the classes who have - hitherto moulded and represented opinion and inasmuch as Government - consolidates its power through titles and honours bestowed on the - people, through schools controlled by it, its law courts and its - legislative councils, and inasmuch as it is desirable in the - prosecution of the movement to take the minimum risk and to call for - the least sacrifice compatible with the attainment of the desired - object, this Congress earnestly advises:-- - - (_a_) surrender of titles and honorary offices and resignation from - nominated seats in local bodies; - - (_b_) refusal to attend Government Levees, Durbars and other official - and semi-official functions held by Government officials or in their - honour; - - (_c_) gradual withdrawal of children from Schools and colleges owned, - aided or controlled by Government and in place of such schools and - colleges in the establishment of National Schools and Colleges in the - various Provinces; - - (_d_) gradual boycott of British Courts by lawyers and litigants and - establishment of private arbitration courts by their aid for the - settlement of private disputes; - - (_e_) refusal on the part of the military, clerical and labouring - classes to offer themselves as recruits for service in Mesopotamia; - - (_f_) withdrawal by candidates of their candidature for election to the - Reformed Councils and refusal on the part of the voters for any - candidate who may despite the Congress advice offer himself for - election; and - - (_g_) the boycott of foreign goods. - - "And inasmuch as non-co-operation has been conceived of as a measure of - discipline and self-sacrifice without which no nation can make real - progress, and inasmuch as an opportunity should be given in the very - first stage of non-co-operation to every man, woman and child, for such - discipline and self-sacrifice, this Congress advises adoption of - Swadeshi in piece goods on a vast scale, and inasmuch as the existing - mills of India with indigenous capital and control do not manufacture - sufficient yarn and sufficient cloth for the requirements of the - nation, and are not likely to do so for a long time to come this - Congress advises immediate stimulation of further manufacture on a - large scale by means of reviving hand-spinning in every home and hand - weaving on the part of the millions of weavers who have abandoned their - ancient and honourable calling for want of encouragement." - -The Khilafat question first, the Punjab wrongs next are given as the two -grounds for discarding the Reform Scheme and demanding Swarajya or -immediate Home Rule for the prevention of similar wrongs in future. For -the attainment of such Swarajya or immediate Home Rule a policy of what -is called non-violent non-co-operation is advocated and as a beginning -the people are advised to take certain steps which are therein referred -to. Though discarding the Montagu Chelmsford Reform Scheme of Home Rule -by certain stages, Mr. Gandhi says he is working for immediate Home Rule -in accordance with the Resolution, to me it seems clear what he is -really aiming at is not Home Rule of any kind or form _i.e._ -Parliamentary Government with absolute powers, but Swarajya or Home -Rule, as he himself has outlined it in his Indian Home Rule, the purport -of which I have briefly given above, _i.e._ anarchy and soul force. I -shall now attempt to show that there were no adequate reasons to discard -the Reform Scheme of Home Rule for a scheme of immediate Home Rule and -that the steps proposed to be taken are not calculated to attain Home -Rule of any kind or form but are steps intended for Gandhi Swarajya -which means anarchy or soul force. - -In considering these questions the object of this movement must not be -lost sight of. In Mr. Gandhi's own words "Non-co-operation though a -religious and strictly moral movement deliberately aims at the overthrow -of the Government." Prima facie therefore all steps taken in pursuance -of this resolution are intended for this purpose. - -I propose first of all to take up the Khilafat question which stands -first in the Resolution. - - - - -THE KHILAFAT QUESTION - - -With reference to this Khilafat agitation it is important to bear this -in mind. After the armistice of 1918, there were two memorials presented -on behalf of Turkey by the Muslim residents in England, one in January -1919 soon after the armistice, which included the names of His Highness -the Aga Khan, Abbas Ali Baig, Rt. Hon. Ameer Ali, Messrs: Yusaf Ali, H. -K. Kidwai etc.; and one at the end of the year in December 1919, the -signatories thereof included such Mahomedans as the following: H. H. Aga -Khan, Rt. Hon. Ameer Ali, Hon. Mr. Bhurgi, Mr. M. H. Kidwai. Both -included many non-Mahomedans, some of them of great influence and -position. They claimed for Turkey, Constantinople, Thrace, Anatolia -including Smyrna. There was no claim for the countries occupied by those -who were not Turks. - -The Indian Mahomedan claim went much further. By the deputation to the -Viceroy towards the end of that year and by the subsequent deputation to -the Prime Minister and others the claim was advanced for the restoration -of Turkey to the pre-war state, giving Home Rule if necessary to the -Armenians or the Arabs etc. under Turkish sovereignty. This of course -was an impossible demand. The Arabs are entitled to as much -consideration as the Turks. Mahomad Ali and Shaukat Ali are really -responsible for this claim. - -Another claim advocated in the Council of State in India was to let -Turkey have Anatolia and Thrace; full independence be given to the Arabs -and the countries inhabited by them without any control by any -non-muslim power. Whether the evacuation of Aden is included in this, I -am unable to say. - -The Indian Mahomedan agitation has become a danger to the State on -account of the failure of the Secretary of State and Government of India -to tell the Indian Mahomedans that they, the Government have nothing to -do with the Khilafat question; that their responsibility is confined to -representing to the British cabinet the feelings of the Indian -Mahomedans, and the ultimate decision will depend upon what is good for -the Empire as a whole. - -But so far as Gandhi was concerned the position is quite clear. He puts -forward whichever is the most extreme demand made by the Khilafat party -without any enquiry as to their reasonableness. He relies upon a -'promise' made by Lloyd George in favour of Turkey about their home -lands and Thrace discarding at the same time the limitation contained in -the promise to the subject races that they will not again be placed -under Turkey. He relies upon another statement made by Lloyd George that -after this, recruitment went up. The fact is that the recruitment of non -Mahomedans also went up and both were due to Sir Michael O'Dwyer. Though -he now denies having insisted upon the evacuation of Egypt by England as -a necessary condition of satisfaction of the Khilafat claim, he insists -upon the withdrawal of the Indian troops. For what purpose he does not -explain nor does he say whether he wants England to evacuate Egypt. He -knows, I presume, that Egypt has repudiated the Caliph's authority. He -was not apparently aware that the Arabs will not recognize the supremacy -of any Turkish power. But this is no difficulty to him. For if that -turns out to be the case he says the Arab Chief who held sway over Mecca -and Medina might become the Khalif. That Syria is not under England did -not matter. He wants the non-co-operators to be satisfied by England -that she was not in any way responsible for the French occupation or -retention of Syria, in which case he is willing to excuse her. He fails -to appreciate the weight of what appears to be an insuperable objection -that the Turks and their Khalif do not want any domination over Arabia -but, as they said in their deputation in January-February, 1919, after -the armistice, only wanted to be left alone with economic and political -independence in their own ethnological area. Neither Mr. Gandhi nor the -Khilafat advocates show any realisation of this fact. With a light heart -they maintain that the question is not Turkish but Mahomedan and -therefore Turkish opinion alone cannot decide the question. Palestine, -of course, according to Mr. Gandhi, must be under Turkish sovereignty. -It is enough for him that the prophet of Arabia has so willed it. The -prophets of Israel or the founder of Christianity, Jewish or Christian -sentiments, are as nothing in the balance. The real truth of course is -that in the case of the Khilafat agitation Mr. Gandhi and some of its -most active and prominent leaders want to use the agitation to destroy -the Government and not to effect a real settlement of the question. The -most energetic of the promoters of the movement were Mohomed Ali and -Shaukat Ali. They were active members of the Muslim League advocating -Mahomedan interests in opposition to the Hindus in the old days of the -Bengal Partition agitation. In their public speeches they emphasised the -identity of the interests of the Indian Mahomedans with the interests of -the Mahomedans elsewhere in Tripoli and Algeria in preference to those -of the Hindus, though living under the same Government with them. Since -the Balkan wars, however, on account of their intense hatred towards the -British Government for their failure to assist their co-religionists in -the West, they found it politic to approach the Hindus. Then followed -the internment of the brothers which naturally still more embittered -their feelings towards the Government. During the internment they did -not cease to preach sermons of virulence against the Government, and -even after their release they did not cease their propaganda of hatred -against the British Government. The independence of India--no doubt as a -preliminary step towards a subsequent Mahomedan domination in India--was -as much their object as the full restoration of the Khilafat domination -to its pre-war condition. This was avowed by the Ali Brothers -themselves. Mr. Shaukat Ali said in April 1920:-- - - "We do not embark on this step without fully realising what it means. - It means a movement for absolute independence." - -In fact, to those who know them or who have read the proceedings of -their trial no evidence of this kind is required. - -At the Khilafat Conference in Karachi--of which they were the guiding -spirits--held on the 9th of July 1921 the following resolution calling -upon the Mohomedan sepoys to desert in the name of religion was passed: - - "The meeting clearly proclaims that it is in every way religiously - unlawful for a Mussalman at the present movement to continue in the - British Army or to induce others to join the army, and it is the duty - of all the Mussalmans in general and Ulemas in particular to see that - these religious commandments are brought home to every Mussalman in the - army and that if no settlement is arrived at before Christmas regarding - our campaign an Indian republic will be declared at the Ahmedabad - sessions of the Congress." - -The two brothers were tried and convicted by the ordinary civil courts, -and the judge pointed out that however lawful and constitutional the -Khilafat committee may have been in its origin, however permissible the -agitation carried on in its earlier stages, those who were controlling -it soon began to rely on dangerous religious propaganda. About them he -said: "They had seen them in Court, heard their statements in the Lower -Court and their speeches here, and they could have no doubt that with -the exception of accused No. Six (a Hindu) they openly gloried in their -hatred of the Government of India and the British name. They justified -the above resolution by the religious law of the Koran which they said -the Mussalmans are bound to follow even when opposed to the law of the -land. All the Mohamedans in this case including Mohamad Ali and Shaukat -Ali maintained, 'first, that their religion compels them to do certain -acts, secondly, that no law which restrains them from doing those acts -which their religion compels them to do has any validity, and thirdly, -that in answer to a charge of breaking the law of the land it is -sufficient to raise and prove the plea that the act which is alleged to -be an offence is one which is enjoyed by their religion.'" - -It is impossible to believe that Gandhi and his adherents are not aware -that this claim of the Mahomedans to be judged only by the law of the -Koran, is a claim which is the _fons et origo_ of all Khilafat claims of -whatever kind. It is as well to be clear about this, for not only does -the acceptance of the claim mean the death knell of the British Empire -or Indo-British commonwealth, whatever name we may care to give to the -great fraternity of nations to which we belong, but specifically as -regards India it means a real denial of Swaraj. For it involves -Mahomedan rule and Hindu subjection or Hindu Rule and Mahomedan -subjection. Let there be no mistake about this, no camouflage. Whatever -the Hindus may mean by the Hindu Muslim entente, and I believe they mean -a true equality, and whatever the more enlightened Mussalmans may mean, -Mohamad Ali, Shaukat Ali, and those of their persuasion, mean a -Mussalman dominion pure and simple, though they are of course clever -enough to keep the cat in the bag so long as the time for its emergence -is yet unripe. They protest, it need hardly be said, that they are -animated by no _arriere pensee_, no sectarian spirit, only by the most -loving goodwill towards the Hindu brethren. But there are some of us who -are too experienced to be caught by this mischievous and pernicious -chaff and must sound the warning to those less experienced and more -gullible. Considering the high character of some of the men who follow -Gandhi, I can only believe that this realization came to them so late -that it was difficult for them to withdraw. - -As pointed out in the Karachi trial, these movements at first appear -innocuous, then grow dangerous. - -The Khilafat associations throughout the country were intended to carry -on the "non-violent non-co-operation" campaign against Government. The -process of evolution from ostensible non-violence at first to violence -is so well described by Mr. Macpherson speaking, in the Legislative -Council that I have quoted it (App. XVI). It applies to all -organisations, but with greater force to Khilafat for reasons arising -out of Islam which will be shortly explained. There is no judicial -description of this development in Malabar, the most notorious instance. -I shall content myself, therefore, with giving a summary of the judgment -convicting certain persons for a riot in Malegaon in April, 1920. So -early had lawlessness in this form begun to show itself. It will also -explain the methods adopted. - -A political movement began in Malegaon on the 15th March 1920, when a -"Khilafat Committee" and a body of "volunteers" were formed. The -Committee's activities took the shape of lectures and "wazas". The -lectures were political and the "wazas" are said to have been religious -sermons. In January, 1921, Shaukat Ali visited the town and lectured on -the Khilafat movement. It was shortly after this visit that political -activity became intensified. - -The two Mahomedan schools, the Beitulullum and the Anjuman school, used -to receive grants-in-aid from Government. Money was raised to enable the -two State-aided schools to refuse the Government grant-in-aid in -pursuance of the non-co-operation movement, and a few Hindus were -members of the party. The collections were to be made by means of a -"paisa" fund, an old idea. Every person selling a "sari", that is all -the weavers in Malegaon, were required to pay a "paisa" or quarter of an -anna to the fund. - -The system left practically no option to the weavers who objected to pay -the "paisa". Objecting buyers were encountered by persecution. The fund -Committee called a public meeting on the 27th February, at which it was -resolved that the buyers refusing to make the collections as directed -should be commercially boycotted. The commercial boycott of the -recalcitrant buyers was enforced by picketing their shops with -volunteers and their business was stopped. The former had appealed for -protection to the authorities by applications and petitions, but so long -as nothing actually illegal was done these were powerless actively to -interfere. - -Meanwhile lectures and "wazas" were being continually held in the open -spaces in the town and excitement was running high. On the reports made -to him the District Magistrate came to the conclusion that in a place -like Malegaon which is ill-lighted the carrying of swords and cudgels at -public meetings at night by volunteers was likely to lead to a breach of -the peace. He therefore issued a proclamation on the 30th March -prohibiting the practice. It was a breach of the terms of this -proclamation and its enforcement by prosecutions which was the immediate -excuse for the riot. - -But the local authorities had also tried to allay the friction and -excitement in other ways. The Sub-Divisional Officer, had called a -meeting on the 13th March with a view to find a method of collection of -the Fund which might put an end to the trouble about it and stop -enforced contributions. Collection boxes were recommended, but nothing -definite was agreed to by the other side. - -Some of the leaders were persuaded to issue a manifesto which was signed -by eleven persons. This manifesto quotes Mr. Gandhi's dictates to -non-violence and exhorts the volunteers not to carry cudgels and -recommends that only peaceful methods should be used in collecting the -Funds. - -It clearly had little effect. One of the men who signed it, on the 4th -April (it had been issued on the 1st April) at a public meeting -apologized for it on his own and the other signatories' behalf and they -were pardoned for having signed it. Meanwhile the boycotting and -picketing of the shops of the Anti-Fund people was continued. On the -15th prosecutions were instituted against 24 volunteers for a breach of -the District Magistrate's proclamation of the 30th March. On the 24th -April, the day before the hearing of these cases, a meeting was again -called at night at which a leading Mahomedan is reported to have used -the following words:-- - -"They must not be afraid of Government or of the police and that the -volunteers would see about the cases brought against them and may God -give the volunteers strength to promote their religion." The next day -April 25th twelve of these cases came on for hearing before Mr. Thakar -the Resident Magistrate. They ended in the conviction of the 6 -volunteers and their being fined Rs. 50 each with the alternative of 4 -weeks' simple imprisonment. The fines were not paid. - -On the result being known the mob that had collected gave vent to their -feelings by loud cries of "Alla-ho-akbar," the war cry used by the mob -throughout the riot, assaulted all the police to be found in the town of -Malegoan, burned a temple, killed the Sub-Inspector of Police, not the -only one killed and threw his body into the fire and looted the houses -of all who were opposed to the Khilafat movement, the owners themselves -having fled in the meantime. - -This illustrates the 'non-violent' methods followed by the Khilafat -committees and volunteers. I give another instance in full for -illustration Barabanki (App. XI) which shows perhaps more forcibly the -violent fanaticism supporting the movement. More instances can be easily -given. - -The development from an apparently peaceful to a revolutionary attitude -is strikingly illustrated in the Khilafat agitation not only by -revolutionary activities but by open declaration. The resolution of the -Karachi Conference showed the Mahomedan intention to declare -independence and proclaim an Indian Republic at the following Congress -at Ahmedabad in December 1921. A resolution for absolute independence -was actually passed in the Subjects Committee of the Khilafat Conference -at Ahmedabad, but was not passed at the Conference itself only because -the President ruled it out of order. But immediately after the meeting -formally closed, the motion was passed by the members of the Conference -at the instance of the President of Muslim League whose speech as -President will amply repay perusal (App. XVIII). He was in effect only -carrying out at the Khilafat Conference the intention of the Karachi -Conference of which the Ali Brothers were the moving spirits. In his -speech he points out, what in effect is apparent to all, that Islam is -opposed to non-violence and, as he said in the course of one of his -speeches, the Mussalmans accepted it on the promise of Mr. Gandhi to -secure Swaraj within a year. It was a legitimate move therefore to -proclaim a rebellion. Another difference in principle was pointed out -which is productive of frightful consequences and must alienate Hindus -from Mahomedans. The Ali Brothers had already said that if the Afghans -invaded India to wage a holy war the Indian Mahomedans are not only -bound to fight them but also to fight the Hindus if they refuse to -co-operate with them. When therefore Gandhi and his followers -fraternised with the Khilafatists, the latter had no doubt of their -support if eventually it came to rebellion. They were confirmed in this -by Gandhi's attitude on the questions in issue between them and the -Hindus. He advises the latter Hindus--to submit themselves to Mahomedan -dictation. He begs them not to insist on the prohibition of the cow -slaughter by Mahomedans and to rely upon Mahomedan forbearance to afford -them relief in that direction. On the other hand he advises the Hindus -to refrain from irritating the Mahomedans by insisting on carrying their -processions past the mosques on their religious occasions. He advises -them to study Hindustani as against Hindi; in fact complete submission -to the Muslim feelings in all matters in controversy between them. His -attitude towards the Mopla outrages shows the extent of his surrender. -His alliance with the Khilafat movement has led to frightful results in -Malabar. Relying on the assurance of Gandhi and his followers, of Hindu -support for the Khilafat movement, and supported by the teaching that -the Hindus may be treated as foes on failure to support them in a holy -war, the Moplas when they rose against the British Government were -furious at the Hindu attitude of loyalty to England. The result was, -themselves, armed and organised they took the Hindus unawares and -committed atrocities too well known, to need recapitulation -here--butchered them and inflicted injuries on them far worse than death. - -For sheer brutality on women, I do not remember anything in history to -match the Malabar rebellion. It broke out about the 20th of August. Even -by the 6th of September the results were dreadful. The Viceroy's speech -made on that date deserves careful attention (App. I). - -The atrocities committed more particularly on women are so horrible and -unmentionable that I do not propose to refer to them in this book. I -have selected a few accounts out of literally hundreds that might be -selected from the English and vernacular papers (App. III). One -narrative is by Mrs. Besant. The resolution passed at a meeting presided -over by the Zamorin Maharaja at which, many of the leading Hindus in the -District were present enters a strong protest against the attempts made -by interested persons to minimize the gravity of the occurrence (App. -V). The moving appeal signed by many ladies headed by the senior Rani -of Nilambur who belongs to one of the wealthiest families and were -rulers in ancient days shows the nature of the atrocities and the -apprehensions still entertained after the rebellion is quelled (App. -IV). I do not think it advisable to publish any more but I would point -out in addition to those mentioned in these articles two other forms of -torture credibly reported as having been resorted to in the case of -men--flaying alive, and making them dig their own graves before their -slaughter. It is now ascertained that the Mahomedans had held frequent -meetings in their mosques and, had made all preparations for a rising. -Hence it was difficult for the Hindus in these tracts to make any -defence or escape. The horrid tragedy continued for months. Thousands of -Mahomedans killed, and wounded by troops, thousands of Hindus butchered, -women subjected to shameful indignities, thousands forcibly converted, -persons flayed alive, entire families burnt alive, women it is said -hundreds throwing themselves into wells to avoid dishonour, violence and -terrorism threatening death standing in the way of reversion to their -own religion. This is what Malabar in particular owes to the Khilafat -agitation, to Gandhi and his Hindu friends. The President of the Indian -Moslem League, following the Ali injunction, justified the Mahomedan -atrocities as an act of war against the Hindus and the Government. -Gandhi too pleaded for the Mahomedans. All this was too much even for -their dupes who have entered a spirited protest (App. III). It is -impossible after all I have said above that there can be any sympathy -with the Khilafat agitation. The future may be envisaged. Gandhi and his -dupes have led Khilafatists to understand that the Hindus will stand by -them in any contingency, impliedly assuring them, as they believed in -Malabar, of support even in resistance to British rule. This Islamic -consciousness which looks to a brotherhood beyond India and beyond the -Empire does not support the claim for early concession of Home Rule, for -Home Rule means Home Rule within the Empire, not outside it--the Home -Rule enjoyed by the self-governing constituents of the commonwealth. The -Empire, it will be reasonably urged, cannot afford to place great power -in the hands of a party which would subordinate the interests of the -Empire and of India to the interests of a large body outside the Empire -who actually stand in opposition to it. The introduction of this -religious element in this manner is fatal to the well-being of the -Empire, and unless some other basis can be found for the Hindu-Mahomedan -entente, it must go. The extent to which Mr. Gandhi is prepared to go in -support of the Khilafat claim is stated in this extract:-- - - "What will the Imperial Government do if France were to attempt to - deprive England of Dover and India were secretly to help France or - openly to show indifference or hostility to England's struggle to - retain Dover? Can Indians be expected to sit idle when the Khilafat is - vivisected?" - -It is one thing to ask the Empire or India to go to war in favour of an -oppressed class--but to ask her to do it in the interests of -co-religionists of a community living outside the Empire is very -different. - -What is the present position? I shall describe it in the words of one of -Mr. Gandhi's dupes, a secretary of a District Congress Committee, Mr. K. -Madhavan Nair of Calicut, who writes on January 4th as follows:-- - - Now the position is this:-- - - The Hindus and Mohamedans have been waging a common war with - non-violence as the fundamental creed. It has to be noted however, that - there is a party led by the Maulana that advocates violence for the - achievement of their object. Suppose to-morrow that party takes to - violence and the other remains non-violent, what will be the fate of - the non-violent party if Maulana's views are pushed to their logical - conclusion? Is freedom worth having if in the attainment of it you have - to loot, murder and outrage your innocent neighbour who does not agree - with you or approve of your methods and is Swaraj possible of - achievement and the Khilafat likely to be righted by such means? - Maulana's views make those who have absolutely no faith in violence to - think over these facts deeply and anxiously. - -The Indian Non-Mahomedans, did not trouble themselves about the Khilafat -claims. Mr. Gandhi and his followers took it up as an anti-British -movement to secure Mahomedan support to his non-co-operation movement. -Even that non-Mahomedan sympathy with the Khilafat movement, has -vanished. That movement acquired its strength on account of such -unfortunate statements that the Secretary of State and the Government of -India are in hearty sympathy with the Moslim demands; statements like -those reported to have been made by His Highness Aga Khan that Mr. -Montagu is doing as much as it is possible to support the Mahomedan -claim and Gandhi himself could not have done more. I doubt whether any -influential newspaper or any publicist in America, England or the -continent support the Khilafat claim as advanced by Indian Mahomedans or -by Gandhi. However, the reputed sentiments of Mr. Montagu and the -Government of India have influenced even moderate Mahomedans and Hindus -to support them against the cabinet in starting and supporting an -agitation, which has now assumed dangerous proportions. - -The Khilafat movement does not want, and Mr. Gandhi is not for, any -reasonable settlement of the Mahomedan grievance or for Home Rule. They -wish to get rid of the British Government. Such being the objective -naturally the Khilafat Indian agitators have put forward demands which -the Turks themselves recognise as outside practical politics. They have -hampered the efforts of their friends for a revision of the treaty of -Sevres. Everybody now realises that this attitude of the Khilafat -movement under the guidance of Gandhi and Mahomed Ali stood in the way -of any reasonable settlement. It is a futile endeavour of the Indian and -British Governments to satisfy Mr. Gandhi or the Khilafat agitators led -by the Ali brothers. Gandhi and his followers have greatly encouraged -the growth of Indian Pan Islamism which will in future be always opposed -to other Religions and civilizations. I can well understand the adherent -of large numbers of Mussulmans to the idea of Pan-Islamism. It must -naturally have a fascination for devotees of Islam by reason of the -splendour of its promise that Mussulmans the world over shall one day be -united under one flag, but we have to take the world as it is and to -take into the consideration the forces actually at work in -reconstruction. The world has passed the stage of religious empires. It -has gone beyond the stage of religious crusades. We are on the threshold -of an era of a brotherhood transcending religious differences, -transcending even national differences and of which one of the dominant -notes is a unity of purpose in which religious differences of race and -customs are to be merged and harmonised. Pan-Islamism or -Pan-Christianity or Pan-Budhism--one can hardly speak of -Pan-Hinduism--belong to the world that is dead and not to the world that -is living. They mean destruction, proselytisation, the assertion of -superiority the world war was waged to destroy. This also shows the -dangerous foundation on which the Gandhi movement rests. Home Rule or -Swaraj is claimed not as an end in itself but for the purpose of -righting the alleged wrongs sustained by foreigners. We know Gandhi's -principles which I have set forth above. Swaraj or political -independence is not what he really wants. It is not the Caliph -grievances that have led him to claim political independence. He wants -to destroy the British Government, as a hater of all Governments. - -The attitude of the Government towards the people of the Punjab and the -Punjab officials is stated in the Congress Resolution as the second and -the only other reason for this non-co-operation campaign against the -Government. - - - - -THE PUNJAB ATROCITIES - - -No one feels for the Punjab more than I do. I doubt whether anybody was -in a position to know more of it than I was. Even now with all the -enquiries made by the Hunter Commission and by the Congress -Sub-Committee many deplorable incidents as bad as any, worse perhaps, -than any reported have not been disclosed. At this distance of time it -is best that they should remain so. It is with a full knowledge of this -that I make the following remarks. - -The conditions now have entirely changed. Before the Reforms under a -Lieutenant-Governor, a single individual, the atrocities in the Punjab -which we know only too well, could be committed almost with impunity. -Now instead of one man the Government of the Punjab consist not only of -a Governor who no doubt is an Englishman, but of an Executive Council -consisting of an Englishman and an Indian, who was a non official before -appointment to his seat in the Council and for all practical purposes -two Indian Ministers who are also consulted in all important matters. -Though, therefore, a repetition of the old incidents may be possible, it -is unlikely. The Government of India again, which then consisted of only -one Indian, now includes three Indian members, a powerful contingent. -Above all, it will be remembered that it was necessary to pass an Act of -Indemnity to save the delinquents from proceedings in civil and criminal -Courts. Such an Act of Indemnity would scarcely be possible now, with a -Legislative Assembly consisting of a majority of elected members under -the new constitution. The trouble in the Punjab arose out of the Rowlat -Act which is repealed. Many high handed proceedings were taken under the -Regulations of 1818 the provisions of which were applied for purposes -for which they were never intended. The regulations are now repealed so -far as the matters are concerned. Many of these proceedings were taken -under the Defence of India Act and they also have gone so that for the -future at any rate our position is very different from what it was in -the past. In such circumstances what is it that one would expect? If it -is an honest endeavour that is being made to solve the difficulties -which arose out of the Punjab, one would expect a demand for any further -guarantees that may be necessary against a repetition of such -occurrences and the punishment of those who have acted not under an -error of judgment and not in good faith. But the demands now made are of -a very different kind. They do not seek for further guarantees, at least -none are formulated. - -I realise that the eulogium passed by the English Cabinet on Lord -Chemsford and Sir Michael O'Dwyer was an outrage on Indian public -opinion. I believe also that the Government of India committed a great -political blunder in not publishing their proceedings, punishing the -subordinate officials in accordance with the orders of the Cabinet. I -agree further that it was an egregious mistake to pass the Indemnity Act -when India was so excited. The Government should have waited for the -result of the proceedings in Civil or Criminal Courts, when they might -have pardoned those who acted in good faith reimbursing their expenses. -But that is not the question now. Mr. Gandhi and his party want certain -persons to be punished on the strength of the report submitted by the -Congress Committee who made an _ex parte_ enquiry of their own without -hearing the other side. This is not right. Moreover every where it is -recognised that the security of the subject, person and property, -requires that the punishment of the guilty should be in the hands of the -Courts and not within the discretion of an Executive Council. If these -officers whose punishment is called for are guilty it is the Courts that -ought to punish them, and I speak with knowledge when I say that no -steps open to them have yet been taken by those who carry on the -agitation to vindicate justice. Is it possible, then, to maintain that -the Punjab question in any way justifies the tremendous agitation that -is being carried on for the dismemberment of the Empire. Besides how is -it possible for any reasonable man to say that this affords any -justification for not utilizing the Legislative Councils to help the -Punjab and to carry out the reforms of which the country is urgently in -need. Besides it must be remembered that some of the Punjab political -leaders have failed in their duty. During the crisis they refused to -come forward to substantiate their complaints of maladministration of -Martial Law, even of those matters within their personal knowledge. They -did not give a chance to the Government of India to control the -Government of the Punjab or the administration of Martial law. _The real -truth, of course, is that the Punjab grievances are only a pretext for -this agitation, by the violent section headed by Mr. Gandhi. It is -really not the redress of the Punjab grievances or prevention of the -repetition of atrocities that is sought for, so much as the expulsion of -the British Government from India._ - - - - -SWARAJ OR HOME RULE - - -The Resolution says that on account of the failure of Government to -redress these grievances we must have 'Swaraj.' It is important to -remember that long before these occurrences Mr. Gandhi had come to the -conclusion that we must have Independence. It would accordingly seem -dishonest on his part to say that these events led him to the demand for -Swaraj or Home Rule. - -In his scheme of "Home Rule for India" Mr. Gandhi said:-- - - "Now you will have seen that it is not necessary for us to have as our - goal the expulsion of the English. If the English became Indianised we - can accommodate them. If they wish to remain in India along with their - civilisation, there is no room for them. It lies with us to bring about - such a state of things." - -Then in reply to the question that it is impossible that Englishmen -should ever become Indianised, he says:-- - - "To say that is equivalent to saying that the English have no humanity - in them. And it is really beside the point whether they become so or - not. If we keep our own house in order only those who are fit to live - in it will remain. Others will leave of their own accord." - -It is something that he gives a loophole to the Englishman to remain in -India. To the question that there may be chaos and anarchy on account of -the Hindu Mahomedan position he states:-- - - "I would prefer any day anarchy and chaos in India to an armed peace - brought about by the bayonet between the Hindus and Musalmans." - -When it was pointed out to him that the dissensions amongst the Hindus -themselves may cause the same result he is not dismayed. He says:-- - - "We are not to assume that the English have changed the nature of the - Pindarries and the Bhils. It is therefore better to suffer the Pindarri - peril than that some one else should protect us from it and thus render - us effeminate. I should prefer to be killed by the arrow of the Bhil - than to seek nominal protection." - -When it was pointed out to him that for Home Rule at this stage we have -not got an army for our own protection he said the other day:-- - - "I am here to confess that we are fully able to take charge of all - military dispositions in the country and that we feel able to deal with - all foreign complications." The worst that may happen is he continued - that we may be blotted out from the face of the earth for which he was - prepared so long as he can breathe the free atmosphere of India. - -The following report is interesting; we give it below from the "Daily -Express." - - Q:--Are you anxious to take over the whole control of the army at once - or would you make an exception of that object? - - A:--I think we are entirely ready to take up the whole control of the - Army which means practically disbanding three fourths of it. I would - keep just enough to police India. - - Q:--If the army were reduced to that extent, do you not apprehend - anything aggressive from the frontier territories? - - A:--No. - - Q:--My information, derived from Military sources, is that there are - over half-a-million armed men on the frontier. - - A:--You are right, I agree. - - Q:--These tribes have frequently attacked India hitherto. Why do you - think they will refrain from doing so when India possesses Home Rule? - - A:--In the first instance, the world's views have changed and secondly - the preparations that are now made in Afghanistan are really in support - of the Khilafat. But when the Khilafat question is out of the way, then - the Afghan people will not have any design on India. The warrior tribes - who live on loot and plunder are given lakhs of rupees as subsidy. I - would also give them a little subsidy. When the Charka comes into force - in India, I would introduce the spinning wheel among the Afghan tribes - also and thus prevent them from attacking the Indian territories. I - feel that the tribesmen are in their own way God-fearing people. - -But for the fact that he is well known to be a Saint and Mahatma, I -would have had no hesitation in saying that his last observations about -meeting the Afghans show him to be either a fool or a knave. - -He said on the 16th February 1921:-- - - "There must be complete independence, if England's policy is in - conflict with the Moslim sentiment on the Khilafat question or with the - Indian sentiment in the Punjab." - -And in his recent speech at the congress opposing the resolution for -Independence it was said that if the Punjab and Khilafat demands are -complied with, Independence is not necessary. Well, he knows or ought to -know they are impossible demands. The implication is plain and taken in -conjunction with what has been said above as to the Western civilisation -and the Indianisation of the English people, the conclusion that he is -really aiming at Independence is inevitable. To certain Boy Scouts on -the 23rd March he was quite plain. He said:-- - - "No Indian could remain loyal in the accepted sense to the Empire as it - was at present represented and be loyal to God at the same time. An - Empire that could be responsible for the terrorism of the martial law - regime, that would not repent of the wrong, that could enter into - secret treaties in breach of solemn obligations could only be reckoned - as a Godless Empire. Loyalty to such an Empire was disloyalty to God". - -These have to be borne in mind when we consider the question of the -Swaraj that he has put forward. The Swaraj that he works for is thus -described:-- - - "Swaraj means full Dominion status. The scheme of such swaraj shall be - framed by representatives duly elected in terms of the Congress - constitution. That means four anna franchise. Every Indian adult, male - or female, paying four annas and signing the Congress creed will be - entitled to be placed on the electoral list. These would elect - delegates who would frame Swaraj constitution. This shall be given - effect to without any change by the British Parliament". - -A more preposterous demand cannot be imagined. He excludes all those who -do not belong to his Congress. Those who do not pay annas four and sign -the congress creed form the majority of the population. Again to ask the -British Parliament to accept the scheme framed by his party however -absurd, without examination of the same is absolute nonsense. If Mr. -Gandhi and his party can frame a scheme of Swaraj for the consideration -of the rest of India, have it discussed with others modified if -necessary after such discussion, it may be, and it ought to be placed -before the Government and Parliament. But this is the last thing he will -do, for various reasons. Mr. Gandhi himself will never do it because I -doubt whether he has any correct idea of the Dominion status and all -that it involves. Mr. Gandhi is not a student but an impulsive fanatic -indifferent to facts but obsessed by phantasmagoria. He jumps to what he -calls conclusions but which have in fact no premises. Again he will not -see it done because what he really desires is not an honest settlement -which will give India a further instalment of Swaraj but as the -preceding extracts show what he wants is really absolute independence -according to his professions but really anarchy or soul force. If he -were honest in his desire to secure Swaraj he and his followers would -not have boycotted the Councils but would have entered them to take -further steps towards its attainment. - -I am therefore satisfied that Mr. Gandhi does not aim at a fair -settlement of the Punjab difficulties. He does not want an equitable -peace satisfying the just claims of the Mahomedans. He does not want -Parliamentary Swaraj or Home Rule. But for tactical purposes he is -putting them forward to destroy the English Government, in order to -attain his object of a society outlined in his "Indian Home Rule," some -features of it I have set forth above.--A society without Government, -Railways, Hospitals, Schools, Courts, etc. His programme is therefore -put forward to clear the way to obtain his object. This Swaraj is to be -attained by, in the words of the Resolution, non-violent -non-co-operation with Government. And among others the following steps -were recommended for adoption: (1) Boycott of Government aided schools -and colleges and establishment of National schools and colleges, (2) -Boycott of British Courts by Lawyers and Litigants (3) Boycott of -Reformed Councils (4) Boycott of Foreign goods and use of spinning -wheels. Out of these I shall naturally take up the question of the -boycott of Government and aided institutions and the nature of education -sought to be imparted by Mr. Gandhi. - - - - -EDUCATION - - -The system of Education which Mr. Gandhi apparently wants to introduce -has already been tried in some parts of India. The results of a teaching -confined to Eastern classics and vernaculars has already been apparent. -It has produced a mentality amongst Hindus and Mahomedans which has -divided them from one another. It has separated still further the -Brahmins from non-Brahmins, the caste Hindus from the noncaste Hindus. -It has again produced amongst those who have received that education a -vague longing for speculative theories and a distaste for experiment and -research by which, theories may be tested. Of course Mr. Gandhi does not -know these results. His speeches and writings do not show that he ever -cared to enquire into these questions. He does not want education to be -imparted to the masses and Western education to be imparted to anybody -for the reason that it would make them discontented with their present -lot in life, _i.e._ in other words he wants each class to remain in its -present condition, the lower castes, slaves of their masters--the higher -classes. This consequence follows from his acceptance of the caste -system. He says "Varanashram (caste system) is inherent in human nature -and Hinduism has simply reduced it to a science. It does attach by -birth. A man cannot change his Varna by choice. Prohibition against -intermarriage and interdining is essential for a rapid evolution of the -soul." He would relegate those Hindus outside the pale of caste, the -panchamas or the so-called degraded classes, by whatever name they are -called, to degradation for the service of the higher castes. His -writings or speeches do not show any knowledge of Indian History and -having spent the main portion of his life in a far-off country the evils -of the system perhaps never came to his knowledge. Otherwise he would -have learnt the following facts. It is this caste system which has -brought about the conquest of India by the Mahomedans and the -Englishmen, both of whom were always supported by the lower castes -against the higher. It is responsible for the large conversions to -Christianity and Mahomedanism. It is responsible for a degradation of -humanity for which no parallel can be found in slavery, ancient or -modern. It is responsible for a good deal of Hindu-Mahomedan, Brahmin -non-Brahmin problem and stands in the way of our social, economical and -political progress. Yet Mr. Gandhi supports the system, though he -advocates the removal of one or two blots which hardly affect the main -structure. He enters on an elaborate disquisition on the benefits and -necessity of caste which will not do credit to Macaulay's fourth form -schoolboy. He shows no knowledge of the vast literature on the subject -or of the main arguments against it. He is supporting the caste system -to secure the support of the higher castes, without whose financial -support his agitation must collapse. One of his own followers would have -told him that caste has killed all the arts and science in this country. -Sir P. C. Ray points out in his history of Hindu chemistry:--"the fear -of losing caste was thus responsible for the loss of the faculty of -independent enquiry and hence for the decline and decay of all the arts -and sciences for which India was once so famous." Of course he does not -want that education which is indispensable for those who occupy the -higher Government offices in the country. He does not want that -education which is essential for the development of Indian manufacturing -industries and development of mineral resources. - -Mr. Gandhi accordingly made his wicked attempt to destroy the National -Hindu University of Benares and the Mahomedan University of Aligarh. -They combined Eastern and Western learning. The attempt was happily -unsuccessful. Strong pressure was put upon the students to leave the -Schools and Colleges. Looking to the final results as disclosed in the -Report of the Congress Secretary reviewing the work of 1921, Government -have reasons to congratulate themselves. By far the majority of the -aided institutions in Bengal have been recognised by the Educational -Authorities to be very inefficient and they have been attempting either -to disaffiliate them or reduce their numbers to give more efficient -instruction to those who remain, as a good number of them were -institutions started for commercial purpose. It is remarkable that the -great majority of the students who obeyed the Congress cause belonged to -these aided institutions. Those who left the Government Schools and -Colleges with better discipline and more efficient teaching were very -few if any. I would refer the reader for further information as to the -results of the education campaign to the speech of the President of the -Thana conference, a genuine patriot who happens, however, to be one of -Gandhi's followers (App. VI). - -Mr. Gandhi asked all the boys to withdraw now from the schools on the -pretence that until the Government punishes the Punjab offenders in the -manner advocated by him and satisfies the claims of the Khilafatists we -should no longer associate with the Government, and we can there-by -hasten the advent of Swaraj. This is a mere pretext. He advocated the -substitution of the national kind of education as outlined by him in -favour of the present system of education long before there was any -Punjab or Khilafat questions. He advocated them in 1908 in his book "The -Indian Home Rule." To say now that he advocated them on account of those -reasons is sheer hypocrisy. The step will not hasten but might retard -Swaraj. Even if the Punjab wrongs are redressed in the manner suggested -and even if the Khilafatists are satisfied and Parliamentary Swaraj -obtained, he will still be an advocate of the abstention from English -Schools in favour of the system of national education as above set forth. - - - - -VAKILS AND COURTS - - -The same is the case about his propaganda about the Vakils and the -Courts. It never had any chance of success. I shall not dwell however -upon this but would refer to Thana President's speech to which in -connection with education attention has been already drawn (App. VI). He -now puts them forth ostensibly for the purpose of compelling the -Government to redress the Punjab and other wrongs. As a fact he -advocated them long before that in 1908, as I have already pointed out -above. Here again it is sheer hypocrisy to say that they are advocated -not as an end in themselves but as a means for the redress of the Punjab -and Khilafat wrongs. He dare not openly advocate this as desirable in -itself as he would then be laughed at. - - - - -BOYCOTT OF COUNCILS - - -The other step that he advocates is abstention from the new councils. -His followers generally have not voted at the elections or have stood -for election. His reason given at the Calcutta Congress in September -1920 when he moved his resolution on non-co-operation is this. "I now -come to the burning topic _viz._ the boycott of the councils. Sharpest -difference of opinion existed regarding this and if the house was to -divide on it, it must divide on one _viz._ whether Swaraj has to be -gained through the councils or without the councils. If we utterly -distrust the British Government and we know that they are to-day -unrepentant now can you believe that the councils will lead to Swaraj -and not tighten the British hold on India"? I can only ask him to read -the history of the Parliamentary struggle for freedom in England which -will show how freedom is won from reluctant monarchs and privileged -classes. Even in India the subsequent history of the Legislative -councils has shown that the Government is willing to meet the councils -half way and almost every question taken up by the councils has been -advanced nearer solution. But I doubt whether there is any use of -arguing with Mr. Gandhi. The real truth is as he has candidly avowed in -his "Indian Home Rule" that Parliamentary Government is in itself bad -and India should not strive after it as it will stand in the way of his -spiritual Swaraj. I need not argue this point so far as the followers of -Gandhi are concerned as they are heartily sorry that they boycotted the -councils. I refer on this point also to the Thana Conference President's -speech (App. VII). They feel ashamed of themselves the majority of them -desire the dissolution of the present councils and a re-election so that -they might utilize these councils for more powerful Parliaments. Perhaps -I should add that considering the undisciplined fanaticism of the -non-co-operator and his total ignorance of development of political -organization, it is probably just as well that the councils were in -their inception preserved from such a calamitous invasion. The council -and the assembly have even in the short duration of their existence, -achieved good results which are carrying us far and quietly on that true -road to Home Rule from which Mr. Gandhi seeks to divert us. Had the -Non-Co-operators been members of these councils and had they acted in -their present temper, they might well have wrecked the Reforms and have -set back the clock of India's progress even more than they have done -already. The boycotting is therefore in all probability a blessing -though designed as a curse. Still the fact remains that the Councils -might have done even more had Mr. Gandhi been endowed with the wisdom to -see that India's interests would best be served by using the councils -and the assembly as levers to obtain further freedom on sane, safe, and -constitutional lines. - - - - -BOYCOTT OF FOREIGN GOODS - - -There is not only no objection to the Charka but it is very much to be -commended. It is very useful as a cottage or home industry and will find -an occupation to many who might otherwise be idle. But it will not -displace foreign goods at least without the aid of mills by foreign -machinery. - -All these with other minor ones are only steps to be taken to carry out -the policy of non-violent non-co-operation for the attainment of Swaraj -and Mr. Gandhi asks every body, in fact the people of India, to carry on -non-violent non-co-operation with the Government so as ostensibly to -attain Swaraj but really I have no doubt as an end in itself. - -I have already pointed out that non-violent submission to suffering and -the consequent attainment of self-control over oneself which he called -Swaraj was the end which he had in view. He found that there was no use -in directly advocating it. He therefore puts it forward as the chief -instrument for obtaining the Parliamentary Swaraj which the people of -India wanted. He based his appeal to the Hindus on the well known -doctrine of "Ahimsa". I will not stop here to discuss how far suffering -for the purpose of inducing another to follow a particular line of -conduct is included in the scope of Ahimsa. I myself believe it is not -only not so included but is totally inconsistent with it. I will merely -point out that this principle has already been condemned by the Penal -Code which makes it a crime for a creditor to realise his debt by -Dharna. For my purpose it is only necessary to say that this principle -of non-violence if accepted in practice generally will lead to chaos and -anarchy. If applied to Government alone by refusal to recognise the -jurisdiction of the courts it will lead to the same results. How it will -lead to 'Parliamentary Swaraj' it is impossible to see. Mr. Gandhi says -if all the people of India adopted it the machinery of Government is -bound to come to a standstill. But that all will adopt it without -leaving sufficient men with the aid of those who will be imported from -England and elsewhere to carry out the administration is only the -fantasy of a diseased imagination. Non-violence is a guarantee on the -part of those who carry it out that the Government has nothing to fear -from physical force. If they use force then they abandon the weapon of -non-violence. Mr. Gandhi and his followers, are agreed that physical -force is now out of the question on ground, according to Mr. Gandhi, -that we will be crushed. I cannot help thinking that when we take this -aspect of the matter along with others already mentioned that Mr. Gandhi -himself does not consider this as any effective step towards the -attainment of the 'Parliamentary Swaraj,' but only to attain his -"Spiritual Swaraj." This explains what he is so fond of reiterating that -when Lajpatrai, Motilal Nehru, and C. R. Das and others were arrested -and went to Jail without complaint, or resistance denying the -jurisdiction of the courts, in pursuance of the policy of non-violent -non-co-operation, though Parliamentary Swaraj was not attained, the -spiritual 'Swaraj' of which he was in search has been attained to his -intense satisfaction. If he had advocated abstention from schools, -boycott of Councils and Courts, non-violence as a means of attaining his -(spiritual) Swaraj, giving up Punjab Khilafat and Parliamentary Home -Rule, no one would perhaps have any right to complain, and it would have -been a straightforward and honest course. But he has adopted underhand -methods which appear to me, unless a satisfactory explanation is given, -little short of dishonest and fraudulent. - -But it may be asked whether anybody would have accepted a policy of -non-violent non-co-operation in the circumstances of the case unless -there was some reasonable prospect of success within any measurable -time. Here we come to the most sinister aspect of the matter. In moving -his resolution on non-co-operation in the National Congress held at -Calcutta in September 1920, he said, "If there is sufficient response to -my scheme I make bold to reiterate my statement that you can gain -Swarajya in the course of an year" and he laid down certain conditions, -the more important of which have been mentioned. That period has been -extended subsequently by a few months. Even that extended period has -elapsed. When charged with his failure to attain Parliamentary Swaraj -within the period asked for by him he had effrontery to state that the -conditions mentioned by him have not been complied with. A political -leader has no right to put forward before the country any scheme under -conditions which he has no reasonable belief of being likely to be -complied with. Did he honestly believe that those conditions named by -him would be complied with and Parliamentary Swaraj obtained within the -time mentioned by him? Looking to the nature of the conditions I do not -think he believed that they would be complied with, not only in one year -but at any time; and even if complied with I have no doubt he did not -believe that Swaraj would come though he might assert the contrary. He -put the lure forward simply for the purpose of persuading the Congress -to make an important change in the policy which the country had hitherto -adopted. The National Congress, carried away by its hostility towards -Government, accepted his programme. Some of the younger men may have -believed in it. The older and the most experienced I have no doubt never -believed in its possibility but considered it a means, of rousing the -people of the country from their political lethargy, to put pressure on -the Government for further and more extensive reforms. They may also -have felt that this might be a means of Mahomedan co-operation for their -policy. I do not deny that according to English political life this is a -perfectly legitimate manoeuvre though none of those leaders believed in -the soundness of the policy put forward by Mr. Gandhi and many of them -said so. - -Having attained his purpose by a representation, the truth of which I -cannot help thinking he did not believe, and could not have believed, -and having committed the Congress to a certain course of action, he is -now able to carry the Congress with him for revolutionary action, as it -finds it has gone too far on this course to revert to its own natural -methods of progress. But as a matter of fact he went further than this. - -On 29th December, 1920, _i.e._ three months after the change of -programme, he said, "my experience during the last months fills me with -the hope that within the nine months that remain of the year in which I -have expected Swaraj for India we shall redress the two wrongs and we -shall see Swaraj (Parliamentary) established in accordance with the -wishes of the people of India." But I do not think for a moment he -believed what he said. He used these words to dupe the people of India -to follow him yet a step further and to pay him money. After about a -month on the 21st of January 1921--he again confirmed his previous -statement. He said: "Four months of this one year have already gone by -and my faith has never burnt as brightly as it burns tonight as I am -talking to the young men of Bengal." And he added "that in case of his -death before the expiry of eight months he is satisfied that the people -of India will secure Swaraj before the year is out." Is this not a -definite statement that the Indian people are going to get Swaraj? A few -days later the purpose comes out. In a public address to the merchants -of Calcutta on the 30th January, 1921, he said:-- - - "What I purposed to do I can accomplish in a certain line. I Must - attain Swaraj. If thirty crores of people say that they are not with me - yet I shall do my work and win Swaraj.... If you wish to accomplish - work of thirty crores of men then come out with your money. Try to have - money and ask me to give an account of the same. I appoint some one - treasurer.... If you know that you yourself can not attain Swaraj +then - help one with money+. If you do not help with money Swaraj will be - difficult but not impossible to attain. If the students of India do not - help, me it does not matter. If the pleaders do not help, it does not - matter." - -The old conditions of the boycott of schools and of the courts as -conditions indispensable for the attainment of Swaraj are dropped. And -he promises Swaraj and asks for money for getting it in nine months. He -collected money on the faith of that representation. Earlier on the same -day he got ten thousand rupees, and on the spot a large sum is said to -have been collected. On the same date in addressing the students he -said: "If the response continues as it has begun there is no doubt of -Swaraj coming within the time prescribed". On the 23rd February 1921 he -again said: "Last five months experience has confirmed me in the -opinion. I am convinced that the country has never been so ready for -establishing Swaraj as now." To me only one conclusion is possible that -he was collecting the money from the people who understood him to say -that Swaraj will be attained within the period mentioned by him. In -March he said:-- - - "The last Congress has given a constitution whose working in itself - calculated to lead to Swaraj. It is intended to secure in every part of - India representative committees working in conjunction with, and under - willing and voluntary submission to a central organisation--The all - India Congress Committee. It establishes an adult suffrage open to men - and women subject only to two qualifications signing of the creed and a - nominal payment of four annas. It is intended to secure due - representation of the parties and communities, if then, it is honestly - worked, and commands confidence and respect, it can oust the present - Government without the slightest difficulty. For, the latter has no - power except through the co-operation willing or forced, of the people. - The force it exercises is almost through our own people. One lac of - Europeans, without our help, can only hold less than one seventh of our - villages each and it would be difficult for a man even when physically - present, to impose his will on, say four hundred men and women--the - average population of Indian village." - -He said that we have therefore to concentrate our attention up to the -30th of June on getting:-- - -(1) One crore of rupees for Tilak Swaraj Fund. - -(2) One crore members on the Congress register. - -(3) The spinning wheel introduced in twenty lacs of homes. - -He added, however:-- - - "This programme does not mean cessation of the other activities of - Non-co-operation. They go on. Drink and untouchability must vanish. The - education movement is steadily going forward. The National institutions - that have sprung up will, if they are efficiently managed make headway - and attract students who are still hesitating. The pleaders, always a - cautious and calculating class by training, will, as they see the - movement progressing more and more, fall in line with the rest of the - country. Boycott of law courts by the public is making fair progress. - These things do not now require concentration of universal effort. They - apply to special classes. But the three things mentioned by me are the - most essential: they must be done now and without them the movement, as - a mass movement must be pronounced a failure." _"Young India" 30th - March._ - -After this it is impossible to rely upon boycott of schools &c. as -conditions for Swaraj within a year. It is now admitted and the -Secretaries report that the money demanded has been collected. Such -money was paid on the fraudulent representation of Swaraj within the -year. Judged by ordinary standards Mr. Gandhi's whole procedure with the -promises, the persuasions, the evasions, the subterfuges and all the -other manoeuvres, would be characterised by men of the world and of sane -judgment in language, I hesitate to reproduce, for the simple reason -that I believe that Mr. Gandhi is honest in his self hypnotisation. I -believe he does not really know what he is doing. At least this is the -only possible charitable assumption when we watch his feats of political -acrobatics which have the power of deluding such vast numbers of people -making them passionately intolerant, violently intolerant often, of the -slightest criticism of their hero. - -When the Congress was asked in September to change its policy, Mr. -Gandhi's idea to start an organisation to supercede the existing -Government was not brought before them. It is the first direct step in -the path of revolution. His followers have been by this time brought to -a proper frame of mind. The use of the money to be collected was, as -stated on the 13th April, to be as follows; "The only activity involving -financial obligations is that of spinning, organising national service, -in some cases supporting lawyers, who might have suspended practice and -cannot be included in the national service as for supporting national -educational institutions." It will now be understood why some lawyers -were willing to suspend practice. Before the expiry of one year period -however other conditions were imposed which would put off Swaraj -practically for a very long time to come, the removal of untouchability -of the lower classes in India without which it was said Swaraj would be -a meaningless term. This means, as I have no doubt, Mr. Gandhi knew, he -was putting off Swaraj indefinitely. If this had been mentioned as -condition when the Congress was asked to change its policy it is very -doubtful whether he would have got the Congress to agree with him. As to -these two conditions themselves they are admirable. With a little tact -the Government might turn the tables on Mr. Gandhi. If proof of -untouchability consists only in the admission of the boys of these -classes to schools of higher classes, it does not mean much, though it -is a notable advance. If a contact with a low class person is placed on -the same footing as contact with caste man it may be said that we have -got rid of untouchability. But this will not come throughout the greater -portion of India for years. On these questions the education of Mr. -Gandhi has only commenced. He will find that without abrogating the -ceremonial law on which the caste system rests there will be no -practical reform. He is apparently not aware of the far more heinous -custom of distance pollution, _i.e._ not only pollution by touch but by -approach within a certain distance. This far from being a move against -Government would support the Government contention against reform. - -About temperance also the move is salutary. If the system of picketing -adopted by the volunteers is abandoned and peaceful persuasion alone is -attempted no one has any right to complain. What all this has to do with -Parliamentary Swaraj or Home Rule one finds it difficult to understand. -But they are necessary for the 'Gandhi Swaraj' advocated in his 'Indian -Home Rule', and I have little doubt that like his other proposals they -were intended to attain that object. - -It is admitted in the Report of the Secretaries that the crore of Rupees -which was required to be collected, as stated above, has been realised. -About the middle of July he said he still looked forward before the next -meeting of the Congress for the satisfaction of his demands about the -Punjab and the Khilafat and full immediate Swaraj in accordance with the -wishes of her chosen representatives. August and September were devoted -to the campaign of burning foreign cloth which in his view was an act of -non-violent non-co-operation with the Government. This step appeared -unintelligible and inaccurate to his followers who believed bona fide -that he was striving for political control. But it is quite consistent -with and in pursuance of his scheme of spiritual swaraj of sacrifice and -self-control. On the 27th of October Mr. Gandhi speaks of his "threat to -seek the shelter of the Himalayas should violence become universal in -India, and should it not have engulfed me." - - As _New India_ points out: "that would be interesting to know when this - threat was made. We all know that Mr. Gandhi said that if there was - violence he would go to the Himalayas. There was a riot, but he did not - go, but excused himself by saying that if it occurred a second time, he - would go. A second riot occurred; he said nothing but did not go. Now - we hear that he had made a threat to go, should it become universal in - India. When and where was this said?" - -Towards the end of the month the _Times of India_ observed:-- - - "Writing in the latest issue of Navajivan, his Gujarati newspaper, Mr. - Gandhi makes the interesting announcement that if Swaraj is not - obtained by December, he will either die of a broken heart or retire - from public life, leaving the heedless people of India to their - resources. Were so clear a pronouncement by any other politician, we - could say definitely that when the new year dawns Mr. Gandhi will no - longer be actively engaged in politics!" - -Can there be any possible doubt that all these statements were made by -him in order to impress upon his dupes the fact that they were going to -get Swaraj within a year and to deceive his followers to follow him and -finance him. Yet what was the situation! Almost every item in his -programme has been tried and found useless to attain Home Rule. I would -again draw attention to the speech of the President of the Thana -District conference for a review of the situation as it then stood in -the opinion of one of his prominent followers, (App. VI). This is the -opinion of most of his prominent supporters who have been opposing Mr. -Gandhi's programme from the very beginning and accordingly the programme -was practically shelved and at the Congress held at the end of the year -it was resolved to suspend all the activities of the Congress on which -stress was much laid. The programme of the volunteer organisation -throughout the country was to be carried out on a more extensive scale -and the laws of the country were to be defied by disobeying the -notifications issued by Government. The Congress also recommended civil -disobedience as the only civilised and effective substitute for an armed -rebellion and recommended individual disobedience as well as mass civil -disobedience when the mass of the people have been sufficiently trained -in the practice of non-violence. And the activities of the Congress were -to be suspended for that purpose (App. XX). "Offensive civil -disobedience herein recommended is thus defined. _Offensive civil -disobedience means deliberate and wilful breach of State made non-moral -laws--that is, laws the breach of which does not involve moral -turpitude--not for the purpose of securing the repeal of, or relief from -hardships arising from obedience to such laws, but for the purpose of -diminishing the authority of, or overthrowing, the State."_ - -What took place at the Congress itself was remarkable. The President of -the Moslem League, Moulana Hajrat Mohini, who was also a member of the -National Congress, proposed his resolution for complete independence. He -is reported to have said that although last year they have been promised -Swaraj, the redress of the Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs within a year, -they had so far achieved nothing (App. XVIII for his view). Mr. Gandhi -denied that there was any limitation of one year when the creed was -accepted in Nagpur and Calcutta. The special representative of the -Congress organ, the _Bombay Chronicle_ says: "The feeling in general -appear to be in favour of Moulana Hajrat Mohini's resolution" though it -was not carried on account of the passionate appeal of Mahatma Gandhi -against it. It is instructive to read the resolutions (Appendix XX) that -were then passed. Thus Swaraj was to come on September 1-1921, October -31-1921, December 13-1921. At the Congress in December, 1921, Mr. Gandhi -gave up fixing any date for the attainment of Swaraj. - -The resolution passed in September, 1920, was seditious. The resolution -passed in December, 1921, is openly revolutionary, and in fact Gandhi -made no secret of it. He says: "Lord Reading must clearly understand -that the non-co-operators are at war with the Government. They have -declared rebellion against it in as much as it has committed a breach of -faith with the Mussalmans. It has humiliated the Punjab and insists upon -imposing its will upon the people and refuses to repair the breach and -repent for the wrong done in the Punjab" (_Young India_). Mr. Gandhi -also said: "The Government want to goad us into violence or abject -surrender. We must do neither. We must retort by such civil disobedience -as would compel shooting." The volunteer organizations were pledged to -act accordingly. Yet when the Government notified those illegal -associations and punished those who defied them, the rebels indignantly -remonstrate against what they call coercion and interference with the -liberty of person and security of property. They want to be in the -limelight to evoke the admiration of America and Europe for their -patriotism in rebelling against a Satanic Government. But they are -wanting in the redeeming features of these rebels elsewhere--their -contempt of danger and death. That is left here to the ignorant -masses--the dupes of these men who seek to protect themselves from -danger by their doctrine of non-violence. - - - - -NON-VIOLENT NON-CO-OPERATION - - -How on earth is it possible to imagine that all activities would be -non-violent when those who are carrying them on proclaim themselves -rebels against constitutional authority and are bent upon destroying it; -when they say that they must commit civil disobedience of a character -that would compel the officials to shoot them! when we know that one -large section of it, the Mahomedans, follow a militant religion which -not only sanctions but requires them to use force to vindicate what they -consider to be their religious law. When we consider further the nature -of the activities of those who carry on the Non-co-operation movement -there can be still less room to doubt that riots ending in bloodshed are -bound to follow. In order to carry out the Non-co-operation campaign -India is divided into various Congress provinces. Congress committees -are formed consisting of members who are also pledged to carry out the -Congress principles: there are also volunteer organizations formed. The -function of these bodies is to impress upon the people of the country -the enormity of Government's crime with reference to the Punjab and the -Khilafat and the consequent necessity of Home Rule or Swaraj. For -attaining such Swaraj they advocate progressive non-co-operation by -"peaceful" methods. Such methods consist of various steps which are -described in the speech of Mr. Macpherson, extracted below. Starting, -perhaps, peacefully they soon exhibit a tendency to violence and when -Mahomedan sentiments are involved, when appeals are made to Mahomedan -religious feelings, that tendency becomes almost irresistible in their -case. Opposition to constituted authority inflames them into violence -and instead of submitting to violence at the hands of authorities -according to the dictates of Gandhi--a counsel of perfection--they -retort--and murder is the result. The process is so well put by Mr. -Macpherson in the Behar Legislative Council that I take the liberty of -quoting the following extract from his speech:-- - - "It is necessary to consider what is the essence of the - non-co-operation movement, what are its ultimate objects and what are - its methods. From the moment Mr. Gandhi first unfolded his plan of - campaign--that was, I think, at a Benares or Allahabad Conference in - 1920--there has never been any doubt in my mind that the objects of the - movement were entirely unconstitutional, that its methods were illegal - and that its prosecution to the bitter end is bound to result in - violence, disorder and anarchy, however much non-violence may be - proclaimed as the watchword of its leaders. The movement cannot be - judged by its earlier and comparatively innocuous stages, as if these - stood by themselves. I refer to the resignation of titles, the boycott - of Government schools and colleges, the abandonment of their profession - by legal practitioners and other such manifestations of - non-co-operation, although all these items in the programme have done - an infinite amount of harm, especially to the youth of the country, and - even these earlier stages have been marked by repeated outbursts of - violence, by a concerted system of intimidation and social boycott, and - by the excitement of racial hatred which has had deplorable results in - individual cases. No, the plan of campaign must be taken as a whole, - and judged by its closing stages, the enforcement of civil disobedience - towards the laws of the country, interference with the police and the - judicial administration, the invasion of police stations, picketing of - Courts, the seduction of the troops from their allegiance, and the - refusal to pay taxes or rent or revenue. The movement must indeed be - judged by its ultimate object, which is the paralysis and subversion of - the existing Government and by its inevitable result, general disorder - and bloodshed and widespread misery amongst all classes and - communities. If pursued to the bitter end, it will assuredly have this - result, whether it succeeds or fails, and should it (which God forbid) - succeed, the end can only be a state of chaos which will make India the - prey of the violent tribes that dwell around her borders or the hungry - hordes of Central Asia who, in the course of history, have more than - once invaded India. _The object of the movement being what it is, the - overthrow of the existing Government in India, what is the use of - telling us that either its leaders or its followers have signed a - pledge of non-violence? The pledge is a farce, it has already been - broken a hundred times over, and the longer the movement continues and - the further it advances, the more it will be broken._" - -That this has been the case is illustrated by almost all the riots which -have taken place. Malabar stands first in its unenviable notoriety. -There the Congress committees were formed; the Khilafat committees also -were formed; Gandhi and Shaukat Ali visited Malabar, preached their -sermons and the usual result followed. With Mahomedans Swaraj was only -their secondary aim, their principal object being the redress of the -Khalif's wrongs and the establishment of a Khilafat kingdom in the -country. When, therefore, the British Government interfered with the -activities of some of the Khilafat leaders the Mohomedan population as a -whole rose in rebellion and invited the Hindus to join them. The Hindus -as a body remained loyal; and the results were disastrous both to the -Mahomedans and to the Hindus, more than two thousand Mahomedans killed -by troops according to official estimates, thousands more in other ways; -far larger numbers wounded; the number of Hindus butchered in -circumstances of barbarity, flayed alive, made to dig their own graves -before slaughter, running into thousands; women and purdah women too, -raped, not in a fit of passion but systematically for months passed from -hand to hand and with calculated revolting and horrible cruelty for -which I have not been able to find a parallel in history. Thousands were -forcibly converted. All this done in the name of, and to enforce, the -Khilafat movement: all this due directly to the visit of Gandhi and -Shaukat Ali and to the organization of Khilafat associations. They -carried on their activities openly without any obstruction by the -authorities; the Government of Madras was prevented from interfering -with Khilafat agitators by the Government of India who are therefore as -responsible as if they had directly ordered all this frightfulness. - -I take the United Provinces next and will refer not only to the -activities of the volunteers but to the entire situation as it developed -itself from the commencement of the year 1921. That will also show the -earnest efforts which were made by the Government to co-operate with the -constitutional party to work the Reform Scheme in a sympathetic spirit. - -In welcoming the Legislative Council on the 22nd of January, 1921, Sir -Harcourt Butler drew attention to the great efforts which were being -made by Mr. Gandhi's party to achieve their objects, to their aim, to -their failure till that time to achieve any appreciable success (App. -VII). By March the situation had become worse and he narrated the -circumstances which compelled him to extend the Seditious Meetings Act -to some of the districts (App. VIII). By the end of the year the -situation became intolerable. Sir Harcourt Butler has described the -efforts of the Non-co-operators, and the success they have achieved, in -his speech on the 17th December 1921 (App. IX). - -And finally Sir Ludovic Porter, a member of the Government, described -the whole situation, including the various efforts that were being made -by the Non-co-operators on the 23rd of January 1922 (App. X). This will -explain also the nature of the associations of volunteers formed under -the Resolution of the Congress already referred to, their efforts and -their illegal character. And more recently we now hear of far more -serious disturbances in Gorakhpur where a mob of volunteers and -villagers about 2000 in number led by the former killed 21 policemen and -chowkidars (App. XII) and at Rai Bareilly where there was a serious -collision. In order to understand the _modus operandi_ I give an -official narrative of the events at Barabanki (App. XI). About Behar we -have the speech of Mr. Macpherson, a member of Council, in which he -refers to the plans of the non-co-operation party to win Swaraj, gives -the organization of the national volunteers describes how the Government -offices were to be taken possession of, civil disobedience was to be -started, gives the deplorable conditions in various districts brought -about by the non-co-operation campaign and describes the revolutionary -character of the movement in that province (App. XVI). The chief -secretary, Mr. Hammond, in his speech gives various instances of tyranny -practised by the non-co-operation volunteers, a practical speech which -proves his contention (App. XVII). In Bengal, on Nov. 20 Lord Ronaldshay -drew attention to the nature of Gandhi Swaraj and Turkish administration -(App. XIII). In Nov. 1921, he spoke about the intended boycott of the -Prince of Wales (App. XIII). In another speech he pointed out the lies -that were being spread about the bombardment of Mecca (App. XIII). In -Dec. 1921, he described the activities which led to the interference of -Government. A brief extract will be found in (App. XII). Finally, in -Feb. 1922, he made a lengthy reference to the political outlook (App. -XIII). In the Legislative Council Sir Henry Wheeler a member of -Government described the situation (App. XV). - -In the Legislative Assembly also the matter was fully discussed in Jan. -1922. Sir William Vincent summed up the situation, various instances of -their activities among which will be found a particularly revolting -statement about the corpse of a diseased person who was loyal to the -Government, and therefore obnoxious to Gandhi's party, being dug out of -the grave (App. XXIII). - -This completes my review of the situation. Considerations of space have -compelled me to exclude many speeches which would throw further light on -the situation. - -I will, therefore, content myself with giving a list of the disturbances -and riots throughout India, due to Gandhi's movement supplied to me by -the Legislative Department of the Government of India (App. XXII). - -In February 1922 Mr. Gandhi issued an ultimatum to the Government of -India that if within a certain period of time his demands formulated in -his ultimatum were not conceded he would start what is called mass civil -disobedience at Bardoli, that is to say, the people of Bardoli would be -asked to refuse to pay taxes etc. The Government of India issued a -communique in reply in which reviewing the situation they pointed out -the grave dangers that would follow such civil disobedience and gave him -a stern warning (App. XIX). - -This attitude no doubt surprised him. The Government he thought was on -the run, when they had submitted meekly to his contemptuous refusal for -a conference at Calcutta and he had apparently therefore expected them -to beg for an armistice. There was a remarkable change. He or rather the -working committee of the Congress suspended mass civil disobedience -having found a pretext in the occurrence of a riot about this time at -Gorakhpur. So far as the campaign against the Government is concerned -the following are the important resolutions:-- - - "The working Committee of the Congress resolves that mass civil - disobedience contemplated at Bardoli and elsewhere be suspended and - instructs the local Congress Committees forthwith to advise the - cultivators to pay the land revenue and other taxes due to the - Government and whose payment might have been suspended in anticipation - of mass civil disobedience and instructs them to suspend every other - preparatory activity of an offensive nature." "The suspension of mass - civil disobedience shall be continued till the atmosphere is so - non-violent as to ensure the non-repetition of popular atrocities such - as at Gorakhpur, or hooliganism such as at Bombay and Madras - respectively on the 17th November, 1921 and 13th January last. In order - to promote a peaceful atmosphere the working Committee advises till - further instruction, all Congress organisations to stop activities - specially designed to court arrest and imprisonment, save normal - Congress activities including voluntary hartals wherever an absolutely - peaceful atmosphere can be assured, and for that end all picketing - shall be stopped save for the bona fide and peaceful purpose of warning - the visitors to liquor shops against the evils of drinking. Such - picketing to be controlled by persons of known good character and - specially selected by the Congress Committee concerned." - - "The working Committee advises, till further instructions, the stoppage - of all volunteer processions and public meetings merely for the purpose - of defiance of the notification regarding such meetings. This, however, - shall not interfere with the private meetings of the Congress and other - committees or public meetings which are required for the conduct of the - normal activities of the Congress". - - The working Committee advised all Congress organisations to be engaged - in the following activities:-- - - "To enlist at least one crore of members of the Congress. The workers - should note that no one who does not pay the annual subscription can be - regarded as a qualified congressman." - - "To continue the Swaraj fund and to call upon every Congressman or - Congress-sympathiser to pay at least one hundredth part of his annual - income for the year 1921. Every province to send every month 25 per - cent of its income from the Tilak Memorial Swaraj fund to the All-India - Congress Committee." - -The above resolutions were directed to be placed before the All-India -Congress Committee for revision if necessary. They were accordingly -brought before the All-India Congress Committee whose Resolution runs -thus. - - "The All-India Congress Committee have carefully considered the - resolutions passed by the Working Committee at its meeting held at - Bardoli on the 11th and 12th instant, confirms the said resolutions - with the modifications noted herein and _further resolves that - individual civil disobedience whether of a defensive or aggressive - character, may be commenced in respect of particular places or - particular laws, at the instance of, and upon permission being granted - therefore, by the respective provincial Committee_. - - "Provided that such civil disobedience shall not be permitted unless all - the conditions laid down by the Congress or the All-India Congress - Committee or the Working Committee are strictly fulfilled. - - "Reports having been received from various quarters that picketing - regarding foreign cloth is as necessary as liquor picketing, the - All-India Congress Committee _authorises such picketing_ of a bona fide - character on the same terms as liquor picketing mentioned in the - Bardoli resolutions. - - "The All-India Congress Committee wishes it to be understood that the - resolutions of the Working Committee do not mean an abandonment of the - original Congress programme of non-co-operation or the permanent - abandonment of mass civil disobedience, but considers that an - atmosphere of necessary mass non-violence can be established by the - workers concentrating upon the constructive programme framed by the - Working committee at Bardoli. The All-India Congress Committee holds - civil _disobedience to be the right and duty of the people to be - exercised and performed whenever the State opposed the declared will of - the people_." - - - - -INDIVIDUAL CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE - - - Note.--Individual civil disobedience is disobedience of orders or laws - by a single individual or an ascertained number or group of - individuals. Therefore, a prohibited public meeting where admission is - regulated by tickets and to which no unauthorised admission is allowed, - is an instance of individual civil disobedience whereas a prohibited - meeting to which the general public is admitted without any - restriction, is an instance of mass civil disobedience. - - Such civil disobedience is defensive, when a prohibited public meeting - is held for conducting a normal activity although it may result in - arrest. It would be aggressive, if it is held, not for any activity, - but merely for the purpose of courting arrest and imprisonment. - -This shows that there is practically no change in the situation. This -may be read with the resolution of the congress 28th Dec. 1921 (App. -XX). Gandhi's agitation continues revolutionary. - -For more than thirty years the constitutional Reform party have been -fighting for various indispensable reforms in the administration of the -country with but moderate success. At last however, in 1919 they -obtained a Reform scheme which brought India directly on to the path -leading to Home Rule. In fact the Reform Act made Home Rule inevitable -within a comparatively short time, and indicated the nature of the -constitutional methods of its early attainment. Mr. Gandhi was in India -for some years before that date. He scarcely lent any assistance to the -Reform party. Considering his principles he could not. After having -obtained the Act, the Reform party proceeded to work it, to carry out -the administrative reforms needed, to educate the masses to enable them -to claim and exercise larger political powers, in order to claim at as -early a date as possible that further instalment of Reform provided for -and contemplated in the act itself. Mr. Gandhi is standing right athwart -their path, thus preventing or at least retarding and dangerously -imperilling the indispensable reforms, regardless of the sufferings of -the people entailed thereby, in order to carry out his own wild -principles which have not the slightest chance of acceptance provided -they are understood by the people of the country for what they are, -emotional speculations without any considered relation to existing -conditions. Mr. Gandhi, to take him at his best is indifferent to facts. -Facts must submit to the dictates of his theories. The only difficulty -in his way is that they don't. Will o'the wisp politics are not of use -to a people who have to live in a world which, from long and bitter -experience, has at last come to realise that dreams of distorted brains -are not the stuff of which contented Nations are made. Gandhi in fact is -seeking not only to destroy the fruits of the long endeavour of the -constitutional reformers, but blast for ever any hopes of Indian -regeneration. - -To push forward the working of the Act has been the work before the -Reform party which he is thus so perniciously thwarting. They had to -take up in the Legislative Councils the question of the redress of the -grievances under which the people suffered, not only to agitate for -their removal, but to show the people that by constitutional agitation -sooner or later they can get what they want. The most important question -with which the constitutional Reformers had to deal was one concerning -the great poverty of the country. For this it is necessary to consider -the question of the Land Tax--its nature, incidents, relation to other -taxes, its necessity, the distribution of the land produce between the -Government and the classes that own the land. This is a question in -which the landholding classes are very much interested. They would have -understood the arguments addressed to them and therefore it would have -served as a means of political and social education. The Councils have -already been dealing with it, and, considering the conditions, -satisfactorily. The Government have been meeting them in a sympathetic -spirit and are trying to give effect to their proposals as much as -possible. What is Mr. Gandhi's advice? He does not seek to co-operate to -make the tax less oppressive. He would have the people pay no land tax -to Government. Only the dreadful consequences that would ensue prevent -him in this case, from giving full effect to his intentions. In any -case, it is not the oppressive nature of the tax that he relies on, nor -is it alleged that it is an innovation of the British Government, which -of course it is not. He objects to the tax, not for itself, but because -it is another weapon with which to destroy the Government. - -A cognate question is that which arises between the landlords and -tenants. In this also all the landholding classes are deeply interested, -and a discussion of the nature of the distribution of the produce -between the landlord, farmer and agricultural labourer would have been -of great educative value. The Legislative Councils are dealing with the -question. Government in this matter also are showing the greatest -possible consideration for the feelings of the people of the country. -Yet Mr. Gandhi and his friends would not only take no part in the -deliberations of the council but would prevent an amicable settlement by -steps which have produced riots between the classes interested in the -land, with the object of discrediting the Reform Scheme and paralysing -the Government of the country. - -Closely connected with this is the question of Indian manufactures, -industries and the development of mineral resources, which, besides, -conferring other benefits, will relieve undue pressure on the land. Our -industries have been destroyed by English competition and constitutional -reformers are determined to take all the steps necessary to enter into -healthy competition with English industries in Indian interests and to -develop their own mineral and other resources. In so doing they have to -take care that the conditions which accompanied the rise of industrial -prosperity in the West are not reproduced in India. They have to see -that wage earners received adequate protection. What are the tactics of -Mr. Gandhi and his friends? All these industries are to him the -devil's-own agency to destroy the soul. He says they cannot add an inch -to India's moral stature. Starvation due to the absence of industries -may destroy the body and certainly hinders the development of the soul. -But to him this does not matter. He and his followers would taboo -machinery, without which competition or development is hopeless. Without -attempting to promote an amicable settlement between English capitalists -and Indian labourers they have on the contrary been responsible for a -deliberate widening of the chasm between the races. - -The administration of justice is another matter in which all are -interested; and already the Legislative Councils are dealing with the -question of the separation of Judicial and Executive functions. The -Government again are not only not standing in their way but are -rendering every assistance towards the solution of the problem. This is -also the case with reference to the removal of discriminations between -Europeans and Indians in the administration of justice. The people of -the country understand this question well as they are deeply interested -in it. Mr. Gandhi is asking the people of the country to avoid all -courts and thus not to interest themselves in the improvement of -judicial administration. - -I might take many other questions relating to finances, army, etc., and -show the baneful influence of his propaganda. In all these Mr. Gandhi's -campaign against Government has hampered the reformers who would -otherwise have made the redress of these grievances a more effective -plank in their platform; these questions would have been more widely -discussed throughout the country. But such discussion is now almost -impossible with the result that these questions are not settled as -satisfactorily as they might otherwise be. But it is as regards -education that the reformers have most felt the want of that popular -support necessary to carry out the reforms needed. - -Mr. Gandhi will never be forgiven by all true lovers of sound National -Education for India for the campaign he has carried on against real -education. The education that has been hitherto imparted had been as -everybody, including Mr. Gandhi also recognised, lamentably defective. -The reformers had to insist on the imparting of suitable primary -education to the masses, to the workers, to the labouring men and -others, to enable them to improve their condition, because no class can -generally rise except under the ultimate stress of its own will and -ability. They had to demand suitable higher education, which was -required not only in the interests of the culture but also for the -industrial regeneration of the country and for the development of -India's natural resources. In the laboratories of Europe, America and -Japan students are devoting themselves to discover means for the -alleviation of misery and pain. Nay, higher claims are advanced, for it -has been declared by scientists that we are on the eve of discovery of -means for a practically indefinite prolongation of life under certain -conditions which make us intensely expectant to know whether they are -the same as described in our ancient books as efficacious for that -purpose, descriptions which have hitherto been contemptuously discarded -as worthless. Archaeologists are almost every day unveiling to us -ancient remains and writings which give us a different and a startling -conception of ancient History and Civilisation. Indian History is being -rewritten. When we hear of the Marconi wireless, our young men turn to -our own ancient descriptions of the training of human body and mind -which make these fit to receive and convey messages regardless of space -and distance and they show eagerness to take part in experiment and -research. When we find rays penetrating solid matter, our young -scientists wonder whether after all the stories of great seers whose -vision, not of the material eye, is not bounded by time or space or -distance, may not be true and wonder whether we should not now take up -the training prescribed to attain those results. Researches are made in -the laboratories to control the forces of nature, to increase human -comforts and happiness, to increase productivity in all directions. -Researches have already attained brilliant results. The lessons of the -survey of the regions above by the telescope, of all below by the -microscope, and generally speaking all these marvels of science which -lend fresh light and new significance to the lesson of ancients as to -the all pervading of the universe are all anathema to Mr. Gandhi. - -He wants to hold back our boys from the Universities and post-graduate -studies and research that they may go back to their ploughs while the -Universities of the Western world are sending their delegates all over -the world to take stock of what has been done and to devise means for -the intellectual and moral uplift of the Nations. - -The constitutional reformers and the Councils have the great task before -them of reconciling the Hindus and Mahomedans on a basis for their unity -other than the one which arose out of the Mahomedan fury against the -British Government for its failure to support Mahomedan interests in the -West. They have also to promote goodwill between the Hindus and the -Mahomedans on the one side and the Europeans on the other, both in India -and in the colonies. They have to face the rising antagonism between the -dark, the fair and the white--an antagonism which threatens in course of -time to engulf the whites with all that modern civilisation, whatever be -its faults, is standing for. The Reform party want India to take her -rightful place in the Indo-British commonwealth, the first place, in -fact, to which her natural genius and her resources entitle her, with -all its responsibilities. The conditions are all favourable to India. -Governorships of Provinces are thrown open to Indians. There are Indians -in the Viceroy's and other Councils. But Mr. Gandhi and his friends will -not only do practically nothing in that direction but they have created -what threatens to be a permanent gulf between the Mahomedans and -non-Mahomedans, and they are dangerously widening the gulf between the -Indians and Europeans. The reformers have to improve the conditions of -women both amongst the Mahomedans and the Hindus, as without such -improvement India is not entitled to take her place among civilised -nations. They have practically to get rid of the caste system as with -such a cancer political progress is impossible. Mr. Gandhi, on the other -hand, panders to Mahomedan vanity and justifies the racial differences -as between different classes of Hindus. He insists upon the necessity of -our going back to our own caste system, which is responsible for the -condition of our women and of the lower classes. He has given a handle -to those who want to maintain the repressive laws, and is really -responsible for the retention of them. He has not only thrown doubts as -to our fitness for Self-Government but has rendered it possible for our -opponents to urge with plausibility that danger would accrue to the -Empire and to India itself by granting Home Rule to India. He has thus -to the best of his sinister ability attempted to prevent all reforms and -has tried to paralyse all the efforts of the reformers in every -direction, fomenting racial and class differences, as I have already -explained. - -Everywhere we see a class of narrow thought in the white world raising -the colour sentiment against the Asiatics, and against Indians in -particular, proclaiming that there is no place for Indians in British -Empire on terms of equality. These are not the intellectual leaders of -the white races, nor are they those who set the best standards of -morality. On the other hand, we see the noblest of them proclaiming and -striving with all their might, with varying degrees of success, to -enforce the opposite ideal. We know also that in India the question is -only one of time and within a short period absolute equality in every -respect will be carried out. We see further that our countrymen -elsewhere are weak and comparatively helpless, and till we in India -attain our manhood they must continue at the mercy of the white races. -What is it, then, that not only Religion, Universal morality, or good, -but also policy and prudence, dictate? There can be only one answer. We -must strengthen the hands of those who are fighting for race equality -and give no opportunity to those who maintain that the Indians are a -peril to the white race. What is Mr. Gandhi doing? He is doing -everything possible to increase racial and class hatred. - -We see the wonderful phenomenon of Australian ladies begging pardon for -the atrocious treatment of their Indian sisters by a few Englishmen in -Fiji and elsewhere. We see the Universities and Professors, ashamed of -themselves for their aberration during the great War, hastening to make -amends by trying to bring together all classes and races of men. We see -white women trying to band themselves and other women of whatever colour -and creed into one sisterhood, without any difference, to throw -themselves into all social and political movements for sex -enfranchisement and uplift; to work for the good not only of themselves -but of children in particular, and generally to devote themselves to all -activities of mercy. We find various Nations calling to one another -across seas, deserts and mountains to join in a common fellowship, not -to work in opposition to one another. Every where, after the fearful -cataclysm through which we have passed, there is wistful yearning for -fellowship and brother-hood to carry out in practice the teachings of -the ancient prophets and seers, Buddha, Confucius, Zoroaster, the seers -of the Upanishads, Christ, Mahomed, in opposition to the Churches and -the dogmatic religions identified with their names. And is it not -extraordinary, we see this man, uninfluenced by this tremendous -intellectual and moral up-heaval, waging a bloody and racial struggle -for what? that if successful Indians may not take part in any of these -movements, shun them all, since God has not created man with his limited -means of natural locomotion to labour for general good, and may -therefore, retire to their village to lead a solitary life. - -If he had followed this advice for himself, or had retired to the -Himalayas to live a mahatmaic life he would have saved the lives -literally of thousands, prevented horrible outrages worse than death, -saved thousands from incalculable misery. Instead of paying the penalty -themselves, he and his lieutenants stalk about the country dripping with -the blood of the victims of their policy. - -Who is responsible for all this? The Government of India cannot divest -themselves of their responsibility and India will hold the Indian -members primarily responsible for the present situation. For no Viceroy -will venture to disregard their advice in a matter of this sort. They do -not seem to have strengthened the fibre of the Government. Nor have the -Legislative Councils who also must share the responsibility advanced the -claim for the transfer of the administration of justice to popular -control. The Gandhi movement will no doubt collapse by internal -disruption as it is composed of various elements, drawn from Tolstoy -Lenin communism, socialism, Rigid Brahmanism, militant Mahomedanism -mutually repellent and explosive when they come into contact with one -another and already producing the natural terrible results. But before -the final collapse comes it will have produced appalling misery and -bloodshed unless it is dealt with firmly and with statesmanship. The -Government should give Mr. Gandhi and some of his chief lieutenants who -accept the whole programme the rest, they sadly need. And the Congress -and the Khilafat associations must be treated as they themselves wish to -be treated as disloyal illegal associations. - -Since the above lines were written Mr. Gandhi has been arrested, tried -and convicted. He pleaded guilty to the charges framed against him. His -statements are worthy of careful attention (App. XXI). He said "I wish -to endorse all the blame that the learned Advocate-General has thrown on -my shoulders in connection with the Bombay occurrences, Madras -occurrences and the Chauri Chaura occurrences. Thinking over these -deeply and sleeping over them night after night, it is impossible for me -to dissociate myself from the diabolical crimes of Chauri Chaura or the -mad outrages of Bombay." He is quite right when he says, that "as a man -of responsibility, a man having received a fair share of education, -having had fair share of experience of this world, I should have known -the consequences of every one of my acts. _I knew that I was playing -with fire. I ran the risk and if I was set free I would still do the -same._ I have felt it this morning that I would have failed in my duty, -if I did not say what I said here just now." A man who says that if set -free he would still pursue the same course though aware of the -consequences of his acts is not a safe leader. There are signs however -of a general recognition throughout the country that Mr. Gandhi's -theories are no longer suitable as a guide for political action. The -Maharashtra party have apparently resolved to seek admission into the -Legislative councils. The Central Provinces are also apparently of the -same opinion. A large section of Bengal represented by the Chitagong -conference apparently hold the same view. In Madras a considerable -section is inclined to agree. But there is little doubt that it would -take a long time to eradicate the feeling of hatred that has been roused -by Mr. Gandhi throughout the country. - -As I left the Government of India long before the campaign of -non-co-operation was launched, perhaps there is nothing inappropriate in -the few observations which I propose to make regarding the delay in -taking action against Mr. Gandhi and his followers. In September 1920 -the Congress adopted the non-co-operation resolution. The Government -might then have taken action with the support of a large majority of -Indian politicians. After the final adoption of a non-co-operation -programme by the Nagpur Congress it was felt that the Government should -have stopped the activities of the party which from that moment had -openly declared their disloyalty. They maintained their silence however -even after Gandhi and the Congress party resolved on the recruitment of -volunteers and the organisation of a parallel Government. On the arrest -and trial of the Ali Brothers Mr. Gandhi challenged the Government to -arrest him as he maintained that the conduct of the Ali Brothers in -tampering with the loyalty of the Sepoys and uttering sedition was only -in pursuance of the policy adopted by himself and the congress. His -words are remarkable. "The National Congress began to tamper with the -loyalty of the sepoys in September last year, _i.e._ 1920 the Central -Khilafat Committee began it earlier and I began it earlier still, for I -must be permitted to take the credit or the odium of suggesting, that -India had a right openly to tell the sepoy and everyone who served the -Government in any capacity whatsoever that he participated in the wrongs -done by the Government."--"Every non-co-operator is pledged to preach -disaffection towards the Government established by law. -Non-co-operation, though, a religious and strictly moral movement, -deliberately aims at the overthrow of the Government, and is therefore -legally seditious in terms of the Indian Penal Code. But this is no new -discovery. Lord Chelmsford knew it. Lord Reading knows it" ... "we must -reiterate from a thousand platforms the formula of the Ali Brothers -regarding the sepoys, and we must spread disaffection openly and -systematically till it pleases the Government to arrest us." It will -hardly be believed that even after this no steps were taken against him. -Towards the end of the year he said "Lord Reading must clearly -understand that the non-co-operators are at war with the Government. -They have declared rebellion against it." It was after this that there -was an attempt to bring about a conference between him and the -Government which was contemptuously brushed aside by him. One of the -mopla leaders when tried for rebellion pleaded that he was under the -impression that the British Government no longer ruled the country and -had abdicated. There is very little doubt of the unfortunate fact that -there was a general belief that the Government was powerless and could -be safely defied by Gandhi and his congress. - - - - -APPENDIX I - -VICEROY'S SPEECH. - - -"A few Europeans and many Hindus, have been murdered, communications -have been obstructed, Government offices burnt and looted and records -have been destroyed, Hindu temples sacked, houses of Europeans and -Hindus burnt, according to reports Hindus were forcibly converted to -Islam and one of the most fertile tracts of South India is faced with -certain famine. The result has been the temporary collapse of the Civil -Government, the offices and Courts have ceased to function and ordinary -business has been brought to a standstill. European and Hindu refugees -of all classes are concentrated at Calicut and it is satisfactory to -note that they are safe there. One trembles to think of the consequences -if the forces of order had not prevailed for the protection of Calicut. -The non Muslim in these parts was fortunate indeed that either he or his -family or his house or property came under the protection of the -soldiers and the police. Those who are responsible for causing this -grave outbreak of violence and crime must be brought to justice and made -to suffer the punishment of the guilty. - - -Effect of violent preaching - -"But apart from direct responsibility, can it be doubted that when poor -unfortunate and deluded people are led to believe that they should -disregard the law and defy authority, violence and crime must follow? -This outbreak is but another instance on a much more serious scale and -among a more turbulent and fanatical people, of the conditions that have -manifested themselves at times in various parts of the country and, -gentlemen, I ask myself and you and the country generally what else can -be the result from instilling such doctrines into the minds of the -masses of the people? How can there be peace and tranquility when -ignorant people, who have no means of testing the truth of the -inflamatory and too often deliberately false statements made to them, -are thus misled by those whose design is to provoke violence and -disorder. Passions are thus easily excited to unreasoning fury. - - -The Leader of the Movement - -"Although, I freely acknowledge that the leader of the movement to -paralyse authority, persistently, and, as I believe, in all earnestness -and sincerity, preaches the doctrine of non-violence and has even -reproved his followers for resorting to it, yet again and again it has -been showed that his doctrine is completely forgotten and his -exhortations absolutely disregarded when passions are excited as must -inevitably be the consequence among emotional people. - - -Its inevitable result - -"To those who are responsible for the peace and good government of this -great Empire and I trust that to all men of sanity and common sense in -all classes of society, it must be clear that the defiance of the -Government and constituted authority can only result in widespread -disorder, in political chaos, in anarchy and in ruin." - - - - -APPENDIX II - -DIABOLICAL ATROCITIES. - - -Calicut, Sept. 7--In my first article I dealt with the prime causes of -the present outbreak, the dangerous game played by the leaders of the -Khilafat and Non-Co-operation movements in Malabar which set the whole -of Ernad and Walluvanad ablaze, and the extent of plunders, murders and -forcible conversions committed by the Mopla rebels. In this article I -intend to confine myself to the nature of the atrocities committed by -them and other details. - -The experiences I am about to relate will satisfy every Hindu endowed -with ordinary common sense that the Moplas resorted to most repugnant -fanaticism, which may be ascribed to nothing but selfishness, love of -money and love of power, which are the prominent features of the present -outbreak. Refugees narrate that, after forcibly removing young and fair -Nair and other high caste girls from their parents and husbands, the -Mopla rebels stripped them of their clothing and made them march in -their presence naked, and finally they committed rape upon them. In -certain instances, devoid of human feelings and blinded by animal -passion, the Moplas are alleged to have utilised a single woman for the -gratification of the carnal pleasures of a dozen or more men. The rebels -also seem to have captured beautiful Hindu women, forcibly converted -them, pierced holes in their ears in the typical Mopla fashion, dressed -them as Mopla women and utilised them as their temporary partners in -life. Hindu women were threatened, molested and compelled to run -half-naked for shelter to forests abounding in wild animals. Respectable -Hindu gentlemen were forcibly converted and the circumcision ceremony -performed with the help of certain Musaliars and Thangals. Hindu houses -were looted and set fire to, will not all these atrocities remain as a -shameful image of the Hindu Muslim "unity", of which we have heard much -from the Non-Co-operation Party and Khilafat-wallahs? The ghastly -spectacle of a number of Hindu damsels being forced to march naked in -the midst of a number of licentious Moplas cannot be forgotten by any -self respecting Hindu, nor can it be erased from their minds. On the -other hand, I have never heard of the modesty of a Mopla woman being -outraged by a Mopla rebel. "_Times of India._" - - - - -APPENDIX III - -MALABAR'S AGONY. - - -By Annie Besant - -It would be well if Mr. Gandhi could be taken into Malabar to see with -his own eyes the ghastly horrors which have been created by the -preaching of himself and his "loved brothers," Muhommad and Shaukat Ali. -The Khilafat Raj is established there; on August 1, 1921, sharp to the -date first announced by Mr. Gandhi for the beginning of Swaraj and the -vanishing of British Rule, a Police Inspector was surrounded by Moplas, -revolting against that Rule. From that date onwards thousands of the -forbidden war-knives ware secretly made and hidden away, and on August -20, the rebellion broke out, Khilafat flags were hoisted on Police -Stations and Government offices. Strangely enough it was on August 25th -825 A.D. that Cherman Perumal ascended the throne of Malabar, the first -Zamorin, and from that day the Malayalam Era is dated that is still in -use; thus for 1096 years a Zamorin has ruled in Calicut, and the Rajas -are mostly Chiefs who for long centuries have looked to a Zamorin as -their feudatory Head. These are the men on whom the true pacification of -Malabar must ultimately depend. The crowded refugees will only return to -their devastated homes when they see those once more in safety in their -ancestral places. Their lands, which they keep under their own control, -are largely cultivated by Moplas, who are normally hardy, industrious -agricultural labourers. - -Our correspondent has sent accounts of the public functions connected -with my hurried visit to Calicut and Palghat, and that which I wish to -put on record here is the ghastly misery which prevails, the -heart-breaking wretchedness which has been caused by the Mopla outbreak, -directly due to the violent and unscrupulous attacks on the Government -made by the Non-Co-operators and the Khilafatists and the statements -scattered broadcast, predicting the speedy disappearance of British -Rule, and the establishment of Swaraj, as proclaimed by the N.C.O. and -Khilafat Raj as understood by the Moplas from the declarations of the -Khilafatists. On that, there is no doubt whatever, so far as Malabar is -concerned. The message of the Khilafats, of England as the enemy of -Islam, of her coming downfall, and the triumph of the Muslims, had -spread, to every Mopla home. The harangues in the Mosques spread it -everywhere, and Muslim hearts were glad. They saw the N.C.O. preachers -appealing for help to their religious leaders, naturally identified the -two. The Government was Satanic, and Eblis, to the good Muslim, is to be -fought to the death. Mr. Gandhi may talk as he pleases about N.C.O.s -accepting no responsibility. It is not what they accept; it is what -facts demonstrate. He accepted responsibility for the trifling bloodshed -of Bombay. The slaughter in Malabar cries out his responsibility. N.C.O. -is dead in Malabar. But bitter hatred has arisen there, as fighting men -from the dragon's teeth of Theseus. That is the ghastly result of the -preaching of Gandhism, of N.C.O. of Khilafatism. Every one speaks of the -Khilafat Raj, and the one hope of the masses is in its crushing by the -strong arm of the Government. Mr. Gandhi asks the Moderates to compel -the Government to suspend hostilities, _i.e._, to let loose the wolves -to destroy what lives are left. The sympathy of the Moderates is not, I -make bold to say, with the murderers, the looters, the ravishers, who -have put into practice the teachings of paralysing the Government of the -N.C.O.'s, who have made "war on the Government" in their own way. How -does Mr. Gandhi like the Mopla spirit, as shown by one of the prisoners -in the Hospital, who was dying from the results of asphyxiation? He -asked the surgeon, if he was going to die, and surgeon answered that he -feared he would not recover. "Well, I'm glad I killed fourteen -infidels," said the Brave, God-fearing Mopla, whom Mr. Gandhi so much -admires, who "are fighting for what they consider as religion, and in a -manner they consider as religious." Men who consider it "religious" to -murder, rape, loot, to kill women and little children, cutting down -whole families, have to be put under restraint in any civilised society. - -Mr. Gandhi was shocked when some Parsi ladies had their saries torn off, -and very properly, yet the God-fearing hooligans had been taught that it -was sinful to wear foreign cloth, and doubtless felt they were doing a -religious act; can he not feel a little sympathy for thousands of women -left with only rags, driven from home, for little children born of the -flying mothers on roads in refuge camps? The misery is beyond -description. Girl wives, pretty and sweet, with eyes half blind with -weeping, distraught with terror; women who have seen their husbands -hacked to pieces before their eye, in the way "Moplas consider as -religious"; old women tottering, whose faces become written with anguish -and who cry at a gentle touch and a kind look waking out of a stupor of -misery only to weep, men who have lost all, hopeless, crushed, -desperate, I have walked among thousands of them in the refugee camps, -and some times heavy eyes would lift as a cloth was laid gently on the -bare shoulder, and a faint watery smile of surprise would make the face -even more piteous than the stupor. Eyes full of appeal, of agonised -despair, of hopeless entreaty of helpless anguish, thousands of them -camp after camp, "Shameful inhumanity proceeding in Malabar," says Mr. -Gandhi. Shameful inhumanity indeed, wrought by the Moplas, and these are -the victims, saved from extermination by British and Indian swords, For -be it remembered the Moplas began the whole horrible business; the -Government intervened to save their victims and these thousands have -been saved. Mr. Gandhi would have hostilities suspended--so that the -Moplas may sweep down on the refugee camps, and finish their work? - -I visited in Calicut three huge Committee camps, two Christian, and the -Congress building and compound where doles of rice are given daily from -7 A.M. to noon. In all, the arrangements were good. Big thatched sheds, -and some buildings shelter the women and children, the men sleep -outside. They are all managed by Indians, the Zamorini's Committee -distributing cloths and money to all, except the Congress committee, -which work independently and gives food from its own resource. At -Palghat, similar arrangements are made by the Zamorini's Committee, and -the order and care in feeding are good to see. - -Let me finish with a beautiful story told to me. Two Pulayas, the lowest -of the submerged classes, were captured with others, and given the -choice between Islam and Death. These, the outcaste of Hinduism, the -untouchables, so loved the Hinduism which had been so unkind a -step-mother to them, that they chose to die Hindus rather than to live -Muslim. May the God of both, Muslim and Hindus send His messengers to -these heroic souls, and give them rebirth into the Faith for which they -died. _New India, 29 November 1921._ - - * * * * * - -Wilful murders of Hindus and arson were first begun in my own place by -Chembrasseri Thangal and his Lieutenant, another Thangal. You might have -read accounts written by me in the Malabar journal which was sent to you -last time. This contagion began to spread like wild fire and we began to -hear of murders daily. Within a fortnight cold-blooded murders of Hindus -became very common. From within the borders of Calicut and Ernad taluks -refugees come in large numbers with tales of murders and atrocities -committed by the rebels. At Puthur Amson in Ernad only 12 miles -northeast of Calicut--One day in broad daylight twenty-five persons who -refused to embrace Islam were butchered and put into a well. One out of -these who narrowly escaped death got out of the well when the rebels -left the place and ran to Calicut for life. He is now in the hospital. -So the accounts must be true as he himself was one of the victims. - -During the last week news of numerous murders and forcible conversions -came from another quarter also, Mannur near Aniyallur and Kadalundi -railway station in Ernad taluk. This place also is only 14 miles away -from Calicut. Every train to Calicut was carrying with it daily hundreds -of refugees during the last week. If there were ten thousand refugees -fed by the Relief Committee last week, it must have fed fifteen thousand -this week. According to the statements given by them there must be at -least fifty murders and numerous cases of conversions and house-burning. -Can you conceive of a more ghastly and inhuman crime than the murders of -babies and pregnant women? Two days back I had occasion to read a report -given by a refugee in Calicut. A pregnant woman carrying 7 months was -cut through the abdomen by a rebel and she was seen lying dead on the -way with the dead child projecting out of the womb. How horrible! -Another: a baby of six months was snatched away from the breast of his -own mother and cut into two pieces. How heart-rending! Are these rebels -human beings or monsters? From the same quarters numerous forcible -conversions are also reported. One refugee has given statement that he -had seen with his own eyes that the heads of a dozen people were being -shaved by the rebels and afterwards they were asked to recite some -passages from the _Quran_. This he witnessed from a tree. I wonder what -is the authority of some people who contradict the news of murders, and -forcible conversions of Hindus. Let them come here and test the veracity -of these statements for themselves. - -'Yesterday another report of murders came from a place very near -Kottakal. The report says that eleven Hindus (males and females), were -murdered by the rebels. - -'A fortnight ago fifteen dead bodies of Hindus were seen under culvert -on the road between Perinialmanna and Melatur.' - -Will you not be sick of these stories of murders? All these reports -are, as far as possible, proved also to be correct. - -Words fail to express my feelings of indignation and abhorrence which I -experienced when I came to know of an instance of rape, committed by the -rebels under Chembrasseri Thangal. A respectable Nayar Lady at Melatur -was stripped naked by the rebels in the presence of her husband and -brothers, who were made to stand close by with their hands tied behind. -When they shut their eyes in abhorrence they were compelled at the point -of sword to open their eyes and witness the rape committed by the brute -in their presence. I loathe even to write of such a mean action. I thank -God that my family and relatives reached safe at Calicut without being -dishonoured by these brutes, though we sustained serious loss of -property and the loss of four lives (two servants and two -relatives,--More afterwards). This instance of rape was communicated to -me by one of her brothers confidentially. There are several instances of -such mean atrocities which are not revealed by people. _New India 6th -Dec. 1921._ - - * * * * * - -Truth is infinitely of more paramount importance than Hindu-Muslim unity -or Swaraj, and therefore, we tell the Maulana Sahib and his -co-religionists and India's revered leader Mahatma Gandhi--if he too is -unaware of the events here--that atrocities committed by the Moplahs on -the Hindus are unfortunately too true and that there is nothing in the -deeds of Moplah rebels which a true non-violent non-co-operator can -congratulate them for. What is it for which they deserve congratulation? -Their wanton and unprovoked attack on the Hindus, the all but wholesale -looting at their houses in Ernad, and parts of Valluvanad, Ponnani, and -Calicut Taliques; the forcible conversion of Hindus in a few places in -the beginning of the rebellion and the wholesale conversion of those who -stick to their homes in its later stages, the brutal murder of -inoffensive Hindus, men, women, and children in cold blood, without the -slightest reason except that they are "Kaffirs" or belong to the same -race as the Policemen, who insulted their Tangals or entered their -Mosques, the desecration and burning of Hindu Temples the outrage on -Hindu women and their forcible conversion and marriage by Moplahs; do -these and similar atrocities proved beyond the shadow of a doubt by the -statements recorded by us from the actual sufferers who have survived, -deserve any congratulation? On the other hand should they not call forth -the strongest condemnation from all right-minded men and more especially -from a representative body of Mohamedans like the Khilafat Conference -pledged to non-violence under all provocation? Did the Moplahs, who -committed such atrocities, sacrifice their lives in the cause of their -religion? - - (Sd.) +K. P. Kesahava Menon+, - Sec. Kerala Pro. Cong. Comit. - - (Sd.) +K. Madhavan Nair+, - Sec. Calicut Dis. Cong. Comit. - - (Sd.) +T. V. Mohamad+, - Sec. Ernad Khilafat Comit. - - (Sd.) +K. Karunakara Menon+, - Treas. Kerala Pro. Comit. - - (Sd.) +K. V. Gopal Menon.+ - - * * * * * - -Maulana Mohani justifies the looting of Hindus by Moplahs as lawful by -way of commandeering in a war between the latter and the Government or -as a matter of necessity when the Moplahs were forced to live in -jungles. Maulana perhaps does not know that in the majority of cases, -the almost wholesale looting of Hindu houses in portions of Ernad, -Valluvanad and Ponani Taluques was perpetrated on the 21st, 22nd, and -23rd of August before the military had arrived in the affected area to -arrest or fight the rebels even before Martial law had been declared. -The Moplahs had not betaken themselves to jungles at the time as Moulana -supposes nor had the Hindus as a class done anything to them to deserve -their hostility. The out-break commenced on the 20th of August, the -police and the District Magistrate withdrew from Tirunangadi to Calicut -on the 21st and the policemen throughout the affected area had taken to -their heels. There was no adversary to the Moplahs at the time whom the -Hindus could possibly have helped or invited, and the attack on them was -most wanton and unprovoked. - -MADHAVAN NAIR. - - - - -APPENDIX IV - -Proceedings of the conference at Calicut presided over by the Zamorin -Maharaja. - - -VI. That the conference views with indignation and sorrow the attempts -made in various quarters by interested parties to ignore or minimise the -crimes committed by the rebels such as - - _a._ Brutally dishonouring women; - - _b._ Flaying people alive; - - _c._ Wholesale slaughter of men, women and children; - - _d._ Burning alive entire families; - - _e._ Forcibly converting people in thousands and slaying those who - refused to get converted; - - _f._ Throwing half dead people into wells and leaving the victims for - hours to struggle for escape till finally released from their - sufferings by death; - - _g._ Burning a great many and looting practically all Hindu and Christian - houses in the disturbed area in which even Moplah women and children - took part, and robbing women of even the garments on their bodies, in - short reducing the whole non-muslim population to abject destitution; - - _h._ Cruelly insulting the religious sentiments of the Hindus by - desecrating and destroying numerous temples in the disturbed area, - killing cows within the temple precincts putting their entrails on the - holy image and hanging the skulls on the walls and roofs. - - - - -APPENDIX V - -Petition of Malabar Ladies to Lady Reading - - - TO - HER GRACIOUS EXCELLENCY - THE COUNTESS OF READING, - Delhi. - -The humble memorial of the bereaved and sorrow-stricken -women of Malabar. - - MAY IT PLEASE YOUR GRACIOUS AND - COMPASSIONATE LADYSHIP. - -We, the Hindu women of Malabar of varying ranks and stations in life who -have recently been overwhelmed by the tremendous catastrophe known as -the Moplah rebellion, take the liberty to supplicate your Ladyship for -sympathy and succour. - -2. Your Ladyship is doubtless aware that though our unhappy district has -witnessed many Moplah outbreaks in the course of the last one hundred -years, the present rebellion is unexampled in its magnitude as well as -unprecedented in its ferocity. But it is possible that your Ladyship is -not fully appraised of all the horrors and atrocities perpetrated by the -fiendish rebels; of the many wells and tanks filled up with the -mutilated, but often only half dead bodies of our nearest and dearest -ones who refused to abandon the faith of our fathers; of pregnant women -cut to pieces and left on the roadsides and in the jungles, with the -unborn babe protruding from the mangled corpse; of our innocent and -helpless children torn from our arms and done to death before our eyes -and of our husbands and fathers tortured, flayed and burnt alive; of our -hapless sisters forcibly carried away from the midst of kith and kin and -subjected to every shame and outrage which the vile and brutal -imagination of these inhuman hell-hounds could conceive of; of thousands -of our homesteads reduced to cinder-mounds out of sheer savagery and a -wanton spirit of destruction; of our places of worship desecrated and -destroyed and of the images of the deity shamefully insulted by putting -the entrails of slaughtered cows where flower garlands used to lie, or -else smashed to pieces; of the wholesale looting of hard earned wealth -of generations reducing many who were formerly rich and prosperous to -publicly beg for a piece or two in the streets of Calicut, to buy salt -or chilly or betel-leaf--rice being mercifully provided by the various -relief agencies. These are not fables. - -The wells full of rotting skeletons, the ruins which once were our dear -homes, the heaps of stones which once were our places of worship--these -are still here to attest to the truth. The cries of our murdered -children in their death agonies are still ringing in our ears and will -continue to haunt our memory till death brings us peace. We remember how -driven out of our native hamlets we wandered starving and naked in the -jungles and forests; we remember how we choked and stifled our babies' -cries lest the sound should betray our hiding places to our relentless -pursuers. We still vividly realise the moral and spiritual agony that -thousand of us passed through when we were forcibly converted into the -faith professed by these blood thirsty miscreants; we still have before -us the sight of the unendurable and life long misery of -those--fortunately few--of our most unhappy sisters who born and brought -up in respectable families have been forcibly converted and then married -to convict coolies. For five long months not a day has passed without -its dread tale of horror to unfold. - -3. Your gracious Ladyship's distracted memorialists have endeavoured -without exaggeration, without setting down aught in malice to convey at -least some idea of the indescribably terrible agonies which they and -thousands more of their sisters have been enduring for over five months -now through this reign of inhuman frightfulness inaugurated and carried -on in the name of the Khilafhat. We have briefly referred without going -into their harrowing details to our heartrending tale of dishonour, -outrage, rapine, and desolation. But if the past has been one of pain -and anguish, the future is full of dread and gloom. We have to return to -a ruined and desolated land. Our houses have been burnt or destroyed; -may of our breadwinners killed; all our property looted; our cattle -slaughtered. Repatriation without compensation means for us ruin, -beggary, starvation. Will not the benign Government come to our aid and -give us something to help us to begin life anew? We are now asked to -settle down as paupers in the midst of the execrable fiends who robbed, -insulted and murdered our loved ones--veritable demons such as hell -itself could not let loose. Many of us shrink from the idea of going -back to what there is left of our homes; for though the armed bands and -rebels have been dispersed the rebellion cannot be said to be entirely -quelled. It is like a venomous serpent whose spine has been partly -broken, but whose poison fangs are still intact and whose striking -power, if diminished, has not been destroyed. A few thousands of rebels -have been killed and a few more thousands have been imprisoned, but as -the Government are only too well aware many more thousands of rebels, -looters, savagely militant evangelists and other inhuman monsters yet -remain at large, a few in concealment, but most, moving about with -arrogance openly threatening reprisals on all non-moslims who dare to -return and resume possession of their property. Many refugees who went -back have paid for their temerity with their lives. In fact, -repatriation, if it is not to be a leap from the frying pan into the -fire, must mean for the vast bulk of your Ladyship's impoverished and -helpless memorialists and their families a hard inexorable problem of -financial help, and adequate protection against renewed hellish outrages -from which immunity would be utterly impossible as long as thousands of -men and even women and children of this semi-savage and fanatical race -in whom the worst instinct of earth hunger, blood-lust and rapine have -been awakened to fierce activity are free to prey upon their peaceable -and inoffensive neighbours who--let it be most respectfully -emphasised--because of their implicit trust in the power and the will of -a just and benign Government to protect them, had suffered their own art -and capacity for selfdefence to emasculate and decay. - -4. We, Your Ladyship's humble and sorrow-stricken memorialists do not -seek vengeance. Our misery will not be rendered less by inflicting -similar misery upon this barbarous and savage race; our dead will not -return to us if their slayers are slaughtered. We would not be human, -however, if we could ever forget the cruel and shameful outrages and -indignities perpetrated upon us by a race to whom we have always -endeavoured to be friendly and neighbourly; we would be hypocritical if, -robbed of all our possessions we did not plead for some measure of -compensation to help us out of the pauperism now forced upon us; we -would be imbecile, if knowing the ungovernable, anti-social propensities -and the deadly religious fanaticism of the moplah race we did not -entreat the just and powerful government to protect the lives and honour -of your humble sisters who have to live in the rebel-ravaged zone. Our -ambition after all is low enough; sufficient compensation to save us and -our children from starvation, and enough military protection against -massacre and outrage are all that we want. We beseech Your Compassionate -Ladyship to exercise all the benevolent influence that you possess with -the government to see that our humble prayers are granted. But if the -benign Government does not consider it possible to compensate us and to -protect us in our native land we would most fervently pray that free -grants of land may be assigned to us in some neighbouring region which -though less blessed with the lavish gifts of nature may also be less -cursed by the cruelty and brutality of man. - - We beg to remain, - Your Ladyship's most humble - and obedient servants, - - - - -APPENDIX VI - -ON NON-CO-OPERATION - -BY M. R. JAYAKAR - -[We take the following extracts from the Presidential address of Mr. M. -R. Jayakar at the Third Thana District Conference. Mr. Jayakar is a -well-known Non-Co-operator who believes in the "principles and policy" -of the movement and who joined the movement because he realised that -"Our quarrel with the bureaucracy was far more substantial than our -differences with the Congress Programme."] - - -The Failure of the Programme - -The principles and the policy of the movement (N.C.O.) are substantially -sound and have achieved unexpected success. But, with every month that -has passed, the need has been felt in many quarters of revising and -adjusting the programme in the light of previous experience. When -dispassionately judged by such experience it will be found that some -details of the congress programme have not achieved the desired success; -on the contrary, they have formed weak links in the main. When these -items were undertaken they evoked a large volume of adverse criticism in -the ranks of Congress workers. Many of them have, no doubt, subordinated -their differences, out of loyalty to the main cause, and quite a large -number, out of their esteem and regard for the personality of the -selfless and saintly promoter of the movement. But, notwithstanding this -admirable display of loyalty among Congress men, the fact remains and -has to be reckoned with, that many items have proved unsuccessful and -perhaps act, in consequence as a clog on the movement. The soreness, -which some of these details have caused, still remains and is operating -to undivide some from others and makes them lukewarm or unwilling to -throw their whole heart into this movement. If these co-workers of ours -could be placated by a revision of the Congress programme, so that most -of the earnest-minded workers for cause could substantially agree to its -adoption, it would be a great advantage. And herein perhaps, lay the -chief merit of the amendment moved by Mr. B. C. Pal, which was rejected -by the majority at Calcutta. Taken at its highest, our success has not -gone much beyond what that amendment would have made possible. It would -have had the further advantage of retaining within our ranks many of our -former associates, who are, at present, either lukewarm or hostile. - - -Experiment in youthful sacrifice - -When once the necessity is recognized of revising the programme in the -light of these comments, which are being made throughout the country, it -will not be difficult to find out in what directions the programme has -not achieved the expected success and the reasons for the same. For -instance, the boycott of schools and colleges have not succeeded and -even persons, of known and undoubted loyalty to the cause, complain that -the action of Congress workers has caused more harm than good. They -concentrated too much on the disruption of existing institutions and -less on the creation and maintenance of new ones on "national" lines. -They forgot that a student cannot be left idle in the street and that, -if the Congress must call him out, it can only be after it has provided -for him a good substitute. In Bombay we let pass the psychological -moment when we could have founded and reared up an excellent college -with various branches. Public enthusiasm was ripe for it in the early -part of the year, but we let it evaporate in declamation and emotional -exaltation. Some went so far as to suggest that it was no part of the -Congress programme to start national Colleges though the terms of the -Congress Resolution specially provided for it. 50000 boys are out in -idleness, says Sir Ashutosh Mukherji, some may glorify in this -catastrophe, but there are many who regard this disruptive event with -sad dismay. We have experimented too much in youthful sacrifice. Our -youth have reciprocated with more love and tenderness than we have shown -for their welfare. The few good institutions which Congress workers have -created, are suffering from our neglect and apathy and dragging a weary -existence. The shadow of a name has, very often been pursued, to the -abandonment of the substance, and we now find a large number of boys in -the country, who are practically loafing in the streets, with a vague -ambition "to do something patriotic". - - -The Lawyer-Failure - -Our ban on lawyers has, likewise, not attained much success. Few -lawyers, whose sacrifice of their practice has added strength to the -Congress cause, have responded to the call. The prestige of British -court in _civil_ Suits between an _Indian and Indian_ has not been -destroyed and can not be so easily destroyed; for, ordinarily this -variety of legal contests is not much colored with injustice, as -political trials are. If lawyers had been called out, because, being a -trained class of workers, the country wanted their undivided time and -attention at this critical hour, it would have been a different matter, -and, perhaps, if the call had been so made many, many more would have -responded to it. But it was put the wrong way, and the lawyer was made -to appear as if, in pursuing his profession, he was acting sinfully and -must atone for it by a complete withdrawal from practice. The result was -that, out of sheer self-respect, many really good lawyers have declined -to respond to the call. Many could not give up their practice for -pecuniary reasons and were too honest to adopt subterfuges calculated to -create a semblance of sacrifice. Lawyers have become "pariahs" of our -present political life. Some of them had borne the brunt of public -agitation for more than two decades; their place is vacant and no class -of workers of equal intelligence and keenness has come forward to take -it. - - -A Foul Atmosphere - -This part of the Congress programme has created a foul atmosphere of -hypocrisy, intolerance, imposture and conceit in the Congress Camp, in -which modesty, self-respect, and honesty often time find it hard to hold -their place. In our enthusiasm, we forget that many lawyers value their -profession for the training it affords in courage, truthfulness, honor -and toleration. No other profession trains a young man so well to -withstand and expose injustice and to uphold the tradition of truth and -honor. Our past political history of thirty-three years is a brilliant -record of the services rendered by lawyers to the Congress cause. If a -greater sacrifice than before was needed now on their part, a direct -call on their self-respect and patriotism on this footing should have -been made, but no good has arisen from putting the lawyer under the ban -of ridicule and infamy. The call made upon them was singularly harsh. No -other class of public workers was required to give up his means of -livelihood. The importing merchant supports British prestige as much as, -if not more than the lawyer and yet he stalks unabashed in the Congress -camp without closing his shop. No ban was put on litigants, without whom -the lawyer cannot thrive. I am therefore, surprised that notwithstanding -so much hardship, so many lawyers have come out and are to be found in -the vanguard of the movement. The few courts of justice, we called into -existence have not had enough support and are a mockery. - - -Revise the Programme - -The failure of these parts of the programme is now practically admitted -and they are now pushed into the background. It would be better if, in -revising the programme in the next Session of the Congress, these limbs, -which have ceased to function or respond to the laws of our growth, are -boldly amputated. In any event, they make clear the necessity of a -revision, so as to render the programme more effective, elastic and -practical. - - -Enter the Councils - -The fight requires to be carried on in manifold ways. Some may carry it -in the Councils, face to face with the officials. Why cannot -"Non-Co-operation," in its proper sense, be practised in the Councils? -Sir P. M. Mehta, when he left the Council Hall with his colleagues on a -memorable occasion when he, face to face with the then home member, -mercilessly uncloacked the preposterous pretensions of the bureaucracy, -was fighting with weapons and a spirit which many Non-Co-operators of -the true and accredited brand may envy in these days. If -Non-Co-operation is an _attitude_ of the mind, as its eminent author -conceives it, and not so much a programme or a creed, a Council Hall is -as fitting a place for its display as a mass meeting in a Marwadi -Vidyalaya. The spirit resides in the mind and is independent of the -environment. It is no ground to say that, often times, the environment -frightens a weakling, for we do not build our doctrines only on the -possibility of men being weak and timid. - - -N.C.O. Concession - -We have already departed from the original rigor of our programme in -this behalf. A Non-Co-operator can now compete at Municipal elections. -He can offer advice to Government in or outside private interviews. -Non-co-operator papers do report the proceedings of the Legislative -Bodies, comment on them, and suggest remedies for the benefit of the -Government. Scarcely a non-Co-operator now-a-days speaks without -referring to gubernatorial utterances and orders in Council. He comments -on the policies of Government, suggesting remedies as he goes on with -his comments. Several lawyers in Bombay, who are still in practice, are -now allowed to occupy prominent places as speakers at Non-Co-operation -meetings. This is as it should be, for we cannot afford to ignore or -despise, in the stinted state as our resources, the co-operation of any -honest workers, prepared to make a sacrifice commensurate with his -capacity. This is all done now silently and as a concession. My plea is -for making the programme so wide, elastic and natural, as to turn these -concessions into acknowledged rights. The Congress Creed calls upon us -to obtain Swaraj by all legitimate and peaceful means. All weapons, all -avenues of work and all manner of public workers are enjoined on us, for -the attainment of the common end. Why set up ascetic standards, -unpractical tests, and unnatural bans, which may often let in the -dishonest but keep out the honest man, whose co-operation, even with a -difference, is often worth loving. The programme may become -theoretically less perfect, perhaps logically less consistent, but it -will certainly be more natural, real and effective. - - -Suggested Modifications - -The exact form of the modification must be left to future discussion. I -would, therefore, suggest as follows: - -(1) That foreign propaganda, so summarily put an end to at the last -Congress, be resumed and if possible extended within proper bounds. The -Indian view has to be put forward before the civilised world. This is an -urgent need of the hour. The Government are doing it from their own -point of view, and we ought to do the same from ours. - -(2) That the time limited be abandoned, for reasons mentioned in para 25 -below. - -(3) That the elections to Legislative Bodies, whenever a chance should -occur, should be contested perhaps with the limitation, that in the -Provinces, unless complete autonomy is introduced, Congressmen should -not accept office under the present system of Government. This may be, -if so desired, made conditional on Government agreeing to dissolve the -present Bodies. - -(4) A large modification of the educational boycott, including the total -abrogation of the compulsory part of it. Attention should be -concentrated more on the creation of national institutions than on the -withdrawal of students as a set propaganda. When such institutions are -projected, and some of them actually in existence, and they compete -favorably with state aided institutions, I have no doubt that sufficient -impulses have been generated in the country to secure the exercise of -the option in favor of the former. Side by side with this, an intensive -propaganda should be carried on in the Councils and outside, having for -its object the popularisation of the Universities by a change of the Act -governing them, and also the "nationalisation" of the existing system of -state-aided education, so as to bring it into greater accord with the -present-day requirements and aspirations of the people. To me, it seems -to be such a pity that we have deserted this avenue of agitation, to be -feebly utilised by a few persons in the present Councils, struggling -against an unsuitable environment. Nine crores, which is nearly the -total output on State education, we are not in a position to despise, -and it seems wrong to wait for this reform till complete Swarajya is -attained, which may or may not be for some time yet. Considerable harm -has been done to the cause of education by the exclusion of this avenue -work from the programme of Congress activities. The fate of primary -education in the Bombay presidency will clearly illustrate the point I -am making. - -(5) A large modification of the ban against lawyers, so as to admit of -several grades of sacrifice from complete abstention from practice to a -giving up of the entirety or a part of the earnings. A way should be -found for getting as many lawyers as possible to work in this movement -provided they are prepared to give the cause at least a part of their -time or money. The Congress ought to modify its call, so as to make it -possible for all honest-minded lawyers to bear the burden of the -country's cause, commensurate with their capacity to sacrifice. - -Similarly, in the matter of conducting defences in British courts, some -curious departure have come to be made from the strict Congress rule. -These departures only indicate that, in its operation, the rule has been -found unpractical and irksome. Congressmen are not to engage pleaders -nor offer a defence with legal aid. They are simply to make a -"statement." A statement is as much an aid to the administration of -justice as a lawyer-made defence, and in so far, it equally supports the -prestige of British courts. Only, it has the disadvantage of being -prolix and unconvincing. It, therefore, fails of its mark more often -than a lawyer's defence. - -Who can urge that the long and interesting statements made by the Ali -Brothers and their co-accused, in the trial at Karachi were out of -place? Yet they had all the features of a lawyer-made defence, as an aid -to the court. The evidence was discussed, legal objections raised, -relevancy commented on and the prosecution evidence answered. All this -assistance was given to the court, helping it to arrive at truth and -justice, precisely in the same way as a practising lawyer aids judicial -administration. - -If a statement is permitted, why cannot a lawyer be employed in Court to -make it more convincing and exculpatory? A statement must be based on -facts, and these facts become material only when proved. On what -rational grounds can, therefore, a statement permitted and yet the -material evidence supporting it disallowed? It is no answer to say that -the statement is meant for the guidance of the _Swaraj_ Courts when the -same are established, for when that eventuality happens, a statement -supported by evidence will be any a better help to these Swaraj Courts -than a mere statement? It is obvious that no Swaraj Court will liberate -a man merely on his own statement, without further inquiry. - - -Civil Disobedience - -We are on the eve of Mahatma Gandhi undertaking an important part of his -programme by starting Civil Disobedience in a district in Surat. It is -very difficult to offer any useful comment on this undertaking because -beyond the general lines, his programme in its detail is not yet before -the Country. We can only hope that the resistance to law will not be so -undertaken as to be widely interpreted as a sort of charter for general -lawlessness. That would be a catastrophe for which the country is not -prepared. This seems also to be Mr. Gandhi's opinion, for he has very -prudently circumscribed the practice of the resistance with very severe -restrictions, involving a moral and economic preparation. To disobey -specific orders of Government or their officials, which have no moral -sanction behind them or are illegal in their inception, is a -comparatively easy matter, fraught with no far-reaching harm to the -community. The disobedience, in such a case commands the moral approval -of the civilised community, and ends only by affecting the prestige of -the promulgator of the order. But when a campaign is undertaken -involving a wholesale and general defiance of order and authority, -forces may arise, which, in the hands of inexperienced and enthusiastic -associates or partisans, may reach extreme limits, involving the -community in chaos, disorder and possibly violence. The country has had -only a year's training in his (Mr. Gandhi) counsels of non-violent -resistance--far too short a period for his countrymen to imbibe his -spirit, in a manner worthy of his teaching. May we, therefore, hope that -in launching on this undertaking he will seriously consider this aspect -of the case? We shall of course, watch his experiment but with concern -and solicitude, feeling secure in the hope, created by his magnificent -personality, that in his hands the destinies of the country are -perfectly safe. - - - - -APPENDIX VII - -Extracts from the speech delivered by His Excellency Sir Harcourt -Butler, Governor of the U. P. of Agra & Oudh, at the opening of the U. P. -Legislative Council, - -_Lucknow, 22nd January, 1921_ - - -Mr. President and Members of the Legislative Council, - -"Great efforts have been made to draw away young men from schools and -colleges and to induce professional men to give up their careers. Great -efforts have been made to prevent voters from going to the polls. But -these efforts have met with little success. The elections have -undoubtedly given the province a really representative legislative -council. The chief opponents of the reforms have shown by word and act -that their aim is not the ordered development of political institutions -in India but the expulsions of Western civilization from India--a course -involving the reversion to the condition of disorder, lawlessness and -internecine strife such as prevailed in the unsettled times before the -advent of British rule." - -"The tenantry were widely stirred up. The criminal classes took -advantage of the occasion and serious trouble ensued in which there was -regrettable loss of life. A full report on the Rae Bareli disturbances -will be published within a few days. It was fortunately possible to -restore order without calling in military aid from outside, and for this -I have already congratulated the local authorities and others concerned. -Statements, I may say that all reports from both Rae Bareli and Fyzabad -indicate that the tenantry are actuated by no hostility to Government or -to Europeans. The agitators have endeavoured to stir up such hostility." - -"As for my Government I have chosen as colleagues without favour strong -and independent men. They will have my complete confidence in all -matters, and it is my desire that we should work together as far as -possible as one Government. I shall endeavour to secure that we all, -Europeans and Indians, work together on harmonious lines as -brother-subjects of the King-Emperor; and I pray that the Reforms Scheme -which we are commencing to-day will and largely and effectively to the -well-being and happiness of this ancient land of Hindustan." - - - - -APPENDIX VIII - -Extracts from the speech delivered by His Excellency Sir Harcourt Butler -at a meeting of the United Provinces Legislative Council - -_28th March 1921_ - - -Mr. President and Members of the Legislative Council, - -"The recent disorder in Rae Bareli has necessitated a further -reconsideration of the question. Whereas the former disorders in Rae -Bareli were largely agrarian in origin the recent disorders were mainly -political in origin and wholly revolutionary". - -"The result of the disorders has been an unfortunate loss of life, for -which the agitators are directly responsible, and a feeling of -insecurity which if unchecked may spread with untoward results, -affecting innocent and guilty alike. Confronted with an elemental -question as to the maintenance of order, my Government came unanimously -to the conclusion that it was necessary to stop the campaign of -unconstitutional agitation and lying, _propaganda_ which has been -carried on the four south-eastern districts of Outh--Rae Bareli, -Partabgarh, Sultanpur and Fyzabad. We therefore applied to the -Government of India to extend the Seditious Meetings Act to those four -districts. This has been done". - -"I believe that this action will have the support of this Council and of -responsible people generally in this province. With the non-co-operators -we can have nothing to do beyond meeting their mischievous activities. -Their movement is a revolutionary movement playing on passion and -pandering to ignorance but the mass of people are loyal and all their -interests are bound up with the maintenance of order." - - - - -APPENDIX IX - -Extracts from the speech by His Excellency Sir Harcourt Butler at a -Durbar held at Lucknow - -_17th December 1921_ - - -GENTLEMEN, - -I am glad to have this opportunity of meeting you to-day, in formal -assembly, and to outline to you the policy of the Government. - -My Government was accused some months ago of being repressive. I have -met that charge completely with facts and figures and proved that the -Government has acted with due patience in spite of deliberate and -repeated provocation. It has dealt with agitation under the ordinary law -and has maintained order and security with reasonable success. Of late -the agitators, whose openly avowed object is to make Government -impossible, have entered on a campaign of increased activity. Quite -recently the Government received reports from several quarters -foreshadowing lawlessness and disorder. The Collector of Meerut reported -that civil disobedience had been openly preached at the District -Congress at Garhmukhtesar, that cloth shops were picketed, that -agitation was plainly on the increase, and that everything looked like -working up to a climax at an early date. The Commissioner of Fyzabad -reported that the situation was menacing in the Bara Banki district -where the Deputy Commissioner could not appear without being hooted and -the loyal section of population were frightened and disheartened. A -speech was delivered in which the audience was asked by a political -fanatic whether they would agree to murder the Deputy Commissioner and -they replied with one voice that they would. The Commissioner also -reported that things were menacing in the Tanda sub-division of the -Fyzabad district. At Gonda regular volunteer corps had been instituted -with officers. From Cawnpore and Etawah reports came of a recrudescence -of criminal intimidation. In Ballia the people were asked to prepare -themselves for killing and being killed. Alarming reports were also -received from Saharanpur, Aligarh and Gorakhpur. - -Now all these reports reached the Government within three or four days. -It was quite clear that we were on the verge of serious and widespread -trouble. The Government decided, and decided unanimously, to apply the -Criminal Law (Amendment) Act of 1908, part II, to the whole province at -once and to issue instructions to Commissioners and District Officers to -take all measures under the law necessary for the preservation of order -and protection of loyal and peaceful citizens. This was followed by an -open defiance to the Government signed by over seventy individuals in -the _Independent_ newspaper. As you are aware the ringleaders have been -arrested. I do not propose to deal with individual cases; some of them -are still under trial. I will only say this, that all the reports I have -received from different parts of the province show that the action taken -has had excellent result and has restored confidence to loyal and -peaceful people. Indeed, there is a feeling of general relief. The -Commissioner of Fyazabad reports "There has been a great improvement -since I last wrote. The police who had resigned are now applying to be -taken back." The Commissioner of Agra writes "The present Government -policy appears to be generally welcomed." The Commissioner of Gorakhpur -says "There is no doubt that the moderate party not only welcome the -arrests but in some cases are jubilant over them." The Commissioner of -Meerut reports that the action taken had "been hailed by all loyal -persons with the greatest relief." He adds "our friends and the much -harried police are in much better hearts and non-co-operator is no -longer looked upon with dread by them." The Commissioner of Lucknow -attributes the settling down of the Hindu population and especially the -cultivating classes largely to the recent action of Government. A -re-assuring report has come from Aligarh. The situation is still -critical; but, I think, that it is well in hand, and I am convinced that -if a policy of firmness is pursued and pursued steadily for some time we -may reasonably hope to break the back of a conspiracy which openly avows -its intention of trying to do away with Government and openly defies the -law of the land. - -Consider the position, gentlemen; What have the Congress and _Khilafat_ -movements done? _Satyagraha_, which Mr. Gandhi himself pronounced to be -a "Himalayan blunder" ended in disgrace. The attempt to boycott colleges -and schools failed signally. It did not affect in this province one per -cent of the students and scholars. The attempt to boycott the law courts -was wholly unsuccessful. The appeal to surrender titles given by and -offices held under the Government fell on deaf ears. The efforts to -seduce soldiers and policemen were almost in vain. But with each -successive failure, they have sown wider the seeds of racial hatred and -the spirit of lawlessness. The results cry out against them and their -work. Their hands are dripping with innocent blood; and the cries of -ruined homes and ravished women have gone up to heaven. This is the end -of the idea of self-Government attained by non-violent revolution, an -idea wholly fantastic and chimerical. - -As is usual when Government takes vigorous action, there is a body of -critics who have no experience or sense of government and who are -frightened by action. They seem to think that law and order keep -themselves. The truth is far otherwise. Law and order are mainly kept by -force, and that with difficulty. They are very easily upset. You have -had experience of disorder in southern Oudh, in which there was an orgy -of violence, rape, rapine and arson. I do not hesitate to tell you that -if the Government trifled with the present situation you would probably -soon find your lives, your property and your honour in danger. The -objection that action has been taken with warning is quite unfounded. -More than once I have publicly declared that this Government would not -tolerate disorder or intimidation. The aggressors are those who violate -the law. - - - - -APPENDIX X - -STATEMENT BY SIR L. PORTER - - -We have been vilified bitterly, every kind of abuse has been showered on -us by non-co-operators, every form of insidious agitation has been -tried, and we have stayed our hands. - - -Violent Agitators - -I will mention the case of one of the men who has now been arrested and -is undergoing imprisonment as a first-class misdemeanant. He made at -least ten speeches up and down the country which our legal advisers -informed us were clearly actionable. I allude to Mr. Jawahir Lal Nebru. -His final effort was a speech, somewhere in the west of the Province, in -which he quoted word by word the sedition section, _i.e._, the promotion, -of disaffection against the Government as by law established and the -section which deals with promoting hatred between classes of His -Majesty's subjects, and he said that the object of his life was to carry -out this promotion of sedition and disaffection. Still we did nothing. -You may well ask why. We thought that the forces of reason and sobriety -would re-establish their sway. We hoped that the great body of moderate -opinion of the Provinces would be sufficiently powerful to assuage this -movement and to stop the dissemination of poison. We were wrong. So far -from losing any strength I do not hesitate to say that the movement has -gone on gaining strength. Then came the time in November when we were -confronted with reports from our trusted officers all over the provinces -which left no doubt whatever in our minds that the situation had very -greatly developed, and that there was imminent possibility (I would go -further and say probability) of an outburst of violence in more than one -district. I have here a big folio of reports. It is quite impossible for -me in debate like this to quote them all. There are copies of reports -from districts as wide apart and representative as Meerut, Cawnpur, -Fyzabad, Etawah, Balia, Barabanki and the peaceful district of Aligarh, -which, according to its member, Thakur Manak Singh, is now the scene of -this campaign of repression. I should like, as a typical instance, to -read out the description of the procedure which was adopted in the -Barabanki district. The Barabanki district, as my friend on my right -will bear me out, is a particularly difficult one. It is full of a class -whom religious fanaticism particularly affects and when it once gets out -of hand it is very difficult to deal with. I remember when I first came -to India, there was tremendous outbreak of dacoity and violent crime in -that and adjacent districts, which it took months to put down, at the -cost of immense suffering to the population. This is one of the -districts, which was selected as a focus in work on by these (what -should I call them?) advocates of soul force. - - -Soul Force - -Their main activities were directed to stirring up religious fanaticism. -In mosques, in bazars mendacious stories were told regarding the -bombardment and desecration of the Sacred Places of Islam. They were -told that Hindu and Mahomedan women had been outraged and that medicines -issued from dispensaries were mixed with wine and that the fat of cows -and pigs was used in the manufacture of cloth. There was boycott and -intimidation to prevent foreign cloth sellers from importing any more -cloth, and to force them to sign a pledge not to do so. This went on -until November and the beginning of December when the picketing of -schools started. That is a typical report from a district which takes -very little to set it ablaze. What has recently happened there you have -already read in the papers. There are many other instances which strike -me, but there is one typical instance from Etawah. There is a fair which -has been held there for many years. It was picketed. People were -prevented from coming in by open intimidation and finally attempts were -made to blacken the face of a Maulvi on his way to the Islamia High -School, of which he is manager. I can multiply these instances, and, if -any member of the Council wishes to know the representations which were -received from these districts, I am perfectly willing to let him see the -reports in order that he may satisfy himself as to what the real -condition was. - -Pandit Radha Kant Malviya: Will the Hon. Member read the report from -Allahabad. - -Sir Ludovic Porter: We had a report from the Commissioner of Allahabad, -on whose judgment I place great reliance, just before we enforced this -Act. He expressed his reasoned opinion that if we allowed matters to -drift any further, there would be a widespread disaster. He also stated -that from information he had received, the whole camp of non-co-operators, -in Allahabad were particularly cheerful with regard to the outlook, and -they thought great developments in their favour were shortly going to -take place. Well that was our position. As to the nature of this -non-violent non-co-operation, we had no delusions. - - -Criminal Intimidation - -We know that criminal intimidation had been practised on the widest -scale in many districts. I may say that the majority of districts where -these associations existed, criminal intimidation of a subtle kind, -namely to attack a man in his religious opinions or to attack him in his -social relations, had been widely practised. We had an example here in -Lucknow of ordinary intimidation. A member of the Council himself -witnessed the unfortunate driver of an ekka being dragged off his ekka -and beaten because he ventured to ply for hire on the 17th of November. - -I know myself the case of a shop which was kept open for two or three -days. The shopkeeper was surrounded by a howling mob, and he was told -what would happen to him, if he did not shut up his shop. In Fatehpur -they kept a blackboard, which was exhibited publicly, to show up the -people, who ventured to buy foreign cloth. This is also a form of subtle -and most cruel intimidation involving social boycott. You all know -perfectly well the difficulties that exist in India in getting victims -of this kind of tyranny to come forward and seek their legal redress in -the ordinary courts of law. The difficulty of proving criminal -intimidation is accentuated by the fact that it is not cognizable by the -police, and, consequently the complainant has to go to court, but, owing -to the difficulty of getting witnesses to prove his case, he usually -compromises. Well that is the position which confronted us. There was a -system of widespread intimidation. So far from the movement being on the -verge of collapse, as certain optimists stated to-day, it was increasing -in vigour. There was the usual lip service of non-violence, a profession -which in me produces a feeling of nausea. Practice and precept, as we -said in a letter to the Government of India, which they quoted in the -debate "were poles as under." There were also, as my friend Kunwar -Jagdish Parshad in his eloquent speech this morning has stated, constant -endeavours to seduce Government servants from their duty. A great deal -of pity has been showered on the non-co-operators by certain speakers -to-day, but they never spared a moment to think what the police have -gone through. Here in Lucknow Chauk, sub-inspectors and the rank and -file of your own fellow countrymen have been grossly insulted, abused -and their family life rendered intolerable. Are we not going to support -them when such facts are brought to our notice? We are bound to support -our loyal servants, who, through all these troubles, have served us -faithfully. I am only asking for some recognition of the difficulty to -which they are exposed in performing their duties, and in their daily -life. With these facts before us we came to the conclusion--the -Government as a whole came to the conclusion--that the Criminal Law -Amendment should be extended to these Provinces. I think there can be no -doubt that the whole Council are unanimous that law and order must be -enforced. They may differ from us as to the method which we took. - - -The Arrests - -I now come to the arrests which followed. The great majority of arrests -were effected by the local authorities under the powers delegated to -them. In one instance only so far as my memory serves, the -Governor-in-Council issued orders for certain arrests, and that was for -the leaders of Allahabad and Lucknow. What are the facts in regard to -these particular arrests? These associations had been declared to be -illegal. Immediately after their proclamation a manifesto was published -on the 6th December with a pledge which was signed by 75 persons, I will -read the terms of that manifesto. "Having read and thoroughly understood -the Government notification, etc., and knowing full well the -consequences of not obeying them, we, etc., hereby pledge ourselves -civilly to disobey without any objection all such Government orders and -laws as may be determined from time to time by the Provincial Congress -Committee, or by a committee appointed by or in this behalf. We further -pledge ourselves to obey, in utter disregard of the consequences, all -orders of the volunteer corps relating to such disobedience." Now -gentlemen, what does that mean? It means that at the bidding of an -irresponsible autocrat in Bombay, the members of this association -pledged themselves blindly to disobey any law of the land. If that is -not the essence of anarchy I do not know what is. We were told this -morning in the very moderate speech of my friend Mr. Zafar Husain, that -he did not think that this Act was enacted with a view to the present -juncture. Of course it was not. Nobody could forsee this madness which -has come over India during the last two years. It was enacted to meet an -outbreak of anarchy in Bengal. Could there be anything worse than the -present position, that a body of men numbering thousands, totally -irresponsible, very many of them now of a dangerous character, (not at -first, but they are steadily deteriorating) pledge themselves to disobey -any law when they were asked to do so by a gentlemen in Bombay, for this -is what this pledge means? How could any Government carry on, that would -not accept that challenge? In consequence of this, we issued orders for -the arrest and production of a certain number, not all, of the leaders. -In doing so we have now the support and authority of the Government of -India. The Government has informed us that they agree with us in holding -that the persons who deliberately organise associations, avowedly -intended to break the law, or associations the members of which are -pledged blindly to disobey any laws, are liable to criminal prosecution. -Following on that came the meeting at Allahabad, at which the -Superintendent of Police, who had been deputed to execute a search -warrant, was present. This meeting deliberately reaffirmed this pledge -in his presence. Now, I think if we analyse the objections that have -been taken to the prosecutions they very largely centre round those -persons, the leaders and members of this meeting, who have been -prosecuted and convicted. In all they number, I, think, something like -100. I have stated the facts, and I accept the responsibility. I see no -other way out. As long as any Government exists they have to deal with -men who offer a challenge like that, in the method in which we did. - - - - -APPENDIX XI - -BARABANKI DISORDERS - -_Lucknow, 18th January_ - - -In a view of the various rumours that were current regarding the -situation at Barabanki.... - -A lengthy official communique has just now been issued based on the -report of the Deputy Commissioner.... - -At the same time, with effect from the 23rd November 1921 the Criminal -Law Amendment Act was applied to the Province. Its immediate effect was -good, and several volunteers who had been parading in uniform doffed -their sashes and were disbanded. - - -Khilafat Agitators - -Unfortunately, however, Khilafat agitators, who had publicly announced -in the press of the 18th November that Barabanki Tahsil was being -prepared for civil disobedience by the end of November, considered this -act a suitable one to infringe. They redoubled their efforts and -collected considerable sums, mainly for the Angora Fund, both through -members of the 46 Khilafat committees established in this district and -by itinery volunteers, who were paid for their services, either by fixed -monthly salaries or by a percentage on collections. Between the 19th and -24th December, four volunteers were arrested under Section 7 (1) and 17 -(2) of the Act, and these arrests were reported to have had a temporary -beneficial effect. By the 3rd January, when the District delegates -returned from the Ahmedabad conference, the leaders decided to take -action openly. On the 4th it was reported to me that large numbers of -volunteers would march into the city under the command of their zemindar -leaders. No precise information however, could be obtained as to their -intentions. On the morning of the 7th January batches of volunteers -began to issue chiefly from the Congress Office from which was hung a -Khilafat flag and a large notice calling on people to enlist as -volunteers. These volunteers were mostly from outside villages and were -headed by petty zemindars. They were all Mahomedans and had been worked -up to a high pitch of religious enthusiasm. Many of them had their -Qurans slung round their necks. They had apparently been incited to a -state bordering on religious frenzy by exhortations from their leaders, -that their religion was being destroyed by the British Government. They -were wild in their abuse of Government, officials and specially the -Police. The whole religious street in front of the Congress office -resounded with religious shouts and cries of "Victory to Islam". The cry -of "Allah ho Akbar" was uttered as a war cry with fanatical zeal, -specially when any arrests were made. - - -The Arrests - -I had deputed Mr. Colton, Superintendent of Police, and Babu -Ambikanandan Singh, Sub-Divisional Officer to take up a position -opposite the Congress office and to arrest the ring leaders and the most -truculent of the volunteers as it did not appear to be safe to allow -them to remain at large, specially as fresh volunteers continued to pour -into the city. Those selected were marched down under an escort to the -Jail.... - -The procession was accompanied by noisy music and the usual shouts of -non-co-operation were raised. He (Chaudhari Athar Ali) refused to go -before the Deputy Magistrate as requested but mounting the steps of the -Congress office delivered a speech. After reciting certain words from -the Qoran he addressed the crowd, and in a loud voice, declared that -this tyrannical Government or tyrannical race (both versions are given) -should be destroyed. The crowd, which was in a state of fanatical -frenzy, replied, "_Amin_, it will be destroyed immediately". He exhorted -the crowd to "become volunteers, enrol volunteers and fill the -jails--victory to Islam". The cry was taken up by the crowd. Seeing that -the speech was causing great excitement, the Deputy Magistrate directed -the police to produce him before him. He refused to go to the jail in -the _Ekka_ provided by the Deputy Magistrate, but insisted on going on -foot, taking a circuitous route at the head of the procession of 500 or -1,000 men. He stopped the procession at various places and at these -halts the usual _jais_ were raised. The police were abused and -Government servants were called dogs and pigs. On this day ten -volunteers were arrested. On this date also there was the same commotion -in the city, but the number of volunteers decreased. - -Throughout the four days the volunteers created disturbances. It was -obvious that the movement was entirely a Mahomedan one. Not a single -Hindu volunteer appeared. The Mahomedan volunteers and the crowd which -cheered them on were filled with religious enthusiasm and hatred of the -British Government. The intention of their leaders apparently, was to -provoke the Police to acts of violence against them, and also to prove -that they could insult the Government official with impunity, and were -not afraid to go to jail. The following remark made in jail by Nawab -Ali, an ex-vakil, a few minutes after his sentence, in the presence of -two magistrates and a large number of pleaders, is significant. "By -imprisonment people would get accustomed to the horrors of jail. By -shooting they would learn to bare their breasts to rifle shots and -bayonets. Men ready to be shot should now be enlisted." The accused have -been convicted.--_The Pioneer January 20, 1922._ - - - - -APPENDIX XII - -THE GORAKHPUR TRAGEDY - -_Gorakhpur, 7th February_ - - -From early morning on Saturday a large number of volunteers were noticed -arriving at Chauri Chaura and collecting on the Gorakhpur side of the -railway station. They then proceeded towards the Bhapa Bazar, and formed -a procession. They said that they were going to picket the bazar, and -they proceeded towards the bazar through the police station grounds, -although this was not their direct route. The procession consisted -roughly of 3,000 people, and was headed by four or five volunteers in -khaddar uniform. Some of them had swaraj flags in their hands. After the -main body of the procession had gone on, there were a few stragglers -with whom the police, it is alleged, had some interchange of remarks. It -is also stated that one or two of the stragglers were hustled by some of -the chowkidars. - - -The Mob breaks Loose - -It is impossible to say exactly what happened next but at any rate the -stragglers shouted out and main procession came back and started -throwing kanker at the Police. For some time the attack was confined to -vicious kanker throwing, in which thousands of volunteers were engaged. -The sub-inspector, finding that the affair was taking a more serious -turn, asked the rioters to desist, but they would not take any heed, and -attacked the police with lathies. The sub-inspector, in order to -frighten the mob, fired a few shots in the air. This infuriated the mob, -who made a rush towards the thana with lathies and spears. A few -policemen were knocked down, and the remainder of the police went inside -the thana buildings for protection. One or two policemen must have fired -on the mob in earnest, as some of the rioters had received gunshot -wounds, but whether the firing took place before the rush or after it is -not known yet. By this time several of the policemen had been killed -outside the police buildings, and one party fetched oil and straw and -set fire to the thana at various points. This drove the entire police -force out of the buildings. - -They were immediately set upon by the mob and done to death in the most -brutal manner. Their heads were battered with hinges torn from the doors -of the thana, and then the bodies were soaked in oil and burnt. The -charred remains were recovered, some in front of the thana, others in -the thana compound and one at the back of the thana. Some of the armed -policemen had obviously been battered to death by their own muskets. -There was a certain amount of money in the thana and it is suspected -that the rioters, having killed the policemen, looted the thana and then -set fire to the buildings. The sub-Inspector's family quarters, it is -believed, were also looted, and cash and jewellery were removed, but the -inmates were not interfered with. The family quarters also bear marks of -violence. The windows have been removed, and there are wide apertures in -the roof. After having completely destroyed the police station the -rioters dismantled the railway line in two places, and cut the telegraph -wires. They threatened to kill the railway station master and the post -master of Chauri Chaura if they sent any messages to the authorities at -Gorakhpur. In all 22 policemen, including two Sub Inspectors, one head -constable, 15 constables, four chowkidars and a servant of the -Sub-Inspector were killed. Among the dead were found two of the rioters. -A constable, and a chowkidar, who were at the police station during the -attack escaped, and these men have been traced, and it is believed that -their statement will throw considerable light on the whole affair. -Complete quiet has now been restored. The Commissioner, the Magistrate -and the Superintendent of Police visited the scene immediately on -receipt of information, and restored confidence among the village people -and the railway and telegraph lines were quickly repaired. Mr. Sands, -the Deputy Inspector General of Police, attended the funeral of the dead -policemen. The authorities immediately after the incident, invited three -prominent gentlemen of Gorakhpur, one of whom is a non-co-operator, to -visit the scene of the tragedy.--_The Pioneer February 9, 1922._ - - - - -APPENDIX XIII - -BENGAL - - -His Excellency's Speech at the St. Andrew's Day Dinner, on 30th November -1920 - -GENTLEMEN, - -Among other things non-co-operation is to achieve is swaraj in one year. -Mr. Gandhi has said so himself. The question is--do the people of Bengal -want this particular form of swaraj? Being a shrewd and intelligent -people they will doubtless wish to satisfy themselves first of all as to -what precisely this swaraj is. Fortunately we are able to answer that -question with authority, because Mr. Gandhi had issued a very clear -explanation of what he means by swaraj in a small manual entitled -'Indian Home Rule', a new edition of which was published by Messrs. -Ganesh & Co., of Madras, last year. I earnestly commend a perusal of it -to all who are interested in the future of the land we live in.... - -Very well, if this is the sort of thing that people want by all means -let them adopt non-co-operation. But I do not believe for a moment that -this is what people want. And that, no doubt, is why we find so many -other reasons advanced for adopting non-co-operation. It is claimed for -it for example, that it is a saintly weapon in the hands of an oppressed -people engaged in a righteous struggle against a tyrannous and -unrighteous Government. Let us examine its credentials so that we may -see to what extent the claim to righteousness can be sustained. In its -earliest phase, when it was known as _Satyagraha_, its result were -admittedly evil. The Hunter Committee was unanimous in its opinion that -its effect was to engender "a familiarity and sympathy with disobedience -to laws" and "to undermine the law abiding instincts which stand between -society and outbreaks of violence at a time when their full strength was -required." And, indeed, Mr. Gandhi himself confessed himself sorry that -when he embarked upon a mass movement "he under-rated the forces of -evil, and that he was obliged to pause and consider how best to meet the -situation." Then again another object of the non-co-operators is to -re-impose Turkish Administration upon the non-Turkish peoples who have -so long suffered under it. The fact that under Turkish administration -calculated attempts have been made to exterminate the Armenian -people--one of the most horrible chapters in the whole history of -crime--is ignored, a matter for surprise, surely, in view of the innate -abhorrence of violence professed by the originator of the movement. -Indeed, any one making a comprehensive survey of the non-co-operation -movement could scarcely be blamed if he came to the conclusion that the -only password required to give admission to the non-co-operation camp -was "race-hatred." And is Bengal going to tolerate a movement based upon -hatred, and, therefore, rooted in evil? Surely the world has had its -fill of hatred. Cast your eyes over the past six years, and what do you -see? A world in agony. The peoples of this earth trailing their spectral -way across a blood-soaked scene of destruction and desolation--a ghastly -phantasmagoria of human suffering; a hideous calvary. Humanity in -torment, scourged with sorrow, losing its hold upon hope, drifting -derelict in a terrifying ocean of despair. That is what hatred has done -for mankind. And is mankind going to tolerate those who would -deliberately and of malice aforethought perpetuate this grisly tradition -of hatred among men? Let us have the answer of the people of this -country to that question. For myself I have faith in the better mind of -the people of Bengal. Not for nothing did Job Charnock lay the -foundations of this great city. The finger of destiny was even then -tracing the future of Great Britain and India upon the rock of doom. For -better or for worse our paths lie side by side. The policy of Great -Britain has been fairly and frankly stated. We are inviting the people -of India to co-operate with us in making and travelling over that road -which will lead to an India fashioned in so far as its internal affairs -are concerned in ever-increasing accordance with the genius of its -peoples, and filling a position of ever increasing pride and honour in -the great confederation of the British Empire. Can any one who has faith -in the existence of an eternal and immutable principle of justice and -right doubt what the final choice of the people of India will be? Surely -not. And it is with an unshakeable faith in its future that I give you -the toast of "The Land We Live in." - - -His Excellency's Speech at the St. Andrew's Dinner, on 30th November 1921 - -India to-day is honoured by another distinguished guest--the most -distinguished, indeed save only one, whom the citizens of the British -Empire could welcome, namely, the heir to the Empire's Throne--His Royal -Highness the Prince of Wales. He has come with words of sympathy upon -his lips and with feelings of affection in his heart for the "Land we -live in." Can it be doubted, then that from all communities and all -creeds he will receive a royal welcome? I confess that it was with -amazement that I learned that there was a small section of people, in -this land of all lands, who had so far forgotten the dictates of -courtesy as to urge the boycott of the Royal visitor. The promoters of -this movement claim, I believe, to represent the fine flower of the -ancient culture and civilisation of India. Well one lives and learns. I -had always been brought up to believe that courtesy towards a guest was -a deep-rooted tradition with the Indian people. And so I still believe -it to be, though there may be some who have forgotten it. I do not -believe that this attitude represents the real mind of India. Indeed, I -know that it does not--for it was an Indian gentleman whose patriotism -is beyond all possible question, who said to me when he read of the -proposal "now must we bow our heads in shame for in showing rudeness to -a guest we have touched the lowest depths of national humiliation and -degradation." That, I believe, represents the best and, indeed, the real -mind of India, for in India it has always been realised that discourtesy -injures those who are guilty of it rather than those against whom it is -practised, for it lowers them in the eyes of all right thinking men and -indeed is sooner or later found by the man who is guilty of it to be a -wound gnawing at his own self-respect... - -Already long strides have been taken along the path towards the ultimate -goal. Indian and European have come closer together--mutual -understanding and goodwill are springing up between them. How much more -could be achieved in this direction were it not for the black cloud of -anger and hatred which has been brought into being by the apostles of -revolution. From my experience of the past 12 months I have no -hesitation in saying that a wonderful new era would have dawned for -India already, had it not been for the wild passions which have been let -loose upon the land by those who have pinned their faith to revolution. - -They call the Government "Satanic". Have they then a monopoly of -righteousness? The wild lawlessness and bloodshed at Giridih, Malegaon, -Alighar, Malabar, Bombay and many other places--do these things not -savour of the work of Satan? These are, indeed, but the heralds of red -revolution. Let them look deep into their hearts and ask themselves in -all seriousness if the salvation of India lies along such lines.... - -His Excellency replying to the deputation of the representation of the -people in the mufassal, held in Government House Calcutta on 2nd July -1921, said:-- - -Let me, therefore, repeat what I said a year ago. The facts are these: -The Turkish troops in the fort at Mecca, in their attempts to overcome -the Arabs who had rallied round the Sheriff bombarded the mosque -containing the Kaaba. One of the Turkish shells actually struck the -Kaaba, burned a hole in the holy carpet and killed nine persons who were -kneeling in prayer. These are the facts. The outrage was committed by -the Turks, and I solemnly and categorically affirm that the British had -nothing whatsoever to do with it. This being so, can you or any one -suggest any other motive for the propagation of such falsehoods except -the desire to create hatred against the British?... - - -His Excellency's speech at the Legislative Council on 19th December 1921 - -GENTLEMEN, - -I will not go further back than October last. At the beginning of that -month a manifesto, signed by Mr. Gandhi and a large number of other -prominent non-co-operators, laid it down that it was the duty of every -Indian soldier and Civilian to sever his connection with Government. -There followed two important developments--an intensive campaign to -undermine the loyalty of the police and a rapid development in the -activities of "volunteer" corps. Alongside of these two significant -developments was to be observed a rapid increase in open lawlessness and -defiance of constituted authority. There were breaches of the peace in -Howrah and Calcutta which are within the recollection of all. But such -episodes were not confined to Calcutta. All over the Presidency persons -were moving, stirring up dissatisfaction among the masses. This process -was assisted by an intensive campaign of highly inflammatory speeches -which had been in progress for some months past. Between the beginning -of June and the middle of November, I received reports of no less than -4,265 meetings held in different parts of the province. I could quote -passages from these speeches which are so inflammatory, so violent in -their abuse that they would shock the Council. I refrain from doing so -for the sole reason that I do not want to excite feeling unnecessarily. -But I can assure the Council that, addressed, as in nine cases out of -ten these speeches have been, to audiences made up of the illiterate and -emotional masses, they could have but one result, namely that of -spreading broadcast feelings of hatred and disaffection and of goading -the people to violence. And that, indeed, has already been the actual -result. Assaults on Settlement Officers have taken place. Government -servants have been threatened and boycotted. Now let me return to -Calcutta; and I take the events of November 17th to illustrate the state -of affairs which had been reached. The life of city was paralysed. Were -the police provocative? Certainly not. On the contrary the almost -universal complaint made to me was that the police remained inactive and -refrained from making arrests.... - -I have now to inform the Council of the discovery on the night of -December 8th of a number of sinister weapons concealed in an untenanted -house in the heart of the town. The nature of these weapons left little -doubt as to the sort of use to which they were intended to be -put--swords ingeniously concealed in the handles of umbrellas, daggers -of a peculiarly vicious type, tulwars and jars of acid. Very well, then -I would lay stress upon this--that with so many recent outbreaks of -rioting in the streets of the city fresh in one's mind, and with these -further evidences of the sort of activities which were in progress at -the movement, it was not unreasonable as a precautionary measure to have -recourse to a limited number of military patrols. - -Only three days ago an Urdu manuscript leaflet was found posted up in -the city of which the following is a translation:-- - -"What are you thinking about only? Just come face to face with your -opponent. Let yourself be cut to pieces, even to death but do not let -any loss come to the Khilafat. Do not look towards Bagdad, neither do -you look towards the Army, but kill your enemy right and left. Do not -let any of your enemy to be left unkilled if you see him, and do not -think that you are alone, because you are being helped by Imam Mehdi, -who is standing in front of you. Call him, just fly a flag in your hand -and cry out Khoda, Khoda, beat a drum in the name of Din Muhammad -throughout the lanes." - - - - -APPENDIX XIV - -Governor's Warning - -_Calcutta, February 11_ - - -Speaking at the Trades Association dinner in Calcutta, Lord Ronaldshay, -the Governor of Bengal, made a lengthy reference to the political -outlook. - -It would be the height of unwisdom, said His Excellency, to close one's -eyes to the gravity of the situation with which not only the Government -but society in the widest meaning of that term is now faced. It seems -desirable to call attention to this because there still appear to be -quite a number of people who in spite of all that has happened, in spite -of the resort to violence which has characterised the Non-co-operation -movement in Malabar, Malegaon, Giridih. Aligarh, Bombay and many other -places have not yet grasped the seriousness or the nearness of the -danger, with which the country is threatened. - -Take the case of the Non-co-operation volunteers. We are told by some -that we ought to withdraw our notification under the Act of 1908 -declaring these volunteer corps to be unlawful association. A -recommendation to that effect has quite recently been made to the -Government by the Legislative Council. It is true that under the -existing constitution, we are still responsible to Parliament for the -maintenance of law and order and though it would no doubt save us much -trouble and anxiety if we were able to transfer the responsibility from -our own shoulders to those of the Legislative Council, we cannot do so. -Nevertheless I have always regarded it as my duty to consider with the -utmost care any recommendations which the Council makes and in this case -I am calling for special reports as to the nature and extent of the -present activities of these volunteers in different parts of the -province in order that I may have the fullest and most up-to-date -information before me. - - -On the Defensive - -In considering the matter in the meanwhile, I would point out to the -public at large something which, judging by the criticism to which we -are subjected, had been overlooked, namely, that from the very beginning -of the Non-co-operation movement right up to the present time, the -Government have been on the defensive. It is the Non-co-operators who -have always attacked and by so doing have compelled the Government to -take up weapons for its defence. - -For example I have heard it suggested that the Government have goaded -the Non-co-operators into Civil Disobedience by the measures which they -have recently taken. Nothing could be further from the truth. The policy -of civil disobedience was accepted by the All-India Congress Committee -at the beginning of November and it was not until towards the end of -that month that action against the volunteers was taken. Mr. Gandhi -himself, in moving the civil disobedience resolution on November 4th -defined civil disobedience as a civil revolution, which, wherever -practised would mean the end of the Government's authority and open -defiance of the Government and its laws. - -Well, that seems to be explicit enough and it seems a little -unreasonable, surely, that those who profess to be opposed to such a -revolution, should seriously urge the Government to lay aside the -weapons, which it has only taken up to protect itself against, to use -Mr. Gandhi's words once more "the destruction of its authority and the -open defiance of its laws". Do those who object to these -volunteer-corps being declared to be unlawful associations realise what -these corps have been brought into existence for? They have no excuse -for not knowing, because Mr. Gandhi has himself explained quite frankly -the object, for which they are being recruited. He declared at the -conference held in Bombay on January 14th that, even if a round table -conference was to be held he would not stop the enlistment of volunteers -for a single moment. Why, because the enlistment was a preparation for -civil disobedience. - - -The Critics Answered - -There can be no doubt on that point at all, for we have also the letter -written by Pandit Kunzru to Mr. Jinnah, in which he states that Mr. -Gandhi declared explicitly at the conference that the enrolment and -training of volunteers for starting civil disobedience must be -continued. Very well then, what we are asked to do is this: To declare -that the volunteer corps enrolled and trained for civil disobedience are -lawful associations. Do those who urge us to take this step regard civil -disobedience as a lawful form of political activity? If they do not, by -what process of reasoning, do they argue that the agency by which civil -disobedience is to be carried out should be declared by Government to be -a lawful agency? - -Now let us consider for a moment what the Non-co-operators mean by civil -disobedience in its most developed form. It has been explained by Mr. -Dip Narayan Singh a leading Non-co-operator of Behar. The procedure is -to be as follows;--The chief civil officer in the area selected for its -operation is to be given seven days to hand over the district to the -Non-co-operators. The residents in the area are then to be ordered to -disobey all the orders and laws of the Government and to refuse to pay -taxes, register documents, and so on. At the same time the police -station and courts are to be surrounded and the officials to be told to -deposit their uniforms and other badges of office. The police stations -and courts will then be treated as Swaraj property. - -You well see that this bears out to the full declaration made by Mr. -Gandhi, in moving the civil disobedience resolution at the meeting of -the All-India Congress Committee on November 4th, that his programme of -civil disobedience constitutes a civil revolution, which, wherever -practised, will mean the end of the Government's authority and the open -defiance of Government and its laws. Again I would ask, to those who -wish these volunteers to be declared to be lawful wish to see this -programme put into operation without a resort to violence, which will -drench the country in blood? - - -The Lesson of Chauri Chaura - -Even the milder forms of Non-co-operation activity such as -picketing,--which is often claimed by the Non-co-operators to be -peaceful pastime though even this claim is no longer maintained by Mr. -Gandhi as I shall show in a moment--result in wild orgies of violence as -we have been painfully reminded again, within the last few days by the -horrible crime at Chauri Chaura in the United Provinces. This outbreak, -in which 21 police men and chaukidars were violently beaten to death was -deliberately organised, we are told, in the report from the -Commissioners, by the volunteers, and if picketing results in orgies of -murder and destruction of this kind what are likely to be results of -attempts to put into operation the full pledged programme of Civil -Disobedience to which I have already referred? - -But it seems, as I have already remarked that Mr. Gandhi no longer -maintains that all picketing is peaceful, for writing in his newspaper, -"Young India" a short time ago, he says that in connection with the -proposal for a round table conference his suggestion was that all -picketing, except bona-fide peaceful picketing should be suspended -pending the result of the conference. Clearly then, in Mr. Gandhi's -opinion picketing is of two kinds, bona fide peaceful picketing on the -one hand, and picketing which is not bona fide and peaceful on the -other. Very well then, Mr. Gandhi knows that picketing is not peaceful. -He must know that the more drastic forms of civil disobedience, which he -is now determined to embark upon, must lead to violence. - - -The Issue - -Is it possible under these circumstances to come to any conclusion other -than that reached by the Government of India, that the issue is no -longer between this or that programme of political advance, but between -lawlessness and all its dangerous consequences on the one hand, and on -the other hand, the maintenance of those principles, which lie at the -root of civilised Governments. - -In Bengal civil disobedience has already taken the form in a number of -districts of a refusal to pay the "chaukidari" tax, and I have already -received complaints from landholders that tenants are refusing to pay -their rent throughout the province. - -A general spirit of contempt for authority and defiance of law and order -is being fostered. Well, respect for lawful authority and a general -willingness on the part of the people to observe the law are the pillars -upon which the very existence of society rests. If these be cut away, -society fall into the abyss of anarchy and is shattered. It is recorded -of a famous figure in history that he fiddled while Rome was burning. -The story is one which is not without its moral for the present day. - - - - -APPENDIX XV - -Extracts from the speech of the Hon'ble Sir Henry Wheeler, Member in -charge of Political Department - - -What is the situation with which we are faced? It is the outcome of a -movement which, in pursuit of certain political aims, has resulted in -every province in India in bloodshed, disorder and confusion. A concise -picture of the all India situation is contained in the report of the -committee which recently inquired into the working of certain laws at -Simla, and from it I quote their conclusion:-- - -Taking into consideration all the evidence we have received and the -points to which we have adverted and bearing in mind the still -prevailing economic discontent, we cannot dismiss as improbable the -danger of sudden sectarian, agrarian or labour disorder on a large scale -culminating in riots. - -They give instances of what they call 34 notable cases of disorder which -have occurred in India during the current year. That is, most briefly, -the position in India as a whole. - -Let me now give a few illustrations of the position in Bengal, with -which we are more particularly concerned, for it is perhaps apt to be -overlooked that the whole problem does not centre round Calcutta alone. -There is outside this city this vast Presidency of 40 millions people, -and the difficulties in the _mufussal_ are just as acute as here. To -cite an example--in the district of Rangpur we have lately had reported -an organisation of volunteers under a district captain and four -vice-captains, definitely named, supported by two subordinate officers -in each thana and a regular budget and funds, which, in addition to the -better known objects of the non-co-operation movement, had set before -itself the following five aims.-- - - (1) The organisation of volunteers to be ready for civil disobedience; - - (2) the preparation of the people to abstain from payment of chaukidari - and union board tax; - - (3) the preparation of the tenants to refrain from paying rents; - - (4) the preparation of the people to boycott the thana and the law - courts; - - (5) to boycott higher grade police and other officers especially with - regard to foodstuffs, and if as a result of this the Government start - their own store and make local arrangements it is felt that it will be - possible to place difficulties in the way of transport. - -This last line has in fact been taken and the Collector had to improvise -supplies of food to various thanas and registration office. The Council -will have noticed the use of the term "civil disobedience," and in two -other districts--namely, Noakhali and Faridpur--we have had the usual -phenomena of a little knot of men forming themselves into a committee -and saying: "We will have civil disobedience." What is civil -disobedience understood to mean? Lest it be thought that it is merely an -abstract subject for discussion, say, in a newspaper article, let me -refer to an interesting definition of the term which we have recently -had from a neighbouring province. The president of a meeting there -lately outlined civil disobedience in the following terms:-- - -A notice calling upon Government to grant Swaraj within seven days will -first be served upon the chief civil officer present in the locality -selected for civil disobedience. Subsequently the residents of the -particular locality will be directed to disobey all orders and laws of -Government and to refuse to pay taxes, register documents, etc. At the -same time police stations and courts will be surrounded and the -officials told to deposit their uniforms and other badges of office. -Thereafter police-stations and courts will be treated as Swaraj -property. That is a position which, I put in to the Council, can be -summed up in one word, "anarchy." That is the civil disobedience which -is being preached, and which, if we are to believe the three speeches -which we have just heard, is a little excitement which, in the words of -one speaker, can be disposed of by a "flick of a handkerchief." - -Now, Sir, I could carry on these examples from the _mufassal_ to -Chittagon, which has been in a state of disturbance and agitation since -April last, and to Howrah where disturbances have been intermittent -throughout the year, culminating in firing in the streets and in the -death of a policeman. But the chronicle is too long, and I pass to -Calcutta, where the remarks of His Excellency have fortunately shortened -my task. We are all aware that the incessant stream of inflammatory -oratory and agitation in Calcutta culminated on the 17th November in a -paralysis of the life of the city and I was even surprised, when -refreshing my memory as to those events, to see how openly what was done -was gloried in by the leaders of the non-co-operation movement as having -been done by their orders and direction. They were good enough to define -in their instructions who might go about the streets and who might not, -I have seen the statement that by the kindness of the Congress and the -Khilafat committees certain shops would be allowed to open at 12 noon. -There has never been any attempt to conceal the fact that the town was -at that time, in the view of the non-co-operators, subject to their -orders--subject by the processes of intimidation with which we are well -acquainted. - -Now if that was the position--and I submit that this is a correct -statement of the position--Government was obviously confronted with the -question of what they were to do. Was this state of affairs to continue -or was it to be checked? We were approached on all sides, in this -Council and by such responsible bodies as the British Indian -Association, to intervene and to restore some measure of law and order -in a condition of things which was fast drifting to chaos. In these -circumstances we took the measures of which the Council is well aware, -namely, to declare certain associations to be illegal, to introduce the -Seditious Meetings Act in one district and prohibit by order of the -Commissioner of Police, meetings and processions in Calcutta. I put it -to the Council that short of these measures it would not have been -possible to comply with the urgent requests so reasonably made to us -from so many quarters to intervene in the interests of decent -administration. That is the issue which is before the Council. Is it or -is it not a fact that on the 17th of last month the people of this city -were disgusted with the state of affairs and the prevailing terrorism? -Is it or is it not a fact that constant pressure was brought to bear on -Government by all sections of the people to bring about a better state -of affairs? Can it in truth be said that the action of Government in -attempting to curtail the activities of the gentlemen to whom the -excitement is due has gone beyond the necessity of the case? If so, what -is the alternative which the Council would place before Government? Of -that, however we have heard singularly little, except from Babu Surendra -Nath Mallik, who advises us to withdraw all our orders, release -prisoners, reduce sentences and place on their trial the military and -the police--a solution which, I trust, will not commend itself to the -better sense of the Council.... - - - - -APPENDIX XVI - -BEHAR AND ORISSA - -The Speech of the Hon. Mr. Macpherson, Member of Government, at the -meeting of the Legislative Council Patna, - -_24th January 1922_ - - -Sir, I desire to intervene at this stage of the debate, because I think -it is proper that the House should know what the facts of the situation -are before they make speeches and commit themselves to views which I -hope they will be prepared to change after they know what the facts of -the situation really are. I must ask your indulgence, if I find that -what I have to say on this important occasion will take me beyond the -usual time limits. - -This is not the first occasion on which the Government of Behar and -Orissa have explained to the public their attitude towards the -non-co-operation movement and their reasons for the action taken on the -10th December last, which forms the subject of this Resolution. As the -council is well aware, His Excellency the Governor received, a few days -after that date, an influential deputation of Council Members and -explained to them under what circumstances Government had been forced in -defence of the public safety to take action under the criminal Law -Amendment Act. An account of that deputation was published in all the -newspapers which are commonly read in this Province and I trust it has -been carefully perused by all the members of Council. I shall be -pardoned if, when I come to discuss the expediency of action taken by -Government, I go over again the ground covered by the communique which -was issued on that occasion. - -What was the position with which the Local Government were faced in the -beginning of that month? During the past twelve months they have seen -these associations growing in number and boldness, spreading unrest -throughout the public life of the Province, poisoning and confusing the -minds of simple people, interfering with liberty of action, and not -infrequently having to resort to force in order to compel obedience to -their mandates. I have here a long list of cases in which persuasion was -supplemented by force, sometimes force of a very disgraceful kind but I -will not worry the Council by citing instances. This Province was not -alone in these experiences, the organization of a volunteer -revolutionary army was proceeding apace in neighbouring provinces also. -The danger was being gradually realized by the Government of India and -by other Local Governments, and before the end of November action under -the Criminal Law Amendment Act had been taken by the Governments of the -Punjab, the United Provinces Delhi, Bengal, and Assam. The Government of -Bihar and Orissa stayed their hand till further inaction would have been -criminal folly. The two circumstances which brought matters to a head in -this province were - - 1 the immediate imminence of the introduction of the civil disobedience - movement, particularly in the Tirhut Division, and, - - 2 the intensive preparations which were being made to organize a - hostile _hartal_ in Patna City against the visit of His Royal Highness - the Prince of Wales on the 22nd and 23rd December. I know that certain - local non-co-operation leaders have denied that there was any intention - to start the civil disobedience movement within the Province during the - month of December or even up to the present date, and we have been told - that the Patna _Hartal_ was a spontaneous movement on the part of the - citizens. I think the Council will not be deceived by either of these - assurances. After all Government had to follow the evidence at their - disposal. There is one well-known leader of the local non-co-operation - camp, called Mr. Dip Narayan Singh. At a meeting held at Bhagalpur on - the 16th November this gentleman outlined the programme which the - leaders intended to follow. According to him a notice calling upon - Government to grant _Swaraj_ within seven days would first be served - upon the chief civil officer present in the locality selected for civil - disobedience, subsequently the residents of the particular locality - would be directed to disobey all orders and laws of Government and to - refuse to pay taxes, register documents, etc. At the same time police - stations and courts would be surrounded and the officials told to - deposit their uniforms and other badges of offices. Thereafter police - stations and courts would be treated as _Swaraj_ property. On the top - of this declaration of policy, the Local Government had information - that the first experiment would be made with the Basantpur police - station in the Chapra District. Now this has been denied by the - Congress party but the intention was an open secret. I was told about - it after our last session by a member of this Council, who shall be - nameless, and apart from our police reports, we had it on the authority - of the _Motherland_ dated the 26th November, that Chapra had been - selected as the first object of attack. This is what the _Motherland_ - of November 29th, 1921, says. The heading is-- - -"+Civil Disobedience in Behar.+" - -And the message runs: - -"A meeting of the Provincial Congress Committee was held at Patna on -Sunday last. 33 delegates were elected for the coming session of the -Indian National Congress at Ahmadabad. It was also resolved upon to form -a volunteer corps in pursuance of the resolution of the All India -Working Committee. The matter of selecting a suitable area for preparing -it for Civil Disobedience was referred to the Provincial Working -Committee which met on Monday last and decided in favour of Chapra in -preference to the claims of Katra Thana in the district of Muzaffarpur, -which were backed up by Muhammad Shafi." - -The _Motherland_ is a local organ of the revolutionary party and the -property of Mr. Mazharul Haqq, who is the one of the shining lights in -that camp, and presumably is in the confidance of the party. We know -also from the public press that the previous volunteer associations, our -old friends, the 'Khilafat' the 'Congress' and the 'Swaraj' volunteers -were to be replaced by a new organization to be called the "National -Volunteers" and we knew from our own reports that the particular name to -be affected by the new organization of non-violent volunteers in Behar -was the _Qaumi Sebak Dal_. Perhaps members of this Council would like to -know something about the organization of this Behar _Sebak Dal_. This is -what we heard about its organization. - -Each squad was to consist of 20 volunteers. 20 squads would make a -company _Maha Dal_, in this there would be 400 volunteers. Each squad -would be under an officer. - -Over 20 assistants there would be a higher officer. What he would -dictate all the four hundred volunteers would have to observe. - -The Bihar _Sebak Dal's_ duty would be "Revolution" even if they had to -sacrifice their lives. - -And this is what we were told about their plans of campaign: - -It was first to attack all the police-stations of the district and to -take them into their possession, after removing the Inspectors, Jamadars -and the Police. - -When the thana had been taken possession of, then the _Kachahri_ would -have to be taken possession of and the _Hakims_ would be removed. - -Civil disobedience would commence in Chapra District from village -Basantpur, in Muzaffarpur from thana Katra, and then Sitamarhi. - -Such then was the information on which the Local Government had to act. -Does the Council still wonder that action of the nature taken was taken? -To those who protest that the information held by Government was -unreliable I can only reply that it has been fully corroborated not only -by what has happened in other Provinces and by published documents of -the non-co-operation movement but also by what has happened under our -very noses in this Province. The non-co-operators say that it was never -in contemplation to make an attack on Basantpur police-station on the -10th December. We believe that this particular experiment was nipped to -the bud by the Notification of the same date, which found the leaders -assembled at Chapra and threw them into consternation. But how do they -explain the raids which were actually made at a somewhat later date on -the police-station of Sonbarsa, Raghupur and Mahua in the District of -Muzaffarpur, or the attempt to picket the Gaya Civil Courts on the -opening day after the X'mas holidays, which was only frustrated by the -despatch of troops from Patna to Gaya on the previous evening? Were all -these fortuitous and accidental? Do all these evidences of intention -exist only in the heated imagination of the police? I shall have -occasion later to tell the Council what effect these raids have had on -the internal condition of the Muzaffarpur District. My present object is -only to prove that when the Local Government took action under the -Criminal Law Amendment Act on the 10th December, they were fully -justified in believing that the civil disobedience movement would be -started at a very early date in the Tirhut Division. - -I do not wish to weary the Council by going into details regarding the -Patna _hartal_. It seemed to Government, and with good reason, that -efforts were being made to impose an intolerable tyranny on the citizens -of Patna at a time when the representatives of the people, who sit in -this Council, had extended to his Royal Highness a most cordial welcome -and had voted a special grant to make that welcome worthy of the -occasion. The object of the non-co-operators was to substitute for the -welcome the same kind of deliberate insult that had been attempted to be -offered to the Royal visitor at Benares and Allahabad. Government, I -say, would have been open to the gravest reproach if it had made no -effort to counteract that mean and wicked project, which was so foreign -to the innate hospitality and reverence of the Indian people, and -particularly repugnant, one would imagine, to the sturdy loyalty of -Bihar. Under this double compulsion then Government decided that the -time had come to follow the example of its neighbours. Members of -Council know as well as I do what followed. There was, as Government -expected there would be, much excitement in the city--the stirring of a -hornet nest always has this sort of reaction. - -Sir, let not this Council be deceived by any cry of repression, by any -false appeal for the freedom of association and the freedom of speech. -This Government is not out for repression. It has no desire to interfere -with political activity or freedom of speech. When Mr. Gandhi and his -friends use these phrases, what they mean is license to preach sedition, -and liberty to foment rebellion and revolution. Let us see how the -system works in practice. I will read to the Council a recent report on -condition of the Muzaffarpur District. It is dated the 5th January:-- - -"The Muzaffarpur District still continues to be in very disturbed state -particularly the Sitamarhi Subdivision, where it is reported that law -and order are decreasing daily and Magistrates are even insulted in -their own Courts. The Sitamarhi Sub-jail is said to be practically in a -state of mutiny, the prisoners shouting and singing all day until about -10 P.M., while on one occasion a warder was rushed and knocked down. -Additional police have been asked for this subdivision and are badly -required. The Masses in this district are said to have no longer any -dread of going to jail owing to the inducements held out to them that -they will be treated as political prisoners and fare better than in -their own homes. The police have come in for more than their fair share -of attention from the non-co-operators during the week and the -Superintendent of Police is of opinion that his force has become -exasperated almost beyond endurance by the gross insults and abuse that -has been heaped upon them. - -"On the 26th December 1921, about 200 volunteers escorted by a large and -noisy mob forced their way into the Sonbarsa Thana compound in the -Sitamarhi Subdivision, carrying swaraj flag and repeating the Delhi -fatwa. The thana police were told that to remain in Government service -was for a Hindu equivalent to eating cow's flesh and for a Muhammadan to -eating pig. Later the crowd became more insulting and abusive and though -seven of the ringleaders were arrested, the crowd did not disperse until -nearly midnight. Following this incident the whole of the thana staff -were boycotted, the services of the barber, washermen and even supplies -of food were stopped, until the divisional inspector succeeded in -intervening. - -"At Raghupur Police-station in the same district, 300 volunteers -appeared and told the sub-inspector that on the 1st January they would -plant the swaraj flag in the compound and take possession of the -police-station. At Mahua Police-station, the Police were also grossly -abused and insulted and similar reports have been received by the -Superintendent of Police from other police stations in the district. - -"Mention was made in last week's report of a fracas in the Court -compound at Hajipur where alms were being distributed to the poor. This -was followed on the same day by a parade of 100 Sevak Dal volunteers in -front of the Hajipur police-station who shouted _Sarkar ki nokri karna -haram hai_ and grossly abused the Police. - -"Reports received from factories also indicate a serious state of unrest -in the Mufassal. Mr. G. P. Danby writing from Bowarrah factory mentions -that noisy shouting bands of volunteers are moving about the country -making themselves a general nuisance and that to all appearance mob law -prevails. The Belsand Factory in this district is reported to have been -surrounded on the 4th January by a large mob shouting _Gandhi ki jai_. -Europeans and loyal Indians are expressing their disappointment that -Government did not continue strong measures against the non-co-operation -movement." - -That is a police report, and lest the Council may think it is highly -coloured I will read a shorter note of the Divisional Commissioner, Mr. -Scroope, who is a man of sober judgment. - -Mr. Mansfield, Subdivisional Officer Sitamarhi, came to see me yesterday -before I left for Bankipur. He is a level-headed officer and in no sense -an alarmist. He informed me that the police are no longer able to deal -with non-co-operators in Sitamarhi town. The latter are practically in -possession of the liquor shops which they now picket with impunity. They -also haunt the neighbourhood of the Court and create much noise and -disorder during the trial to political cases. They ask to be arrested -and some of them who have been placed under trial under section 290, -Indian Penal Code have been grossly insulting to the Magistrate. The -journeys to and from Court of persons under trial for a political -offence are made regular occasions for noisy demonstrations and abuse of -Government. Mr. Mansfield's considered opinion is that non-co-operators -are now entirely out of hand, that the existing police force is quite -unequal to the task of keeping them in check and that law and order have -practically ceased to exist in Sitamarhi town. - -The sub-jail can only be described as in a state of mutiny. It is much -overcrowded containing about 90 inmates (I am not certain of the exact -number; almost all are under trials) and certain influential -non-co-operators under trials have been preaching defiance and -insubordination to their companions. The result is a total absence of -discipline; the undertrials sing and shout at the top of their voices -throughout the day and most of the night and any attempts on the part of -the warders to enforce order and obedience are wholly ignored. - -Here is a latter report of the doings of one of these roving bands of -whom mention is made in the police report. The Superintendent of Police -writes on the 21st January. - -At the same time I received a telegram from Mr. Gray, Meanchupra. - -"All roads here stopped by volunteers. No carts or servants allowed -works. Come if possible, position critical". - -I left at 2 P.M. and arrived Meanchupra at about 3 P.M. - -About 500 yards on the road west of Meanchupra I found some volunteers -sitting on a culvert guarding the road. On arrival at the Bungalow I -found Mr. and Mrs. Gray and their three children absolutely shut off and -isolated by three volunteers. All the Factory work had been stopped as -the jamadar peons and coolies were not allowed to enter the factory so -that there was no one to cut the sugarcane etc. All carts had been -stopped, volunteers cutting the ropes of the bullocks and driving them -away. Even the house servants had been stopped from going to the -bungalow from their village. There was no bearer, cooks _mashalchi_, -_dhobe_, garden coolies or even _murgiwala_. Mrs. Grey had to dig up the -potatoes in the garden, cook the food, wash up the dishes, etc., and her -ayah asked her (as well she might) if it was true that the British Raj -was over. - -Sir, these are the facts which have already compelled Government to post -a force of additional police to the Sitamarhi subdivision, and I do not -disguise from the Council that they may force us at no distant date to -take even sterner measures to preserve the peace of the district, and of -other districts that are similarly threatened. If Government find it -necessary later to present to Council a bill of costs which will not be -at all to their liking, let them thank their non-co-operation friends -for the gift. - -I know we shall be met with the old cry of repression, but in this case -it is a stupid cry. No Government of this country wants repression for -repression's sake, and least of all the Government of Bihar and Orissa, -which includes within its number three distinguished Indians who have -never been accused of any lack of political independence. For my own -part I claim that no one welcomed more keenly than I did the -inauguration of the new reforms era in India. I had the confident hope -(and in this matter I speak also for my hon'ble colleague, Sir Havilland -Le Mesurier) that we had before us a great and inspiring task of -friendly co-operation with educated Indians, which would at no very -distant date place this country in the forefront of the common-wealth of -nations. Sir, this great task has for the moment been heavily -handicapped and hampered by the poisonous cult of non-co-operation, a -cult which has embittered and clouded the political life of India and -caused discouragement to all the friends of reform. It has made life a -burden and weariness to all ranks of Government officers, to the -responsible agents of Government in districts and to the directing staff -at headquarters but I have still hope that the better sense of India -will prevail and that the clouds will clear away. It is to you, members -of the Council, that Government look to give a lead to the public which -you represent, in the fight against this great danger which menaces -India. The danger is not one which threatens only the officers of -Government, professional men, and men of wealth and property. The -interests of the common people, the patient cultivators and the toiling -workmen, are just as much at stake. It is they who will suffer most, if -revolution comes, as the same classes are suffering to-day in Russia -where they are perishing in millions as a result of the disintegration -of ordered Government. I call therefore upon the representatives of all -classes in this assembly to consider what is their duty, their solemn -duty, on this occasion. The choice is between the orderly progress of -India towards a future of brightest promise and the perilous path of -revolution which leads to darkness and death. There is no midway between -them. I appeal to you, gentlemen of the Council, to put aside any -pre-conceived notions or prepared speeches with which you may have -entered this hall to-day and to look at the position in all its naked -truth. The question you have to decide for yourself is whether you stand -for orderly Government or revolution. I trust that the hon'ble mover -himself will realize his responsibility in the light of these remarks -and withdraw his resolution now that it has served its purpose of -securing a full discussion of the political situation. - - - - -APPENDIX XVII - -Disgraceful Tyranny - -The following is taken from the speech delivered by the Hon. Mr. -Hammond, the officiating Chief Secretary of the Bihar and Orissa -Government, during the recent debate in the Provincial Council on the -political situation. _The Pioneer 1st February, 22._ - - -Has the hon. member read what has just happened in Guntur, in Madras, -where rents are being withheld? Is he aware that not in one but in two -or three districts in the Province there have been refusals to pay -chaukidari taxes; that we have read not one but several speeches -advocating this refusal? May I tell the Council that barely three or -four days ago, in the district of Puri, a Panch assessor was murdered -while endeavouring to collect chaukidari tax? Swami Vidyanand and others -who followed and desclaimed against repressive laws enquired what have -the "volunteers" done? It is a pertinent question, and, with your -permission, Sir, I will give a few instances by way of answer. Time does -not allow me to go through all their nefarious activities, but if Hon. -members want to know what the "volunteers" have done, apart from -enforced _hartal_ and the ordinary common forms of secret intimidation, -ask the widow of the Mahomedan, Mazir Ali Kalal, whose corpse was -exhumed in Ranchi, thrown upon the public road and the face beaten in -with a brick; ask Gopi Khar at Chatra, who on the 3rd January was beaten -and taken with his face blackened through the town because his wife -committed the foul crime of selling food to those who visited liquor -shops. Is that persuasion? Is this _Ahimsa_? ask the woman of Kateya, -Mussammatt Paremia Koerin, near Siwan, who was stripped naked and driven -through the village by a howling mob. She complained as well she might -to the Government police officer, who, when he went to hold an enquiry -was attacked by a mob--a demonstration in force of soul-force! A speaker -later in the debate declaimed against those, the Planters and the -police, whose courage, he said, "took the form of delight in tyrannising -over the poor and of oppressing their fellow-countrymen." I ask in all -sincerity what are these cases I have related but a disgraceful -tyranny; are they not, indeed, 'oppression of the poor?' "What right?" I -shall be asked "have you to lay these crimes at the doors of the -non-co-operation party?" The answer is, that when men publicly oppose -the funeral it is not irrational to believe that they are concerned with -the subsequent exhumation of the corpse. In the other cases I have -mentioned evidence has been taken and there is the judicial finding. - - -North and South of the Ganges - -Another member asked me to explain the difference between the positions -north and south of the Ganges. Let us take this town of Patna. The hon. -member did not, as some do, deny _in toto_ that, there had been -intimidation. I say there is in fact but little difference. In Tirhut -the crime manifest and overt, and in Patna it is suppressed. Have the -Council heard of those poor beggars who received tickets entitling to go -to Gulzarbagh on the morning of the 22nd December and get blankets? Do -they know that these people were asked by "volunteers" on their way to -show their tickets which were then taken and torn up, that the same day -some of the beggars when returning from Gulzarbagh were deprived of the -blankets which they had been given which were burnt, and the beggars had -to be content with such warmth, as they could derive from the glow of -enforced patriotism. The difference between this side of the Ganges and -the other is that in Patna such things do not unfortunately in a large -city attract much attention. - -Oh! the shame of it, a blind beggar woman deprived of her blanket, but -no violence of course was used, only soul-force. Babu Ganesh Dutt -appealed to justice and sympathy. Do these beggars deserve no sympathy? -Is there to be no justice done on their oppressors? I shall be told that -the leaders of the movement disavow such action; that they deplore them -as much as we do. Sir, we cannot separate the methods from the ideals of -the revolutionary movement. I am prepared to believe that some of the -leaders deplore violence and would try to restrain it, but I maintain, -and I challenge, any hon. member here to disprove it that, conducted on -the lines as it is, admitting such members as it does to its ranks, the -non-co-operation movement must inevitably result in violence. - - -The Giridih Riots - -Let us take the case to which reference had been made before in this -Council, the serious riots which occurred at Giridih, and which ended in -an attack upon the sub-jail and the thana and the burning of the -records. From what did that originate? It is a simple story. A sold B a -cow and said that she would yield 1-1/2 seers of milk. B took the cow -away and found that he did not get the guaranteed amount of milk. -Lawyers here know that the law of warranty is a somewhat difficult and -intricate matter. However the local self constituted Panches decided -that, A should take back the cow and refund the money. He declined to do -so; and then as sanction to enforce the orders of this local court -applied that cruel engine of oppression, social boycott. In all -civilised communities the black-mailer is regarded with disgust and -condemned. It has been for the non-co-operation party to use social -blackmail as the basis of sanction to its ideals. The inevitable result -of such a sanction is violence. - -What are the "volunteers" doing? They are fishing in troubled waters. -They tried--let us once again come back to Patna--to get the domestic -servants to strike: they succeeded in persuading some of the motor-car -drivers to desert their masters when their services were most required. -What are the "volunteer's" doing? They are persuading raiyats to -withhold rent. I know the case of a wealthy zamindar who had to borrow -money from the bank to pay his Government revenue. I maintain, sir, that -though honest men amongst the non-co-operators speak of non-violence the -movement must inevitably lead to violence. - -Take an instance from private life--let us again quote from Patna. A -gentleman returning from Calcutta, a man well acquainted with the law of -the land, found that his servant had, at the bidding of one gentleman -who is an active recruiting officer of "volunteers," decided to break -the contract made with his master. I have the best authority for saying -this breach of contract resulted in righteous indignation which took the -form of personal violence. What are these "volunteers" doing? They are -provoking violence; they are picketing; they are intimidating; they are -interfering between the master and servant, between landlord and tenant, -between the railway and its employees. - - -"Volunteers" Recruited from Criminal Classes - -I know it will be said that efforts have been made to purify the ranks. -It was found, for example, in Chapra, that _doms_, registered as -criminal tribes, were enlisted in the ranks of the national -"volunteers." From the other districts, too, came reports of ex-convicts -and persons of the "C" class register not only being enrolled but being -welcomed. The efforts to remove these members and to purify the movement -does not seem likely to be successful if we may judge from a leader's -experience in the Bhagalpur Division, at Banka, in the district of -Bhagalpur. There I am informed, when he visited some villages with a -view to expelling the undesirables, he was himself expelled and told to -mind his own business. I submit, sir, for the earnest consideration of -this Council that you can not separate principles from methods or the -ideals from the agents who are employed. Lastly, we have had an appeal -that this Council should share the responsibility for maintenance of law -and order. We have been solemnly advised by some of the speakers that -Government should abdicate from the duty imposed by Statute of -maintaining law and order in favour of these "volunteers" who were, so -we are asked to believe, inaugurated solely to prevent a recurrence of -the scenes that occurred in Bombay--to stop women being stripped of -their clothes in the streets, to stop murder and loot. Can Government -for a moment, in view of the activities I have related, contemplate -handing over the duty, the primary and essential duty of the police, to -the Kanmi Sevak Dal? The question has only to be asked to show its -absurdity. - - -The question of Counter-Propaganda - -The only piece of practical advice we received from Mr. Madan was that -propaganda should be met by counter propaganda. But there are -difficulties. - -First how many of the hon. members would be willing to take up the task -of propaganda? Secondly, how many of them would be listened to if they -did? How many of these would be able to obtain a hearing? I confess it -seems to me, when Hon. members have protested that Government do not -publish all the facts, that the time may come when every district and -Sub-Divisional Magistrate ought to be his own publicity officer. In the -last week we should have had stories in the papers of ladies being -insulted in Monghyr, pushed into the road, and spat upon. We should have -read of the wife of a settlement Officer, with her sister-in-law, being -insulted by school-boys one of the ladies having her head cut with a -stone; and from many districts we should have heard that pitiful tale of -little children whose lips can hardly lisp the popular war cry being -taught to shout it, not as a tale of admiration for an ascetic idealist, -nor as reverence for a person of mystic magnetism, but as a mark of -racial hatred, a hymn of hate. We could have published instances from -Muzaffarpur and Champaran of the insults to Europeans, of mob roaming -about shouting and committing mischief. Hon. members would have heard of -Magistrates unable to hold trials because of the noise in the Court -compounds. All these and more should have been done in the way of -counter propaganda, exposing the methods of what is in fact a -revolutionary movement, but would much good have been done thereby? Is -it not more important to take steps to prevent such things happening? I -ask the hon. members to remember that every vote given in favour of this -resolution is a direct encouragement to the non-co-operation party they -profess to abhor. - - - - -APPENDIX XVIII - -DEMAND FOR AN INDIAN "REPUBLIC" - -Mr. Hazrat Mohani's Address - -AHMEDABAD, DEC. 30--The following is the full text of the -authorised translation of the address, which Moulana Hazrat -Mohani delivered this afternoon and which was, from the beginning -to the end a plea for the declaration from the 1st January, 1922, of -an Indian Republic called the United States of India to be attained -by all possible and proper means, including guerilla warfare in -case Martial Law was proclaimed. - - -GENTLEMEN--While thanking you for electing me to preside over this -session of the All-India Muslim League I wish to say in all sincerity -that the importance of this session of the League, in which the faith of -Hindustan is to be decided required the choice of a person abler than -myself, such as Moulana Muhammed Ali, Dr. Kitchlew or Moulana Abdul -Kulam Azad to preside over its deliberation but, unfortunately, the -Government has forcibly taken away the first two gentlemen from us, I -express my inability to accept the responsibility. Consequently, as the -proverb goes, "if thou dos't not accept it willingly, it will be forced -on thee" this great duty was placed on my weak shoulders. I wish to -discharge it to the best of my ability. Success is in the hand of God. - - -The Aims of the League - -The present condition of the League appears to be very weak, indeed, but -this does not in the least derogate from its real importance for it was -the All-India Muslim League which actually realised. The first and the -most essential condition of Indian independence is the Hindu-Muslim -unity, and now that it has been achieved it is the duty of the League to -maintain it also. Besides, it is on the platform of the League that all -sections of political opinion amongst the Musalmans, Extremists or -Moderates, have so far been and in future will, probably, be brought -together. Before going into the causes of the weakness of the League, it -will be better to enumerate the aims and object of the League. These are -(1) the attainment of Swaraj by the people of India by all peaceful and -legitimate means; (2) to protect and advance the political, religious -and other rights and interests of the Indian Musalmans; (3) to promote -friendship and union between the Musalmans and other communities of -India and (4) to maintain and strengthen brotherly relations between the -Musalmans of India and those of other countries. - - -The League an Old Calendar - -The first of these is also known to be the creed of the Congress. -Therefore, so long as the word Swaraj is not defined in consonance with -Muslim desire and the means for its attainment are not amplified, it is -only natural that Muslim interests in League should be clear. The third -object, Hindu-Muslim unity, is the common object both of the League and -the Congress. The fourth object, the unity of Muslim world, which has -been, along with other questions, connected with the Khilafat has been -specially taken up by the Khilafat Committee. There remains only the -second object that is the protection of the special interest of the -Muslmans. As to this, so long as a much greater and more important -object, that is, the attainment of Swaraj still remains unachieved, -people would rather direct their united efforts against the common enemy -than look after their special interests. They will be attended to when -the time comes for it. As if these causes were not sufficient in -themselves, to decrease Muslim influence in the League, its rules and -regulations were, unfortunately, so framed that, while public opinion -has developed at a rapid pace most members of the League have not moved -an inch from their first position. As a result, the League remains -nothing more than an old calendar. It is very necessary to remove the -causes of the weakness of the League and to remove them immediately, for -in proportion as we approach nearer and nearer to the goal of Swaraj the -need of the League will be felt more and more, because questions of -special Muslim rights will rise again with greater importance when India -is free. - - -An Indian "Republic" - -Our first duty, therefore, should be to reduce the fee for the -membership of the League and thus increase its members, who will choose -their representatives of the League every year. The members to the -Council of the Provincial and the All-India Muslim Leagues should be -chosen as in the case of the Congress every year. But the most pressing -necessity of all is a change in the first object of the League to suit -the changed Muslim conditions. Everyone of us knows that the word Swaraj -has been definitely left vague and undefined in the creed of the -Congress. The object of it has been that, if the Khilafat and the Panjab -wrongs, are settled on the lines of our demands, then Swaraj within the -British Empire will be considered sufficient; otherwise efforts will be -directed towards the attainment of complete independence. But, gentlemen -from the Muslim point of view it is not enough that we should stand for -complete independence alone. It is necessary to decide upon the form -that it should take and in my opinion it can only be an Indian Republic -or on the lines of the United States of India. - -Besides this, the term "peaceful", which defines and restricts the scope -of the legitimate means for the attainment of Swaraj in the Congress -creed, is opposed to the nature and religious aspirations of the -Musalmans. Therefore, in the creed of the League the words "possible" -and "Proper" should be substituted for the words "Legitimate" and -"Peaceful". I will explain the matter in detail. The Musalmans should -understand clearly that they derive a two-fold advantage from the -establishment of an Indian Republic, firstly, the general benefit which -they will undoubtedly share along with their Indian brethren as citizens -of a common State and secondly, the special advantage which the -Musalmans will derive from it is that, with every decline in the -prestige and power of the British Empire, which, to-day is the worst -enemy of Muslim countries, the Muslim world will get breathing time and -opportunity to improve its conditions. Gentlemen, in spite of the -present Hindu-Muslim unity, there still exists many serious -misunderstandings and suspicions between these two great communities of -Hindustan, and it is of primary importance that we should grasp the true -nature of these misunderstandings. The Hindus have a lurking suspicion -that given an opportunity, the Musalmans will either invite their -co-religionists from outside to invade India or will, at least help -them, in case they invaded to plunder and devastate Hindustan, and these -misunderstandings are so deep-rooted and widespread that, so far as my -knowledge goes, no Indian statesman has escaped it, except the late -Lokamanya Tilak. On the other hand, the Musalmans suspect that on the -achievement of Self-Government, the Hindus will acquire greater -political powers and will use their numerical superiority to crush the -Musalmans. Gentlemen, it is quite clear that these misunderstandings can -only be won over by a compromise discussion and mutual and intimate -knowledge, and it is an essential condition of this mutual understanding -that the third party should not come between them. - - -Hindus and Muslims - -The generality of Musalmans, with few exceptions, are afraid of the -numerical superiority of the Hindus and are absolutely opposed to an -ordinary reform scheme as a substitute for complete independence. The -primary reason for this is that in a merely reformed, as contrasted with -an independent Government they will be under a double suspicion, first, -a subjection to the Government of India, which will be common to Hindus -and Musalmans, secondly, a rejection by a Hindu majority, which they -will have to face in every department of the Government. On the other -hand, if the danger of the English power is removed, the Musalmans will -only have the Hindu Majority to fear. Fortunately this fear is such as -will be automatically removed, with the establishment of the Indian -republic for, while the Musalmans, as a whole, are in a minority in -India, yet Nature has provided a compensation, for the Musalmans are not -in a minority in all Provinces. In some Provinces, such as Kashmere, the -Punjab, Sind, Bengal and Assam, the Musalmans are more numerous than the -Hindus. This Muslim majority will be an assurance that in the United -States of India the Hindu majority in Madras, Bombay and the United -Provinces will not be allowed to overstep the limits of moderation -against the Musalmans. Similarly, so long as a completely liberated -India does not come into the hands of the Hindus and Musalmans -themselves, the Hindus will be always suspicious that, in case of a -foreign invasion, the Musalmans will aid their co-religionist invaders, -but on the establishment of the Indian Republic, which will be shared in -common by the Musalmans and Hindus there will be no possibility of such -a suspicion, for no Musalman will desire that the power of even a Muslim -foreigner should be established over this country. - - -The Mopla Rebellion - -Gentlemen, I have just stated it as a necessary condition of the -Hindu-Muslim compromise that the third party, the English, should not be -allowed to step in between us. Otherwise, all our affairs will fall into -disorder. Its best example is before you in the shape of the Mopla -incident. You are probably aware that Hindu India has an open and direct -complaint against the Moplas and an indirect complaint against all of us -that the Moplas are plundering and spoiling their innocent Hindu -neighbours, but probably, you are not aware that the Moplas justify -their action on the ground that at such a critical juncture, when they -are engaged in a war against the English, their neighbours not only do -not help them or observe neutrality, but aid and assist the English in -every possible way. They can, no doubt, contend that, while they are -fighting a defensive war for the sake of their religion and have left -their houses, property and belongings and taken refuge in hills and -jungles, it is unfair to characterise as plunder their commandeering of -money, provisions and other necessaries for their troops from the -English or their supporters. Gentlemen, both are right in their -complaints, but so far as my investigation goes, the cause of this -mutual recrimination can be traced to the interference of the third -party. It happens thus, whenever any English detachment suddenly appears -in the locality and kills or captures the Moplas inhabitants of the -place, rumour somehow spreads in the neighbourhood that the Hindu -inhabitants of the place had invited the English army for their -protection, with the result that after the departure of the English -troops the Moplas or their neighbours do not hesitate to retaliate and -consider the money and other belongings of the Hindus as lawful spoils -of war taken from those who have aided and abetted the enemy. Where no -such events have occurred, the Moplas and Hindus even now live -peacefully side by side, Moplas do not commit any excesses against the -Hindus, while the Hindus do not hesitate in helping the Moplas to the -best of their ability. - - -A National Parliament. - -I have wandered far from my purpose, I meant to emphasise that, in the -first clause dealing with the aims and objects of the League, the word -"Swaraj" should be defined as complete republic. Otherwise, there is a -danger that in the presence of a third party, Self-Government within the -British Empire, instead of being beneficial, might actually prove -injurious. The second amendment necessary is that the methods for the -attainment of Swaraj should be amplified. In the place "peaceful" and -"legitimate" means "possible" and "proper" should be permitted. Thus, on -the one hand, the opportunity of joining the League will be given to -those who do not honestly believe Non-Co-operation alone as the sole -path of salvation, recognising the possibility of other methods and -adopting them also. On the other hand, the amendment will remove the -complaint of those who believe the Non-Co-operation can under no -circumstances, remain peaceful to the last, and while subscribing to the -creed of the Congress and the first clause of the section dealing with -the object of the League as a matter of policy and expediency, refuse to -admit it as a faith for all times and circumstances or to remain -non-violent even in intention. - -Gentlemen, there are only two possible means of replacing one Government -by another one, the destruction of the Government by sword and the -establishment of another in its place, a method which has been followed -in the world thus far. The second alternative is to sever all connection -with the present Government, and to set up a better or organised -Government: parallel to it and improve and develop it till the old -order is dissolved and the new takes its place. Friends, to achieve this -object, we must immediately set upon a separate and permanent foundation -our courts, schools, arts, industries, army, police and a national -parliament. Non-violent Non-Co-operation can only help to paralyse the -Government, but cannot maintain it. The question now is, can such a -parallel Government be established only through non-violent -non-co-operation of course, provided the rival Government does not -interfere with its establishment, a condition which is obviously -impossible. The rival Government will certainly interfere. We might -contend that we will proceed on with our work silently and quietly and in -spite of governmental interference as is being done at present. A stage -will, however, be reached ultimately when action on peaceful lines will -absolutely become impossible, and then we will be forced to admit that a -parallel Government can be started, but not continue to the last through -peaceful means. - - -Governmental Policy - -The example of Governmental repression is before your eyes. First, it -attempted through Karachi trials to prevent the Musalmans from openly -proclaiming the articles of their faith, when the people, undaunted by -this decision of the Government, preached through the length and breadth -of India that it was unlawful to serve in the army. The Government -slowly overlooked those activities fearing lest a mere repetition of the -Karachi resolution might lead to disaffection in the Army, and in order -to divert the attention of the people from those activities, it -suddenly, but deliberately declared the enrollment as unlawful. That -might get an opportunity of striking at the Non-Co-operators. Like the -moths that gather to sacrifice their lives round lighted candle, the -advocates of civil disobedience swarmed to break this declaration of -Lord Reading and cheerfully went in their thousands to gaol. This is -undoubtedly an example of self-sacrifice and self-effacement which will -rightly move Mahatma Gandhi to ecstasy, but we detect another truth -hidden in this demonstration of happiness and joy. It reveals to our -eyes the last stage of both the repression of the Government and the -patience of the people. The people are, no doubt, prepared to bear and -suffer gladly the hardships of a few days of imprisonment but on the -declaration of Martial Law the non-violent Non-Co-operation movement -will prove totally insufficient and useless. Amongst the Musalmans, at -least there will hardly be found a man who will be prepared to sacrifice -his life uselessly. A man can only have one of the two feelings in his -heart, when faced by the barrel of a gun, either to seek refuge in -flight or to take advantage of the law of self-preservation and despatch -adversary to hell. The third alternative of cheerfully yielding up one's -life to the enemy and considering it to be the one real success will -remain confined to Mahatma Gandhi and some of his adherents and fellow -thinkers. I, on my part, fear that in general the reply to the Martial -Law will be what is commonly called guerilla warfare, or in the words of -the Quran "kill them wherever you find them." The responsibility lies -with the representatives of the Musalmans. The members of the All-India -Muslim League, should consider it their duty either to refrain from -adopting Non-Co-operation as their creed or free it from the limitation -of keeping it, either by violence or non-violence, for it is not in our -power to keep Non-Co-operation peaceful or otherwise. So long as the -Government confines to the use of chains and fetters, Non-Co-operation -can remain peaceful as it is to-day, but if things go further and the -Government has recourse to gallows or machine guns it will be impossible -for the movement to remain non-violent. - - -Duty of Muslims - -At this stage, some people would like to ask how is it that, while the -Hindus are content to adopt non-violent non-co-operation as the means -for attaining independence, that the Musalmans are anxious to go a step -further. The answer is that the liberation of Hindustan is as much a -political duty of Musalmans as that of a Hindu. Owing to the question of -Khilafat it has become a Musalman's religious duty also. - -In this connection I should like to say just one word. The glories of -Ghazhi Mustapha Kemal Pasha and the conclusion of the recent -Franco-Turkish Treaty might create an idea in some people's minds that -the evacuation of Smyrna by the Greeks is certain, and the restoration -of Thrace to the Turks if not certain is within the bounds of -possibility. Consequently they might entertain the hope that the -struggle in the Near East is coming to a close. I want to warn all such -people that the claims of the Musalmans of India are founded more on -religious than political principles. So long as the Jazirat-ul-Arab -(including Palestine and Mesopotamia) are not absolutely freed from -non-Muslim influence, and so long as the political and military power of -the Khilafat is not fully restored the Musalmans of India cannot suspend -their activities and efforts. - - -The Muslim Demands - -The Muslim demands as regards the Khilafat are these:--(1) that in the -pursuance of the promise of Mr. Lloyd George, Thrace and Shayrna, along -with the city of Smyrna, should remain purely under Turkish control, so -that the political status of the Khilafat Musalman, which is essential -for the Khilafat should suffer no diminution, (2) all non-Turkish -control should be removed from Constantinople, the shores of Marmora and -the Dardanelles in order that the Khilafat at Constantinople may not be -under non-Muslim control, which is essential for the Khilafat; (3) all -naval and military restrictions imposed on the Khilafat should be -removed, as otherwise, he would have no power to enforce the orders of -the Khilafat; (4) the Jazirat-ul-Arab, including the Hedjaz, Palestine, -and Mesopotamia, should be free from all non-Muslim influence and not be -under the British mandate, as it was the death-bed injunction of the -prophet. It should be noted that in the fourth demand we wish the -English to give up their mandate of Mesopotamia and Palestine and remove -their influence from the Hedjaz. As to the question whether the Arabs -will acknowledge the Sheriff of Mecca or the Sultan of Turkey as their -Khilafat, or whether the Arab Government of Hedjaz, Mesopotamia and -Palestine will be independant or under the suzerainty of the Khilafat, -they will be decided by the Musalmans. We do not want non-Muslim advice -and assistance. - - -A Compact Between Congress and League - -In my opinion, gentlemen, the most pressing necessity of Hindustan is -the immediate conclusion of a definite compact between the Congress and -the League. The Congress should not enter into any negotiations with the -Government concerning Swaraj (1) until the minimum Muslim demands with -regard the Khilafat are satisfied; (2) on the other hand, the Muslim -should definitely bind themselves that even though their demands with -regard to the Khilafat are satisfied, they, the Musalmans of India, will -stand to the last by the side of their Hindu brethren for the attainment -and preservation of Indian independence. Such a compact is necessary for -the work because there are signs of the enemies of Indian independence, -and we have to confess with regret that a number of deceitful Indians -working with the foreigners are concentrating all their efforts to wreck -the Hindu Muslim unity and create distrust and misunderstanding between -the two communities. On the one hand, the Musalmans are being enticed by -false hopes with regard to the Khilafat question. On the other some show -toys of political concessions are being prepared as a gift for the -Hindus even before the stipulated period of ten years. It is intended -that in simplicity, the Musalmans should consider the return of Smyrna, -etc, as the satisfaction their Khilafat demands, and slacken their -efforts for the attainment of Swaraj, while the Hindus should be misled -into believing a further instalment of reforms as the Swaraj itself, or -at least, its precursor and begin to consider the Khilafat as an -irrelevant question. There can be only one solution for all these -problems. Hindus and Musalmans after mutual consultation, should have -Indian independence declared by Mahatma Gandhi, and that in future -neither the English might have an opportunity of deceiving nor India of -being deceived. After the declaration of independence, the Congress and -the League will have only one object left; that is preservation of -Swaraj. The 1st January, 1922, is the best date for the purpose because -we would thus have fulfilled the promise that we made to attain Swaraj -within this year, and the people of India will achieve success in the -eyes of God and man. - - - - -APPENDIX XIX - -GOVERNMENT REPLIES. - -Mr. Gandhi's Misstatements. - -"_Mass civil disobedience is fraught with such danger to the State that -it must be met with sternness and severity._" - -_So says the Government of India (Home Department) in the communique -published below in reply to Mr. Gandhi's manifesto offering a -postponement of civil disobedience on certain conditions which -Government regard as impossible._ - -_The Government statement makes it clear that the issue is between -lawlessness and the maintenance of civilised government._ - - -The manifesto issued by Mr. Gandhi on the 4th February justifying his -determination to resort to mass civil disobedience contains a series of -misstatements. Some of these are so important that the Government of -India cannot allow them to pass unchallenged. In the first place they -emphatically repudiate the statement that they have embarked on a policy -of lawless repression and also the suggestion that the present campaign -of civil disobedience has been forced on the non-co-operation party, in -order to secure the elementary rights of free association, free speech -and of a free press. The Government of India desire to draw attention to -the fact that the decision to adopt a programme of civil disobedience -was finally accepted on the 4th November, before the recent notification -relating either to the Seditious Meetings Act or the Criminal Law -Amendment Act, to which Mr. Gandhi unmistakeably refers were issued. It -was in consequence of serious acts of lawlessness, committed by persons -who professed to be followers of Mr. Gandhi and the non-co-operation -movement, that the Government were forced to take measures, which are in -strict accordance with the law for the protection of peaceful citizens -in the pursuit of their lawful avocations. - - -A new and dangerous situation - -Since the inauguration of the non-co-operation movement the Government -of India actuated by a desire to avoid anything in the nature of the -repression of political activity, even though it was of an extreme -character, have restricted their action in relation thereto to such -measures as were necessary for the maintenance of law and order and the -preservation of public tranquility. Up to November no steps, save in -Delhi last year, were taken against the volunteer associations. In -November, however, the Government were confronted with a new and -dangerous situation. In the course of the past year, there had been -systematic attempts to tamper with the loyalty of the soldiers and the -police, and there had occurred numerous outbreaks of serious disorders, -directly attributable to the propaganda of the non-co-operation party -amongst the ignorant and excitable masses. These outbreaks had resulted -in grave loss of life, the growth of a dangerous spirit of lawlessness, -and increasing disregard for lawful authority. In November they -culminated in the grave riots in Bombay, in which 53 persons lost their -lives and approximately 400 were wounded. On the same date dangerous -manifestations of lawlessness occurred in many other places, and at this -period it became clear that many of the volunteer associations had -embarked on a systematic campaign of violence, intimidation and -obstruction, to combat which proceedings under the Penal Code and the -Code of Criminal procedure had proved ineffective. - - -More drastic Measures - -In these circumstances the Government were reluctantly compelled to -resort to measures of a more comprehensive and drastic character. -Nevertheless, the operation of the Seditious Meetings Act was strictly -limited to a few districts in which the risk of grave disturbance of the -peace was specially great, and the application of the Criminal Law -Amendment Act of 1908 was confined to associations, the majority of the -members of which had habitually indulged in violence and intimidation. -It is impossible here to set out in detail the evidence which justified -the adoption of these measures in the different provinces. Abundant -proof is, however, to be found in the published proceedings of the -various legislative bodies, in the _Communiques_ of the different local -Governments, and in the pronouncements of the heads of the provinces. -While resolute in their determination to enforce respect for law and -order and to protect loyal and peaceful subjects of the Crown, the -Government have at the same time taken every precaution possible to -mitigate where desirable the conditions of imprisonment and to avoid any -action which might have the appearance of vindictive severity. Ample -proof of this will be found in the orders issued by the local -Governments. Numerous offenders have been released, sentences have been -reduced and special consideration has been shown in the case of persons -convicted of offences under the Seditious Meeting's Act or the Criminal -Law Amendment Act. There is thus no shadow of justification for the -charge that their policy has been one of indiscriminate and lawless -repression. - - -A statement disproved - -A further charge, which has been brought to Mr. Gandhi is that the -recent measures of Government have involved a departure from the -civilised policy laid down by His Excellency at the time of the apology -of the Ali brothers, namely, that the Government of India should not -interfere with the activities of the non-co-operators so long as they -remained non-violent in word and deed. The following citation from the -_communique_ of Government of India issued on the 30th May, conclusively -disproves this statement:-- - -"After explaining that in view of the solemn undertaking contained in -the statement over their signature it had been decided to refrain from -instituting criminal proceedings against Messrs. Mahammad Ali and -Shaukat Ali, the Government of India observed, it must not be inferred -from the original determination of the Government to prosecute for -speeches inciting to violence that promoting disaffection of a less -violent character is not an offence against the law. The Government of -India desire to make it plain that they will enforce the law relating to -offences against the State, as and when they may think fit against any -persons who have committed breaches of it." - - -The proposed conference - -It remains for the Government of India to deal with the allegation that -His Excellency summarily rejected the proposal for a conference, -although the terms put forward by the conference at Bombay and accepted -by the Working Committee of the Congress were quite in keeping with His -Excellency's own requirements as indicated in his speech at Calcutta. -How far this is from being the case will manifest from a comparison of -his Excellency's speech with the terms proposed by the conference. His -Excellency in that speech insisted on the imperative necessity, as a -fundamental condition precedent to the discussion of any question of a -conference of the discontinuance, of the unlawful activities of the -non-co-operation party. No assurance on this point, was, however -contained in proposals advanced by the conference. On the contrary, -whilst the Government were asked to make concessions which not only -included the withdrawal of the notifications under the Criminal Law -Amendment and Seditious Meetings Acts and the release of persons -convicted thereunder but also this release of persons convicted of -offences designed to affect the loyalty of the army; and the submission -to an arbitration committee of the cases of other persons convicted -under the ordinary law of the land, there was no suggestion that any of -the illegal activities of the non-co-operators other than hartals, -picquetting and civil disobedience should cease. Moreover, it was -evident from the statements made by Mr. Gandhi at the conference, that -he intended to continue the enrolment of volunteers in prohibital -associations and preparations for civil disobedience. Further, Mr. -Gandhi made also it is apparent that the proposed round table conference -would be called merely to register his decrees. It is idle to suggest -that terms of this character fulfilled in any way the essentials laid -down by His Excellency or can reasonably be described as having been -made in response to the sentiments expressed by him. - - -Impossible Requests. - -Finally, the Government of India desire to draw attention to the demands -put forward in the concluding para of Mr. Gandhi's present manifesto, -which exceeded even the demands made by the Working Committee of the -Congress. Mr. Gandhi's demands now include: (1) the release of all -prisoners convicted or under trial for non-violent activities; (2) a -guarantee that Government will refrain absolutely from interference with -all non-violent activities of the non-co-operation party, even though -they fall within the purview of the Indian Penal Code, or in other words -an undertaking that Government will indefinitely hold in abeyance in -regard to the non-co-operators the ordinary and long established law of -the land. In return for these concessions he indicated that he intends -to continue the illegal and seditious propaganda and operation of the -non-co-operation party and merely appears to postpone civil disobedience -of an aggressive character until the offenders now in jail have had an -opportunity of reviewing the whole situation. In the same paragraph he -re-affirms the unalterable character of the demands of his party. The -Government of India are confident that all right thinking citizens will -recognise that this manifesto constitutes no response whatever to the -speech of His Excellency at Calcutta and that the demands made are such -as no Government could discuss, much less accept. - - -Issue--Law versus lawlessness - -The alternatives that now confront the people of India are such as -sophistry can no longer obscure or disguise. The issue is no longer -between this or that programme of political advance, but between -lawlessness with all its dangerous consequences on the one hand, and on -the other the maintenance of those principles which lie at the root of -all civilised Government. Mass civil disobedience is fraught with such -danger to the State, that it must be met with sternness and severity. -The Government entertain no doubt that in any measures which they may -have to take for its suppression, they can count on the support and -assistance of all law-abiding and loyal citizens of His Majesty. - - - - -APPENDIX XX - -N.C.O. RESOLUTION - -_Ahmedabad, December 28._ - - -The following was put by Mahatma Gandhi. "Whereas since the holding of -the last National Congress, the people of India have found from actual -experience that by reason of the adoption of non-violent -non-co-operation the country has made great advance in fearlessness, -self-sacrifice and self-respect, and whereas the movement has greatly -damaged the prestige of the Government, and, whereas, on the whole the -country is rapidly progressing towards Swaraj, this Congress confirms -the resolution adopted at the Special session of the Congress at -Calcutta and reaffirmed at Nagpur, and places on record the fixed -determination of the Congress to continue the programme of non-violent -non-co-operation with greater vigour than hitherto, in such manner as -each province may determine, till the Punjab and the Khilafat wrongs are -redressed and Swaraj is established, and the control of the Government -of India passed into the hands of the people, from that of an -irresponsible corporation, and whereas the reason of the threat uttered -by his Excellency the Viceroy in recent speeches and the consequent -repression started by the Government of India, in the provinces by way -of disbandment of Volunteer corps and forcible prohibition of public and -even committee meetings in an illegal and high handed manner, and by the -arrests of many Congress workers in several provinces, and whereas this -repression is manifestly intended to stifle all Congress and Khilafat -activities and deprive the public of their assistance, this Congress -resolves that all activities of the Congress be suspended, as far as -necessary, and appeals to all quietly and without any demonstration to -offer themselves for arrest by belonging to the Volunteer organisations -to be formed throughout the country in terms of the resolution of the -Working Committee, arrived at in Bombay, on the 23rd day of November -last, provided that no one shall be accepted as Volunteer who does not -sign the following pledge:-- - - -The Pledge - -"With God as witness, I solemnly declare that (1) I wish to be a member -of the National Volunteer Corps; (2) So long as I remain a member of the -Corps, I shall remain non-violent in word and deed, and shall earnestly -endeavour to be non-violent in intent, since I believe that as India is -circumstanced non-violence can help the Khilafat and the Punjab and -result in the attainment of Swaraj and consolidation of unity among all -the races and communities of India, whether Hindu, Mussalman, Sikh, -Parsi Christian or Jew; (3) I believe in and shall endeavour always to -promote such unity; (4) I believe in Swadeshi as essential for India's -economic, political and moral salvation, and shall use handspun and -hand-woven Khaddar to the exclusion of every other cloth; (5) as a -Hindu, I believe in the justice and necessity of removing the evil of -untouchability and shall on all possible occasions seek personal contact -with, and endeavour to render service to, the submerged classes; (6) I -shall carry out the instructions of my superior officers and all the -regulations not inconsistent with the spirit of this pledge prescribed -by the Volunteer Boards or the Working Committee or any other agency -established by the Congress; (7) I am prepared to suffer imprisonment, -assault, or even death for the sake of my religion, and my country, -without resentment; (8) in the event of my imprisonment, I shall not -claim from the Congress any support for my family or dependants. - - -Volunteer corps - -"This Congress trusts that every person of the age of 18 and over will -immediately join the Volunteer organisations. Notwithstanding the -proclamation prohibiting public meetings, and inasmuch as even Committee -meetings have been attempted to be construed as public meetings, this -Congress advises the holding of Committee meeting in enclosed places and -by tickets and by previous announcements, at which as far as possible -only speakers previously announced shall deliver written speeches, care -being taken, in every case, to avoid the risk of provocation and -possible violence by the public in consequence. - -"This Congress is further of opinion that Civil Disobedience is the only -civilized and effective substitute for an armed rebellion, whenever -every other remedy for preventing arbitrary, tyrannical and emasculating -use of authority by individuals or corporations, has been tried and, -therefore, advises all Congress workers and others who believe in -peaceful methods and are convinced that there is no remedy save some -kind of sacrifice to dislodge the existing Government from its position -of perfect irresponsibility to the people of India, to organise -individual Civil Disobedience, and massed, when the mass of people have -been sufficiently trained in the methods of non-violence, and otherwise -in terms of the resolution therein of the last meeting of the All-India -Congress Committee held at Delhi, this Congress is of opinion that in -order to concentrate its attention upon Civil Disobedience, whether mass -or individual (whether of an offensive or defensive character) under -proper safeguards, and under instructions to be issued from time to time -by the Working Committee or Provincial Congress Committee concerned, all -other Congress activities should be suspended whenever and wherever, and -to the extent to which it may be found necessary. - - -Mahatma the dictator - -"This Congress calls upon all students of the age of 18 and over, -particularly those studying in the national institutions and the staff -thereof, immediately to sign the foregoing pledge and become members of -National Volunteer Corps. - -"In view of the impending arrest of a large number of Congress workers, -this Congress, whilst requiring the ordinary machinery to remain intact -and to be utilised in the ordinary manner whenever feasible, hereby -appoints until further instructions Mahatma Gandhi as the sole Executive -authority of the Congress and invests him with the full powers of the -All-India Congress Committee including the power to convene a special -session of the Congress or of the All-India Congress Committee or the -Working Committee, and also with power to appoint a successor in -emergency. - -"This Congress hereby confers upon the said successor and all subsequent -successors appointed in turn by their predecessors, all this aforesaid -power provided that nothing in this resolution shall be deemed to -authorise Mahatma Gandhi or any of the aforesaid successors to conclude -any terms of peace with the Government of India or the British -Government without the previous sanction of the All-India Congress -Committee to be finally ratified by the Congress specially convened for -the purpose, (and provided also that the present Creed of the Congress -shall in no case be altered by Mahatma Gandhi or his successors except -with the leave of the Congress first obtained). - -"This Congress congratulates all those patriots who are now undergoing -imprisonment for the sake of their conscience or country, and realises -that their sacrifice has considerably hastened the advent of Swaraj." - - - - -APPENDIX XXI - -Mr. M. K. Gandhi's Statement - - -Before reading his written statement Mr. Gandhi spoke a few words as -introductory remarks to the whole statement. He said: Before I read this -statement, I would like to state that I entirely endorse the learned -Advocate-General's remarks in connection with my humble self. I think -that he was entirely fair to me in all the statements that he has made, -because it is very true and I have no desire whatsoever to conceal from -this Court the fact that to preach disaffection towards the existing -system of Government has become almost a passion with me. And the -learned Advocate-General is also entirely in the right when he says that -my preaching of disaffection did not commence with my connection with -"Young India" but that it commenced much earlier and in the statement -that I am about to read it will be my painful duty to admit before this -Court that it commenced much earlier than the period stated by the -Advocate-General. It is the most painful duty with me but I have to -discharge that duty knowing the responsibility that rested upon my -shoulders. - -And I wish to endorse all the blame that the Advocate-General has thrown -on my shoulders in connection with the Bombay occurrence, Madras -occurrences, and the Chouri Choura occurrences thinking over these -things deeply, and sleeping over them night after night and examining my -heart I have come to the conclusion that it is impossible for me to -dissociate myself from the diabolical crimes of Chouri Choura or the mad -outrages of Bombay. He is quite right when he says that as a man of -responsibility, a man having received a fair share of education, having -had a fair share of experience of this world, I should know the -consequences of every one of my acts. I knew them. I knew that I was -playing with fire. I ran the risk and if I was set free I would still do -the same. I would be failing in my duty if I do not do so. I have felt -it this morning that I would have failed in my duty if I did not say all -what I said here just now. I wanted to avoid violence. Non-violence is -the first article of my faith. It is the last article of my faith. But I -had to make my choice. I had either to submit to a system which I -considered has done an irreparable harm to my country or incur the risk -of the mad fury of my people bursting forth when they understood the -truth from my lips. I know that my people have sometimes gone mad. I am -deeply sorry for it; and I am, therefore, here to submit not to a light -penalty but to the highest penalty. I do not ask for mercy. I do not -plead any extenuating act. I am here, therefore, to invite and submit to -the highest penalty that can be inflicted upon me for what in law is a -deliberate crime and what appears to me to be the highest duty of a -citizen. The only course open to you, Mr. Judge, is, as I am just going -to say in my statement, either to resign your post or inflict on me the -severest penalty if you believe that the system and law you are -assisting to administer are good for the people. I do not expect that -kind of conversion. But by the time I have finished with my statement -you will, perhaps, have a glimpse of what is raging within my breast to -run this maddest risk which a sane man can run. - - -WRITTEN STATEMENT - -I owe it perhaps to the Indian public and to the public in England to -placate which this prosecution is mainly taken up that I should explain -why from a staunch loyalist and co-operator I have become an -uncompromising disaffectionist and non-co-operator. To the court too I -should say why I plead guilty to the charge of promoting disaffection -towards the Government established by law in India. - -My public life began in 1893 in South Africa in troubled weather. My -first contact with British authority in that country was not of a happy -character. I discovered that as a man and an Indian I had no rights. On -the contrary I discovered that I had no rights as a man because I was an -Indian. - -But I was not baffled. I thought that this treatment of Indians was an -excrescence upon a system that was intrinsically and mainly good. I gave -the Government my voluntary and hearty co-operation, criticising it -fully where I felt it was faulty but never wishing its destruction. - -Consequently when the existence of the Empire was threatened in 1899 by -the Boer challenge, I offered my services to it, raised a volunteer -ambulance corps and served at several actions that took place for the -relief of Ladysmith. Similarly in 1906 at the time of the Zulu revolt I -raised a stretcher-bearer party and served till the end of the -'rebellion'. On both these occasions I received medals and was even -mentioned in despatches. For my work in South Africa I was given by Lord -Hardinge a Kaiser-i-Hind Gold Medal. When the war broke out in 1914 -between England and Germany I raised a volunteer ambulance corps in -London consisting of the then resident Indians in London, chiefly -students. Its work was acknowledged by the authorities to be valuable. -Lastly in India when a special appeal was made at the War Conference in -Delhi in 1917 by Lord Chelmsford for recruits, I struggled at the cost -of my health to raise a corps in Kheda and the response was being made -when the hostilities ceased and orders were received that no more -recruits were wanted. In all these efforts at service I was actuated by -the belief that was possible by such services to gain a status of full -equality in the Empire for my countrymen. - -The first shock came in the shape of the Rowlatt Act a law designed to -rob the people of all real freedom. I felt called upon to lead an -intensive agitation against it. Then followed the Punjab horrors -beginning with the massacre at Jallianwala Bagh and culminating in -crawling orders, public floggings and other indescribable humiliations. -I discovered too that the plighted word of the Prime Minister to the -Mussulmans of India regarding the integrity of Turkey and the holy -places of Islam was not likely to be fulfilled. But in spite of the -foreboding and the grave warnings of friends, at the Amritsar Congress -in 1919 I fought for co-operation and working the Montagu-Chelmsford -reforms, hoping that the Prime Minister would redeem his promise to the -Indian Mussulmans, that the Punjab wound would be healed and that the -reforms inadequate and unsatisfactory though they were, marked a new era -of hope in the life of India. - -But all that hope was shattered. The Khilafat promise was not to be -redeemed. The Punjab crime was white-washed and most culprits went not -only unpunished but remained in service and some continued to draw -pensions from the Indian revenue, and in some cases were rewarded. I saw -too that not only did the reforms not mark a change of heart, but they -were only a method of further draining India of her wealth and of -prolonging her servitude. - -I came reluctantly to the conclusion that the British connection had -made India more helpless than she ever was before, politically and -economically. A disarmed India has no power of resistance against any -aggressor if she wanted to engage in an armed conflict with him. So much -is this the case that some of our best men consider that India must take -generations before she can achieve the Dominion status. She has become -so poor that she has little power of resisting famines. Before the -British advent India spun and wove in her millions of cottages just the -supplement she needed for adding to her meagre agricultural resources. -The cottage industry, so vital for India's existence, has been ruined by -incredibly heartless and inhuman processes as described by English -witnesses. Little do town-dwellers know how the semi-starved masses of -Indians are slowly sinking to lifelessness. Little do they know that -their miserable comfort represents the brokerage they get for the work -they do for the foreign exploiter, that the profits and the brokerage -are sucked from the masses. Little do they realise that the Government -established by law in British India is carried on for this exploitation -of the masses. No sophistry, no jugglery in figures can explain away the -evidence the skeletons in many villages present to the naked eye. I have -no doubt whatsoever that both England and the town-dwellers of India -will have to answer, if there is a God above, for this crime against -humanity which is perhaps unequalled in history. The law itself in this -country has been used to serve the foreign exploiter. My unbiased -examination of the Punjab Martial Law cases has led me to believe that -at least ninety-five per cent of convictions were wholly bad. My -experience of political cases in India leads me to the conclusion that -in nine out of every ten the condemned men were totally innocent. Their -crime consisted in love of their country. In ninety-nine cases out of -hundred justice has been denied to Indians as against Europeans in the -Court of India. This is not an exaggerated picture. It is the experience -of almost every Indian who has had anything to do with such cases. In my -opinion the administration of the law is thus prostituted consciously or -unconsciously for the benefit of the exploiter. - -The greatest misfortune is that Englishmen and their Indian associates -in the administration of the country do not know that they are engaged -in the crime I have attempted to describe. I am satisfied that many -English and Indian officials honestly believe that they are -administering one of the best systems devised in the world and that -India is making steady though slow progress. They do not know that a -subtle but effective system of terrorism and an organised display of -force on the one hand and the deprivation of all powers of retaliation -or self-defence on the other have emasculated the people and induced in -them the habit of simulation. This awful habit has added to the -ignorance and the self-deception of the administrators. Section 124-A -under which I am happily charged is perhaps the prince among the -political sections of the Indian Penal Code designed to suppress the -liberty of the citizen. Affection cannot be manufactured or regulated by -law. If one has no affection for a person or thing one should be free to -give the fullest expression to his disaffection so long as he does not -contemplate, promote or incite to violence. But the section under which -Mr. Banker and I are charged is one under which mere promotion of -disaffection is a crime. I have studied some of the cases tried under -it, and I know that some of the most loved of India's patriots have been -convicted under it. I consider it a privilege therefore, to be charged -under it. I have endeavoured to give in their briefest outline the -reasons for my disaffection. I have no personal ill-will against any -single administrator, much less can I have any disaffection towards the -King's person. But I hold it to be a virtue to be disaffected towards a -Government which in its totality has done more harm to India than any -previous system. India is less manly under the British rule than she -ever was before. Holding such a belief, I consider it to be a sin to -have affection for the system. And it has been a precious privilege for -me to be able to write what I have in the various articles tendered in -evidence against me. - -In fact I believe that I have rendered a service to India and England by -showing in non-co-operation the way out of the unnatural state in which -both are living. In my humble opinion, non-co-operation with evil -is as much a duty as is co-operation with good. But in the past, -non-co-operation has been deliberately expressed in violence to the -evildoer. I am endeavouring to show to my countrymen that violent -non-co-operation only multiplies evil and that as evil can only be -sustained by violence, withdrawal of support of evil requires complete -abstention from violence. Non-violence implies voluntary submission to -the penalty for non-co-operation with evil. I am here, therefore, to -invite and submit cheerfully to the highest penalty that can be -inflicted upon me for what in law is a deliberate crime and what appears -to me to be the highest duty of a citizen. The only course open to you, -the Judge and the Assessors, is either to resign your posts and thus -dissociate yourselves from evil if you feel that the law you are called -upon to administer is an evil and that in reality I am innocent, or to -inflict on me the severest penalty if you believe that the system and -the law you are assisting to administer are good for the people of this -country and that my activity is therefore injurious to the public weal. - -M. K. GANDHI. - - - - -APPENDIX XXII - - - _List of Riots or Disturbances since the year 1919._ - - -------------------------------------------------------------------------- - Province | Brief description. - Date | - Place of Disturbance. | - -------------------------------------------------------------------------- - Bombay | A leading wealthy member of the Gandhi - 26th May 1919 | community was celebrating the marriages of some - Godhra, Panch Mahals. | of his sons and nephews. It appears that - | feeling was running high between the two - | sections of the community as some of the brides - | had previously been betrothed or promised to - | persons of the other party. The trouble began - | when one of the party let off potash bombs. The - | Gandhis then began to assemble and an - | altercation ensued which ended in a fight in - | which broken bricks and pieces of wood were - | freely used. The police on the spot finding - | that the fracas became serious, had to resort - | to firing. On arrival of more police, the crowd - | dispersed. The District Magistrate succeeded in - | getting both the parties reconciled to each - | other. - | - | Two rioters were injured; six policemen - | received injuries from bricks. - | - Bombay | Some military sepoys on duty purchased liquor, - 11th June 1919 | and when the police constable on duty demanded - Deesa Cantonment. | the name of the purchaser in accordance with - | the Cantonment Magistrate's orders, they - | refused to give the name and beat the - | constable. When one sepoy was arrested, the - | others interfered and attacked the constable. - | Three sepoys were then arrested and put in the - | lock up. The Sub-Inspector of Police persuaded - | about 200 of the men to leave the bazaar but - | not before the lock up was broken, the - | prisoners released and several policemen were - | injured. - | - | Six policemen were injured, two of them being - | in a serious condition. - | - Bombay | One Sania Dipsing of Kanoda was terrorizing the - 18th June 1919 | neighbourhood, committing robbery, frequently - Kanoda, Panch Mahals. | though mostly of trivial articles. When - | warrants were issued for his and his brothers - | arrest he openly defied the authorities and - | even threatened to kill the police or anyone - | who tried to arrest him with a _dharaia_. As - | he could not be persuaded to surrender the - | District Magistrate ordered the arrest of the - | brothers, by using force if necessary. Sania's - | brothers and parents all armed with - | _dharaia_, clubs and pickaxes, and Sania - | armed with a gun resisted the arrest. The - | police were compelled to fire in self-defence - | with fatal results. - | - | Sania's mother and two brothers were killed. - | Sania himself was wounded. - | - Madras | In an attempt to enforce a decree obtained in - 22nd September 1919 | the civil court the Hindus with police - Nellore. | protection took a procession with music through - | the main bazar where there are mosques. They - | and the police were attacked by the Muhammadans - | and the police compelled to fire. - | - | Two Muhammadens killed and two wounded. - | - Bombay | Abnormal conditions in Bombay due to general - 20th January 1920 | strike of mill-hands and other industrial - Bombay. | unrest. - | - | One striker killed. One seriously wounded, 8 - | policemen, 1 police officer, 1 lorry driver and - | a Magistrate injured. One private individual - | killed and one woman injured by strikers - | stoning trams. - | - Do. | Renewed attack made by strikers, police were - 26th January 1920 | compelled to fire. - Do. | - | One striker was wounded. - | - Do. | A police party was engaged in protecting a - 30th January 1920 | faction in the village against the attacks of - Nandvaji village Bijapur | the rival faction when it found itself in the - district. | presence of a large body of rioters with - | sticks, axes and stones and fearing attack on - | themselves the police fired two shots in the - | air and one on the men in front. - | - | Three wounded. - | - Do. | During the strike of mill-hands at Sholapur - 16th February 1920 | some 8,000 mill-hands who had struck work - Sholapur. | surrounded the District Magistrate and refused - | to disperse when ordered to do so, by the - | District Magistrate. They became violent and - | began to stone officers and troops. The - | District Magistrate was compelled to order - | firing. It was only after the military arrived - | that the disturbance ceased. - | - | Four killed. Huzur Deputy Commissioner was - | injured. - | - Bihar and Orissa | A general strike of the workers at the Tata - 15th March 1920 | iron and steel Works, Jamshedpur began on the - Jamshedpur. | 24th February and continued for nearly a month. - | As the strike proceeded, the attitude of the - | strikers grew more hostile, those men who - | wished to work were intimidated, the gates of - | the works were picketed and the guards at the - | gates more than once stoned. The local - | Government despatched a large body of armed and - | military police to the spot for the protection - | of life and property and were compelled also to - | obtain assistance of regular British troops - | from Calcutta. On the 15th March the strikers - | obstructed the railway lines between the works - | and Tatanagar Railway station and made a most - | determined attack on the armed police sent out - | to clear the obstruction. The police were - | compelled to fire in self-defence and to fall - | back towards the works. - | - | Killed 5, wounded 23. - | - Bombay | A fracas took place in the Hur Criminal Tribes - 14th April 1920 | settlement of Jalalai Nawabshah, Sind, in the - Jalalani Nawabshah. | course of which one Fatu Mari was attacked by a - | number of Hurs who belaboured him with lathis - | and blows. As his wife was in danger a - | Sub-Inspector ordered the mob to stop. The - | crowd made an attempt to attack the - | Sub-Inspector who finding his own life in - | danger ordered firing in self-defence and also - | with the object of quelling the disturbance. - | - | Six wounded. - | - Madras | The attempt to register the kallars under - April 1920 | Criminal Tribes Act brought about a serious - Perungamanallur, | collision between them and the police. On - Madura distt. | account of their defiant and aggressive - | attitude, the police had to open fire. - | - | Eleven killed. - | - Do. | A Hindu marriage procession passing a mosque - May 1920 | came into conflict with the Muhammadans. A - Muthupet in Tanjore | fight ensued and to clear the street the police - district. | had to open fire. - | - | One man was slightly wounded. - | - Do. | During a strike in the Burma Oil Company some - 17th May 1920 | Pathans were brought from Bombay to carry on - Madras. | the work. An altercation between them and the - | local coolies resulted in a riot which required - | the presence of the armed police reserve to - | quell it. - | - | One Pathan was killed; there was also minor - | casualties on both sides. - | - Bombay | On 29th May an affray took place between the - 29th May 1920 | police and certain Jagiranis near Durbar in the - Dubar Sukkur District. | Sukkur district, Sind. The police received a - | complaint that two buffaloes had been stolen by - | some Jagiranis. A Police party went in search - | of the criminals and having found them seized - | and arrested the offenders. On their return - | journey they were attacked by about 30 - | Jagiranis two of whom were armed with guns. - | Those guns were fired at the police party and - | the Jagiranis closed in with their - | _lathis_. A general free fight ensued and - | the police seeing that they were overwhelmed by - | weight of numbers, fired in self defence. The - | Jagiranis then ran off, leaving their wounded. - | - | One killed, one wounded, also five policemen - | injured. - | - North-West Frontier | At Kachagarhi a collision occurred between - Province | troops and Muhajarins. - 8th July 1920 | - Kachagarhi. | Killed one Muhajir. - | - Punjab | The Khilafat party asked a theatrical company - 25th August 1920 | to give the proceeds of their last performance - Kasur. | to the Khilafat Fund. The company declined and - | was attacked at night. The police arrived on - | the Scene and used fire-arms. - | - | One killed and two wounded. - | - United Provinces | During the Muharram festival an attack was made - 23rd September 1920 | on a Hindu temple at Pilibhit. The police fired - Pilibhit. | a few rounds in the air. - | - | One wounded who subsequently died. - | - Madras | Buckingham Mills. Perambur. The police lorry - 9th December 1920 | which was taking the coolies from the mills to - Madras. | the harbour was subjected to persistent and - | violent stoning by strikers. The police opened - | fire. - | - | Sixteen persons were wounded, two of whom died. - -------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - _List of Riots or Disturbances and disturbances since the year 1921_. - - -------------------------------------------------------------------------- - Province | Brief description. - Date | - Place of Disturbance. | - -------------------------------------------------------------------------- - United Provinces | Agrarian disturbances in Rae Bareilly and - 7th January 1921 | Fyzabad Districts accompanied by extensive - Rae Berilli Distt. | looting. - | - United Provinces | District Rae Barielly. Police party besieged in - 24th January 1921 | a house after one of their number was killed. - ... | - | - Punjab | Serious riot at Tarn Taran. - 26th January 1921 | - Tarn. | Killed 3 - | Wounded 14 - | - Bombay | A riot occurred between two parties of - 9th January 1921 | Muhammadans in the Kolaba district during the - Kolaba Distt. | course of a flag procession. The sub-Inspector - | of Police who was in charge lost his head and - | fired in the air. - | - | No casualities. - | - United Provinces | A large crowd held up a train with the object - 29th January 1921 | of rescuing a man arrested for his complicity - Goshaingunj Railway | in the agrarian riots. The police who were - Station, Fyzabad Distt. | attacked, fired wounding one man, several - | others were hit with stray pellets. - | - | One rioter wounded. - | - Bengal | An affray took place between a Muhammadan and a - 4th-5th February 1921 | Gurkha Durwan of a Jute Mill resulting in a - Naihati. | General fracas between Muhammadan coolies of - | the Mill and Gurkha durwans in which a few - | Gurkhas were killed and other injured. It was - | considered doubtful whether there was any - | political significance. - | - Bihar and Orissa | Strikes at the East India Railway Colliery, - 7th February 1921 | Giridih, District Hazaribagh, Bihar and Orissa. - Giridih. | - | - United Provinces | Strike on the Oudh and Rohilkhand Railway, - 10th February 1921 | Punjab Mail stoned and Magistrate assaulted. - ... | - | - Bengal | Riot in Kalighat section of Calcutta Tramway by - 18th February 1921 | strikers. - Calcutta. | - | - Bihar and Orissa | District Sarat, Bihar and Orissa. Police while - 18th February 1921 | investigating complaint against locally - Saran. | self-constituted panchayet were assaulted. - | - Punjab | Nankana Sahib affair in Punjab. - 19th-20th February 1921 | - Nankana. | - | - Central Provinces | Disturbances of Nagpur arising out of - 21st-25th February 1921 | temperance campaign of non-co-operators. - Nagpur. | - | - Bengal | Strike accompanied by rioting at Lillooah - March 1921 | workshops. - Lillooah. | - | - Bombay | Hartal at Karachi accompanied by violence of - March 1921 | mob. - Karachi. | - | - Central Province | Rioting during excise sales. Five liquor shops - March 1921 | Cracked. Mob fired on by police, one policeman - Nagpur. | killed and 15 injured, 9 rioters killed and 14 - | wounded. - | - United Provinces | In the course of the riots which took place on - 20th and 21st March 1921 | the 20th March, the police were compelled to - Karhaiya, Rae Barelli | fire on two occasions. The riot started by the - District. | arrest of two men who had been prohibited from - | speaking and who were haranguing the crowd. - | - | Killed 4 - | Wounded 12 - | - Assam | Halem Tea Estate, Assam. Strike by tea garden - 21st March 1921 | labourers who assaulted officials of tea - ... | garden. - | - Bengal | Outbreak in Rajshahi Jail in Bengal. - 24th March 1921 | - Rajshahi. | - | - Madras | Riots at Kumbakonam due to labour strikes. - 3rd April 1921 | - Kumbakonam. | - | - Punjab | Riot at Kamalia, Montgomery District, Punjab, - 6th April 1921 | owing to dispute over Prem Sati Gurdwara. - Kamalia. | - | - Bengal | Ghusuri Jute Mill Bengal. Riot accompanied by - 15th April 1921 | violence; manager seriously injured. - Ghusuri. | - | - Bombay | Riot at Shikarpur, Bombay, when - 19th April 1921 | non-co-operators interfered with yearly meeting - Shikarpur. | of Pritman Dharma Sabha. - | - Bihar and Orissa | Owing to trial of a non-co-operation - 25th April 1921 | volunteer, 10,000 people at Giridih, District - Giridih. | Hazaribagh, endeavoured to storm sub-jail, - | looted police station and burnt records. - | - Bombay | Disturbances at Malegaon, Bombay, arising - 25th April 1921 | out of trial of Khilafat Volunteers. - Malegaon. | Sub-Inspector of Police and four constables - | killed. - | - Madras | Disturbance at Ottapalam, Madras; fight between - 26th April 1921 | Reserve Police and khilafat volunteers. - Ottapalam. | - | - Bihar and Orissa | S.D.O. Sitamarhi, (District Muzuffarpur, Bihar - May 1921 | and Orissa) compelled to leave Mela; public - Sitamarhi. | intimidated. - | - Bengal | Riot in Kanchrapara workshops, Eastern Bengal - 11th May 1921 | State Railway. Several thousands took part in - Kanchrapara. | riot caused by strikers of Eastern Bengal State - | Railway workshops, Kanchrapara. - | - Bengal | Riot accompanied with violence occurred at - 16th May 1921 | Kaloj Valley Tea Estate, Darjeeling District. - Kaloj Valley. | - | - Assam | Trouble at Chandpur in connection with tea - 19th-20th 1921 | garden labourers leaving Assam. - Chandpur. | - | - United Provinces | Serious affray in Mahagaon, District Allahabad. - 22nd May 1921 | - Mahagaon. | - | - Bombay | Disturbances at Tata Mills Limited, Dadar, - 26th June 1921 | Bombay. - Bombay. | - | - Bombay | Riots at Dharwar, Bombay, arising from liquor - 1st July 1921 | shop picketing. - Dharwar. | - | - Madras | Strikes in Buckingham and Karnatic Mills, - July 1921 | Madras, began accompanied by wide-spread arson. - Madras. | - | - United Provinces | Riot at Aligarh arising out of trial of a - 5th July 1921 | non-co-operators. - Aligarh. | - | - United Provinces | Serious riot at Bariha village, District - 13th July 1921 | Lucknow. - Bariha. | - | - Bengal | Disturbances and disorders occurred in Bengal, - July 1921 | both in Calcutta and at Chittagong, during - Chittagong. | trial of non-co-operators. - | - Bombay | Disturbances at Matiari arising out of - 21st July 1921 | interference by non-co-operators with an Aman - Matiari. | Sabha meeting. - | - Bombay | Picketing of liquor shops at Karachi caused - July 1921 | cases of obstruction and assault; one leading - Karachi. | agitator rescued by crowd from police; when - | convicted mob threw stones at Police and - | passers by; various Europeans and Indians were - | hurt. - | - Bengal | Riot at Jamalpur workshops of the East Indian - 1st August 1921 | Railway resulting from _hartal_. - Jamalpur. | - | - Bombay | Two British soldiers had an altercation with a - 1st August 1921 | Musalman in a hotel and when they came out were - Karachi. | assaulted by a mob. One soldier was severely - | injured. The affray was not due to political - | feelings. - | - Bombay | Some 7,300 employees of the Great Indian - 17th August 1921 | Peninsula Railway Workshops at Parel demanded - Bombay. | increased wages struck work. They stoned the - | time-keeper's office and afterwards set it on - | fire together with the records; the office of - | the workshops' Manager was also wrecked. Some - | members of the Auxiliary Force who were - | employed in the Works succeeded in quelling the - | riot and dispersing the mob. - | - 22nd August 1921. | One man was wounded in the thigh with a - | bayonet. - | - Do. | Strikes in the Jacob and E. D. Sassoon Mills. - 25th August 1921 | This terminated on 8th and 12th September. - ... | - | - United Provinces | There was an affray between police and British - September 1921 | soldiers. A Sub-Inspector and a British officer - Kailana, Chakrata U. P. | were killed. All the British soldiers and - | officers were tried and were acquitted. - | - Madras City | A serious riot occurred between the Hindus and - 5th October 1921 | the Anti-Dravidas which necessitated the - ... | opening of fire by the police. The - | Anti-Dravidas were responsible for insulting a - | Muhammadan funeral procession, and attacking a - | Hindu procession. - | - Beneres | An attempt made by a sub-inspector to search a - October 1921 | cloth-shop in the village whereupon a - ... | disturbance arose and he ordered his escort to - | fire in the air. The Ahirs concerned seized the - | opportunity to attack police whilst their guns - | were empty. The police fled, the sub-inspector - | as far as Meerut. A second sub-inspector came - | to the rescue. A melee ensued in which a - | constable was killed by a lathi blow; two - | villagers were wounded by gun-shot wounds. - | - Darrang District, Assam | Strike of tea garden coolies. The European - 14th October 1921 | Managers as well as the Superintendent of - ... | Police were assaulted and some of the Indian - | members of the garden staff were injured. - | Fifty-two arrests were made. - | - Ahmedabad | Thirty one out of 47 mills closed down - 26th October 1921 | demanding higher wages; but this soon ended. - Bombay. | - | - Bengal | The conviction of Mr. J N. Gupta on a charge of - 26th October 1921 | picketing led to a slight disturbance on his - Chitagong. | way to the Jail. A crowd gathered and assaulted - | the Gurkha Guard who dispersed them and - | assaulted butts of their rifles. - | - Bengal | Two persons wearing Khilafat badges were - 24th October 1921 | arrested. They resisted the Police. A crowd - Calcutta. | quickly gathered. A number of arrests were made - | the men being conducted to the police station - | amidst a shower of brickbats. - | - Bengal | Strike of tramway employees. - 25th October 1921 | - Calcutta. | - | - Bihar and Orissa | Serious trouble occurred at Bagaha Police - October 1921 | Station, West Champaran, the Chatawar Factory - Champaran. | was burnt down and three persons were killed. - | - Punjab | On the afternoon of the 30th October 1921 a mob - 30th October 1921 | of between 150 and 200 convicts made a - Lahore. | determined and evidently a preconcerted attempt - | to break out of the Lahore Central Jail. They - | overpowered the guard of the inner gate and - | forced their way to the outer gate where they - | succeeded in breaking the lock of the wicket. - | - | The Jail officials had to fire at this point - | and succeed in driving back the convicts. Three - | of the convicts were killed and thirty-three - | wounded. - | - Bengal | Processions were formed at night after a - 4th November 1921 | Khilafat meeting had been held on the Howrah - Howrah. | maidan. One of these attacked the police on - | duty and forced them to retire on the thana. - | Armed police were requisitioned from Sibpore - | and, though attacked _en route_, succeeded - | in relieving the thana. During the disturbances - | some shots were fired. - | - | One constable was killed and several wounded. - | Five rioters were killed. - | - Bengal | An attempt was made to withhold food supplies - November 1921 | from the Settlement Officer, Mr. McPherson who - Bogra. | was assaulted when he visited the _hat_ for - | the purpose. - | - Bengal | A serious riot occurred in Howrah Town after a - 4th November 1921 | Khilafat meeting when processions were formed. - Calcutta. | One of these attacked the Police who retired to - | the thana. Armed police were requisitioned from - | Sibpore and were attacked _en route_. They, - | however, succeeded in relieving the - | thana. Some shots were fired by the Police and - | two rifles were lost. One constable was killed - | and several were wounded and whilst the - | Assistant Magistrate was injured on the head. - | - Bengal | An attempt was made to renew the tramway - 14th November 1921 | service in Shambazar with the result that a - Calcutta. | serious disturbance occurred at the Balgachia - | Depot. The police force being insufficient, the - | military were summoned but before this the - | Assistant Commissioner of Police Mr. Bartley - | was seriously assaulted and about 20 police - | injured and so were several rioters. - | - Coorg | Following on arrest of six Mahomedans on charge - 17th November 1921 | of unlawful assembly a mob numbering thousands - Bangalore. | surrounded Broadway Police station, prevented - | removal of prisoners who had refused bail to - | judicial lock-up in Bangalore Central Jail. As - | Police force was inadequate, military aid was - | requisitioned. As detachment of military - | reached Police station, determined rush was - | made on rear. In the melee four or five shots - | were fired. Officer Commanding was individually - | attacked by man with a stick. There was heavy - | stone throwing. - | - | Two rioters were killed and six injured; 16 men - | of the Dorset Regiment were injured. - | - Burma | Serious riot occurred on 13th night due to - 17th November 1921 | attempt by large number of Burmese monks to - Rangoon. | obtain free entrance to the Pwes in Shwedagon - | Pagoda during pagoda festival. - | - | Not known. One unknown Burman killed. Among the - | police there were three serious and many minor - | casualties. - | - Bombay | People returning from seeing the arrival of the - 17th-20th November 1921 | Prince were molested. On 18th rioting became - Bombay. | general. Europeans and Parsis were attacked and - | liquor shops, etc, were set on fire. Military - | aid was requisitioned. - | - | Two Europeans, one American and two Parsis were - | killed. Three Europeans and an unknown number - | of Parsis were wounded. Eighty-three police - | were wounded. Of the rioters 53 were killed and - | 298 wounded. Not all the deaths from gunshot - | wounds were due to the police and military, as - | several dead and wounded men were found in - | localities where the authorities had not opened - | fire. - | - Madras | On the 4th December 1921, a number of - 4th December 1921 | Moplah-convicts and under-trial prisoners in - Cannanore. | the Cannanore Central Jail, ultimately - | numbering about 150, began rioting and - | attempted to break out of the Jail. Breaking - | open a tool shed they armed themselves with - | chisels, iron bars, etc., and attacked warders - | who attempted to obstruct their escape. As the - | prisoners disregarded warnings, firing had to - | be ordered to prevent their overpowering the - | guard by force of number. - | - | Seven of the prisoners were killed outright and - | four wounded by the firing. Two of these - | subsequently died. One prisoner died of a - | fractured skull and nine were wounded otherwise - | than by firing. - | - Punjab | A determined attempt was made by a mob to - 23rd December 1921 | rescue 12 non-co-operators who were arrested - Fezorepur. | for having recourse to violence. The police - | were forced to fire on the 24th a large number - | assembled to renew the attack, but Alwar troops - | and Reserve Police dispersed them. - | - | Three rioters were killed and several wounded. - | - Bengal | Owing to disturbed state of locality, - 28th December 1921 | thirty-two armed Police were sent to - Rungpur. | Nilphamari. A halt was made in the bazar during - | a route march, and an altercation took place - | between a policeman and a servant of a local - | gentleman. A crowd speedily collected and began - | throwing missiles. March was continued followed - | by crowd who became increasingly menacing and - | broke through ranks of police. Some shots fired - | in the air. - | - | Eight policemen were injured. Eight of public - | were also injured. - | - United Provinces | On the 30th December 21, 32 inmates of Bareilly - 29th December 1921 | Juvenile Jail refused to work on the grounds - Bareilly. | that a certain political prisoner had been - | removed from their midst. (He had been sent to - | hospital in consequence of illness.) Owing to - | influence of political prisoners the youths, - | who numbered about 190, were completely out of - | hand. They broke open almirahs, took out tools, - | broke open locks and gates and attempted to - | scale walls. It was necessary to call up the - | armed guard and to order firing. Sixteen shots - | were fired, several of them in the air. None of - | the gunshot wounds are serious, an inquiry by - | District Magistrate shows that no unnecessary - | violence was used. (This account is taken from - | a communique published in the Press, as no - | official report has been received from the - | United Provinces Government.) - | - | Eight of the prisoners were injured by gunshots - | mostly in the legs, and nine with batons. - | - Madras | On the occasion of the arrival of His Royal - 13th January 1922 | Highness the Prince of Wales in Madras there - Madras. | were disturbances in Madras City. An official - | report has not yet been received, but from - | accounts in the Press it appears that the - | excesses of the mob were such that it was - | necessary to call out the military and to - | resort to firing. - | - | According to Press accounts, five or six - | rioters were killed. Other casualities not - | known. - | - Burma | A party of police were despatched to prevent a - 15th January 1922 | buffalo fight. They were attacked on arrival by - Hokyobo Kwin, near Mada | a crowd of between three hundred and five - village, Thingangyan. | hundred. The police made six arrests but the - | crowd attacked them with sticks, stones and - | bottles and they had to let their prisoners go - | and to retreat towards the police station. - | Later the villagers again attacked the police - | and one villager cut a head constable with a - | _dah_ on the fore-arm and attempted to seize - | his carbine. Another head constable came - | to the rescue and in the scuffle the carbine - | went off and the original assailant was shot in - | the abdomen. As villagers continued to attack, - | a head constable fired twice into the crowd. - | The police then made good their escape. - | - | One villager killed, two severely wounded, - | seven slightly wounded; one head constable cut - | on forearm, one head constable incised wound on - | head, two constables slight cuts about arms and - | several hit by missiles. - | - Bengal | The Superintendent of police while touring in - 21st January 1922 | his car was met with a shower of brick-bats and - Noakhali. | the S.D.O. was attacked by about 200 men. - | - Sub-division, Patna | A sub-inspector and 3 constables attempted to - Do. | arrest three volunteers who were picketing some - Sirajgung. | liquor shops. A crowd gathered and succeeded in - | separating and beating the constables. The - | sub-inspector fled. The mob then went in search - | of the excise sub-inspector and having failed - | to find him, they looted the ganja and liquor - | shop. In the course of this incident one rifle - | was lost by the police. - | - | Several instances of vigorous picketing - | occurred in this neighbourhood through which - | the D.M. and Superintendent of Police decided - | to have a route march. They arrived at - | Salangahat with two head constables and 23 - | constables of armed police. A number of - | volunteers had collected here and as the Deputy - | Magistrate received complaints of interference - | several were arrested. A crowd of about 2,000 - | then gathered and pelted the police. Every - | effort was made to disperse the crowd. - | Eventually after the Deputy Superintendent of - | Police had been hit with a lathi the Magistrate - | ordered fire to be opened first with buckshot, - | and when this proved unavailing, with ball. The - | crowd then dispersed leaving 4 dead and 6 - | wounded. - | - Dacca District | Certain bad characters attacked the police in - 23rd January 1922. | the course of effecting some arrests; the - | latter fired killing one volunteer. - | - Titagarh Jute Mills | Three mill hands were wanted in connection with - 26th January 1922. | an assault on the Manager and Assistant - | Manager. Two arrests were made which resulted - | in the collection of a threatening crowd who - | hemmed in the police against the wall of the - | mill. After failing to get in touch with the - | Sub Divisional Magistrate over the telephone - | the Deputy Superintendent ordered first one and - | then several of his men to fire. One man was - | killed and another died subsequently. - | Altogether 40 were reported to have been - | wounded, seven were sent to hospital. - | - United Provinces | An attempt to picket Muderwa bazar and prevent - 1st February 1922 | sales of fish, drugs and liquor had been - Chauri Chaura. | frustrated by police. Also an Ahir (gowli - | caste) Government pensioner, who was a previous - | convict and had become volunteer, was called up - | and threatened with loss of his pension. The - | volunteers, determined on Saturday, that is the - | next bazar day, to forcibly picket the bazar - | and overawe all opposition by their numbers. - | The owner of the bazar is a loyal zaminder. The - | volunteers proceeded to the bazar through the - | police station grounds. They attacked the - | police station with kunkars and bricks. - | Eventually the police fired in the air. The - | attack was renewed with greater force. The mob - | rushed the police and they fled, some into the - | fields and some into the buildings. A few - | police must have fired on the mob in earnest, - | but it cannot be said whether it was before the - | rush or not. Buildings were set on fire and all - | the force there except one constable and one - | chaukidar, who escaped were brutally beaten to - | death and then burnt. Also a little boy servant - | of the Sub Inspector was murdered. Resistance - | to the mob was, I fear, badly organised. Then - | the mob tore up two rails on the line, cut - | telegraph wires and scattered. - | - | Twenty-one police and chaukidars killed & two - | rioters. - | - Bihar and Orissa | Two Indian boys quarrelled in Railway Works, - 3rd February 1922 | Jamalpur. One as result being rendered - Jamalpur. | unconscious. Action taken by Railway - | authorities who dismissed two men did not - | satisfy popular demand for removal of head - | maistry and on 10th an attempt was made to - | assault him in office which was stoned. Works - | manager asked men in foundry either to work or - | leave and as they refused to do either they - | were locked out on 11th and stoned men - | arriving. Crowd at Jamalpur was dispersed but - | many workmen came in by local trains from - | outside where trains were held up and line - | tampered with. District Magistrate regards - | situation as serious and fears sabotage. - | Military police arrived on evening 11th. - | Trouble expected 13th when shops re-open. - | - United Provinces | A defiant challenge was given this morning in - 5th February 1922 | the city by about 5,000 volunteers who went out - Bareilly. | in procession despite prohibition. The - | processions were dispersed flags seized and the - | bands silenced. The volunteers and crowd - | rallied at the Town Hall. The police seized the - | Congress office, tore down and burnt the flags. - | Later a crowd which was reinforced by outside - | help attempted to seize Town Hall and a charge - | by the police met with vollies of brickbats. - | The situation with the number of men available - | was impossible to hold. - | - | By the District Magistrate's orders fire was - | opened by the police and the attack repelled. - | The crowds remained hostile. With military - | assistance the situation in now in hand. No - | firing was done by the military. The District - | Magistrate and the Superintendent of Police - | were wounded in the face by brickbats. So far - | as known two are killed and five wounded. The - | city is in the hands of the military. The - | District Magistrate personally satisfied - | himself that the firing was absolutely - | justified. Six men have been arrested including - | Abdul Wadeed, Trebeni Sahai, Moti Singh Vakil - | and Damodar Sarup. All is quiet now. - | - | One man killed on the spot, two since died in - | hospital five wounded now in hospital including - | one woman. - | - Assam | A riot occured at Jamumamukh on the 15th among - 15th February 1922 | Khilafat Volunteers and Sylhet settlers. - Jamumamukh. | Convicted prisoners were forcibly released and - | a mail train was held up by the removal of - | sleepers and stoned. - | - Do. | Commissioner, Surma Valley, who is in camp at - 16th February 1922 | Kanaighat was dispersing forbidden meeting when - Sylhet. | a large body of Lathials attacked the Police - | from behind. Armed Police turned to meet them - | when in spite of warning they came right on - | Commissioner who was hit on head by clods of - | earth and was narrowly missed with lathies. He - | called on the police to fire; several rounds - | were fired, resulting in about 8 casualties. As - | soon as firing stopped men swarmed back in - | great numbers. Police force then returned to - | thana. One rifle was lost. It is reported that - | reinforcements from Auxiliary Force stationed - | at Sylhet and Karimganj are proceeding to spot. - | - | Three police constables killed and three - | wounded. - -------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - -APPENDIX XXIII - -The Honourable Sir William Vincent's Speech at the Legislative Assembly, -18th January 1922 - - -I say, Sir, from that time we have always avoided systematically and -steadily any excessive severity _vis a vis_ this movement. Later, there -were a number of seditious speeches, including incitements to violence, -particularly by Mr. Muhammad Ali and his brother, and Government were -prepared to take action against them. What ensued is well known to the -Members of this Assembly. There were meetings between Mr. Gandhi and His -Excellency, and later Muhammad Ali and his brother offered to the public -certain undertakings on which the Government withdrew the prosecutions -against them. In a letter of June, 1921, addressed to Local Governments -after this undertaking we indeed expressed some hope that it might be -possible to reduce the number of prosecutions. We were anxious not to -force the pace and although we always maintained our determination to -keep order, we sought to avoid over-drastic action against the less -dangerous or less violent adherents of the movement. At the same time we -indicated to Local Governments that they were not to prosecute persons, -the prosecution of whom might have great effect outside the province, -without consulting the Government of India. In that letter, further, we -invited Local Governments to give certain other convicted persons the -same _locus poenitentiae_ which had been given to Muhammad Ali and his -brother. We have throughout avoided very carefully any suggestion, any -action which might create the impression that we desire to interfere -with a legitimate political movement. I defy any Member of this Assembly -to say otherwise. We have indeed frequently been reproached with -weakness on this account. I maintain that it was not weakness but -patience. At the same time, we made every effort to meet the legitimate -wishes of educated opinion in this country. I have no time to-day to -recapitulate all we have done but I should like to mention such matters -as the compensation to persons injured in the Punjab disorders, the -further review of the Punjab sentences, the Committee on the Press Act, -the results of which will be before this Assembly very shortly; again, -the Committee on repressive measures and the Committee to inquire into -racial distinctions in criminal proceedings. In fact, there was no -question that came before us in which we did not honestly seek to meet -moderate Members of the Assembly in order to consolidate the moderate -party into a great working power in the country for good. What has been -response of Mr. Gandhi and his followers? I maintain that it has been -one steady stream of sedition, one steady attempt to subvert Government, -one method of promoting this object being adopted after another. -Sometimes it has been the boycott of piece goods in order to injure -British trade, although Mr. Gandhi had himself I believe, at one time -said that 'boycott' was a word that was entirely inconsistent with his -principle of 'Ahimsa'. Later this movement took the form of attempts on -the loyalty of our troops attempts on the police and there were constant -incitements to disorder. These have resulted in serious outbreaks of -violence in many parts of the country, the most important of which was -the Moplah outbreak. Sir, there has recently been some attempt to -minimise the cruelties committed by the Moplahs in Malabar. I refer in -particular to the remarks of Mr. Abdul Bari and Mr. Husrat Mohani on -this subject. Mr. Abdul Bari spoke of the pure spirit of the Moplahs and -denied the veracity of the accounts of their atrocities. Mr. Husrat -Mohani justifies them in the following words: - -"At such a critical juncture when they are engaged in war against the -English, their Hindu neighbours not only do not help them or observe -neutrality but aid and assist the English in every possible way. They -can indeed contend that, while they are fighting a defensive war for the -sake of their religion and have left their houses, property and -belongings, and taken refuge in the hills and jungles, it is unfair to -characterise as plunder their commandeering of money, provisions and -other necessities for their troops from the English and their -supporters." - -Many of us, however, have, I believe, some knowledge of the atrocities -committed by these men, atrocities which I am certain in my mind that -every Mussalman in this House deplores as deeply as I do, and they will -appreciate what a misrepresentation of the facts this is. The -barbarities of the Moplahs have been indefensible. I will cite one -instance '_New India_' in support of what I say. Writing of a -respectable Nair, an article in this paper states: - -'When on the 26th he threatened other steps, the rebels forced their way -into his house, dragged him out, along with his wife and two children -carried them to the mosque and bathed all four and compelled them to -recite verses from the Koran and dress as Moplahs. At mid-night they -were led home and imprisoned. Next day the deponent's head was shaved -and ten days later a certain notorious criminal (now in custody) -forcibly circumcised the deponent. Three weeks later he and his family -and other converts (some being Christians) escaped to Shoranur.' - -Sir, I am one of those who have been to Malabar, I have seen myself -refugees, a thousand in one refuge, hungry, homeless, lacking clothes, -and I can assure Members of this Assembly that it was a pitiable sight -to see. I only mention the facts because this attempt has been made and -because this rising, these acts of cruelty and murder are one of the -direct results of the Khilafat movement. I do not put it (I never have -put it) that Mr. Gandhi is responsible for this directly, but I do say -that his supporters--his Muhammadan supporters--were the cause of this -terrible loss of life. Indeed you have only got to read, Mr. Hasrat -Mohani's speech to see what the character of the rising was. Now, if the -Moplah outbreak had been an isolated instance of disorder, as I said in -the last Session, the Government might not have been forced to take -action against this non-co-operation movement. It might well have been -argued that the circumstances were exceptional. But have Members of this -Assembly read the report which is attached to the Repressive Measures -Committee? Have they read the appendix setting out a list of 34 -outbreaks of disorders of a serious character within a year? Sir, we -have been told that after the declaration of policy by this Government -in March last, the non-co-operation movement was dying down. I think -that I am correct in making this statement; and I hope I am not -misrepresenting anybody. Is there any foundation for it? Does not every -Member of this Assembly know that that is absolutely inaccurate? Does -not every Member here know that the movement of disloyalty to the Crown, -intended to paralyse Government, intended to subvert the administration, -has been growing day by day throughout the year? Can any man here say -that actually the movement was losing strength? Do not these disorders -tell a different story--these outbreaks which culminated in the riots in -Bombay on the 17th November? Before I come to that however, I want to -deal with another point. May I inform this Assembly that, during the -present year, it has been necessary to call out the military to suppress -serious disorder no less than 47 times? May I tell them that, during the -last three months, military assistance has had to be invoked--I have -here the figures from His Excellency the Commander in-Chief--no less -than 19 times? Does that look as if the forces of disorder were losing -strength before the Government took this action? - -And now, Sir, I want to turn to the rioting in Bombay in which the -lawless tendencies of those who follow Mr. Gandhi--not of Mr. Gandhi -himself--culminated. Bombay is a city in which Mr. Gandhi is supposed to -exercise the greatest influence. He himself was present there on the -17th November. The occasion was one, one would have thought, when at -least every loyal citizen of the Crown, whatever his political views, -would have avoided any disorder or riot. It was the occasion of the -landing of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, the heir to the -Throne of England. That was the occasion chosen by the non-co-operators -in Bombay for an outbreak of violence which, I believe, has not been -paralleled in that city for many many years, and what was the object of -those who embarked upon this campaign of violence? I say the object was -vengeance, vengeance on those who dared to go forth to welcome His Royal -Highness the Prince of Wales in spite of Mr. Gandhi's direction--that -was the sole crime of the unfortunate people so maltreated. That Sir, is -the result of non-violent non-co-operation. Was Mr. Gandhi able to -exercise any influence to stop the demand? Why, it was pathetic to read -his words next day. He was full of sorrow, but he had not thought of the -consequences of his act before. After all he had warning on previous -occasions. Well, Sir, I do not know that I need go through the events of -these terrible days. You have heard from my Honourable friend, Mr. -Dwaraka Das, how women were assaulted in the public streets; you have -read in the papers how harmless Europeans and Indians, including many -Parsis, were murdered, or assaulted, how one unfortunate engine driver, -going home from his work, a harmless individual, was suddenly attacked -and murdered by a cruel mob. All this was the result of this non-violent -movement. The reports say that it began in intimidation and that was not -checked, those who had been guilty of intimidation thought they could -proceed with impunity to violence. The damage done to property also--the -property of private individuals--was very great. I read in one report, -of 137 shops being looted and that is an under statement of all the -damage. - -Now, let us see what was happening in other places on that day? In Delhi -there was _hartal_ enforced by systematic threats and intimidation. And -I assert here, and I dare any one to contradict me, that intimidation -was practised by men posing as volunteers; men dressed as volunteers who -paraded the streets and interfered with the liberty of law-abiding -citizens in a manner that is intolerable in any civilised community. Is -it surprising that we received many complaints actually of absolute want -of any Government control at the time? In Calcutta, again there was -_hartal_ promoted by general intimidation and violence on the part of -volunteers. It is idle for any one to deny it. Mr. Abdul Kasem and other -Members were in Calcutta and they know the facts. The Government of -Bengal, writing on the 26th November, reported that an incessant stream -of seditious speeches was being poured forth, that money was being -freely spent in the employment of paid agents; and here I may tell the -Assembly that many of these volunteers,--I do not say all of them -because that would be wrong,--but many of these volunteers are merely -paid men, paid a rupee a day, and, in fact when the supply of money -dries up,--and there have been places where this has happened,--the -supply of volunteers has run short. We were also told by the Bengal -Government that on the 17th there was general suspension of activities -of all kinds and the riff-raff of the city, under the guise of -volunteers, was abroad, terrorising and abusing law-abiding folk, and -there were numerous instances of molestations of Europeans and Indians. -The authority of Government was openly flouted; and law abiding citizens -were depressed because of Government's failure to protect them, I have -got instances here of the different kinds of speeches made in Bengal. I -do not think I need cite them except to mention that one of them says: - -'That the Bengalees had discovered the death-arrow of the English. -Remember Kanai and Khudiram Bose and others of Bengal.' - -I do not suppose the Members of this Assembly know who they were; they -were prominent murderers; some, if not all of them, were hanged. Well, -Sir, the whole effect of the activities was that, on the 17th of -November in Calcutta there was an absolute effacement of the authority -of Government, and general intimidation throughout the whole of the -city. I am told now that we exaggerated all this: There was a _hartal_, -it is true, but there was nothing more than a voluntary one. Well, the -_Amrita Bazar Patrika_, itself stated on the morning of the 18th a most -significant fact--I cite it because it is testimony coming from an -adversary--it said on the 18th 'Writ large on the _hartal_ of Calcutta -is revolution'. Now I ask the Assembly to ponder those words. - -I may say that throughout all this period the most desperate efforts -were made to create racial animosity. Those who were in Calcutta in -December last--I was there--know how true this is and it was a very -dangerous factor in the situation. There was also at that time every -reason to believe that if the activities of these so-called volunteers -were not curtailed, we should have a repetition in Calcutta of what we -had in Bombay. Now the total deaths in Bombay were 53 people killed, and -I think something like 400 injured went to the Hospital. The problem -before the Government, therefore, was: are you going to sit quietly, or, -as my Honourable friend said, 'with folded hands' and watch with apathy -and inertia this slaughter of innocent people, or are you going to take -action while there is yet time? The Assembly remember also that -previously, on the 14th of November, there had been already a dangerous -riot in Calcutta at Belgatchia, in which over 5,000 people had been -engaged. Now, I maintain that, in such circumstances, the Bengal -Government were fully justified in taking the action. We have abundant -testimony that, whatever be the professions of those who inaugurate -these volunteer movement, their practice and precept are poles apart. -You may say that they enter into a solemn vow of non-violence, but in -practice they are repeatedly constantly and persistently, guilty of -intimidation and violence. Let me turn to another province. I have got a -report here from the Bihar Government. We called for these reports to -see on what grounds they had proceeded against these associations. The -replies show that Local Governments were satisfied that the members of -the proscribed associations went in systematically for this class of -offence. To return to Bihar, on the 10th of December, I received a -report from the Local Government which says that these volunteers had -been guilty of intimidation, violence and other forms of criminal action -on no less than 122 occasions reported in the last year. One of the -incidents is worthy of special mention, indeed many of them are. The one -to which I refer was the case of a poor Muhammadan who had the -misfortune to be a law-abiding subject of the Crown. He died in Ranchi -and his funeral had to be performed. But the non-co-operators said: "No, -he shall not be buried by Muhammadans." Well, some over-daruni spirit -said: 'Oh, his was not so great an offence that we should allow this -oppression; men who differ from other in their political views are -entitled to a little toleration.' So they took the body to the graveyard -with police protection and buried it. What was the next action of the -extremists? The non-co-operation volunteers dug up the corpse and -dishonoured it, ('Shame.') Well that is the conduct of these non-violent -non-co-operation volunteers. Again, on the 17th in Calcutta, there were -unfortunately two Muhammadans who died in Ballygunge of natural causes -and those who wished to bury them could not procure the necessary -assistance: they were unable to procure bearers or _Khatias_ or anything -else and the bodies remained unburied for the whole of that day. There -was many a sick man and woman in Calcutta on the 17th who could not -procure medical attendance. No conveyances for medical practitioners, -and when doctors walked to the patients and attended on them, they would -not get medicine, because the dispensaries were not allowed under the -strict orders of the non-co-operators to sell medicine even to save life -on that day. Now, is that intimidation or is it not? I have been told -that Government interferes with the liberty of the subject in -proscribing these associations. I am amazed at the audacity of those who -make such an accusation, whether it comes from the Members of this -Assembly or from those who are of different political opinions, and I -include Mr. Gandhi. Who in reality has interfered with the liberty of -the subject to the same extent as members of his party? Who is it that -will not allow those who wish to welcome the Prince to do so? Who -prevents reasonable respect being shown to the dead! Who boycots and -intimidates those who venture to serve the Crown or wish to sell or buy -foreign piece goods? Who will not allow any member of the Assembly to -address a public meeting without interruption? ('Hear, hear'.) Who, -then, is it that is really guilty of interference with the liberty of -the subject? What extremist can make, with justice, this accusation -against the Government? What has the Government done in this matter?... - -And now, Sir, I wish to turn to our instructions of 24th November, in so -far as the Criminal Law Amendment Act goes. They were to the effect that -where associations practised intimidation violence and obstruction, it -was necessary to suppress those activities and that the Act of 1908 -should be used for that purpose. I believe, up to a certain point at any -rate, it has been successful. What followed? A number of young men--many -of them in Calcutta, hired from the mills--joined these associations as -volunteers for a money reward. Many are doing it in Delhi now and a -rupee a day is the price. They join the volunteers in defiance of all -orders and then complain bitterly and pose as patriots, if they are -arrested. In Delhi, when the movement first started and arrests took -place, the authorities were anxious not to impose too severe penalties -on accused and the consequence was, they were sentenced simple -imprisonment. Many of them were quite pleased; they were able to get -free meals and had nothing to do, so later it was found necessary to -sentence others to rigorous imprisonment. At once there was a general -feeling that this was very unfair, though it was really a very natural -consequence. Throughout, however, the Government have been very anxious -to avoid any appearance of undue severity; to avoid any appearance of -unreasonable harshness we have made various suggestions to the Local -Governments with which I will deal later. Apart from this, however, His -Excellency was never unmindful of the dangers of a purely regressive -policy and, as every Honourable Member knows he received a deputation on -the 21st December in Calcutta and listened to their views on the action -of Government and the possibility of a conference between different -sections of the community and Government. And I should like to read to -Honourable Members one or two words from His Excellency's reply to that -deputation because, to my mind, his words breathe a lofty tone of -statesmanship and indicate a deep desire to find a solution of the -problem of all the difficulties with which the Government are faced. He -spoke words over which every Member of this Assembly would do well to -ponder. Referring to a suggestion that Government should cease making -use of measures now enforced and release prisoners convicted under the -law, he said: - -'I cannot believe that this was the intention, of the deputation, when -originally suggested, for it would mean that throughout the country -intimidation and unlawful oppression and other unlawful acts should be -allowed to continue, whilst Government action to maintain order and -protect the law-abiding citizen would be largely paralysed. I need -scarcely tell you that no responsible Government could even contemplate -the acceptance of such a state of public affairs. I wish with all my -heart, that it had been possible to deal with these problems in a large -and generous spirit, worthy of such on occasion in the history of India. -Had there been indications to this effect before me to-day in the -representations which you have made in your address on the part of the -leaders of non-co-operation, had the offer been made to discontinue open -breaches of the law for the purpose of providing a calmer atmosphere for -discussion of remedies suggested, my Government would never have been -backward in response. We would have been prepared to consider the new -situation in the same large and generous spirit I would have conferred -with Local Governments for this purpose.' - -Sir, now what was Mr. Gandhi's reply to this? This is what Mr. Gandhi -said: - -'I am sorry that I suspect Lord Reading of complicity in the plot to -unman India.' - -I would ask Honourable Members of this Assembly if they would take that -view. He proceeded to say: - -'I am forced to conclude that Lord Reading is trying to emasculate India -by forcibly making free speech and popular organization impossible.' - -In another article he said: - -'I was totally unprepared for what I most respectfully call his -mischievous misrepresentation of the attitude of the Congress and the -Khilafat organisations in connection with the visit of His Royal -Highness the Prince of Wales.' - -This country is, in truth, faced with a very grave crisis: we have civil -disobedience looming before us. We have threats of organised violence -from an influential section of the Mussalman population. We have had -outbreaks of violence of a dangerous character showing what may happen -in a more extended degree in future. We have had the most terrible -bloodshed and loss of life. We are face to face with a situation in -which there may be, I fear, greater loss of life and greater bloodshed. -It is for the Assembly to say whether they are now going to encourage -the forces which make for ruin and disorder. It is for them to say -whether, consistently with their oath of allegiance to the Crown, most -solemnly sworn here, they can conscientiously and deliberately encourage -those who intend to overthrow this Government by any means that is -possible. Lastly, it is for them to ponder their responsibility not only -to the Assembly, not only to the Government and to the country, but also -to themselves. It is for them to say whether they will take such a -course as will facilitate a real and very grave danger to their own -properties, to their own lives, to their own honour. - -[Illustration] - -THE TATA PRINTING WORKS, 5, THAMBU CHETTY ST., MADRAS. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Gandhi and Anarchy, by Sir Chettur Sankaran Nair - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GANDHI AND ANARCHY *** - -***** This file should be named 52903.txt or 52903.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/2/9/0/52903/ - -Produced by MWS, Bryan Ness, Chris Pinfield and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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