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Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f9bfd7f --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #52942 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/52942) diff --git a/old/52942-8.txt b/old/52942-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index ebe01e6..0000000 --- a/old/52942-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,11563 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's The Year after the Armada, by Martin A. S. Hume - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Year after the Armada - -Author: Martin A. S. Hume - -Release Date: August 30, 2016 [EBook #52942] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE YEAR AFTER THE ARMADA *** - - - - -Produced by Al Haines - - - - - - - - - -[Frontispiece: ROBERT DEVEREUX, SECOND EARL OF ESSEX. (_After a -contemporary portrait in the collection of the Earl of Verulam._)] - - - - - THE YEAR AFTER - THE ARMADA - - AND OTHER HISTORICAL STUDIES - BY MARTIN A. S. HUME, F.R.HIST.S. - EDITOR OF THE CALENDAR OF SPANISH STATE - PAPERS OF ELIZABETH (PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE) - AUTHOR OF "THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH," ETC. - - - -[Illustration: Dieu et mon droit] - - - - _SECOND EDITION_ - - - - "'There is no book so bad,' said the bachelor, 'but that - something good may be found in it.' 'There is no doubt of that,' - replied Don Quixote."--_Don Quixote_, pt. ii. - - - - LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN - PATERNOSTER SQUARE 1896 - - - - - _All rights reserved._ - - - - - To - MY MOTHER. - - - - -{vii} - - -[Illustration: Headpiece] - - -PREFACE. - -Circumstances have led me to follow the course of modern history into -somewhat unfrequented channels, and in the pursuit of my main object it -is occasionally my good fortune to come across a piece of unused or -unfamiliar contemporary information--some faded manuscript or forgotten -newsletter--which seems to throw fresh light upon an important period -or an interesting personality of the past. It is true that in some -cases the matters recounted are not of any great historical -significance, but even then there is generally some quaint glimpse to -be caught of bygone manners or events which redeems the document from -worthlessness. From such treasure-trove as this, and from other -sources which have generally been overlooked or neglected by English -historians, the studies contained in the present book have been drawn; -and it is hoped that some fresh knowledge as well as amusement may be -gained from them. - -{viii} - -If the reader is only half as much interested in perusing as I have -been in writing them, I shall consider myself very fortunate. - -Some of the studies have already appeared in Magazines, but the -principal portion of the book is now printed for the first time. - -MARTIN A. S. HUME. - -LONDON, _September_, 1896. - - - -[Illustration: Tailpiece] - - - - -{ix} - - -[Illustration: Headpiece] - - -CONTENTS. - - -THE YEAR AFTER THE ARMADA - -JULIAN ROMERO--SWASHBUCKLER - -THE COMING OF PHILIP THE PRUDENT - -THE EVOLUTION OF THE SPANISH ARMADA - -A FIGHT AGAINST FINERY - -A PALACE IN THE STRAND - -THE EXORCISM OF CHARLES THE BEWITCHED - -A SPRIG OF THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA - -THE JOURNAL OF RICHARD BERE - -Index - - - - -{xi} - - -[Illustration: Headpiece] - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. - -THE EARL OF ESSEX . . . _Frontispiece_ - (_After a contemporary portrait in the collection - of the Earl of Verulam._) - -PHILIP AND MARY - (_After the painting by Antonio Mor._) - -QUEVEDO - (_After the portrait by Velasquez, at Apsley House._) - -CHARLES II. OF SPAIN - (_After the portrait by Claudio Coello, - at the Madrid Musco._) - -PHILIP IV. OF SPAIN - (_After the portrait by Velasquez, in the National Gallery._) - - - - -{3} - - -[Illustration: Headpiece] - - -THE YEAR AFTER THE ARMADA. - -_THE COUNTER-ARMADA OF 1589_.[1] - -On the night of Sunday, the 28th of July, 1588, the great Armada was -huddled, all demoralised and perplexed, in Calais roads. Only a week -before the proudest fleet that ever rode the seas laughed in derision -at the puny vessels that alone stood between it and victory over the -heretic Queen and her pirate countrymen, who for years had plundered -and insulted with impunity the most powerful sovereign in Europe. -Gilded prows and fluttering pennons, great towering hulls which seemed -to defy destruction, the fervid approbation of all Latin Christendom, -and the assurance of Divine protection, combined to produce in the men -of the Armada absolute confidence in an easy conquest. But six {4} -days of desultory fighting in the Channel had opened their eyes to -facts thitherto undreamed of. Handy ships, that could sail several -points closer to the wind than their unwieldy galleons, could harass -and distress them without coming to close quarters. At first they -shouted that the English were afraid of them, but as the sense of their -own impotence gradually grew upon them their spirits sank. Brave they -were, but, said they, of what use is bravery against foes who will not -fight with us hand to hand in the only way we wot of? And so from day -to day, whilst they straggled up the Channel, their boasting gave place -to dismay and disorganisation. They saw their ships were being sunk -and disabled one after the other, whilst the English vessels were -suffering little damage and had safe ports of refuge behind them. Thus -at the end of the week they found themselves with a dangerous shoally -coast to leeward, in an exposed roadstead surrounded by the reinforced -English fleet. They were ripe for panic, for their commander was a -fool and a craven in whom they had no confidence; and when the English -fireships drifted down upon them with the wind, flaring in the darkness -of the summer night, abject paralysing terror turned the huge fleet -into a hustling mob of ships, in which the sole thought was that of -flight. From that moment the Armada was beaten. The storms on the -northern and Irish coasts, the cold, the rotten food and putrid water, -pestilence and panic, added dramatic completeness to their -discomfiture; but superior ships, commanders, and seamanship had -practically defeated them when they slipped their cables and anchors -and crowded {5} through the narrow sea with the English fleet to -windward and sandbanks on their lee. - -But the Armada had represented the labour, the thought, and the -sacrifice of years. Every nerve had been strained to render it -irresistible. Spain and the Indies had been squeezed to the last -doubloon, careful Sixtus V. had been cajoled into partnership in the -enterprise, and the Church throughout Christendom had emptied its -coffers to crush heresy for once and for ever. All along the coast of -Ireland from the Giant's Causeway to Dingle Bay the wreckage of the -splendid galleons was awash, and many of the best and bravest of -Spain's hidalgos, dead and mutilated, scattered the frowning shore; or, -alive, starved, naked, and plundered, were slowly done to death with -every circumstance of inhumanity by the Irish kerns or their English -conquerors. It could hardly be expected, therefore, that on the -receipt of the dreadful news Spain should calmly resign itself to -defeat. Such lessons as this are only slowly and gradually brought -home to the heart of a nation; and after Mendoza's lying stories of -victory had been contradicted, and the fell truth ran through Spain as -the battered, plague-stricken wrecks of what was left of the Armada -crept into Santander, the first heart-cry was for vengeance and a -re-vindication of the national honour. - -Medina Sidonia was the scapegoat (perhaps not undeservedly, though -Parma should bear his share of blame), and as he went in state and -comfort through Spain to his home in the south, the very children and -old women in the streets jeered and spat upon him for the -chicken-hearted {6} coward who had disgraced their country in the eyes -of the world. Only the over-burdened recluse in the Escorial was -patient and resigned under the blow. He had, as he thought, done his -best for the cause of God; and if for some inscrutable reason all his -labour, his sacrifice, and his prayers were to be in vain, he could -only suffer dumbly and bend his head to the Divine decree. One after -the other the provinces and municipalities came to him with offers of -money to repair the disaster. In November the national Cortes secretly -sent him word, "that they would vote four or five millions of gold, -their sons and all they possess, so that he may chastise that woman, -and wipe out the stain which this year has fallen on the Spanish -nation."[2] But the Cortes and the Town Councils always tacked upon -their offers two conditions, born of their knowledge that peculation -and mismanagement were largely responsible for the disaster of the -Armada. "First that his Majesty will act in earnest; and secondly that -their own agents may have the spending of the money which they shall -vote, for in this way his Majesty will not be so robbed and all affairs -will go far better."[3] But the last condition was one that Philip -could never brook: the secret of his failure through life was that he -wished to do everybody's work himself and he was smothered in details. -Besides this there were difficulties, diplomatic and others, in the -way, of which the people at large were unaware. The star of Henry of -Navarre was rising, and all France was now alive to Philip's real -object in the invasion of England. Philip knew that in any repetition -of the attempt he would probably {7} not have to confront England -alone. So the cries for vengeance grew fainter, and national feeling -was gradually turned purposely in other directions. - -But these cries had been loud enough to reach England. Exaggerated -rumours of the intention to renew the Armada were industriously sent -from all quarters by zealous spies and agents, and an uneasy feeling -grew that perhaps, after all, England had not finished her foe; for -Elizabeth's advisers had no means of exactly gauging the depth of -Philip's purse, and they knew the papal coffers were overflowing. It -is true that immediate danger was over. The hasty English levies had -been sent home again, bragging of the prowess they would have shown if -the hated Spaniard had dared to land, and the panic and fright had -given place to perfectly natural congratulations on the special -protection vouchsafed by the Almighty to the Virgin Queen and her -people. The heroics were over, and England was free, for the present -at all events, to don its work-a-day garb again. - -But the easy victory had inflamed men's minds. There had been very -little fighting even on the fleet, and none at all on shore; and it is -not pleasant to be balked of a set-to when all is ready, and to turn -swords to bill-hooks without once fleshing them in an enemy's carcase. -So the idlers in England who were loath to go to work again, the -turbulent youngsters who were burning for an excuse to have a go at -somebody, and the lavish gentlemen who were thirsting for loot, began -on their side to talk about vengeance and retaliation. It mattered -little to them that for a long course of years England had been the {8} -aggressor, and that Philip had exhausted all diplomatic and -conciliatory means, including even secret murder, and the subornation -of treason, in England, to arrive at a peaceful _modus vivendi_. For -thirty years he had suffered, more or less patiently, robbery, insult, -and aggression in his own dominions at the hands of Elizabeth. The -commerce of his country was well-nigh swept from the sea by marauders -sallying from English ports or flying the English flag. His own towns, -both in the Spanish colonies and in old Spain, had been sacked and -burnt by English seamen without any declaration of war; and rebellion -in the ancient patrimony of his house had been, and was still, kept -alive by English money and English troops. - -Englishmen, then as now, had the comfortable and highly commendable -faculty of believing their own side always to be in the right, and they -knew in this particular case that it was much more profitable to -plunder than to be plundered, to attack rather than defend. -Elizabeth's caution and dread of being forced into a costly national -war had over and over again caused her to discountenance this tendency -on the part of some of her advisers, though she was ready enough to -share the profits when her official orders were disregarded and her own -responsibility evaded. Only the year before the Armada she had -peremptorily ordered Drake, when he was ready to sail for Cadiz, not to -imperil peace by molesting any of the territories or subjects of his -Catholic Majesty. But when he came into Dartmouth, after "singeing the -King of Spain's beard," towing behind him the great galleon _San -Felipe_, with its 600,000 {9} ducats in money, the Queen smiled upon -him as if he had never disobeyed her. But for her positive orders of -recall indeed, Drake on this very voyage would have made the Armada -impossible by destroying, as he was able and ready to do, all the ships -preparing for it in Lisbon harbour. - -Only just before the Armada, in June, 1588, the idea of diverting and -dividing Philip's forces by attacking him in his own country, -ostensibly in the interest of Dom Antonio, the Portuguese pretender, -was broached by Lord Admiral Howard in a letter to Walsingham, now in -the Record Office. The scheme assumed definite form soon after the -flight of the Armada, when, in September, Sir John Norris presented to -the Queen a complete plan for fitting out an expedition with this -object by means of a joint-stock company, which might be made both -patriotic and profitable at the same time. Such a proposal was one -eminently likely to suit the Queen, frugal and evasive of -responsibility as she was. Norris and his associates suggested that -the capital of the company should be £40,000 at least, out of which the -Queen was to subscribe £5,000, and to appoint a treasurer, who was to -supervise the expenditure of the whole. The Queen's contribution was -only to be spent by permission of this treasurer, and if the enterprise -fell through for want of subscribers she was to have her money returned -to her or the munitions of war which had been purchased with it. The -Queen, as was her wont, discreetly hesitated about it; and it was not -until addresses had been presented from Parliament begging her to adopt -some such action that she consented to take shares in the enterprise. -But her treasury was {10} well-nigh empty; and willing as she was that -anything should be done to weaken her enemy, her poverty and Tudor -frugality forbade her from undertaking to defray any very large portion -of the cost herself. So she answered her petitioners that although she -would sanction the enterprise and subscribe something to it, the main -cost must be borne by others. - -The story of this ill-starred expedition is usually disposed of in a -few lines by English historians, although its success would have -completely changed the status of England on the Continent. What is -known of it hitherto is practically confined to the official documents -and letters in the Record Office, which have only become accessible of -late years, a few letters in the Bacon and Naunton Papers, and a -curious tract printed in Hackluyt and ascribed to Captain Anthony -Wingfield, minutely describing and apologising for the proceedings. -The account was written in the same year, 1589, as the expedition took -place; and the writer, whoever he was,[4] evidently witnessed the -events he relates. His {11} description is most graphic and -interesting, and presents the English view of the enterprise in its -best possible light, although all his explanations and palliations -cannot succeed in conjuring away the utter failure of the expedition, -or the bad conduct of the men who took part in it. The English -account, however, all indulgently unflattering as it is, is not the -only one extant. The publication of the latest volume of the Calendar -of Venetian State Papers puts us into possession of the version of the -affair current in the Spanish Court and conveyed to the King from his -officers in Portugal; and in addition to this I possess the transcript -of an unpublished contemporary manuscript which exists in the library -of Don Pascual de Gayangos at Madrid, written by a Castilian resident -in Lisbon at the time of the invasion, containing a detailed diary of -the event.[5] This manuscript, I believe, has never yet received the -attention it deserves from historians, but it is nevertheless valuable -as confirming in the main the English accounts, but relating the -incidents from an entirely different point of view. I have also -recently discovered in the Pombalina Library in Lisbon still another -contemporary manuscript diary of the English invasion, written by a -Portuguese gentleman in Lisbon who was present at the scenes he -describes, and whose standpoint is widely different from those of the -Castilian and the Englishman.[6] The Spaniard {12} is full of scorn -and contempt for the chicken-hearted Portuguese in Lisbon who, though -sympathising with the native pretender, slunk into hiding at his -approach; whilst the Portuguese diarist insists vehemently upon the -loyalty of the Portuguese nobles to Philip, and ascribes the -instability of the common people to their weakness and incredulity, to -their fear of the anger of Saint Antonio if they opposed his namesake -the pretender, to their desire to protect their wives and families, to -any other reason but the obvious one that high and low, rich and poor, -in the city were in a state of trembling panic from first to last, -utterly cowed and appalled by the few Spaniards whom they hated as much -as they feared. - -In 1578, ten years before the Armada, the rash young King Sebastian of -Portugal had disappeared for ever from the ken of men on the Moorish -battlefield which had seen the opening and closing of his mad crusade. -For centuries afterwards the Portuguese peasants dreamt of his -triumphant return to lead to victory the hosts of Christendom. But he -came not, unless indeed one of the many claimants who long afterwards -assumed his name was indeed he; and in the meanwhile, when his uncle, -the childless Cardinal King Henry, died, Portugal wanted a monarch. - -It had a large choice of descendants of Dom Manoel, grandfather of the -lost Sebastian, but the Magna Charta of the Portuguese, the laws of -Lamego (apocryphal as we now believe them to have been), were then -universally accepted, and strictly excluded {13} foreigners from the -throne; and all the claimants were aliens but two, the Duchess of -Braganza, daughter of the elder son of Dom Manoel, and doubtless the -rightful heiress; and Dom Antonio, a churchman, prior of Ocrato, the -questionably legitimate offspring of Manoel's second son. - -When the Cardinal King died in 1580, Philip II., who for two years had -been intriguing, suborning, and threatening the leading Portuguese to -acknowledge his right to the succession, stretched out his hand to -grasp the coveted crown. Of the two native claimants one, the Duchess -of Braganza, was timid and unready; the other, Dom Antonio, was -ambitious, bold, and eager. Around him all that was patriotic grouped -itself. The poorer classes bitterly hated the foreigner, and -particularly the Spaniard, whose King was really the only other serious -claimant to the throne. The churchmen were devotedly attached to the -ecclesiastical claimant, the nobles were Portuguese before all, and -Antonio was acclaimed the national sovereign. But not for long; the -terrible Alba swept down upon Lisbon, as years before he had come down -upon the Netherlands, and crushed the life out of Portuguese -patriotism. There was no religious question to stiffen men's backs, -and no William of Orange to command them here. The Portuguese were -made of different stuff from the stubborn Dutchmen, and Alba rode -roughshod over them with but little resistance. Antonio was soon a -fugitive, hunted from town to town, holding out for weeks in one -fortress, only to be starved into another; proclaimed a bastard and a -rebel, with a great price set upon his head; and yet for eight long -months he wandered amongst the mountain {14} peasantry, as safe from -betrayal as was Charles Edward amongst the Scots Highlanders. At last -Antonio gave up the game and fled to France, and thence to England. He -came in July, 1581, and was immediately made much of by the Queen and -Leicester. In vain did Mendoza, Philip's ambassador, demand his -surrender as a rebel. The Queen said she had not quite made up her -mind to help him, but she had quite decided that she would not -surrender him to be killed. He was too valuable a card in her hand for -her to let him go, and she made the most of him. He was treated with -royal honours, and covert aid was given to him to strengthen the -Azores, which were faithful to him. He had taken the precaution to -bring away the crown jewels of Portugal with him, the spoils of the two -Indies, but he had no money. The greedy crew that surrounded the Queen -soon scented plunder, and money for warlike preparations, the purchase -of ships, and the like, was speedily forthcoming on security of -diamonds and pearls such as had rarely been seen in England. Elizabeth -and Leicester, in presents and by a quibble, managed to grab some of -the best; and most of those pledged to the London merchants ultimately -fell into the Queen's hands.[7] {15} Some were left with Walsingham for -safety, but when they were demanded Walsingham alleged that he was -personally responsible for some provisions Antonio had ordered, and -made difficulties about giving them up. So long as the money lasted -Antonio might spend it in England and leave his diamonds, but some -specious excuse was always invented to prevent any openly hostile -expedition to attack Philip leaving an English port under Antonio's -banner. The rascally Dr. Lopez, who was afterwards hanged at Tyburn -for attempting to poison the Queen, was Dom Antonio's go-between and -interpreter at Court, and he, greedy scamp as he was, made a good thing -out of it until the money began to run short, when, in his usual way, -he sold his knowledge to Philip, and attempted more than once to poison -the unhappy Pretender. Antonio, indeed, was surrounded by spies though -he knew it not,[8] but he found he was being frustrated, betrayed, and -defrauded in every way in England, and his precious jewels the -meanwhile were slipping away. So, in dudgeon with the greedy English, -he fled to France and took {16} such of his vessels as he could gain -possession of with him. Catharine de Medici, the Queen-mother, was, -for form's sake, a claimant to the Portuguese throne herself, but her -shadowy claim was soon abandoned when she had an opportunity of -cherishing such a thorn as Antonio promised to be in the side of her -powerful late son-in-law Philip. Antonio still had jewels, and whilst -they lasted he was treated with consideration and regal splendour in -that gay and dissolute Court. He certainly got more return for them -there than he got in England. Many were scattered in bribes amongst -the easy-going ladies and painted mignons of the Court, and most of the -rest went to pay for two costly naval expeditions fitted out in France -in the Queen-mother's name, to enable Antonio to hold the islands -faithful to him.[9] But Santa Cruz swooped down upon Terceira as Alba -had pounced upon Lisbon, and the merry-making crew of revellers was -soon disposed of. Then poor Antonio fell upon evil days. The -emissaries of Philip, false friends of Antonio, tried time after time -to put him out of the way by poison and the dagger, but he was ever on -the watch; and for help and safety, still sanguine and hopeful, drifted -from France to England and from England to France, {17} the plaything -in the game alternately of Elizabeth and Catharine, to be taken up or -cast aside as the interests of the players dictated. - -Philip's open attempt to invade England in 1588 seemed once more to -offer him a chance of success, and his hopes rose again. One gem, and -one only, of all the rich store he brought from Portugal was left to -him; but that was the most precious of them all, the eighth greatest -diamond in the world, the chief ornament in the Russian imperial crown -to-day.[10] It was his last stake, and he decided to risk it on his -chance. It was pledged to Monsieur de Sancy, whose name it ever -afterwards bore, and with the money so raised Antonio started for -England to tempt Elizabeth to link his desperate cause with her hopes -of revenge upon Spain. - -This was in the autumn of the Armada year, 1588, and, all unconscious -of his vile treachery to him, Antonio once more evoked Lopez's -influence at Court to gain the ear of the Queen and the support of his -close friend Walsingham. The venal Jew, who was for ever craving -rewards and favours, persuaded the Queen, no doubt for a weighty -consideration, to listen anew to the pretender's proposals.[11] - -{18} - -The adventurer-king was confident that if he could once set foot again -in his own country with an armed force the whole population would flock -to his standard, and he was ready to promise anything, and everything, -for the help he wanted. Already in 1582, when Catharine de Medici had -aided him to fit out the fleet under Strozzi at Bordeaux which was to -hold Terceira and restore Antonio to the throne, the desperate gamester -had promised her the great empire of Brazil as a reward for her help; -and now, if my Spanish diarist is to be believed, he offered to make -himself a mere vassal of Elizabeth if he were successful. - -In the Record Office there is a bond by which Antonio undertakes, in -February, 1589, to reimburse to the adventurers all the cost of the -enterprise and the pay of the soldiers, but the Spanish manuscript -gives the substance of an agreement between Dom Antonio and the Queen -which promises much more than mere repayment. The diarist I quote -says:-- - -"The Queen, cautious and astute as she was, caught at the fine promises -that Dom Antonio held out and insisted that an agreement should be -entered into; which was done, in substance as set forth in the -following clauses. This agreement was brought, written in the English -language, by a certain Portuguese named Diego Rodriguez who {19} came -hither as treasurer to this expedition and passed over to the service -of our lord the King on the eleventh of June. The clauses, translated -into Castilian, say as follows:-- - -"First her Majesty the Queen of England undertakes to provide a fleet -of one hundred and twenty vessels and twenty thousand men--15,000 -soldiers and 5,000 sailors--with captains for both services, to go and -restore Dom Antonio to the throne of Portugal. - -"Dom Antonio undertakes that within eight days from the arrival of the -said fleet in Portugal the whole country will submit to him in -accordance with the letters he has received from the principal people -in the said kingdom. - -"Item, That on arriving in Lisbon the city will be reduced at once -without any defence and all Castilians in it killed and destroyed, and, -for the friendship and aid thus shown him in recovering his kingdom, he -undertakes to fulfil the following things--namely:-- - -"First that within two months of his arrival in Lisbon he will hand to -her Majesty the Queen as an aid to the costs of the fleet five millions -in gold. - -"Item, In testimony of the help she has given him he will pay every -year to the Queen for ever three hundred thousand ducats in gold, -placed and paid in London at his cost. - -"Item, That the English should have full liberty to trade and travel in -Portugal and the Portuguese Indies and the Portuguese equal freedom in -England. - -"Item, That if the Queen should not desire to fit out a fleet against -the King of Spain in England {20} she shall be at liberty to do so in -Lisbon and shall be helped in all that may be necessary. - -"Item, That the castles of São Gian, Torre de Belem, Capariza, Oton, -São Felipe, Oporto, Coimbra and the other Portuguese fortresses shall -be perpetually occupied by English soldiers paid at the cost of Dom -Antonio. - -"Item, That there shall be perpetual peace between her Majesty the -Queen and Dom Antonio and they shall mutually help each other on all -occasions without excuse of any sort. - -"Item, That all the Bishoprics and Archbishoprics in Portugal shall be -filled by English Catholics and the Archbishopric of Lisbon shall be at -once filled by the appointment of Monsieur de la Torques (_sic_). - -"Item, On arriving at Lisbon every infantry man shall receive twelve -months pay, and three extra, as a present from Dom Antonio and they -shall be allowed to sack the city for twelve days, on condition that no -man of any rank shall presume to harm any Portuguese or molest the -churches or houses wherein maidens are dwelling; and also that they pay -in money for whatever they may need in the country. Which agreement -her Majesty ordered to be duly executed under date of last day of -December 1588."[12] - -The Spanish scribe waxes very indignant at this document, showing, as -he says it does, the sagacity of the Queen and the blind infatuation of -Dom Antonio, {21} "who gives up the substance for the shadow of -kingship, and is content to make the Portuguese subjects slaves so that -he shall be called King." But he is most shocked at the sacrifice to -this "pestilent sect" of the two instincts clearest to the Portuguese -heart, namely, devotion to their Church and their greed of gain; the -first of which, he says, will be destroyed by relationship with the -accursed heretics, and the second attacked by the substitution for "our -lord the king who does not spend a maravedi of Portuguese money, but -brings Castilian money into Portugal," of a King who has promised to -pay away more than the Portuguese can ever give him. "And besides," he -says, plaintively, "we Castilians and Portuguese are not so estranged -in blood of boundaries after all, for only a line divides us, and if it -be hard for the Portuguese to endure connection with their Castilian -kinsmen who bring riches into the country and take nothing from it how -much worse will it be to put up with a nation so greedy and insolent as -the English, separated from them by land and sea, and foreign to them -in customs, language, faith and laws?" - -He ridicules the idea of five millions (of ducats) in gold being paid, -and says he supposes that a mistake of a nought has been made, which -probably was the case; but even then, he asks, where is such a sum as -500,000 ducats to come from, "let alone the 15 months' pay"? However -correct or otherwise in detail this agreement may be, it is certain -that some such terms were made, and it may be safely assumed that -Elizabeth, with her keen eye to the main chance, would take care to -make the best bargain she could out of the sanguine eagerness {22} of -Dom Antonio, who would be ready to promise "mounts and marvels" for -ready aid.[13] My Portuguese diarist also ridicules the impossible -terms promised by the Pretender, but adds the false finishing-touch, -evidently spread by the Castilians for the purpose of arousing the -indignation and resistance of the Portuguese, that the churches were to -be plundered and the Portuguese inhabitants of Lisbon despoiled. - -It would appear strange at first sight that Elizabeth should have made -any proviso for the benefit of English Catholics whom she had sometimes -treated so unmercifully, but on other occasions she had favoured the -idea of English Catholic settlements being established across the seas -under her sway; and the great body of Catholic sympathisers resident in -England had not acted altogether unpatriotically in the hour of panic -and terror on the threat of invasion. It would, therefore, not have -been an impolitic move to earn their gratitude and further loyalty by -opening a new field for them outside of her own country but, in a -manner, under her control. - -On the 23rd of February, 1589,[14] the Queen issued a warrant of her -instructions for the expedition, {23} appointing Sir John Morris[15] -and Sir Francis Drake to the chief command thereof, and in it lays down -precise rules for their guidance. She says that the objects of the -expedition are two: namely, first to distress the King of Spain's -ships, and second to get possession of some of the Azores, in order to -intercept treasure passing to and from the East and West Indies. Also -to assist the King Dom Antonio to recover the kingdom of Portugal, "_if -it shall be found the public voice in the kingdom be favourable to -him_." - -On the same date authority was given to Norris and Drake to issue -warrants to the adventurers for their shares in the enterprise; and the -Queen herself undertook to repay them if the expedition were stopped at -her instance. Courtiers and swashbucklers touted their hardest for -subscriptions to this joint-stock warfare, and pressure was put upon -country gentlemen to subscribe liberally as a proof of their -patriotism--a pressure not to be disregarded in those doubtful -times.[16] The Queen's subscription ultimately reached £20,000, -besides seven ships of the Royal Navy. Promises of money and arms were -forthcoming in abundance, and flocks of idlers, high and low, offered -their valuable services. The scum of the towns, the sweepings of the -jails, were pressed for the voyage, and Pricket (or Wingfield), {24} in -his apology for the expedition, lays most of the blame of failure on -the kind of men they had, and complains bitterly of the justices and -mayors sending them "base disordered persons sent unto us as living at -home without rule." He says many idle young men, having seen their -fellows come back after a few months in the Netherlands full of their -brave deeds and tales of the wars, "thought to follow so good an -example and to spend like time amongst us," and finding soldiering a -harder trade than they had bargained for, were not likely to make good -troops. - -The misfortunes of the enterprise began before it was fairly launched. -As may be supposed, promises of support, given under such circumstances -as those which I have described, were hardly likely to be strictly -kept, and the performance in this case fell far short. Pricket (or -Wingfield) bemoans this as follows: "For hath not the want of 8 out of -the 12 pieces of Artillerie which was promised unto the adventure lost -her Majestie the possession of the Groyne and many other places as -hereafter shall appeare whose defensible rampiers were greater than our -batterie (such as it was) could force and therefore were lost -unattempted. It was also resolved to send 600 English horse out of the -Low Countries whereof we had not one, notwithstanding the great charge -expended in their transportation hither.... Did wee not want seaven of -the thirteene old Companies we should have had from thence? foure of -the ten Dutch Companies and sixe of their men-of-warre for the sea from -the Hollanders? which I may justly say we wanted in that we might have -had so many good souldiers, {25} so many good shippes, and so many able -bodies more than we had. - -"Did there not, upon the first thinking of the journey, divers gallant -courtiers put in their names for adventurers to the summe of £10,000, -who seeing it went not forward in good earnest, advised themselves -better and laid the want of so much money on the journey?" - -But the expedition was got together somehow. Men were cajoled into the -belief that they were going on a great plundering excursion, and would -soon return home again loaded, as Wingfield says, with "Portogues" and -"Milrayes" which should make them independent for life. There were no -surgeons, no carriages for the hurt and sick, and from the first the -discipline was of the loosest. Provisions were said to be shipped for -two months, but in some of the ships the men declared they were starved -from the first day. - -Even amongst contemporaries much difference of statement exists as to -the number of ships and men that composed the expedition, although this -difference is partly accounted for by a fact which will presently be -mentioned, and which has hitherto escaped notice. We should probably -not be far out when we put the number of soldiers who left Plymouth at -about 16,000 and the sailors at 2,500.[17] {26} Of the men-at-arms all -but the three or four thousand old soldiers, mostly from the Netherland -wars, were idle vagabonds whose first idea was loot and whose last was -fighting. In addition to these there were 1,200 gentlemen or more, the -flotsam and jetsam of the Court, younger sons of slender fortunes, and -gallants whose hearts were aflame to do good service to their country. -Seven[18] of the bravest of the Queen's ships, of three hundred tons -burden each, twenty other armed ships, and a large number of transports -and galleys of light draft, would have completed the fleet, but sixty -German smacks and sloops, which had been wintering in Holland on their -way to Spain, were pressed into the service and added to the number, -which finally reached nearly two hundred sail. The 1st of February was -the date originally fixed for starting, but when that date arrived -nothing was ready but the army of idlers, who wanted feeding, so that -when the fleet could have sailed it was found that most of the stores -had been consumed, and in some ships not a week's provision remained. -Money ran short, and Drake and Norris wrote, day after day, {27} during -all the month of March and first two weeks in April, heartrending -letters to the Council and to Walsingham. The provisions were run out, -they said; the enterprise must fall through if help be not sent at -once. They point out the dishonour and disgrace of such a lame ending, -and again and again beg for more provisions. - -The innkeepers and victuallers of Canterbury, Southampton, Winchester, -Plymouth, and elsewhere wrote dunning letters to the Queen for money -due for stores supplied. The Dutch shipmasters commanding the flyboat -transports contributed by the States formally protested and refused to -put to sea with such insufficient provender as they had; and, just as -it looked as if the expedition would break down for good, there came -providentially into the harbour a Flemish ship with a cargo of dried -herrings, another with five hundred pipes of wine, and above all a -sloop loaded with barley. These provisions were promptly transferred -to the fleet to the dismay of the masters, who protested for many a day -afterwards, fruitlessly, against the confiscation of their cargoes. -The expedition was declared ready for sea, but then came tales of -contrary winds that kept them in and out of harbour for several days -more; and one day, whilst they were thus detained, the Queen's kinsman, -Knollys, comes post haste from London. Had anybody seen or heard -anything of the young Earl of Essex, the Queen's last new pet? -Curiously enough nobody had, although only the day before a party of -young gallants had dashed into Plymouth from London all dusty and -travel-stained, and had been received with open arms by the courtiers -and {28} officers on the fleet. Hot-blooded Essex, with all the -thoughtlessness of his twenty-two years, tired of sickly dallying with -an old lady and of squabbling with Raleigh, tired of his debts, his -duns and duties as prime favourite, had made up his mind to see some -fun, and had fled against the Queen's orders. No one had seen him of -course, but the _Swiftsure_, with Sir Roger Williams, the general -second in command of the army, mysteriously left the harbour as soon as -Knollys had told his tale. But a few hours later the Earl of -Huntingdon came with warrants of arrest and all manner of peremptory -papers, and Drake saw the matter was serious. Boats were sent scouring -after the _Swiftsure_, but could get no news of the missing earl. The -other ships stayed in Plymouth ten days longer for a fair wind, but the -_Swiftsure_ came back no more until the expedition was at an end. -Drake and Norris wrote nearly every day until they sailed disclaiming -any knowledge of Essex or his intention to join the force, and -expressing their deep sorrow; but the Queen did not believe them, and -from that time had nothing but hard words and sour looks for an -adventure that had robbed her of her favourite. At length, on the 13th -of April 1589, (O.S.), the expedition finally left Plymouth, but even -then it was only a feint in order that the men might be kept together -and not stray on shore and get out of hand. "The crosse windes held us -two daies after our going out, the Generalls being wearie thrust to sea -in the same wisely chosing rather to attend a change out there than to -lose it when it came by having their men on shoare." - -Knocking about in the Channel in bad weather {29} was, however, not to -the taste of some of the ruffians who thought they were bound over -summer seas to a paradise of plunder; and three thousand men in -twenty-five ships, probably most of them owned by the recalcitrant -Dutchmen, deserted and were heard of no more--at least so far as the -expedition was concerned. This desertion to some extent explains the -divergence between the accounts given of the numbers of the expedition. - -The rest of the fleet on the third day caught a fair wind and stretched -across the Bay of Biscay in fine spring weather. They were four days -before their eyes were gladdened by the sight of Cape Finisterra, but -in the week they had been at sea their provisions were running out. -Murmurs at the short commons were heard on all the ships, and it was -seen that the only way to keep the scratch crews from open mutiny was -to give them a chance of plunder. - -So, instead of obeying the Queen's strict injunctions--for Drake was a -far better hand at commanding than obeying--and landing poor Dom -Antonio on the country he assured them was yearning for him, they bore -down upon Corunna, on the north-west coast of Spain. For months before -this, as the difficulties attending the fitting out of a new Armada -became more evident, terror-stricken rumours had pervaded Spain that -the dreaded Drake, who had now become a sort of supernatural bogey to -the Spanish people, was about to descend upon this or the other place -on the coast and wreak a terrible vengeance for the Armada. Early in -January even false news came to Madrid that an English fleet had -appeared outside Santander, and {30} at the end of the month the -Venetian ambassador in Madrid writes to his Doge that news had just -arrived from Lisbon that forty sail of English ships were out, divided -into squadrons of eight or ten ships each, and were doing much damage. -It was feared, he said, that they would all unite under Drake and make -an attempt first upon Portugal and then will go to the Azores, and -finally to the Indies. The fitting out in Spain of fifty ships to -protect the seas was hurried on; but, says the Venetian, "it is thought -that two months must elapse before they can be ready, and then one does -not see what they can do against such light ships as the enemy's." - -Philip was dangerously ill and sick at heart. Fear reigned supreme in -his councils--fear that Drake the terrible would ravage the coasts -whilst Henry of Navarre crossed the Pyrenees. The Portuguese nobles -were known to be disaffected, and a rising in favour of Dom Antonio was -feared. Philip, with the energy of despair, did what he could, ill as -he was, immersed in mountains of papers dealing with trivial detail. -But he could do little. The Portuguese nobles who were at all doubtful -were ordered to come to Madrid, the Spanish grandees were enjoined to -raise and arm their followers and hold themselves in readiness to march -either towards the Pyrenees or to Lisbon. Then rumours came that the -Moorish King of Fez was to act in concert with the English, and seize -the Spanish possessions on the African coast opposite Gibraltar. - -It will thus be seen in the distracted condition of affairs that Spain -was practically defenceless against a sudden descent on the coast, but -most {31} defenceless of all at the extremely remote north-west corner -of Spain, where Drake decided to land. The fear was mostly for -Portugal, where, we are told, "the population is so impatient of the -present rule that neither the severity of penalties, garrisons of -soldiers, nor the ability of governors have succeeded in quieting the -contumacious spirits. This causes a dread lest Drake who is acquainted -with those waters may furnish pretexts for fresh risings and they (the -Spaniards) wish to be ready to crush them."[19] The troops they -raised, says the Venetian ambassador, were inferior in quality of -horses and men: raw levies pressed unwillingly into the service, whilst -Portugal was in violent and open commotion awaiting the arrival of -Drake the deliverer. - -But whilst all panic-stricken regards were directed upon Portugal, -Drake and his joint-stock Armada suddenly appeared where they were -least expected, before Corunna, and cast anchor; and the men, nothing -loath, were put on shore in a little bay within a mile of the town. -There was no one to stay their landing, and they had come nearly to the -gates before a hasty muster of townsfolk met them. These, all -unprepared and surprised as they were, soon retreated when they saw the -force that was coming against them, and shut themselves up behind the -gates and walls of the town. The place was weak and ill-garrisoned, -commanded by the Marquis de Cerralba, and could not hope to hold out -against a regular siege, but there were three galleons loaded with arms -in the harbour, which the new commander-in-chief in Madrid, Alba's son -Fernando, said would be a much greater loss than the town {32} itself. -The English slept the first night in the cottages and mills belonging -to a hamlet on the bank of one of the small streams discharging into -the bay, and out of gunshot of the walls. They were, however, quite -unmolested by the terrified townsfolk, although the galleon San Juan -and her consorts in the harbour kept up a fire upon them as they passed -to and fro. - -The place indeed was utterly taken by surprise. The Cortes of Galicia -were in session at the time, the people peacefully pursuing their -ordinary avocations; the soldiers of the garrison were nearly all on -furlough, scattered over the province; "and, in short, every one was so -far from expecting an attack that they had no time to turn the useless -out of the town nor put their dearest possessions in safety." The wife -and daughter, indeed, of the Governor Cerralba at the first alarm fled -in their terror two leagues on foot, through the night, to a place of -safety, but after that none dared to move. The lower part of the town -fronting the harbour was protected on the land side only by weak walls, -and was unfit for protracted defence. The townspeople therefore agreed -that if the place were attacked on the water side it would be -untenable, and arranged that as soon as those in the higher town on the -hill should espy the English boats approaching they were to signal the -low town by a fire, so that the people below might make their escape to -the better defensible upper portion of the town. Some artillery was -landed by the English to stop the fire of the Spanish ships, and on the -morning of the second day the town was attacked simultaneously by 1,200 -men in long boats and pinnaces under Captain Fenner and {33} Colonel -Huntly; and by Colonels Brett and Umpton on one side, and Captains -Richard Wingfield and Sampson on the other by escalade. The people in -the upper town, either from panic or oversight, neglected to give the -signal, and those below, thinking they had only to deal with an -escalade on their walls by Captain Wingfield, fought desperately until -they found two other forces had entered at other points, and then panic -seized them, and, as Pricket (or Wingfield) describes it, "The towne -was entered in three severall places; with an huge crie, the -inhabitants betooke them to the high towne which they might with less -perrill doo for that ours being strangers knew not the way to cut them -off. The rest that were not put to the sword in furie fled to the -rockes in the iland and hid themselves in chambers and sellers which -were everie day found out in great numbers." A perfect saturnalia -seems to have been thereupon indulged in by the English troops. Here -was the fruition of all their golden dreams--a flying, panic-stricken -foe, ample provisions to loot and to waste, and, above all, wine -without limit. "Some others (_i.e._, Spaniards) also found favour to -bee taken prisoners but the rest falling into the hands of the common -soldiers had their throates cut to the number of 500.... Everie seller -was found full of wine whereupon our men by inordinate drinking both -grewe senseless of the danger of the shot of the towne which hurt many -of them, being druncke, and took the first ground of their sickness, -for of such was our first and chiefest mortalitie." - -Great stores of provisions were found in the lower town, and many were -also captured as they were {34} brought in by Spanish ships. These -provisions were alleged by the English to have been collected for the -purpose of a new attack on England, and it is quite probable that such -was the case, although the evidence on the point is insufficient. At -all events, the destruction of these stores is the only act which in -any sense justified the expedition sent out by the adventurers.[20] - -The next few days were spent by the invaders in desultory attacks on -the upper town, burning a monastery and scouring the country round by -Colonel Huntly, who "brought home verie great store of cowes and sheep -to our great reliefe." A great crowd of country people, two thousand -strong, came down with a run one day, armed with rough weapons, to see -what manner of men were these who raided their cattle and burned their -poor huts, but a discharge of musketry killed eighteen of them and sent -the rest scampering away.[21] On "our side" we hear of an improvised -gabion battery being shaken down by the first fire, and Master Spenser, -the lieutenant of the ordnance, and many others killed by the enemy's -guns as they stood all exposed. But brave Sir Edward Norris held his -ground manfully {35} until his orders came to cease firing and retire. -Captain Goodwin makes a mistake of a signal and prematurely attacks the -upper town, getting shot through the mouth as a reward, and the "common -sort" drop off by drink, pestilence, and bullet plentifully enough, but -unrecorded. Norris and Drake sent home by Knollys flaming accounts of -their success, and still asked for more provisions from England and -more money; but Queen Bess was in a towering rage, and was not to be -appeased. She could not forget or forgive the loss of her favourite. -Raleigh and Blount were very well in their way, but she wanted Essex, -and suspected Drake and Norris of being parties to his escape. On the -4th of May (O.S.) she wrote to them a remarkable letter, showing that -she had tidings of Essex's being on board the _Swiftsure_, and -demanding dire vengeance on Sir Roger Williams, who helped to hide -him.[22] - -{36} - -After four days of fruitless pottering the troops were presumably sober -enough to attempt an attack upon the upper town, and the guns being -pointed against it, the general sent a drummer to summon it to -surrender before he opened fire. The summons was answered by a -musket-shot that laid the poor drummer low, but immediately afterwards -a pole was projected over the town wall, and from it there dangled a -man hanged by the neck. This was the man who had fired the dastard -shot. And then the Spaniards called a parley, and begged that the war -might be fair on both sides, as it certainly should be on theirs. -Considering that five hundred of their brethren had their throats cut -ruthlessly, after they had submitted, this was magnanimous at least; -"but as for surrendering the towne, they listened not greatly -thereunto." - -So Norris banged away with his cannon for three days to make a breach -in the wall of the high town, and at the same time set men to work to -bore a mine in the rock beneath the gate, and at the end of the time, -all being in readiness, and his men, under the gallant brothers -Wingfield, with Philpot, Sampson, and York, waiting to storm the two -breaches, the mine turned out a dismal failure, and {37} nothing was -done. The next day they tried again, and this time with such success -that one half of the gate tower was blown up, and the other half left -tottering. On rushed the assailants. Some few got into the town, but -as the officers and their immediate followers set foot on the breach -and waved their men onward, down came the other half of the tower upon -them, and crushed them beneath the ruins. Two standards were lost, but -captured again, and scores of men were killed. In the dust and terror -the unpractised soldiery thought they were the victims of some -stratagem of the enemy and fled, leaving the officers and gentlemen -volunteers to extricate themselves as best they could. Poor Captain -Sydenham "was pitifully lost, who having three or foure great stones on -his lower parts was held so fast, as neither himself could stirre, nor -anie reasonable companie recover him. Notwithstanding the next day -being found to be alive there was 10 or 12 lost in attempting to -relieve him." - -On the other side of the town the breach made in the walls by the -culverins was too small, and when brave Yorke had led his men to push -of pike with those who stood in the breach, the slope of rubbish on -which they mounted suddenly slipped down, and left them six feet below -the opening, and so they had to retreat too, through a narrow lane -exposed to the full fire of the enemy, and thus the attack failed at -both points. - -In the meanwhile all Galicia was arming, and a prisoner brought in by -the cattle raiders gave news that the Count de Andrada, with 8,000 men, -was at Puente de Burgos, six miles off, which was {38} said to be only -the beginning of a great army being got together by the Count de -Altamira. On the next day, May 6th, it was determined to attack them, -and nine regiments of English marched out to the fray. The vanguard, -under Sir Edward Norris, was divided into three bodies under Captains -Middleton, Antony Wingfield, and Ethrington, respectively, and attacked -the enemy in the centre and both flanks simultaneously, routing them at -the first charge. They only stopped running when they came to a -fortified bridge over a creek of the sea, on the other side of which -was their entrenched camp. Sir Edward Norris, with Colonel Sidney, and -Captains Fulford, Hinder and others, always in front, fought hand to -hand over the bridge and into the trenches, under "an incredible volie -of shot for that the shot of their armie flanked upon both sides of the -bridge." But the earthworks were soon abandoned, and Sir Edward -Norris, in his very eagerness to be first, tumbled over his pike and -hurt his head grievously. The officers of the vanguard were nearly all -more or less hurt, but when the enemy had fled the usual amusement of -the "common sort" commenced. All round for miles the country was burnt -and spoiled, and the flying countrymen were slaughtered without mercy -or quarter. "So many as 2,000 men might kill in pursuit, so many fell -before us that day"; and after that was over and the men were -returning, hundreds of cowering peasants were found hidden in hedges -and vineyards, and their "throates" were cut. Two hundred poor -creatures took refuge in a "cloyster," which was burned and the men put -to the sword as they tried to escape. "You might {39} have scene the -countrie more than three miles of compasse on fyre," says the English -eye-witness, and he grows quite hysterical in his laudation of the -English valour; but the Spanish accounts tell how the Netherlands wars, -and the fears for Portugal and the French frontier, had denuded all -north-western Spain of soldiers, Count de Andrada's force only being a -hasty levy of undrilled and practically unarmed countrymen, who were -easily routed. - -The next day the English began to ship their artillery and baggage and -made ready to depart, after again unsuccessfully trying to fire the -upper town. They managed indeed to burn down every house in the lower -town, and they set sail on May 9 (O.S.), 1589. - -In the meanwhile utter dismay reigned at Madrid. What was left of the -fleet was acknowledged to be powerless for defence, and none knew for -certain where the blow was to fall. The accounts from Corunna were -intercepted by the Government, and were surmised to be worse than they -really were; but still the general opinion was not far out in supposing -that Drake could not do much permanent harm on the open places on the -coast, but would eventually attack either Lisbon or Cadiz. Fernando de -Toledo was appointed commander-in-chief, but soldiers could not be got -together.[23] Pietro de Medici was hastily ordered to raise 6,000 -mercenaries in Italy; and Contarini writes from Madrid to the Doge: "It -is true that for want {40} of soldiers they have adopted a plan which -may prove more hurtful than helpful; they have enrolled Portuguese, and -so have armed the very people whom they have cause to fear, but perhaps -they think that as they have destroyed the leaders they have made -themselves safe." - -Norris was almost as much dreaded as Drake himself, and his skill and -daring suggested to the terrified Court that he might intend to cut -through the neck of land upon which Corunna stands, and entirely -isolate the town, which he might then make into a great depot for an -English fleet. Philip, we are told, was in great anxiety, "not so much -on account of the loss he suffers as for the insult which he feels that -he has received in the fact that a woman, mistress of only half an -island, with the help of a corsair and a common soldier, should have -ventured on so arduous an enterprise, and dared to molest so powerful a -sovereign." - -The bitterest blow of all to Philip was the knowledge that Spain's -impotence was now patent to the world, and that the mere presence of -Drake was sufficient to paralyse all resistance. When the English -force re-embarked at Corunna, says Contarini, they were not even -molested, so glad were the besieged to be rid of him at any cost. -"Whilst Drake was at Corunna he was so strongly entrenched that he -suffered no loss at all. If he had remained a few days longer the -place would have fallen for the reliefs were not as ready as was -rumoured. Drake occupied the place called the fishmarket. He knocked -down houses, seized cattle, killed soldiers, released officers on -ransom, and by pillage of the suburbs and the burning of monasteries -seemed to {41} care more for plunder than for glory."[24] As we have -seen, in fact, Drake's sole reason for going to Corunna at all against -his mistress' orders was to satisfy with loot the mutinous rabble on -board his ships, but of this the Spaniards were naturally ignorant. - -The fleet sailed out of Corunna on the 9th of May, leaving smoking -ruins behind them for many miles around; but contrary winds drove the -ships back again and again. At last, on the 13th of May, the truant -_Swiftsure_ hove in sight, "to the great delight of us all," bringing -the Earl of Essex, Sir Roger Williams, Master Walter Devereux ("the -Earl's brother, a gentleman of wonderful great hope"), Sir Philip -Butler ("who hath always been most inward with him"), and Sir Edward -Wingfield. - -However glad the men of lower rank may have been to see the dashing -young nobleman, Drake and Norris can hardly have been overjoyed. They -knew by this time that Elizabeth was in earnest about it, and that the -purse-strings would be drawn tighter, and the censure be stricter, -whilst her errant favourite was with the expedition; and some inkling -of this even reached the writer of the English account of the -expedition. "The Earle," he says, "having put himself into the journey -against the opinion of the world, and as it seemed, to the hazard of -his great fortune, though to the great advancement of his reputation -(for as the honourable carriage of himself towards all men doth make -him highlie esteemed at home, so did his exceeding forwardness in all -services make him to be wondered {42} at amongst us) who I say put off -... because he would avoide the importunity of messengers that were -daily sent for his return and some other causes more secret to himself." - -The earl's first request was that he should always be allowed to lead -the vanguard of the army; "which was easilie granted unto him, being so -desirous to satisfie him in all things": and thenceforward to the end -of the expedition he marched at the head with Major-General Sir Roger -Williams, who seemed, by the way, "not one penny the worse" for her -Majesty's anathemas. - -Early in the afternoon of May 16th (O.S.) the fleet cautiously -approached the town of Peniche, in Portugal. Drake had learnt on his -way that a great galleon from the Indies with a million crowns in gold -had taken refuge under the guns of the fortress, and doubtless hoped to -net so big a prize. But the Archduke Albert in Lisbon was also looking -anxiously for the gold, and sent his galleys, under Bazan, to bring the -galleon into the Tagus just before the arrival of the English at -Peniche. The town of Peniche was held by Gonsalves de Ateide with a -body of Portuguese who could not be trusted, and some Castilian -reinforcements sent to him under Pedro de Guzman; but the fortress was -commanded by a Captain Araujo, who was known to be secretly in favour -of Dom Antonio. Here it was determined to land the force, and Ateide -drew up his men at the landing-place before the fortress and opened -fire upon the ships as they entered the bay. On the other side of the -harbour, half a league off, the surf was running high, and a landing -there was looked {43} upon as impracticable, so that the shore was left -undefended. Suddenly, when least expected by the Spaniards, Norris -began to land his men on this side. Hot-headed Essex would not even -wait for his boat to reach land, but jumped into the beating surf -breast high with Sir Roger Williams and a band of gentlemen, and so -struggled ashore to protect the landing of the rest. By the time -Ateide and his 350 Castilians had reached the spot 2,000 English had -landed on the beach of Consolation as it was called. Some slight show -of resistance was made, and fifteen Spaniards fell at the push of the -English pike; but the Castilians were out-numbered and nearly -surrounded, and were forced to retire precipitately inland to a -neighbouring hamlet to await reinforcements from Torres Vedras. When -Norris had landed 12,000 or 13,000 men, with the loss of several -boatloads in the surf, but without further molestation from the -Spaniards, he summoned the Portuguese commandant of the fortress to -surrender. He replied that he refused to surrender to the English, but -would willingly do so to his lawful king, Dom Antonio. So the poor -pretender, "bigger of spirit than of body," landed with his son Manoel, -and his faithful bodyguard of a hundred Portuguese, to be received once -more on his own land as a sovereign. He found all things ready for -him: his canopy of state erected, plate for his table set out, and -kneeling subjects seeking for his smiles. He spoke smoothly and -fairly, we are told, to the country people, taking nothing from them, -but giving, or at least promising, much, and assuring them all of his -protection. - -But if their new sovereign was chary of {44} oppressing them, no such -scruples afflicted their Castilian masters. My Portuguese diarist says -that the Spaniards retaliated for Araujo's treachery in surrendering -Peniche by stealing everything belonging to the Portuguese they could -lay their hands upon, and he cites one case in which they took the -large sum of two thousand crowns from one of the most influential -friends of the Spanish cause. "But," he says, apologetically, "in -confused times such as these soldiers _will_ act so." - -Dom Antonio's bodyguard was armed with muskets and pikes from the -castle, and here the poor King kept his rough-and-ready Court for two -days. He was tenacious of his regal dignity, and had many a little -wrangle with the English about the scant ceremony with which they -treated him. But greater disappointments were yet in store for him. -The friars and peasants flocked in to salute their native king, but, -alas, Antonio hoped and looked in vain for the coming of the lords and -gentry from whom he expected so much. Wily Philip had been once more -too cunning for his enemy. At the first whisper of the expedition he -had banished to distant places in his own dominions every Portuguese -noble--seventy of them in all--who was not pledged hard and fast to the -Castilian cause. One of Antonio's false friends, too, had escaped at -Corunna, and had gone straight to Philip and divulged all the -pretender's plans and the names of his supporters still in Portugal who -were to help him into Lisbon. Their shrift, as may be supposed, was a -short one, and when Antonio came to his kingdom he found none but monks -and clowns to greet him. Such of the gentry as he approached were -usually too {45} panic-stricken to side with him, seeing the fate of -others of their class, and my Portuguese scoffs at the insolence of the -idea that Antonio and the English could hold Lisbon, even if they won -it against all the might of Spain, or of the common Portuguese rising -without the "fidalgos," and courting the ruin that would befall them if -the "heretics" got the upper hand without the fidalgos to restrain them. - -But Antonio put a brave face on matters, and was all eagerness to push -on to his faithful capital of Lisbon, which he was confident awaited -him with open arms. His confidence to a certain extent seems to have -been shared by Norris, and here the second great mistake of the -expedition was made. The first vital error was the fruitless waste of -time at Corunna; the second was the resolution now arrived at by -Norris, entirely against Drake's judgment, to march from Peniche -overland forty-two miles to Lisbon. Drake, true to the sea and to the -tactics by which he had so often beaten the Spaniards, was in favour of -pushing on to Lisbon by sea, letting three or four fireships drift -about the castle of São Gian, which commanded the entrance to the -harbour, so that the smoke should spoil the aim of the guns, and then -make a dash for the city--and doubtless, thought Drake, for the -galleon, with its million gold crowns, lying in front of the India -house. Dom Antonio, whose one idea was to keep foot on the land where -he was king, sided with Norris. In vain Drake pointed out that they -had no baggage train or proper provisions for a march through an -enemy's country; that they had only one weak squadron {46} of cavalry, -of which the cattle was out of condition; that they had no fitting -field artillery; and that once inland they would lose the support and -protection of the fleet. - -It was all of no avail; Dom Antonio and Norris had their way, and a -single company was left to garrison Peniche,[25] supported by six -ships, whilst the whole of the land forces were to march to Lisbon, and -Drake undertook to bring the rest of the fleet to Cascaes, at the mouth -of the river, when the weather would allow him to do so. - -During the night after the landing, some cavalry under Captain Alarcon -had joined the Spaniards, and a force of Portuguese militia had also -been sent in by Don Luis Alencastro, but they soon deserted their -colours and left their officers to shift for themselves. The next -morning at four o'clock Captain Alarcon and a few of the Spanish -cavalry reconnoitred the position at Peniche, but found the enemy too -many for them, and could only scour back as hard as they could ride to -Luis Alencastro, the Grand-Commander of {47} the Order of Christ, who -was endeavouring to reorganise a body of Portuguese a few miles off, on -the road to Lisbon. But terrible tales of the strength of the English -had already spread; and when Alarcon and Guzman reached the -Grand-Commander they found his hasty levies in a panic at the story -that Drake had brought with him nine hundred great Irish dogs as fierce -as lions, and "capable of eating up a world of folks." So they flatly -refused to stir; and the Grand-Commander could do no more than hasten -back to Lisbon to inform the Cardinal-Archduke Albert of the state of -affairs, whilst Guzman, with the troops, fell back upon Torres-Vedras, -to hold if possible the road to Lisbon. - -In the meanwhile the capital was in a state of intense excitement. The -native inhabitants, with a lively recollection of the sacking of the -city by Alba, flocked to the other side of the Tagus, notwithstanding -the strict orders of the Cardinal-Archduke to the contrary. Provisions -and munitions of war were hastily sent from Spain, and the Prior -Fernando de Toledo was already on the move, slowly bringing such troops -as he could muster for the relief of Lisbon, whilst the castles and -walls of the city were put into a state of defence. The Castilians, -few in number and intensely hated by the townsfolk, knew that in a -fight the brunt would fall upon them, and that the Portuguese, even -though they might not help the enemy, and this was by no means certain, -would not raise a finger to support the dominion of Philip. The -priests went from house to house, strong adherents of Dom Antonio -almost to a man, whispering that {48} the English were not, after all, -such bad people; that there were many Catholics amongst them who were -better Christians than the Castilians themselves, and, as the Spanish -diarist says, other things of the sort which will not bear repeating. -To the well-to-do they said that as soon as a native king was on the -throne their wealth would enormously increase, whilst the poor were -told that "fishing in troubled waters was profitable to the fisherman." - -On the other hand, the Archduke, knowing the people with whom he had to -deal, established a veritable reign of terror, and sacrificed without -mercy--often without evidence--any person who was even suspected of -open sympathy with the invaders, although it was well known in Madrid -that the populace of Lisbon had tacitly agreed to open the gates to Dom -Antonio and to massacre the Spaniards on his approach. Some Portuguese -nobles had left the Archduke on the first landing of Dom Antonio, but, -finding that most of their order had been terrorised into quiescence, -returned to Lisbon and tendered their submission. They were at once -beheaded or imprisoned, and the rest became more slavish than ever in -their professions of attachment to the Archduke. Terrible stories were -spread at the same time of the "impious abominations" of the English -heretics, and the dreadful fate that awaited all Catholics if the -invader succeeded, until, as my Portuguese diarist says, "there was not -even a loafer on the quay who did not know that he would be cast out or -ruined if the English came." But it was all insufficient to make them -willing to {49} fight. The exodus still continued, and under cover of -night the people stole across the river by thousands, and a boat whose -usual freight was two ducats could not now be hired under fifty, whilst -a bullock-cart and bullocks which could be bought right out in normal -times for fifty ducats now charged sixty for a single journey to Aldea -Gallega, on the other side of the Tagus. The people of the provinces, -says my Portuguese diarist, oppressed the flying citizens more than the -English, until the scandal became so great that the Archduke had to -interfere and check their rapacity. Under some excuse or another every -Portuguese was anxious to get away and leave the fighting to be done by -some one else. The Portuguese diarist stoutly denies that his -countrymen were cowards or traitors, but always explains that the -common people _could not_ have risen without the lead of the native -nobles; and we have seen the methods by which they were terrorised and -made powerless. The Spaniard, on the other hand, makes no secret of -his contempt for the white-livered Lisbonenses, and uses much strong -language about them. My Portuguese diarist greatly resents this -feeling, and gives a little personal experience of his own to show how -harsh were the words used by the Castilians towards the craven -citizens. "On the morning," he says, "that the enemy fled I went up to -the castle to get some things of mine out of my boxes which I had left -there in the rooms of one of the officers, where I had determined to -await my fate if things came to the worst. As I was on my way down to -the palace again the rumour spread that the enemy was retreating, -whereupon some soldiers ascended {50} the watch tower to enjoy the -sight. I asked them when they returned if the good news were true that -the enemy was really flying, and one of them answered me roughly that -they who were flying were not the enemy but those who still stay in -Lisbon. To which I answered him not a word but God be with ye." - -But by terrorism, energy, and promptness the Archduke at length got the -city into a state for defence both against the enemy from without and -the probable enemy within. The city water-tanks were locked and the -supply brought from outside, so as to save the precious liquid for the -coming siege. The resident Spaniards formed themselves into a -bodyguard of 150 men, "very smart and well armed," and, as in duty -bound, the Germans and Flemings offered two hundred harquebussiers in -good order, whilst many Portuguese "fidalgos" slept in the corridors of -the palace to protect the Archduke in the hour of need. Four colonels -were appointed to organise bands of the inhabitants for the defence of -the city, and Matias de Alburquerque, a famous sea-captain, took charge -of the twelve war galleys in the Tagus and armed thirty merchant ships -which were lying in the harbour. The defensive works round the city -were divided into sections and apportioned to the command of officers -of tried fidelity, whose names need not be recorded here, the river -front being mainly entrusted to Portuguese, who evidently considered -theirs the post of danger, as they had not the walls to protect them -along the quay side. The Castilians, however, made no secret of the -fact that they were placed there as no attack was expected from the -river. {51} The parts most strongly guarded, almost entirely by -Spaniards, were the quarters of St. Catalina, San Antonio, and San -Roque, facing the north and west, from which quarters the English were -expected to approach. - -The English army, by all accounts twelve thousand strong, marched out -of Peniche on the 17th of May, with the Earl of Essex and Sir Roger -Williams leading; and Drake, accompanying them to the top of a hill at -some distance off, greeted each regiment as it passed him with kindly -words, and hopes of success, which he could hardly have anticipated. - -Soon the English soldiery began to show their true metal. Strict -orders had been given that the property and persons of Dom Antonio's -faithful subjects were to be respected; but as soon as they got clear -of Peniche housebreaking and pillage became rife, and Norris had to -order his provost-marshal, Crisp, to hang a few of the malefactors -before he could obtain obedience. - -The Archduke had sent three squadrons of Spanish horsemen to reinforce -Pedro de Guzman at Torres Vedras, block the road to Lisbon, and harass -the English. They went out to reconnoitre the enemy at various points -after he left Peniche, but they did not like the look of him, and fell -back again to Torres Vedras, whilst messengers were hourly sent to the -Archduke begging for more men, whom he could not send. At first it was -rumoured amongst the English that a stand would be made at a village -near Peniche, but when they arrived there the last Spanish horsemen -were just scampering out of it. The next day it was said {52} that -certainly a great stand would be made at Torres Vedras, and this -undoubtedly was the Archduke's intention; but even the almost -impregnable Torres Vedras was untenable with a few hundred horse and a -body of militia, who, if they fought at all, would fight on the other -side; and the Spanish forces, for fear of being cut off from their -base, hastily evacuated Torres Vedras and fell back gradually, -harassing the flanks of the enemy as much as they could and cutting off -stragglers. - -And so the main body of Morris' force, with the Earl of Essex and Sir -Roger Williams always leading, moved rapidly and peacefully towards -Lisbon, whilst the panic in the capital grew greater as the English -came nearer. Peaceably--but hungry--for the land was bare, and the -English, we are told, "found our food dry and tasteless and hankered -after their own fat meats and birds, comparing our barrenness with the -abundance of their own land." There was little or no money in the -host, and nothing was to be taken from the Portuguese without payment. -There was in any case very little to take, for most of the people along -the road had fled or had been stripped clean by the Castilian soldiers -who had gone before. Drake's predictions of trouble in moving an army -without a baggage train began to come true, and at last starvation was -breeding open mutiny in the English host. Norris was then obliged to -tell Antonio that unless food were forthcoming more plentifully the -soldiers must be allowed to shift for themselves. The poor pretender -could only beseech his controller, Campello, to scour the country far -and wide for delicacies for the English, "who are naturally {53} dainty -and exquisite in their food"; but he could only pay in promises, and -the land was bare, so the invaders still marched a hungry host towards -the larders of Lisbon. - -From day to day they were told that the Spaniards would certainly stand -and fight to-morrow, but they were continually disappointed, as indeed -was the stout-hearted Archduke in his palace, who received with dismay -the constant news that his forces were falling further and further back -towards the capital without fighting. - -Whatever country people had remained on the road welcomed the invaders -with cries of "Viva el Rei Dom Antonio!" but the poor King still looked -in vain for the promised gentlemen. His desire to please his rustic -adherents was almost pathetic. He condescended, we are told, to caress -and embrace the "commonest little people"; and in order to make as -brave a show as possible before the English, picked out any countryman -who was decently fair-spoken to be paraded before them as some grand -gentleman in disguise. But however hopeful he might show himself, he -could not conceal the fact that not a dozen men-at-arms had joined him, -and his only chance now was that Lisbon itself should declare in his -favour. But the native citizens were distracted and divided. The -judges and magistrates had abandoned their posts, the shopkeepers had -deserted their stores, incendiary fires and pillage were of hourly -occurrence, and the Archduke alone kept his head. Even he was not free -from danger of attack, for more than one attempt was made to -assassinate some of his chief officers. - -{54} - -On one occasion a large number of men were caught deserting their posts -and escaping in a boat to the other side of the Tagus. When they were -brought to the Archduke for punishment he said if they were too -cowardly to fight in defence of their God and their fatherland they -were useless to him and could go. This he knew, that even the -Castilian women would mount the walls and fight with stones, if need -be, in such a cause. Albert required all his firmness and nerve, for -one sign of weakness from him and his handful of Spaniards, would have -given heart to the craven Portuguese within and without the walls, who -were thirsting for their blood. - -Three-quarters of the Portuguese in Lisbon had fled or were in hiding, -and the rest were in Spanish pay or watched day and night by jealous -eyes. But watched as they were, and few in numbers, their hopes were -still high, and amongst themselves their speech grew bolder. They got -news daily from English prisoners and others of the approach of their -king, and plotted together how they would serve the hated Castilians -when the English deliverers came. - -The rumour ran that the city would be surrendered to the invader on -Corpus Christi day, and not a Spaniard was to be left alive, and much -more to the same effect. But, alas! on one occasion when a few English -prisoners were being brought in a panic-cry arose that the invaders had -entered the city, and then each man fled to hiding to save his own skin -rather than to his post, and the few Spanish guards that remained had -to drag them out of cellars and lofts by main force, kicking {55} and -cuffing them for a set of cowards for not helping the defenders. The -Count de Fuentes, once on a false alarm, was sent out of the city with -every man who could be spared to Orlas, three leagues off on the road -to Cascaes, where it was expected the enemy would pass; but the English -went by Torres Vedras, and Fuentes had to hurry back into Lisbon again -the same day, to avoid being cut off and the gates being shut against -him. - -On the 19th of May Norris and his troops marched into Torres Vedras, -where Dom Antonio was received with regal honours, and the oath of -allegiance taken to him. He was desirous of making a detour to -Santarem, through, as he said, a rich country favourable to him, but -Norris knew the danger of delay, and insisted upon pushing forward to -Lisbon. - -Guzman and his Spanish horsemen had fallen back during the previous -night to Jara, nearer Lisbon, but he had left Captain Alarcon, with two -companies of horse, to hang on the skirts of the enemy. The next day -Captain Yorke, who commanded Norris' cavalry, determined to try their -metal, and sent a corporal with eight men who rode through forty of the -enemy, whilst Yorke himself, with forty English horse, put to -precipitous flight Alarcon's two hundred. On the following day, May -21st, the English, disappointed again of a fight, were lodged in the -village of Louvres, not far from Lisbon, which Guzman had hurriedly -evacuated after being very nearly surprised by Norris. The village was -small and the accommodation poor, so Drake's regiment, thinking to -better their quarters, went to sleep at a {56} little hamlet a mile -off. In the early dawn a cry was raised of "Viva el Rei Dom Antonio!" -which was the usual friendly salutation of the country folk. The young -English sentries fraternised with those who approached, and admitted -them into the sleeping-camp. It was an ambuscade, and many of the -English were slain, but the enemy was finally driven off by two -companies of Englishmen who were lodged near. The next day, at a -village near Lisbon, a large number were treacherously poisoned by the -bad water from a well, or, as some said, by the honey which they found -in the houses. This was three miles from Lisbon, at a place called -Alvelade, and at eleven o'clock at night Essex left the camp with Sir -Roger Williams and 1,000 men to lie in ambuscade near the town. When -they had approached almost to the walls a few of them began banging at -the gates and otherwise trying to alarm those within and provoke a -sally. But the device was too transparent, and a few men shot and a -sleepless night were the only result. When the English had arrived at -Alvelade, Count de Fuentes, with the main body of Spaniards, was at -Alcantara, a mile or so nearer Lisbon. Thither Albert hastily summoned -a council of war, and urged his officers at last to make a stand at -once before the English could co-operate with their friends within the -walls of Lisbon. Fuentes and the other Spanish commanders were of the -same opinion, but the Portuguese Colonel, Fernando de Castro, made a -speech pointing out that the English were short of stores, cut off from -their base, and weakened by sickness and short commons. "Let us," he -said, "fall back into the {57} city and conquer them by hunger and -delay. Behind our walls they will be powerless to injure us, whilst we -can draw abundant supplies from across the river, and they cannot -blockade us even by land with less than 40,000 men." This exactly -suited the other Portuguese, who were never comfortable unless they had -a good thick wall between themselves and their enemies. The opinion of -the Spaniards was overborne, and the defending force entered the gates -of Lisbon on Corpus Christi day, midst the ringing of bells and the -more or less sincere rejoicing of the populace. Lisbon feasted and -welcomed its defenders, whilst poor Dom Antonio, we are told, at -Alvelade just outside, had not a fowl or even a loaf of rye bread to -eat. "You may guess how he is hated by the Portuguese," says my -Portuguese diarist, "that he being so near his native Lisbon not even a -costermonger or a down dared to send him a meal, whilst we in the city -had plenty." - -Most of the houses adjoining the walls had been blown up, but the -monastery of the Trinidade, down the hill towards the river, still -remained. The prior was understood to be in favour of Dom Antonio, as -were nearly all churchmen, and Ruy Diaz de Lobo, one of the few nobles -with Dom Antonio, undertook to negotiate with him to admit the English -to the city through the monastery garden. By the aid of two -sympathetic monks he obtained access to the prior. But the latter had -been gained over by the Spaniards, and a few hours afterwards the pale -heads of Ruy Diaz de Lobo and the two monks were grinning with -half-closed, lustreless eyes from the top of three poles on the great -quay, whilst Sir {58} Roger Williams and his men, when they approached -the monastery in expectation of a friendly reception, were received -with a shower of harquebuss balls, and fell back. The rest of the day, -now that the main body of English had come up, was spent in quartering -the men in the suburbs of the city, entrenched camps being formed, -protected by breastworks of wine-pipes filled with earth. Tired with -their six days' march and their labour in the trenches, Norris' little -army were glad to pass their first night before Lisbon in such peace as -the besieged would allow them. - -If the enterprise was ever to succeed this was the moment. The English -were more numerous as regards men bearing arms, but they had come upon -their wild-goose chase against a fortified city without any battering -artillery or proper appliances for a siege, whilst the Spaniards were -behind strong walls, with unlimited sources of supply from the river -front across the Tagus. Norris, on the other hand, was short of -supplies, with fifteen miles of defensible country between him and -Cascaes, the point where the fleet was to await him. The advantage, -therefore, was clearly on the side of the besieged, but for the one -element of the disaffection of Lisbon itself from within, and in this -lay Dom Antonio's last chance. A letter written by Don Francisco -Odonte, adjutant-general in Lisbon, on the day following the arrival of -the English forces before the walls, gives a vivid description of the -state of affairs there at the time.[26] - -"Dom Antonio," he says, "spent the night in the house of the Duke -d'Aveiro, and then early in the {59} morning completed the investment -of the city and continued his search for some secret gate by which he -might enter. But the garrison harassed him as much as they could. Don -Sancho Bravo and Captain Alarcon have been skirmishing all day outside -the city, and have sent in 25 or 30 English prisoners who have been -consigned to the galleys; and if they could only do the same by all -those who are really fighting us, whilst feigning to be our friends, -they might man more galleys than are to be found in all Christendom -this day, for those who have shown their colours during the last three -days, and that without a blush, are simply infinite, nor is there any -wonder that Dom Antonio has attempted this enterprise, owing to the -promises held out to him; for from the moment he disembarked, he has -been supplied with abundance of provisions,[27] whilst not a man has -offered us his services. All the aldermen of the city are against us -but two, the rest are all in hiding, and some even have supplied Dom -Antonio's troops, with as little shamefacedness as if they had come -from England with him. In this quarter of the city there is not a man -left. Some have fled across the river, some are hidden, some have -joined Dom Antonio. The troops under the four colonels publicly -declare they will not fight. Dom Antonio was certain the moment he -appeared the city would rise, and on this account we are in great alarm -and have passed a very bad night. God help us!" - -But the English did not sleep tranquilly either. In the first hours of -the morning of the 25th of May {60} Don Garcia Bravo, with 500 Spanish -troops from Oporto, arrived in Lisbon. They were hungry, ragged, and -weary, but they were eager to meet the foe, and barely gave themselves -time to snatch a hurried meal before sallying from the gate of San -Anton and up the hill to the quarters of Colonel Brett in the farm of -Andres Soares. Another force at the same time came from the gate of -Santa Catalina and forced Brett's trenches from that side. The long -rows of windows of the monastery of San Roque on the hill were lined by -Spanish musketeers, who kept up a deadly fire on the English, whilst -two of the great guns of the castle were brought to bear upon one -exposed side of the invaders' camp. The attack was made before dawn, -and Brett had hardly time to muster his men in the darkness and -confusion, when a cannon-shot from the walls laid him low. Captain -Carsey and Captain Carr were mortally wounded, and 200 other officers -and men slain. The rest of the English forces were aroused, and came -to the rescue under Colonel Lane and Colonel Medkirk, and "put them to -a sodain fowle retreate, insomuch as the Earle of Essex had the chase -of them even to the gates of the High towne, wherein they left behind -them many of their best commanders." A body of Spanish horse, sallying -from the gates of San Anton to support their comrades, met the latter -in full retreat in a narrow lane, and unwillingly trampled them down; -thus adding to the confusion, which was completed by a flank charge -upon the struggling mass by Yorke's cavalry. The English chronicler -claims that the Spanish loss tripled ours, but my diarists say that -they had only twenty-five killed and forty wounded, and the {61} -Portuguese tries to account for the heavy loss of wounded by accusing -the English of using poisoned bullets. The next day the English tried -to get in through the monastery, but they found the city forewarned and -on the alert, although the monks had done their best for them. The day -after they bribed a Portuguese captain in charge of the wall at the -nearest point to the river to let them pass round at low tide, but the -spies told the Archduke, and the English found their ally replaced by a -Spaniard with a strong force, who sent them flying back again. And so -three days passed in constant skirmishes, whilst Norris was chafing and -helpless without. The fatal mistake he had made in leaving the fleet -was now apparent. The time, too, they had lost at Corunna was -irreparable. Fernando de Toledo was approaching with relief, and the -first dismay in Spain had now given way to desperate energy. The loss -of men in the English camp from sickness and wounds was terrible, -supplies and munitions were desperately short, there was no medical aid -or transport for the sick and disabled, whilst the Portuguese in -Lisbon, from whom everything had been hoped, still made no sign. - -Dom Antonio still put a brave face on the matter, but his heart was -sinking. For the first two days he had lodged in the rear of the -English camp, outside Santa Catalina, but on the third, says my -Portuguese diarist, he began to fear for his safety, and, wearied of -low fare and the sound of musketry, sought refuge in the house of a -Portuguese gentleman on the road to Cascaes. But he was repulsed and -barely escaped capture, and thereafter could but cling desperately to -the English force. In vain he {62} looked now for the general rising -in his favour, for the promised nobles who never came, and hour by hour -the prospect darkened. The Earl of Essex, young, inexperienced, -hot-headed, was for assaulting all sorts of impossible places with pike -and musket, but Norris knew better, and sadly acknowledged to himself -that the expedition had failed. - -Drake, with the fleet, had in the meanwhile reached Cascaes with -everything he could lay hands on in the form of prizes. He had cast -anchor on the very day twelvemonth that the great Armada had first -sailed out of Lisbon, and the townspeople of the capital were full of -portents which they saw in this coincidence. Every one in Lisbon by -this time feared that he would sail up the river and enter the harbour; -and such was the dread of his name that if he had done so he might have -turned the tide of victory. But his advice had been rejected, and he -would not venture under the guns of the forts with an under-manned -fleet and no soldiers. So he remained at Cascaes and left Norris to -get out of the hobble as best he could. When he arrived he found the -town almost abandoned, for the citizens had fled in terror at his very -name. My Portuguese says that Cardenas, the commander of the fortress, -"a great gentleman," was deceived by a monk (or, as he says, the devil -in disguise of one) into the belief that Lisbon had fallen, and he -accordingly gave up the fortress, and himself took to flight. The -Castilian and the Englishman tell the story somewhat differently, and -say that Cardenas was an adherent of Dom Antonio, and stipulated that a -show of compulsion should be used before he surrendered the fortress. -The {63} result in any case was the same to him, for the "great -gentleman's" head soon afterwards adorned one of the Archduke's poles -on the quay at Lisbon. - -Drake had therefore established himself without difficulty at Cascaes, -and patiently awaited the result of the land attack on Lisbon. - -If the English outside the walls of the capital were in a bad way, the -small force of steadfast Spaniards inside were not much better. They -knew that the Portuguese citizens around them were hourly watching for -an opportunity to cut their throats and let in the native pretender. -Panics of treason and treachery were of hourly occurrence, and on -several occasions only the coolness of the Cardinal-Archduke averted -disaster. Every day men of the best blood of Portugal, often taken -from the immediate surrounding of the Archduke, were seized for assumed -treason, the policy being to deprive the disaffected populace of native -leaders. To further terrorise the citizens, and prevent them from -plucking up heart to open the gates, a great review of all the Spanish -troops was held in an open space where the enemy could see as well as -the wavering townfolk. My Spanish diarist says, "With the sun flashing -on shining morions and the brave show of arms and men all were -convinced, friends and enemies alike that the success of our cause was -certain." - -Boldness and firmness won the day. The next morning Norris called his -colonels together to seek their advice and consult with Dom Antonio. -He said that as the besieged stood firm and the populace made no move, -the English force must have artillery and munitions if they were to -succeed, and {64} asked their opinion as to whether he should wait for -Dom Antonio's forces, which came not, and meanwhile send a detachment -to Cascaes for munitions, or raise the siege altogether. Many were for -sending 3,000 men to Cascaes at once. They had given the enemy a good -drubbing, they said, and they would sally no more; but Norris had lost -hope in Portuguese promises, and was not quite so contemptuous of the -enemy as some of them, and he decided that he would wait only one day -more for Dom Antonio's levies. If 3,000 came in that night he would -send a like number of English to Cascaes for the munitions, otherwise -he would raise the siege and leave before daybreak. In vain Antonio -prayed for a few days' longer grace. In nine days all Portugal would -acclaim him. Lisbon was wavering already, and would turn the scale. -But all his prayers were in vain; and before dawn the English army was -mustered and ready for the march. Essex was disgusted at the turn -things had taken, and went up to the principal gate (he and Williams -being the last men to leave) and broke his lance against it, crying out -that if there was any within who would come out and have a bout with -him in honour of his mistress let him come, and he gave them all the -lie to their teeth. And then he turned away and followed the army, no -doubt much relieved in his mind. - -During the day that Norris was awaiting the arrival of Dom Antonio's -troops the English had not left their trenches, and the defenders -feared that some deep design lay behind this. Were they mining, or was -Drake sending up some heavy {65} guns? they thought. So when the dawn -of the 27th of May showed that the main body of the English was already -on its way to Cascaes, Count de Fuentes still doubted whether it was -not all a feint to draw him out from the shelter of his walls, and -peremptorily refused permission to Count Villa Dorta to follow them up -and engage them. The way of the retreating force lay along the shore, -but to avoid the fire of the galleys which followed their movements -they chose the rough by-paths where possible. And so, all -undisciplined, sick, and starving, they wandered and struggled on as -best they could, four hundred at least of stragglers and sick being -killed or captured by Villa Dorta, who hung upon the rear, -notwithstanding his chief's prohibition. Later in the day Fuentes so -far conquered his suspicion as to lead his army out to Viera, half-way -to Cascaes, but he had barely sighted the enemy than some rumour or -suspicion reached him of an intended rising in Lisbon during his -absence, and he hurried back again to the city. My Portuguese diarist -ridicules the suggestion of such a danger as unworthy of any sensible -man; but the utter futility of the English and Portuguese proceedings -from the first was such as well might excuse Fuentes for thinking that -some deeper design must surely lay behind. The suspicion of the -Portuguese on the part of the Spaniards at this time is illustrated by -an anecdote given by the Portuguese diarist. Alvaro Souza, the captain -of Philip's Portuguese guard, with five companions, accompanied Sancho -Bravo, who took out a force to harry the English on their way to -Cascaes. Souza straggled and was captured by Spanish soldiers, {66} -who did not know him. They were near the castle of São Gian at the -mouth of Lisbon harbour and knowing that Pero Venegas, the commandant, -was a friend of his father, Souza sent a messenger to him begging him -to answer for his loyalty. Venegas declined to reply, and Souza was -lead off under arrest. On the way he met the famous Alvaro de Bazan -going to his galleys. He was a friend, and Souza appealed to him to -stand by him and his companions, "but he answered coldly that he knew -him not, nor was this a time to recognise any one." He had, he said, -recently answered for some Portuguese fidalgos in the palace, and a few -hours afterwards they were arrested for treason. - -Fifteen weary miles over rough ground, and with Villa Dorta's troops -harassing their flank and rear, the English managed to cover during the -day, and at last, late in the evening, they marched into Cascaes.[28] -We may well imagine that the meeting between Drake and Norris was not -very cordial. The officers threw the whole blame for failure upon -Drake for not coming up the river to support them before Lisbon; the -sailors, on the other hand, saying that the march overland was against -Drake's advice, and that his ships, without men-at-arms to defend them -and work the guns, would have been at the mercy of the enemy. At all -events, it was {67} clear they had failed in two of the objects of the -voyage--namely, to burn the King of Spain's ships and restore Dom -Antonio; and one other only remained to be attempted, which was to take -the Azores. - -I have already said that the raising of the siege of Lisbon took the -defenders by surprise. They fully believed it to be an attempt to draw -the Spanish troops out of the town in order that the citizens might -rise and massacre the few Spaniards left. So certain were they of this -that an unfortunate Portuguese noble--Count Redondo--who arrived that -day and went to pay his respects to the Archduke, was immediately -seized and beheaded _pour encourager les autres_. As soon as they saw -the English had really gone, Count de Fuentes with his six or seven -thousand men again made a reconnaissance almost to the English position -at Cascaes, and finding the invaders well entrenched, with the fleet -behind them, decided that it would be too risky to attack them, and -hastened back again to Lisbon. News of the nearness of the Spaniards -was brought in by some friars, of whom great numbers hung about Dom -Antonio's quarters, and Norris and Essex each promised the messengers a -hundred crowns if they found the enemy in the place reported, as they -were spoiling for a fight in the open before embarking. But Fuentes -had gone to Lisbon, and the friars lost their reward. Norris, however, -still eager, sent a page who spoke French, and a trumpeter, post-haste -to Lisbon, with a challenge to Fuentes and his army to come into the -open and fight. The opportunity was too good for Essex to miss, so he -too sent a cartel by the page {68} on his own account, giving every one -the lie in a general way and offering to fight anybody in single -combat. The messenger came back again without an answer, only that the -Spaniards had threatened to hang him for bringing such vapouring -insolence to them; but the Spaniard tells the story in another way, -less honourably for himself. He says, whilst the messengers were being -entertained "as if they were great gentlemen" at breakfast by some of -the captains who spoke French, the letters (which they had said could -only be opened by the Archduke's permission) were surreptitiously -steamed, read, and re-sealed, and handed back again as if unopened, -with the reply that his Highness would not allow them to be opened. So -Norris and Essex had their bravado for nothing, and went without their -fight. - -In Lisbon the common people were as disturbed as ever, doubtless -feeling that their chance of freedom was slipping away from them, and -alarms were constantly raised that the English were returning. But -Spanish reinforcements were arriving now. The Duke of Braganza, head -of the Portuguese nobility, arrived in royal state with a great body of -retainers to help the Archduke, and all hope for Dom Antonio gradually -ebbed away. - -The English commanders in Cascaes began now to think it high time to -put themselves right with the angry Queen, who continued to send -furious messages about their disobedience and about Essex and Sir Roger -Williams. On the 2nd of June they wrote from Cascaes a full account of -all that had happened in the best light they could devise, and saying -they knew not what to do unless {69} supplies came at once from -England. Everybody was terribly seasick, they said, and well-nigh -starving. Seeing that no more provisions could be expected, they -wrote, on the 5th of June, that they had decided to go to St. Michaels; -and then, for the first time, they confessed that Essex was with them. -They had met him, they said, to their great surprise, off Cape -Finisterra, but could not send him home before, as they could not spare -the _Swiftsure_; but still no word about Sir Roger Williams.[29] - -If Drake could not or would not burn the Spanish fleet on this -occasion, he was always a splendid hand at plundering merchantmen, and -during the six days that his fleet lay before Cascaes he scoured the -sea for miles round in search of prizes, taking as many as forty German -hulks loaded with Spanish merchandise. Into these prizes the men from -the Dutch flyboats were transhipped, and the Dutch captains sent off -without being paid their freights, glad, no doubt, to get away from -such company on any terms. - -In the meanwhile Lisbon was gradually settling down. People who had -been hiding in churches and cellars for the last ten days crept out, -nearly all under the impression that the Spaniards had all been -murdered, and that King Antonio had come to his own again. Dire was -their {70} disappointment when they found that they were not the only -people who had skulked in hiding, and that none of all the city had -dared to strike the blow that would have made Portugal free again. So -they patiently bent their neck to the yoke and cheered his Highness the -Archduke at the top of their voices as he went in state to the -cathedral to hear a solemn _Te Deum_ of victory. - -The Spaniards did their best to follow up the enemy. The ships in the -Tagus were fitted out to watch Cascaes and follow the English fleet, -doing all the damage they could, and Don Pedro de Guzman was sent to -cut off the English garrison left at Peniche. They urged the horses, -says the Spanish diarist, until they were ready to drop, but arrived -too late to stop the embarkation, except of about 200 men, who were put -to death. - -On the 8th of June the English fleet set sail, pursued and harassed by -the galleys from Lisbon in nearly a dead calm. Three of our ships were -taken or sunk and one burned, by her captain, Minshaw, after a -desperate resistance. A wind sprang up, however, and the Spanish -galleys were left behind; but soon the fleet got scattered, the men -died, and were thrown overboard by the hundred from scurvy, starvation, -and wounds; but, notwithstanding all, after sailing ostensibly for the -Azores, Drake turned back again and, picking up twenty-five of his -ships which had been separated from him, sailed up the bay and attacked -Vigo. He had only 2,000 men fit to fight: sickness and privation had -thinned them down to that, but with those few men, finding Vigo -deserted, the English burnt and wasted the town and all the villages -around. {71} "A verie pleasant rich valley but wee burnt it all, -houses and corne, so as the countrey was spoyled seven or eight miles -in length." Then they decided to drop down to the isle of Bayona, and -there put the pick of the men and stores on twenty of the best ships -for Drake to take to the Azores, whilst the rest returned to England. -But for some reason Drake broke the agreement and passed Bayona without -even calling, and the thirty ships that were awaiting him there were -left to their fate. Beset with tempest and pestilence, without a -commander, it was decided by those on board to make the best of their -way to England, in terrible distress as they were for provisions and -water. After ten days' voyage they arrived at Plymouth on the 2nd of -July, and found that Drake had already arrived there with the Queen's -ships, having abandoned his voyage to the Azores. Most of the -remaining ships had sought other ports in preference, in order to sell -their prizes without having to share the proceeds with others. - -Such of the soldiers as came to Plymouth were sent grumbling home with -five shillings each for their wages and the arms they bore. The -English chronicler thinks that this was "verie good pay, considering -they were victualled all the time." Such, however, was not the opinion -of the unfortunate men themselves, who had not been allowed to loot as -much as they thought fit in Portugal. They said that if they had been -permitted to march as through an enemy's country, they would have come -back the richest army that ever returned to England. Not more than -5,000 of them ever came home; but their story was so dismal a one that -{72} all England rang with reprobation of the bad management and -parsimony that had brought the expedition to so inglorious a conclusion. - -The first and third objects of the expedition--namely, the burning of -the Spanish fleet and the capture of St. Michaels--were never even -attempted, but the second object was very nearly being attained, and -the restoration of Dom Antonio, practically as a vassal of England, -might have been effected a dozen times over if the Portuguese in Lisbon -had not been an utterly terrified set of poltroons. On various -occasions, when Count de Fuentes and his troops were outside, a few -dozen daring men might have seized the gates and have turned the tide -in Antonio's favour. It was not to be, however, and the poor King -wandered a poverty-stricken fugitive yet for a few years before he -died, but his desperate struggle for sovereignty ended with the -ignominious failure of the English attempt to avenge a great national -injury by a joint-stock enterprise. - - - -[1] For the sake of uniformity, throughout this narrative the dates are -given in the "old style," then used in England, ten days earlier than -the dates cited by the Spanish and Portuguese authorities. - -[2] Venetian Calendar of State Papers. - -[3] Ibid. - -[4] In a subscription reprint of sixty copies of this tract published -in 1881 under the editorship of the Rev. Alexander Grosart, the -authorship appears to be ascribed, I know not on what grounds, to a -certain Robert Pricket who served probably as a gentleman volunteer and -follower of the Earl of Essex. He had seen previous service in the -Netherlands, and was the author of several poetical works, one being a -panegyric on the Earl of Essex. The tract is entitled "_A True Coppie -of a Discourse_, written by a gentleman employed in the late voiage of -Spaine and Portingale. Sent to his particular friend and by him -published for the better satisfaction of all such as having been -seduced by particular report have entered into conceipts tending to the -discredit of the enterprise and Actors of the same. At London. -Printed for Thomas Woodcock, dwelling in Paules Churchyard, at the sign -of the blacke Beare 1589." - -[5] It is called "Relacion de lo subcedido del armada enemiga del reyno -de Inglaterra a este de Portugal con la retirada a su tierra, este año -de 1589." MS. Gayangos Library. Transcript in possession of the -author. - -[6] "Memoria do successo da vinda dos Ingreses ao reino de Portugal." -Biblioteca National, Lisbon. Pombalina, 196, fol. 271. Transcribed by -the author. - -[7] Mendoza, writing to Philip from London, August 8, 1582, gives one -instance of this amongst several. He says: "The Queen lent Dom Antonio -£3,000 when he was here, and I understand she peremptorily demands -payment of the sum, taking possession of the diamond which was pledged -here for a sum of £5,000 lent by merchants, who offer to relinquish -their claim to the Queen, if she will lend them £30,000 free of -interest for six years out of the bars brought by Drake, which they -will repay in five yearly instalments of £6,000 each. So far as I can -learn, this talk of the loan is a mere fiction and a cloak under which -the Queen may keep the diamond for the £8,000 on the ground that the -merchants advanced the £5,000 by her express order, without which they -would not have done so. This plan was invented by Cecil in order to -prevent Dom Antonio from getting his diamond back again." - -This diamond is probably identical with the celebrated stone given by -Charles I. when Prince of Wales to the Count-Duke of Olivares, -favourite of Philip IV., when Charles and Buckingham went on their -foolish visit to Madrid. A contemporary account (Soto's MS. in the -Academy of History, Madrid) describes the diamond as being of the -purest water, weighing eight carats and called "the Portuguese," from -its having been one of the crown jewels of Portugal. It had a great -pearl pendent from it. - -[8] See Calendar of Spanish State Papers of Elizabeth, vol. 3, for -particulars of them. - -[9] The first of these, in 1582, commanded by Strozzi, consisted of 55 -ships and 5,000 men. Terceira, which was held for Dom Antonio, -welcomed it at once, and in the midst of the rejoicings to celebrate -the event the Spanish fleet under Santa Cruz appeared and scattered the -French like chaff, Strozzi being killed, Antonio barely escaping, and -the fleet almost entirely destroyed. The second expedition in the -following year under Aymar de Chastes with 6,000 men was, curiously -enough, beaten by Santa Cruz in the same place and under exactly -similar circumstances ("Un pretendant portugais du xvi. siècle"). - -[10] It is a curious co-incidence that this gem was long afterwards -carried away from England by another fugitive King, James II., who sold -it, as Antonio had done, to provide for his needs. It had formerly -belonged to Charles the Bold of Burgundy, the great-grandfather of -Philip II. - -[11] After the return of the expedition Lopez writes (July 12, 1589) to -Walsingham, deeply regretting that the Queen had been induced by his -advice to spend so much money to no purpose, and hinting that he had -intimated to Dom Antonio that he and his Portuguese were not wanted in -England. On the same day he himself craves for help in his need and -again asks for a thirty years' monopoly of the import of aniseed and -sumach into England. He was executed in 1592, and was in high favour -almost up to the day of his arrest. In the Mendoza Papers in the -National Archives in Paris, to which I have had access, are documents -proving that he made a regular trade of poisoning--or attempting to -poison, as he does not seem to have been very successful in the cases -recorded. - -[12] It is certain from letters of Dom Antonio's friends in London, now -in the Archives Nationales (K 1567), that it was not until the end of -December that Antonio was confident that the fleet was really intended -to aid him. - -[13] There is a rough memorandum in Burleigh's writing, September 20, -1588, in the Record Office, setting down the details of the proposed -expedition, in which he mentions that four thousand men are to be sent -for from Holland, as well as two thousand horsemen volunteers. At the -foot of the memorandum Burleigh sets down the "Articles of offers from -King Antonio. - - "1. To attempt to burn ye shippes in Lysbon and Civill." - "2. To tak Lysbon." - "3. To tak the Hands." - -[14] Calendar of State Papers (Domestic). Record Office. - -[15] Norris had greatly distinguished himself in Ireland and the -Netherlands, notwithstanding Leicester's persistent attempts to ruin -him; and, from his conduct there and during this expedition, he would -appear to have been brave, but turbulent and of doubtful discretion. - -[16] Philip was informed late in December by his spies in England that -Drake was to contribute 12,000 crowns, the Earl of Essex 10,000, Norris -8,000, and London Merchants 24,000, and that the Queen had advanced -£20,000. - -[17] On the eve of departure Norris and Drake officially told the -Council that the total number of all sorts was 23,375. Captain Fenner, -Drake's vice-admiral, gives the number as 21,000 (Bacon Papers). -Captain Baillie, of the _Mary German_, in a letter to Lord Shrewsbury -says the landsmen alone were 20,000; whilst Drake himself, in one of -his many letters begging for supplies, says, "20,000 men cannot be kept -for a trifle." - -Camden, the historian, speaks of 12,500 soldiers, and Speed, following -Pricket's tract, puts the number of landsmen at 11,000 and mariners at -2,500. There is a letter in the British Museum from one of the -Portuguese nobles (Count de Portalegre) to Philip II., in which the -army before Lisbon is spoken of as 12,000 men; and the Spanish diarist -whose MS. I have mentioned says 16,000 men-at-arms left England and -very few sailors. The terrible mortality from sickness, &c., and the -comparatively small number that came back made English writers of the -time anxious to minimise the disaster by underrating the numbers of the -expedition. - -[18] English accounts usually say six, but I am inclined to believe the -Spanish account is correct, as Drake writes to the Council (Record -Office, Domestic Calendar), after the six ships had been appointed, -asking for a larger vessel, the Victory, "in respect of the King Dom -Antonio." - -[19] Venetian Calendar. - -[20] The Venetian ambassador at Madrid, in his account to the Doge of -the events at Corunna, says that Drake's booty from that place -consisted of "6,000 salted oxen, fifteen thousand jars of biscuit, -6,000 barrels of powder and 3,000 hogsheads of wine; all of it -provision for the Armada which went so unsuccessfully last year, or -else to furnish a new Armada according to the design which they -entertain. This plunder will prove of the greatest service to the -English ... and here the news has caused much chagrin; and it is hidden -or minimised as much as possible." - -[21] It was said in Madrid that these two thousand peasants had only -six muskets amongst them.--_Venetian Calendar of State Papers_. - -[22] "She dowteth not but they have thoroughly weighed the heinousness -of the offence lately committed by Sir Roger Williams in forsaking the -army with one of her principal ships. If they have not already -inflicted punishment of death upon him he is to be deprived of all -command and kept in safe custody at their perils. If the Earl of Essex -has joined the fleet they are to send him home instantly. If they do -not they shall truly answer for the same at their smart, for as we have -authority to rule so we look to be obeyed and these be no childish -actions."--_State Papers_ (_Domestic_), May 4, 1589. - -The draft of this letter, deeply scored by the Queen's own hand, was -submitted to Walsingham by Windebanke, the Secretary of the Signet, and -the minister said that although the letter was as mild as could be -expected "under the circumstances," he much feared that any proceedings -against one so beloved as Sir Roger Williams would breed mutiny. And -so apparently thought the generals, for they took no notice of the -Queen's commands. - -The Queen wrote another outspoken letter to the generals on the 20th of -May, in which she says they were perverting the object of their -expedition; which was to burn the King of Spain's navy and restore Dom -Antonio, and then proceed to the Azores. Corunna, she says, is of -little importance and the risk great, and she commands them to fulfil -her orders at once. Do not, she says, suffer yourselves to be -transported with an haviour of vainglory which will obfuscate the eyes -of your judgment. - -Secretary Windebanke, writing to Heneage at the same time, says the -Queen is strangely set against the expedition, and is intensely -incensed at the fruitless attack on Corunna. "She thinks they went to -places for their own profit rather than for her service."--_State -Papers_ (_Domestic_). - -[23] The bitter jest in Madrid at the time was that, whereas with the -Armada the year before there went an army with no commander, there was -now a commander with no army. - -[24] Contarini to the Doge. Venetian Calendar of State Papers. - -[25] A letter in the collection of the Marquis of Salisbury at Hatfield -curiously illustrates the not altogether happy relations that existed -between the English invaders and the pretender's friends. The letter -is dated the 27th of May, and is from General Norris to Captain George -(Burton?), whom he had left in charge at Peniche, complaining that "the -King is aggrieved that you do take upon you to give the word since he -hath appointed a Governor. And in truth it is not reason but the -Governor should have the pre-eminence and therefore henceforward fail -not to let him have that honour." This is a sample of the frequent -complaints that the English did not treat Antonio quite as a king -expected to be treated in his own realm. The fact was that Antonio had -been too long a suppliant and a fugitive dependent largely upon -Elizabeth's caprices for the English to regard him otherwise than as a -tool for their own ends. - -[26] Venetian Calendar of State Papers. - -[27] This is more likely to be true than the assertion of my Portuguese -that Antonio could get nothing to eat. The great body of the people -were unquestionably in his favour, but had no leaders and would not -fight. - -[28] If the Earl of Essex was rash and headstrong, he was also -chivalrous. Pricket (or Wingfield) says: "Hee for money hired men to -carrie sick and hurt upon pikes (for want of waggons) and hee (whose -true virtue and nobilitie, as it dooth in all other his actions appear -so did it very much in this) threw his owne stuffe, I mean apparell and -necessaries from his owne carriages, and let them be left by the way, -to put hurt and sick men upon them in this march." - -[29] Essex started for England on the 16th of June, two days after his -brother, on receipt of letters direct from the Queen, brought by a ship -with stores from England. Williams was very desirous of accompanying -him, but the generals refused to let him go, as they doubtless wished -him to have the benefit of the favourite's mollifying influence with -the Queen for some weeks before he arrived in England. - - - -[Illustration: Elizabeth R] - - - - -{73} - -_JULIAN ROMERO--SWASHBUCKLER._ - - -{75} - - -[Illustration: headpiece] - - -_JULIAN ROMERO--SWASHBUCKLER._ - -In a slumberous street in old Madrid, called anciently the Calle de -Cantaranas, but now inappropriately named after Lope de Vega, there -stands a venerable convent of barefooted Trinitarian nuns. The -fortress-like red walls with the tiny grated windows looking upon the -street, the quaint, sad tranquillity which hangs around the place, are -only such as mark hundreds of other like retreats in Madrid and -elsewhere; and yet to this particular convent many reverent steps are -bent from all quarters of the earth, for here lie the bones of the -"maimed one of Lepanto," the author of "Don Quixote." He died only a -few yards away, in his house in the Calle de Leon, and was quietly laid -to rest in the convent, where one of his own daughters was a nun. The -very fact of his burial there was almost forgotten--was indeed for many -years disputed, until proved beyond possibility of doubt not long -since--and when the fury for destroying religious foundations seized -the rulers of Madrid after the revolution of 1868, the convent was -marked down for destruction {76} like so many others of its kind. And -destroyed it would have been but for the pious zeal of the good -"setenton," Mesonero Romanos, most beloved of Madrid antiquarians, who -woke up the Academy of History, and brought such pressure to bear upon -the Government as to save the sepulchre of Cervantes from profanation -for all future time, and thus enabled the great author, after he had -lain in his grave for two and a half centuries, to repay his debt to -the Trinitarian fathers who rescued him from his galling slavery in the -hands of the infidel. A stone tablet is now fixed in the wall of the -convent setting forth the fact of his sepulture there in 1616, and the -foundation of the community a few years previously by Doña Juana -Gaitan, daughter of General Julian Romero. The name of the latter -awakens no responsive echoes in Spanish minds. I have before me, -indeed, a recently published Spanish historical work which ascribes his -very existence to a wrong period. With the exception of a few -particulars of his later life given in a local history of Cuenca by -Father Muñoz, no Spanish writer has ever been at the trouble of tracing -what little may be known of his stirring career. And yet the man in -his day was the very prototype of those indomitable adventurers, -lusting for blood and gold, who, the sword in one hand and the cross in -the other, hunted down to death the Indians of one hemisphere and the -"heretics" of the other. Keen, cruel, Alba had no more ruthless -instrument for his fell work than "Captain Julian," upon whom and -Sancho de Avila the hatred of the persecuted Flemings was mainly -concentrated. In the course of my somewhat out-of-the-track studies I -have found the {77} name of Julian Romero constantly cropping up, and -so many personal traits of him have appeared, that by carefully piecing -them together a more complete account may be formed of the life and -character of this typical swashbuckler than of, perhaps, any of his -fellows. His life, too, offers some interest to Englishmen, for he -swaggered and ruffled in London many a time and oft, and was one of -those Spanish mercenaries who, in the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward -VI., fought so bravely against the French and Scots and quelled by -their ferocity the risings of Kett in Norfolk and Arundell in the West -Country. Practically nothing whatever was known of the lives--hardly -indeed the existence--of the Spanish mercenaries in England until the -recent publication of the anonymous "Spanish Chronicle of Henry -VIII.,"[1] which I now attribute to Antonio de Guaras, a leading -Spanish merchant in London, whom I know to have been on close terms of -intimacy with the Spanish soldiers, and particularly with Julian -Romero, whose early adventures in England are evidently related at -first hand in the Chronicle. - -Of all the turbulent soldiers of fortune who quarrelled, intrigued, and -triumphed in England, and whose adventures are so minutely told in the -Chronicle, only one was heard of in after life. The general, Sir Peter -Gamboa, was murdered with Captain Sir Alonso de Villa Sirga in St. -Sepulchre's churchyard, hard by Newgate, one wet winter's night in -1551, by Captain Guevara, who was incontinently hanged in Smithfield. -Sir {78} Pero Negro died of the sweating sickness in one of the crowded -lanes of old London city. Juan de Haro was killed by the English for -attempted desertion with his company to the French enemy before -Boulogne; others fell in the Flemish wars, and only the rash and -boastful "Captain Julian" lived to become Alba's trusted henchman, and -to hand his name down to the execration of generations of Flemings as -one of the prime movers of the "Spanish Fury" in Antwerp. So great was -the fame of his ferocity that the panic mongers, who were for ever -sending to Elizabeth and Cecil intelligence of the dreadful vengeance -which was to fall upon England at the hands of King Philip, could -invent nothing more terror-striking than their constantly repeated -dread that Julian Romero was to swoop down upon the coast and serve -English Protestants in the same way as he had treated those of the -Netherlands. He had, indeed, as will be shown in his own words at -various periods of his life--now for the first time brought -together--all the vices and virtues of his class and time. Vain and -boastful, bigoted and cruel, he was nevertheless true to his salt, -faithful, brave, and steadfast; of that stern, self-sacrificing stuff -by which alone empires may be won or despotism defended. He was born -at Huelamo, in the province of Cuenca, of very humble folk, for even -when he was in high command and on terms of close intimacy with nobles -and ministers, he was never given the nobiliary address of Don, which -was enjoyed by the most remote and out-at-elbows representative of the -hidalgo class. He was not much of a scholar either, for his signature -which exists at Simancas is the only part of his letters in {79} his -own hand, and is painfully traced in great bold straight lines, like a -row of halberds. - -In the winter of 1534 every village in Spain resounded with the -drum-beat of the recruiters, who were seeking soldiers for the -Emperor's great expedition against the Moors, which was to start from -Barcelona in the spring. Spanish hearts were all aflame with wondrous -stories of fortune and adventure. The excitement, the freedom, the -idleness, and the possible gains of a soldier's life had seized upon -the imagination of Spanish youth; and the turbulent spirit of war-like -adventure in far countries was, for the next century at least, to be -the dominant note of the national character. Julian must have been a -mere boy, but he joined the standard, so he wrote forty years -afterwards, at Christmas, 1534, as a foot-soldier, and, with a pike on -his shoulder, started on his life of adventure. There was no one to -record the doings and sufferings of the humble man-at-arms in those -stirring days, and beyond the fact that he drifted from Spain to Tunis, -from Tunis to Italy, and thence to Flanders and France, always in the -midst of the fighting in the Emperor's wars, nothing is known for the -next ten years of Julian Romero's service. In the beginning of 1544 -Henry VIII. had arranged to enter into alliance with the Emperor to -jointly attack the King of France, and the probability is that if they -had together marched upon Paris promptly, they would have had France at -their mercy. But other counsels prevailed, and, whilst Charles -operated in Picardy and French Flanders, Henry sent the Duke of Norfolk -and his brilliant son, Surrey, with an army of 15,000 men, {80} to -besiege Montreuil. The King's brother-in-law, Charles Brandon, Duke of -Suffolk, at the same time with a large force "sat down before" -Boulogne, and, on the 14th of July, great Harry himself landed at his -good town of Calais to take the supreme command of his army before -Boulogne. He was accompanied by a brilliant train of courtiers and -soldiers, and took with him as his chief military adviser a great -Spanish noble, Beltran de la Cueva, third Duke of Alburquerque, whose -important share in the reduction of the town has been almost entirely -ignored by English historians. Besides the 200 Spanish soldiers who -followed the Duke, there were already three Spanish captains in Henry's -service, each with a company of his countrymen, to the aggregate number -of about 260 men, all of them seasoned veterans in the Continental -wars; and these, together with the less experienced English levies, -succeeded in capturing the town of Boulogne on the 15th of September. -It appears that a breach had been made in the walls three weeks before, -and the Spaniards begged Henry to let them take the place by assault. -He told them that he would rather waste 10,000 pounds of powder than -that a single one of his Spaniards should be sacrificed, "whereupon -they blushed for mere shame." But as usual Henry had his own way, and -the town surrendered; "_the Frenchmen_," says Wriothesley, "_departing -out of the towne with as much goodes as they might carye, both men and -women, besyde that the waggons caryed; and the King his Majestie -entered the said towne the 18th September with greate tryumphe, and the -20th day a solempne procession was kept with Te Deum songe for the -Victory of the King his Majestie {81} and many fyers made in the citye -and in every part of the realme. The last day of September the King -his Majestie landed at Dover at midnight_." The reason for Henry's -hurried return was his desire to retain all the credit for his victory -without waiting for the probable reverse. Charles V. had come to terms -with the French, and when he had sent word to his English ally that he -was negotiating, Henry arrogantly said that the Emperor might make -peace if he pleased, but he, Henry, would suit himself in the matter. -But when he found the whole French army turned against him he hurriedly -raised the siege of Montreuil, put all his forces into Boulogne under -Lord Grey, and got back to England as fast as he could, whilst his -laurels were yet green. All through the next year the French siege of -Boulogne went on, the three companies of Spanish mercenaries, steady -old soldiers as they were, being the mainstay of the defence. They -complained bitterly of the raw Englishmen's habit of killing the -prisoners instead of holding them to ransom, and on one occasion were -near mutiny because their prisoners were murdered. "How now," said -Captain Salablanca to Lord Grey, "do you think we are in the King's -service for the wretched four ducats a month we earn? Not so my lord; -we serve with the hope of taking prisoners and getting ransom. Your -men have even now killed a gentleman of mine for whom I should have got -at least five or six thousand crowns ransom." Whatever their object -may have been in serving the schismatic king, Henry thought very highly -of them, and when in the year 1545 he was about to send Warwick to -attack the Scots, an opportunity {82} occurred for him to engage some -more, he gladly seized it. Charles V. had disbanded a large proportion -of his army after the peace of Crespi was concluded, and had embarked -them for Spain with orders that, under pain of death, they were to take -service with no other sovereign. A ship with 800 or 1,000 of these -disbanded soldiers on their way home anchored in the Downs, and the -warriors being, we are told, "already tired of the sea," they sent an -offer of their services to the King of England. The captain of the -vessel, however, would not wait for the answer to reach them, but on -his putting into Plymouth the whole of them landed and entered the -English service. They were promptly sent off to Warwick's army in -Scotland under an experienced old soldier of their number called Pedro -Gamboa, who was made colonel, with power to create his own captains. -Julian Romero landed with this force in some subordinate capacity, but -on his arrival in Scotland received his first English commission as -captain, from Gamboa. This was in the summer of 1545, and when the -winter came the troops were put into quarters, whilst Gamboa and his -newly fledged captains came to London to air their finery at Henry's -Court. The King made much of them, and in the early spring of 1546, a -temporary peace having been patched up with Scotland, ordered them to -take their companies to the French coast between Calais and Boulogne, -where the English were erecting a fort. Whilst Gamboa, Julian Romero, -and the other new captains, had been ruffling at Court, receiving -grants and attentions from the King, the three or four old Spanish -commanders with their companies, who had {83} been long in Henry's -service, had been enduring hard fare and rough service, and obtaining -but little loot at Boulogne; so that on the arrival in France of the -new men, straight from Court favour, a very bitter feeling was shown -towards them. One of the old captains, Cristobal Mora, deserted bodily -with his men to the enemy, and another one, Juan de Haro, was killed in -attempting to do so. It may therefore well be supposed that when peace -was made in June, 1546, and the compatriots met again on neutral -ground, there was a good deal of thumb-biting and recrimination. Mora -was flouted in the streets by his fellow-countrymen for having -disgraced the mercenary creed by deserting his paymaster before the -enemy; whilst he retorted by accusing Gamboa and his friends of -disobeying their natural sovereign the Emperor in taking service under -an excommunicated heretic. Events came to a head at last by the -deserting captain, Cristobal de Mora, sending a challenge from -Montreuil to Colonel Gamboa in Calais in July. Either for some reason -of disparity of age or rank between the two, or else out of mere -hot-headed combativeness on the part of Julian Romero, the latter -accepted the challenge for his chief, and has left upon record an -extremely minute description of the fight. Sir Henry Knyvett went off -to obtain the King of England's permission, which was gladly given, and -"a thousand broad angels sent to Julian to put himself in order -withal." The King of France ordered the erection of lists at -Montreuil, where the wage of battle should be decided, and when all was -ready Julian Romero, in the full pomp of war, started on his road from -Calais {84} to Montreuil, attended by a great company of English and -Spanish gentlemen to see the fun. The following is the account given -by Julian's friend. - -"Well when they arrived in France and the day being come the seconds -and umpires saw that each one had equal arms. They were to fight on -horseback and each one had a sword, and both rapiers and daggers, and -their corselets were open at the back with great holes big enough for -two fists to go in on both pieces. This scheme was invented by the -French because Mora had one of the best and quickest horses in France, -and as they were not to fight with the lance, Mora thought, with the -fleetness of his horse, he would be able to wound Julian in the back -with his rapier, and so vanquish him. - -"When the umpires had seen the arms were equal they gave the signal for -the trumpets to sound, and the opponents at once closed with one -another, and, at the first blows with the swords, Julian's sword fell -from his hands and he seized his rapier. Mora was not backward and -threw away his sword for his rapier; and, as he had such an active -horse, he went circling round Julian so as to wound him in the back. -But Julian was no sluggard, and when Mora saw he could not do this, he -decided to kill Julian's horse, which he did with a thrust in the -chest; and a few moments afterwards it fell to the ground. At that -moment Julian, thinking to do the same for Mora, attacked him with that -object; but Mora was too quick with his horse for Julian to wound it, -and the rapier fell from Julian's hand, almost at the moment that his -horse dropped {85} under him; and as he felt his horse was going to -fall he leapt quickly off his back and Mora had not time to ride him -down, thanks to the horse which was on the ground. Julian to escape -being ridden down, and finding himself armed only with his dagger, was -forced to shield himself behind his fallen horse, whilst Mora went -round and round and Julian dodged behind the horse. This went on for -more than three hours, and at last Mora cried out, 'Surrender, Julian! -I do not want to kill thee!' but Julian did not answer a word. There -was hardly an hour of daylight left, and Julian would be vanquished at -sunset. And, as he saw that Mora was strutting about waiting for the -sun to go down, Julian kept wide awake and, watching his opportunity, -dropped on one knee behind his prostrate horse and with his dagger cut -the straps of his spurs, which he threw away. Seeing his rapier not -far from him he made a dash to regain it, and succeeded before Mora -could ride him down. - -"The gentleman who was acting as Julian's second, seeing how things -were going, was very downcast and wished he never had come and said to -the Spanish captains: 'Gentlemen, our man is losing.' Then said -Captain Cristobal Diaz, 'What, sir! the day is not yet done and I still -hope to God that Julian will come off the victor.' 'Do you not see, -sir,' said the other, 'that Mora is only flourishing about waiting for -sundown?' As they were chatting thus, they saw how Julian had snatched -up his rapier again, and how Mora was attacking him. Julian had just -time to deal a thrust at Mora's horse, which, feeling itself wounded -began to prance, and its rider, fearing that it would fall {86} with -him underneath it, determined to get a short distance away and -dismount. Julian, however, being on foot and light, without his spurs, -went running after him, and when he was trying to dismount, embraced -him in such a manner as to bring him to the ground, and with his dagger -cut the ties of his helmet. Mora then surrendered at once, and Julian -took his arm, and with the sword of his enemy in his hand, led him -three times round the field that all might see how he had surrendered." - -For this not very chivalrous victory Julian was overwhelmed with -honours, the French king, we are told, casting a gold chain round his -neck worth more than 700 crowns, whilst the Dauphin gave him a surcoat -stamped with gold, worth more than the King's chain; and King Henry of -England, when the Spanish officers returned to England, extended -special favour to Julian Romero, upon whom he settled a life pension of -600 ducats, which was a larger sum than any of his fellows, except -Colonel Gamboa, who got a thousand. In any case it was only paid for a -few years. - -If the behaviour of the combatants in the duel lacked the chivalry we -are apt to expect, still less magnanimous was the treatment of the -Spanish officers towards their companies. When the peace was concluded -and Julian's duel fought, orders came from England that the troops were -to be dismissed, and the mercenary captains were to repair to London. -The latter portion of this order was concealed from the soldiers, who -were told by Colonel Gamboa that, as they were all dismissed from the -English service, they would march together and offer their services -elsewhere. He {87} thereupon led them across the frontier into the -Emperor's Flemish dominions, and then with the captains gave the men -the slip, and left them to shift for themselves. The captains hung -about the Court in London all the summer and autumn (1546), -quarrelling, gaming, and swaggering, and Julian Romero, less refined -and more hot-headed than the rest, well nigh got into serious trouble. -His friend who tells the story, evidently at first hand, says that he -had been "showing off" very much more than his means or his pay would -warrant, and he had borrowed money to such an extent that he hardly -dared to walk out publicly. One of his pressing creditors was a -Milanese called Baptist Baron, who after much trouble managed to get -him arrested for a debt of 200 ducats. Julian was furious with rage at -the idea of being haled off to jail, and persuaded the catchpole who -had him in custody to take him to Colonel Gamboa's house, in hope that -he would pay the money. - -"No sooner had he arrived there, than he launched into loud complaints -and began to say unreasonable things, amongst others, that anybody who -would serve heretics must be a great big knave; and he swore that he -would have no more of it, but would go with only a pike on his shoulder -and four ducats (a month) pay to serve elsewhere; and he said a good -many other things that had much better have been omitted, for certainly -no good came of them." - -Gamboa made himself responsible for the money, but Julian's loose talk -about heretics was dangerous, and the colonel, whose subsequent -behaviour to the other captains shows him to have been a bad-hearted -{88} man, seems to have done nothing to shield his subordinate from the -consequences of his indiscretion. Gamboa was himself accused at first -of treason by the Privy Council, for allowing such talk in his house -without punishment. He declared that he was deaf, and did not hear -what Julian had said, "which," says the narrator (almost certainly the -"merchant" Guaras), "was the truth, as he was in his chamber at the -time." "The Council presently sent for Julian and rated him soundly, -to which Julian replied: 'Gentlemen, I have said nothing for which I -should be so maltreated.' 'Well,' they answered, 'you said this, that, -and the other, and there are witnesses who heard you.' But Julian -denied it, and they called a merchant who was present in the house of -the colonel and had heard everything that had passed. Before this -merchant went before the Council, Gamboa spoke to him and begged him to -accuse Julian as much as he could, so that they should take away his -pay from him; but the merchant, seeing the malice of Gamboa, said, -'Señor Gamboa, I am no mischief-maker to do harm where I can do good,' -and he would not speak to Gamboa any more. The lords then sent for the -merchant; all the captains as well as Julian being present, and, as the -merchant was going in, Gamboa said to him aloud, so that all should -hear, 'Señor, I beseech you to favour Julian as much as you can; for -good or evil to him depends upon what you say.' Good God! how artfully -Gamboa said that, when not three hours before he had begged him -earnestly to accuse him and get his income taken away. But Julian and -the other captains thought that Gamboa was favourable to him." The -"merchant's" evidence {89} does not seem to have palliated the case -against Julian, but that perhaps was because "they made him place his -hands upon the Gospels, and he swore to tell the truth." He said that -Julian was in a rage at being arrested, and shouted out some coarse -expressions about the King and Council not caring much for him, and -that he would rather serve elsewhere for four ducats than here for a -mint of money. "Then," said the lords, "didst thou not hear him say -that he would come with a pike on his shoulder to fight against such -heretics?" To which the merchant replied that the soldiers were making -so much noise that he did not hear well what was said. The end of the -matter was that, just as the Council were going to sentence Julian to -punishment and dismissal, Paget put in a good word for him, and got him -off with a severe wigging and a threat to punish him severely if he let -his tongue run too loosely again; "whereupon Julian made no answer but -made a very low bow, and then they told him to go, and if any one was -sorry he was not dismissed it was Gamboa." - -A few weeks after this the trouble with Scotland broke out again, and -the captains were ordered to raise a fresh force of Spanish -men-at-arms. This was not easily done at short notice, and Julian and -his fellow Spanish officers frankly said that they could not get -together men who would do them credit in the time specified, and they -had no confidence in Burgundians and others who could be quickly -recruited. Gamboa, however, made no difficulty about it; but to the -great disgust of the Spaniards raised a regiment of Burgundians, whom -he led to Scotland to take part in the siege of {90} Haddington. On -Gamboa's coming south for the winter this regiment, under its ensign, -Perez, deserted _en masse_ to the enemy, for which desertion Perez was -hanged when the place was captured; but in the meanwhile the -circumstance still further widened the breach between Gamboa and the -other Spanish officers. The King died, at the beginning of the year -1547, and by the time Somerset was leaving London for his short and -triumphant campaign in Scotland, plenty of Spanish and Italian -mercenaries had joined the standards of our captains. They confessedly -turned the tide of victory to the English side at the battle of Pinkie -by a dashing flank charge under Gamboa, and a few days afterwards, at -the burning of Leith, they again greatly distinguished themselves. -Julian, of course, was in the thick of it, and his friend asserts that -he was made an English knight after Pinkie. I can find no confirmation -of this, although the English authorities show that after the burning -of Leith the Protector knighted, amongst others, on the 28th of -September, 1547. Sir Peter Gamboa, Pero Negro, Alonso de Villa Sirga, -and Cristobal Diaz. - -Julian remained in Scotland during the campaigns of 1548-9, and took -part in the relief of Haddington; but Gamboa in the latter year was -dismissed in consequence of his unpopularity with the other Spaniards -and an accusation of peculation made against him. Of Julian Romero we -hear in all parts. He and Pero Negro were in charge at Droughty Ferry, -near Dundee, and a few of their men made a dash one day at a French -general who was strolling a short distance from his lines, and captured -him in the face of his own troops before he could be {91} rescued. The -French complained especially of Julian's and Pero Negro's celerity of -movement, by which they were able to give them the slip, encumbered as -the French were by the unscientific methods of their Scotch allies.[2] -Warwick had the help of a considerable body of Spaniards, and almost -certainly of Julian Romero, in his defeat of Kett's rebellion in the -autumn of 1549; certainly in the winter of that year when Warwick, with -the prestige of his victories upon him, thought he was strong enough to -strike a final blow at the Protector, Julian was one of the foreign -captains he took with him to overawe Somerset at his levee, and to -demand of him in their name rich rewards for their services in Scotland -and elsewhere. As soon as Warwick had got rid of Somerset he changed -his tone. England was no longer a fit place for Catholics. The King, -Edward VI., was known to be dying, and the next heiress was a papist -and half a Spaniard, against whom the Spanish officers could not be -trusted to fight in favour of Northumberland's Protestant _protegée_. -So they were dismissed, those that were left of them, and are -thenceforward swallowed up in the unfathomable abyss of the dead past; -all except Julian Romero, who was reserved for greater things. - -There was no lack of demand for the services of such men, for the -Emperor, his natural sovereign, was at war with the French once more, -and less than two years after he left England we hear of Romero again. -Sir John Mason, writing to {92} the English Council on the 7th of July, -1554,[3] reports that Julian with five standards of Spaniards and -others was holding out against the French in the castle of Dinant. He -is, Sir John says, unlikely to be taken; but if he be, all the Liege -country must soon follow. A week afterwards Dr. Wotton writes to Queen -Mary[4] an account of the fall of Dinant, and says: "The town and -castle of Dinant have been taken, the former surrendered by composition -without loss of goods, the latter, wherein were some Spaniards with -Captain Julian, who formerly served in England, made a gallant -resistance, but at last held parliament and yielded, the soldiers -departing with their swords by their side." - -The Spanish historian Sandoval blames Romero for his capture and the -loss of Dinant, which he attributes to his want of prudence in going -out to parley, "but rarely indeed do both valour and prudence reside in -one person, although this captain afterwards proved that he possessed -both qualities; for he became one of the most famous soldiers of our -time." Romero seems first to have attracted general public notice by -his bravery and dash at the great battle of St. Quintin in 1557, and in -the contemporary poem called "La Araucana" he is mentioned as one of -the most conspicuous heroes of the storming of the town, in command of -a regiment of Spaniards, Germans, and Walloons. For the ten years that -followed the peace of 1558 the centre of war was changed, and the -almost constant struggles between Philip II. and the Turks kept Italy -and Sicily full of Spanish soldiers. Romero {93} during most of the -time was quartered in the Milanese, whilst not before the enemy; and in -the meanwhile had been promoted to the rank of Maestre de Campo -(colonel), but in 1567 Philip took the fatal decision of grappling in a -duel to the death with a closer and more dangerous power than the -Turk--namely, that of Protestantism and national freedom in his own -Netherlands dominions. The humble remonstrance of the Flemish nobles -and Egmont's visit to Madrid had convinced the stealthy bigot that, if -he insisted upon ruling his Flemish dominions according to Spanish -methods, he could only do it by the ruthless power of the sword. His -kindly and popular sister, Margaret of Parma, Flemish to the heart as -she was, had already shown signs of sympathy with the demands of her -countrymen, and was an unfit instrument for Philip's new plans. There -was no one but hard-hearted old Alba who could be trusted to carry them -out to the bitter end with the needful cat-like cruelty. So early in -1567 the Spanish troops from Milan and Naples, the Italians from Savoy -and Parma, the veterans who for years had been fighting the infidel in -the Mediterranean, were set in motion to join the Duke of Alba. Julian -Romero was at the time in command of the regiment of Sicily stationed -in Milan under the fourth Duke of Alburquerque, the son of Henry VIII's -military dry-nurse at Boulogne; and he, like the rest of them, led his -men to Brussels. The Flemish nobles were lulled into a feeling of -false security. Kindly messages came from Philip in Madrid. He -himself would come and set all things right. Alba and his son -flattered the shallow Egmont, and {94} courted the distrustful Horn, -whose brother Montigny was kept at Madrid by specious excuses, and the -smiling mask was kept over Alba's grim face till all was ready. - -Egmont had readily accepted that fateful invitation to dinner for the -9th of September, and even Horn had been persuaded to leave the -security of his own country for the same purpose, when late on the -night of the 8th a Spanish officer of apparently high rank came -secretly to his (Egmont's) house in disguise and significantly warned -him to escape at once, whilst there was yet time. To the last day of -her life the Countess of Egmont was confident that this officer was -Julian Romero;[5] but, whoever he was, Egmont neglected the warning and -went to the feast next day. Sancho de Avila posted troops in all the -streets leading to the house, to the wonder of the townsfolk, and on -the stairs of the Hotel itself were stationed 200 stalwart -harquebussiers under Colonel Julian Romero, who himself stood at the -door of the room in which the treacherous arrest was to be effected.[6] -At the given moment Sancho de Avila laid hands on Egmont, whilst Romero -stood by and overawed any attempt of the Flemings at resistance. - -At 11 o'clock in the morning of the 6th of June of the following year, -the day that the Counts were to die, Julian it was who went to Egmont's -chamber to conduct him to the scaffold on the great square in Brussels. -He wished to tie {95} the Count's hands, but the noble refused to be -thus degraded. During Egmont's last few moments he turned in bitter -anguish to Julian Romero and asked him earnestly whether the sentence -was irrevocable, and whether a pardon might not, even now, be granted -to him. Romero appeared to think that the Count's courage was failing -him, and only answered by a contemptuous shrug of his shoulders and a -negative sign; whereupon Egmont gnashed his teeth in silent rage and -went to his death.[7] - -Alba's severity for the moment paralysed all resistance on land, and -only those "sea beggars," who afterwards secured the independence of -the Netherlands, kept alive the tradition of Flemish patriotism. Some -of the Spanish troops could therefore be dispensed with, particularly -as Philip's treasury was empty of money to pay them, and many found -their way back to Spain again. Amongst these was Julian Romero, who -had married a wife of his own province a few years before (1565), and -yearned for a spell of family joys far from war's alarms. His time of -rest was but a short one. He was marked out now conspicuously as one -of the most unscrupulous of Alba's officers, who could be depended upon -in any emergency, and who was fanatically loyal to his sovereign and -the faith for which he was fighting. An instance of this is given by -Don Bernardino de Mendoza.[8] Certain soldiers under that officer were -in treaty to enter into the service of the King of France--not a very -great offence, one would think, in the eyes of Julian, who had himself -served the King of {96} England--and Alba, desirous of appearing -impartial, had decided that the three ringleaders should be tried by -their own comrades, appointing Julian as president of the tribunal. He -sentenced them all to be shot, and on the decision being submitted to -Alba, the latter made a long speech in praise of such severity, and -highly commended Romero for his inflexibility. Philip was -contemplating a job that called for such a man as this. He had been -driven to desperation by Elizabeth's protection of the rebel Flemish -privateers, and her seizure of his treasure, and had effusively -welcomed Thomas Stukeley when he arrived in Madrid in 1570 with -proposals for the invasion of Ireland and the raising of the country in -favour of Philip. This would, at all events, keep Elizabeth's hands -full, and Philip, being misled as to Stukeley's standing and influence, -treated him with great honour. He had a large pension granted to him -and a palace to reside in; he was made a Spanish knight, and Julian -Romero, amongst others, was invited to confer with him as to the plans -for the subjugation of Ireland. It was decided that Romero should take -command of the expedition, if it were sent, and English spies soon got -hold of the news and communicated it to the Queen. Philip was not long -in finding out that Stukeley was a mere windbag, and very coolly got -rid of him as soon as possible; but for many months after the Spanish -king had abandoned the idea, when indeed he was in such straits us -hardly to be able to hold his own, the dreaded name of Julian Romero -was in everybody's mouth as the coming avenger of Philip's grievances -against the English queen and her ministers. - -{97} - -One zealous spy named Reynolds Digby writes to Cecil from St. Jean de -Luz on December 28, 1570, telling him of "the subtle and devilish -practices against his country," and saying that the Duke of Medina Celi -and Julian Romero had already embarked "a great store of ordnance for -battery and field, great numbers of copper ovens, baskets, mattocks, -and other stores, with 100 mule loads of money, the object being to go -to Flanders, ship Alba and his army, and sail to Scotland for the -purpose of attacking it and seizing the King."[9] There was no truth -in it, but on the 25th of January, 1571, another spy named Hogan, -living in Madrid, wrote saying that Romero was going to Ireland with -6,000 soldiers.[10] Walsingham, in Paris, reports the same news as -being brought by French agents from Madrid, and the Spanish ambassador -in England, evidently believed it, although he pretended not to do so, -in his interviews with the English ministers.[11] Elizabeth herself -was much alarmed, and wrote to Walsingham,[12] telling him to see the -Spanish ambassador in Paris (Francés de Alava), and say "that she -cannot believe the news sent her that there is an intention of sending -Julian Romero or such like with a number of soldiers to Ireland to -follow some vain device of these rebels, and she much wonders that the -King should give credit to such a man as Stukeley, about whom no good -can be said." The haughty Don Frances ("the proudest man I ever {98} -met," says Walsingham) told him that he had never heard of Stukeley, -"and as for any attempts by Julian Romero to be done in Ireland, they -were no Spaniards who had that enterprise in hand"--which was quite -true, for Philip never intended to send a Spanish force, and indeed -when, years after, he did aid an expedition, he ordered that all the -commanders should be Italians.[13] - -Philip wanted Romero for more important work than aiding Stukeley's -hairbrained schemes. Alba was now face to face with a people in arms -in Holland and Zeeland, under one of the greatest men of his age, the -Prince of Orange. Cruel severity had only goaded the Netherlanders to -desperation, and Alba, old and ill, felt that his method had failed. -He was begging to be relieved from the conduct of the war, and the Duke -of Medina Celi was sent to replace him, with Julian Romero in command -of the reinforcements which accompanied him. Medina Celi himself never -took possession of his vice-royalty, for Alba was too jealous to give -it up, now that his health was somewhat better, and the fresh troops -sent enabled him to act more vigorously; but Julian Romero got to work -as soon as he set foot on shore. He had been partially disabled by a -severe wound in the leg, but landed his men at the Sluys and at once -joined Don Fadrique, Alba's son, before Mons; and on the 17th of July, -1572, only a few weeks after he landed, he led the first charge of the -battle in which Fadrique beat the French Huguenot force who were trying -to relieve Mons. Fadrique wrote to his father from the battlefield in -enthusiastic praise of Julian, whom {99} he coupled with the famous -Italian General Chapin Vitelli, who, although severely wounded, behaved -with great bravery. Unfortunately most of Genlis' troops that were -captured were murdered in cold blood afterwards, it is to be feared -with Julian Romero's full acquiescence, if nothing worse. He was now -an important personage since his sojourn at Philip's Court, and in a -letter to the King's secretary, Zayas, dated before Mons, August 23, -1572,[14] writes a full account of the state of affairs, in the wording -of which there are now and again signs that he was still a bluff -soldier. - -"Holland," he says, "looks as ugly as ever, Friesland no better, and -Zeeland much worse, but I look upon it all as nothing by the side of -this Mons business, upon which I have set my heart. If we can only -stop up this hole in the frontier the rest is only so much air; -although we shall sweat if we are to camp before Mons all the winter, -for we shall have to fight on skates." Julian's fears were groundless. -The grim news of St. Bartholomew convinced the citizens of Mons that no -help could reach them from the French Protestants, and only a month -afterwards--the 22nd of September, 1572--Romero wrote a long account to -Zayas of the surrender of the devoted town, which "he says we were very -fortunate to get by surrender, for no troops but Spaniards could have -taken it, so strong is it, and of Spaniards we have very few." - -Then, swift and relentless as a thunderbolt, came Alba's vengeance on -the southern provinces of Flanders, hopeless of succour now either from -Orange or the French. Every town was to {100} support a Spanish -garrison or be put to the sword, and of all the cruel instruments for -the work none were so much in tune with the mastermind as was Julian -Romero. The rebel garrisons of most of the little towns had fled, -there was but slight resistance, and Fadrique, on his march from -Zutphen to Amsterdam in November, summoned the town of Naarden to admit -the Spanish troops into the place. Some demur was made to this, but a -few days afterwards the principal men of the town were sent after -Fadrique, afraid of their own boldness, to discuss terms for -submission. They were refused an interview, and told that a force had -already been ordered to Naarden to compel compliance. The citizens, -panic-stricken at the news, sent a deputation to offer complete -unconditional submission, but before they could reach Fadrique's -headquarters at Bussem they met Julian Romero on his way to Naarden, -who told them that he had full authority to treat. Arrived at the -town, he demanded the keys, which were surrendered to him on his solemn -promise that the lives and properties of the townsfolk should be -respected. He gave (says Hoofd, the historian) his hand thrice as a -pledge of this, and no written pledge was exacted of him. From what we -know of Julian Romero's temper we can well imagine this. Romero and -his 600 harquebussiers entered the town and were hospitably received. -A great feast was spread to do them honour at Burgomaster Gerrit's -house. When the banquet was finished Romero collected his men in the -great square and summoned the citizens to a conference in the town -hall. The bell rang, and the citizens {101} came, all unsuspecting, to -hear the conditions imposed upon them; but when they were met, to the -number of about six hundred, in the hall, Romero gave a signal at the -door and his Spaniards fired a volley upon the closely packed crowd of -unarmed men. Thenceforward the little town was a shambles; men, women, -and children were all murdered amidst scenes of the most heartrending -atrocity, and even infants were made sport of, being cast by the -pikemen from spear to spear. The Burgomaster was roasted until he gave -up all his fortune as ransom, and was then hanged at his own door-post -in the presence of Romero and Don Fadrique, who had arrived the day -after the massacre. Motley, who takes his account from Hoofd, has not -added anything to the horror of the story, and it is confirmed by Alba -himself in a letter to the King, saying, "They cut the throats of them -all, soldiers and townspeople alike, without leaving a single soul -alive." Strada says that this massacre had an entirely opposite effect -to that expected. It aroused such fury and hate all over Flanders and -Holland as to double the difficulty of Alba's task. Strada makes as -light of it as possible, but even he says, "It really seems as if the -vengeance wrought exceeded the fault. All the inhabitants alike, -innocent and guilty, were killed, the houses burnt, the walls razed, -and it looked more like a crime than a punishment."[15] - -But Holland and Zeeland were made of different stuff to South Flanders, -and the massacre of Naarden only caused Haarlem to be more obstinate in -its determination to hold out at any cost. Fadrique {102} and his army -were before it in the bitter winter of 1572, and it became necessary -for him to ensure an open passage between him and Utrecht, whence he -drew his supplies. This was interfered with by a rebel fort on the -outskirts of Haarlem, near the opposite bank of the Sparen to that upon -which the road lay. This fort was flanked on two sides by water--on -the one side, where the river was narrow, the defences were -impregnable; whilst on the other flank, where the stream opened out and -was considered impassable, the fort was otherwise undefended. Early in -December spies reported to Fadrique that at certain states of the tide -the broad water might be forded and the fort attacked by surprise on -its undefended side. His letter to his father detailing how this was -done is still at Simancas.[16] He says that at daybreak he sent Julian -Romero with 400 picked harquebussiers to attempt the task. Count Bossu -and other experienced soldiers had said that it was impossible, but -Romero insisted upon attempting it. The water reached above the knees -of the men, and the ice had to be broken at every step; the ford was -very narrow, and a false step precipitated the armed men into deep -water. The men in the fort discovered them and opened fire, and for a -full hour they thus skirmished in the frozen river, when they found -that a rebel force from the town, equal to their own, had crossed the -river on the ice higher up, and were attacking them from their own -bank, so that they were between two fires. Romero drew his men out of -the river, charged the new force and drove {103} them back over the ice -again. But in their flight they showed him the way across the ice as -well, and how by that road the undefended side of the fort might be -reached. With incredible dash he crossed after them and stormed the -fort on that side, carried it with pike and musket only, and, as -Fadrique tells the Duke, cut the throat of every man who did not escape -by flight. Fadrique is quite enthusiastic about Romero's share in the -affair. The "heretics," he says, showed surprising bravery, and the -fort was of enormous strength--"the best I ever saw." "I thought we -were fighting beasts, but I find we have to do with men." "Colonel -Julian has carried himself in this action as splendidly as he always -does and is as eager as ever to serve his Majesty. He marched for a -good league and half with the water over his knees, skirmishing with -the fort, before the Haarlem force came. Just think of it, your -Excellency; marching like this with such a leg as Julian's! I can -assure you that a better soldier than he for dash and enterprise never -came from our country. Pray thank him warmly for he richly deserves -it." Only a few days later Julian was once more to the fore. Lumay, -Count de la Mark, made an attempt to relieve Haarlem with a large -force, but was beaten by the Spaniards, "Julian with his regiment," we -are told by an anonymous eyewitness,[17] "leading the attack in front -of every one." Encouraged by this victory, the Spaniards a week -afterwards--the 20th of December, 1572--attempted to take the place by -storm, but were unsuccessful. Julian was standing on a trench -directing operations when a {104} musket-shot destroyed one of his -eyes, but even that did not put him _hors de combat_ for long, for he -writes to the Duke's secretary, Albernoz, on the 13th of the next month -(January, 1573) from Amsterdam: "I have been impatiently expecting -Illan's arrival, in order that I might go to the front, but if he comes -not I am determined I will wait no longer, but will set out to-morrow; -for I see that things are now going to begin in real earnest. I am -pretty well, but not so well as I want to be to serve Don Fadrique; but -I will do so with all my poor strength, standing or falling. He has -sent me word that I must go and lodge in his quarters or he will burn -mine down over my head. I will obey him in this as in all things, and -although I know full well I shall not lack for dainties there, I will -not spare you from sending me the other box of marmalade you promised -me, as the one you sent is half gone already." - -For the next six months each step in the terrible siege of Haarlem is -related in the letters from Don Fadrique, Caspar de Robles, and Romero -himself. Wherever fighting was going on Colonel Julian was always in -the front rank, and we hear of him creeping forward from month to month -nearer to the devoted city as death and famine make it weaker. -Romero's own letter to Alba of the 25th of May, 1573,[18] gives the -best account I have read of the incidents of the siege from the Spanish -point of view, although neither that nor any other of the series I have -mentioned appears ever to have been utilised by historians. When at -last, in July, 1575, the famished heroes in the city surrendered, -Julian {105} Romero was deputed to accompany Count Bossu to the wood -where the submission was to be arranged, and himself to hold the town -gate that no soul should issue therefrom without due warrant. Of the -cruel massacre of the starving people which followed Julian Romero does -not boast, but it may be not uncharitably assumed that he played his -usual sympathetic part in it. Certain it is that no sooner was it over -than Colonel Julian, with an army of 4,000 men, commenced his fell -march over Holland. Mendoza[19] says: "Julian entered by the Dunes as -far as the Hague, taking Catwyk, Walkemburg, Wassenaer, Naeldwyk, St. -Geradique, Squelpewyk Noortwyk, Vlaerdingen, the fort of Mansendus, -where he cut the throats of St. Aldegonde and 600 men, Minister, -Gravesande, &c." And then he went towards Leyden, which was being -besieged by Valdes. Morgan, writing to Lord Burleigh from Delft[20] on -the 12th of November, 1575, represents the Dutch burghers as completely -cowed for the moment by Romero's ferocity. He says: "Julian with his -4,000 men is entrenched half-way between the Hague and Delft, cutting -off all communication between the latter place and Leyden." - -But by this time Alba felt that cruelty had failed to crush Orange and -the Zeelanders, supported as they were by England and helped by the -German princes; and sated as even he was of blood, he determined to -give up the struggle and allow another policy to be tried. Romero was -tired of it too, and wished to retire with his chief. Alba {106} -himself wrote to the King from Brussels on the 15th of December, -1573.[21] "Colonel Julian Romero has served here in the way your -Majesty has been informed. He had returned here from Holland, -determined to go to Spain and beseech your Majesty to allow him to rest -at home, seeing that he has served for 40 years. When your Majesty's -letter for him had been handed to him and I had myself impressed upon -him how much he would be missed here at the present juncture, he -consented to send Captain Illan to Spain on his private affairs, whilst -he still remains in the service here. I pray your Majesty to take such -measures for rewarding Julian's many services as they deserve. I can -assure you that what he has done in this campaign alone places your -Majesty under a deep obligation to him. He is one of the most useful -men of his quality that I have ever known, and I shall warmly welcome -any mark of favour your Majesty may confer upon him." - -Romero's own letter to the King to accompany this plainly tells how -much the hard old soldier yearned for rest. "I have been," he says, -"in your Majesty's service now in this guise for well-nigh forty years, -without leaving it for a single hour; my work in this campaign has -been, as your Majesty knows, extremely hard, and as I have lost the -full use of my legs, arms, and eyes, I besought the Duke to give me -leave to go home, which he did. When I went to Brussels to take leave -of him a letter was handed to me from your Majesty ordering me not to -leave these States. I obey your Majesty's orders, but the Duke and the -{107} Grand Commander (Requesens) have given me leave to send Captain -Illan to beg your Majesty personally to let me go and see my home -again. I need greatly to go, as is proved by my asking to do so now, -for otherwise I would not even go if I had leave." - -Philip was the most ungenerous and ungrateful of employers, and for -reasons which presently will be stated it is doubtful whether Julian's -devotion was rewarded as Alba recommended that it should be, -notwithstanding a letter in the Record Office[22] from one of the many -false Englishmen then in Spanish Flanders, written to a Captain -Windebanke in Elizabeth's service. The writer was trying to get -Windebanke to play the traitor, and deplores that so good a captain -should be so scurvily rewarded by the Queen, whose penuriousness he -compares with Philip's (entirely imaginary) liberality. "Captain -Julian Romero," he says, "whom I knew a poor captain in Ireland, is now -worth £2,000, and has a pension of a thousand ducats." The writer was -probably false in his facts as he was in his patriotism, for I can find -no record of Julian's ever having been in Ireland, and only a few -months after the date of the letter we have his own word that he was -almost in indigence. - -The new Viceroy, Requesens, was to try to do by conciliation what Alba -had failed to effect by severity. It was time to adopt a new policy, -for Southern Flanders was now nearly as disaffected as Holland, and -Zeeland was entirely in the hands of the Gueux. Its capital, -Middleburg, was held by Mondragon and his Spaniards, but {108} he was -closely beleaguered by the rebels and in the direst straits. Mondragon -was one of the best and bravest of the commanders on the Spanish side, -whose heroic relief of Tergoes still remains one of the brightest feats -of war ever performed, he had informed Requesens that, unless he were -relieved with food and stores, he should be forced to lay down his -sword and give up Middleburg to the despised "beggars of the sea"; so -the new Viceroy's first duty was to send aid to Middleburg and Ramua. -Two fleets were fitted out for the purpose in January, 1574, one -consisting of large ships under the famous Sancho de Avila was to go by -the main Scheldt and the Hundt, rather for the purpose of diverting the -rebel force than for any other action, whilst nine standards of -soldiers under Romero, and a great quantity of stores, were to go in a -fleet of seventy-two canal boats, barges, galliots, and crookstems, -through the narrow channels by way of Bergen-op-Zoom to the besieged -town. The naval commander was to have been De Beauvoir, with Glimes as -second in command. The former fell ill, and the Viceroy gave the chief -control to Romero, who protested that he was a soldier and not a -sailor, but at last consented to take the command. - -The expedition began badly. Requesens came to the quay of Antwerp to -see it depart; Romero's flagship led the way, and as a salvo of honour -was fired, a gun on one of the boats burst, and the craft sank with all -hands. Then the leader looked behind and found several of his vessels -lagging. Antwerp itself was riddled with disaffection, and the Flemish -sailors had given him the slip, so the boats {109} had to be left -behind. Then Romero and his fleet dropped down the river and anchored -near Bergen, opposite Romerswald, to await another tide, Requesens, the -Viceroy, proceeding to the same place by road to witness the final -departure of the expedition from Bergen. At daybreak on the 21st the -rebel fleet, under Boisot, Admiral of Flanders, was seen to be -approaching them from the open water opposite. Romero's fleet was -surrounded by shallows and sand-banks, and largely manned by Flemish -sailors whose loyalty, to say the least of it, was doubtful, and de -Glimes, seeing the danger, begged his chief not to fight. Cardinal -Bentivoglio[23] says: "The Vice-Admiral would not have fought, knowing -the great disadvantage on his side. The enemy's ships were many more -in number, but Romero, either because his valour blinded his judgment, -or from his want of knowledge of maritime affairs, or perhaps because -the risk was forced upon him by Mondragon's urgent need, insisted upon -fighting." The disaster that followed is ascribed by Bentivoglio to -treachery of Romero's Flemish sailors, but, be that as it may, de -Glimes' ship first stranded, and others immediately followed, and, thus -helpless, were exposed to a galling musketry fire. Captain Osorio with -other ships went to the aid of de Glimes and immediately met with the -same fate. Greek fire was thrown into the Spanish vessels, and many of -them were burnt to the water's edge, the Viceroy the while standing on -the dyke helplessly witnessing the destruction of his force. When de -Glimes, the Vice-Admiral, had been killed, and his part of the fleet -destroyed, the rebels, acquainted {110} as they were with the intricate -passages, came alongside of Romero's flagship, grappling with it and -with its consorts. Boisot's decks towered high over the canal boats, -and the crews shot down from their superior position until nearly all -the Spaniards were killed, when at last a round shot crashed through -the timbers of the flagship, and Romero, fearing she was foundering, -jumped overboard on the land side with his few surviving comrades. He -came up spluttering and floundering within a few feet of the Viceroy, -who stood upon the bank. As he dragged himself up the dyke he blurted -out with a voice as vigorous as when he was giving the command to -charge, "I told your Excellency how it would be! You knew I was no -sailor but a foot soldier and nothing else. No more fleets for me; if -you gave me a hundred I should probably lose them all." Requesens gave -a graceful and generous answer, but the blow was a heavy one for the -Spanish power, for Middleburg and Ramua surrendered to the rebels, and -henceforward for ever Zeeland was lost to King Philip.[24] Seven -hundred of the Spanish force were killed, as was Boisot, the Flemish -admiral, and Romero's ship, with all his papers and instructions, fell -into the hands of the enemy. - -Romero was sick at heart. Requesens' mild temporising looked to Alba's -iron lieutenant like lamentable weakness. There was only one way for -Julian to meet heresy and the assertion of independence, {111} and that -was by extermination. Philip apparently had sent him no rewards, or -even thanks, for his staying after Alba left, and had simply ignored -his prayer for leave to return home. This was nothing new, for the -King always treated his most faithful servants thus, but bluff Julian -probably did not know this at the time, and was bitterly disappointed. -After his defeat at Bergen he busied himself for some months in -planning fortifications and re-organising the forces, which Requesens -had found in a state of almost open mutiny for want of pay. By the end -of June his task was done, and affairs in South Flanders were looking -much more tranquil. No answer came from Madrid to Julian, who, sick -and mortified, counted the hours for the time when he might see his -home again. In June he wrote an interesting letter to the Viceroy, -which deserves to be repeated nearly in full. After recommending the -names of five officers for the future command of the forces he -says:[25] "I must now address you with my customary frankness and -clearness, and disabuse your mind, for once and for all, of the idea -that any offers or promises from his Majesty, or any one else, will -make me waver in my determination to return home next September. -Nothing but my own death shall stand in the way of this, so urgent is -my need to go; since my soul's health and the welfare of my wife and -children depend upon it, and the least of these reasons would be -sufficient to make me firm in my resolve. I have long wished to go but -have deferred it because my services here were so much required. I -very unwillingly consented to stay when the Duke of Alba {112} left; -with the sole object of being by your Excellency's side whilst you were -new to your position. I have been well repaid by the pleasure of -knowing you and would still serve you with all love and zeal, but the -moment now has arrived beyond which I cannot, and will not, stay. You -may judge whether I need go when I say that I have served his Majesty -40 years next Christmas without once resting from the wars and my duty. -I have lost in the service an arm, a leg, an eye, and an ear; and the -rest of my person is so seared with wounds that I suffer incessantly. -I have now just lost a dear son upon whom I built all my hopes--and -with good reason as the whole army will bear witness. You will judge -whether such troubles as these are not enough to break down my health -and spirits. Moreover I married nine years ago, thinking that I might -have some rest, but since then I have never been an entire year at -home. I have spent during my service nearly all the money I had with -my wife, and although I have a daughter at home, and one here of -marriageable age, I can do nothing to help them; except with the trifle -still left of my wife's money. I can, moreover, see plainly that this -is being exhausted by me at such a rate, that unless I can get home at -once, both my wife and myself will have to end our days in the -poor-house. You are so Christian a prince that I feel sure you will -not try to hinder my resolution, for, believe me, it is not for the -purpose of exalting or selling myself at a higher price that I urge it. -If when I have been home the King still thinks I may be useful, I will -try with all my heart, but it must be in some place where I may set up -my home and {113} have my wife by my side, for without her, all the -world shall not make me stir. I think I have already well deserved by -my sufferings and long service any favours his Majesty has conferred -upon me." - -To this affecting and dignified letter the Viceroy replied saying that -he would no longer stand in the way. He had written four or five times -already to the King, urging him to fitly reward Julian's great -services, and had reason to believe that something would shortly be -done, but he had again written in the most pressing terms begging the -King not to neglect so good and true a servant. A day or two -afterwards Romero again wrote to the Viceroy another manly letter, -which shows how bitterly he felt the King's indifference to him. He -says: "With reference to your Excellency's kindness in begging his -Majesty to reward me, I am constrained to beseech that no further great -effort should be made. I will endeavour to pass the few years left to -me as decently as I can, and if I cannot have everything I desire I am -already as reconciled to leave it all as one who has the candle in his -hand. God is my witness that I have never served the King for lucre; -no, that has never been my target! True it is that I am cut to the -heart to see his Majesty extend his favours to others, who were -suckling at the breast when I was already a veteran, whilst he forgets -me, but this I lay to my ill luck and to God's will that I should -remain a poor man. But naked I was born; I have lived honourably and I -care for naught else. Pray therefore, trouble yourself no further on -my account. I trust before my departure hence God will settle the -affairs of {114} these States. At this season of the year there is -little stirring, and if when I have been home and set my house in -order, your Excellency should remain in your present straits; I pledge -my word as a Christian to come and serve again with all my strength. -If I were a batchelor and as hale as I used to be, you should see what -I would do. Worcum, June 27, 1574." - -If Romero's desire of seeing his home again was fulfilled, as it -probably was, his visit must have been of short duration, for in -October of the next year he was commanding thirty standards of troops -before Zerusee, and endeavoured to capture an island near Dortrecht, -but was beaten by the Prince of Orange himself with the loss of 800 -men.[26] - -Early in the following year things had reached an acute stage. -Requesens was dead, and Don Juan of Austria, his successor, had not -arrived. The mercenaries in the Spanish service, unpaid and chafing at -inaction, were in open mutiny, and were plundering and maltreating -friends and foes indifferently to indemnify themselves. The Council of -State, mostly Flemish and Walloon nobles, were profoundly divided, and -already were doing their best to hold their own against the savage -Spanish soldiery. Brussels was held by Walloon troops in the interests -of the Council of State, the Spanish troops in the neighbourhood being -under the command of Romero. By the middle of March the Council were -obliged to meet and devise some means of pacifying the mutineers by -raising money to pay them, "without which many strange seditions must -happen." {115} They agreed with Romero to pay certain soldiers forty -crowns each, to satisfy them until the arrival of the new Governor, and -then sent him to parley with the mutineers. Strada says they would not -listen to him, but in any case most of his men fraternised with and -joined them. On his return to Brussels he was again sent by the -Council against the rebel Spaniards who had gone towards Maestricht. -English agents in Flanders[27] report that he had arranged a plot to be -carried out in his absence. He had left 200 of his men in Brussels, -and the plan was for Count Barlemont, one of the Council, to deliver -the keys of the city to them, in order that the mutineers, and probably -Romero with them, should enter the city and sack it. The plot was -discovered, and Barlemont deprived of the keys, and after Romero had -fruitlessly been to Maestricht, he found on his return to Brussels the -citizens in a frenzy of rage against the Spaniards in consequence of -the massacres at Alost and elsewhere by the mutineers. The infuriated -Flemings tore to pieces a servant of Jerome Rodas, the leading Spanish -councillor, and the latter, with Romero and Vargas, had to fly for -their lives to the stronghold in the palace. Henceforward the Flemish -Council and the Spaniards were completely estranged. The Council -proclaimed the mutineers rebels against the King, whilst Rodas assumed -to be Philip's sole representative. - -Philip was in deep distress at the news.[28] Romero was to be warmly -thanked, the Council must {116} disband their forces, money would be -sent, Don Juan would soon arrive, and all would be settled. In the -meantime, however, the forces of the Council were attacking the -mutineers at Ghent, Maestricht, Alost, and elsewhere, and the Spanish -commanders, Sancho de Avila, Romero, Vargas, &c., whilst ostensibly -condemning them, were constrained daily to side more with their -fellow-countrymen. Romero at last escaped from Brussels and fortified -himself at Lierre, where a considerable force gradually joined him. -The Council sent word that they would attack him if he did not submit -to their authority, but when they attempted to do so his force, with -that of Vargas, routed the States troops. The massacre which followed -is explained by Mendoza by the fact that the Spaniards were hot-headed -youngsters, which they were not, but he is evidently ashamed of it. A -large number of spectators, students from Louvain and others, had come -out to see the fight. They were all slaughtered, as were soldiers and -civilians, armed and unarmed, men and women, without quarter and -without mercy, up to the very gates of Louvain. Thenceforward all hope -of restraint was lost. The Spanish soldiery were so many bloodthirsty -wild beasts, making no distinction between Flemish friends or foes, and -it was war to the knife on both sides. Romero's headquarters were -still at Lierre, although he kept up a close connection with the -mutineers at Alost, and his men seem to have outdistanced others in -their savagery, no attempt to moderate which appears to have been made -by their chief. Savage Rodas himself got frightened in October, and -wrote to the King that the Spanish soldiers were pillaging on {117} all -sides, and if some remedy were not sent soon from Spain, all would go -to perdition.[29] - -Wherever Romero had a chance of fighting the States forces he did so, -and Mendoza gives particulars of many brilliant skirmishes in which the -Spaniards were successful, but which usually ended in an indiscriminate -massacre of Flemings. Sancho de Avila in the Antwerp citadel the while -was keeping up a close communication with the mutineers at Alost, -Ghent, and other places, whilst the citizens were collecting such -forces of Walloons and German mercenaries as they could. Sancho at -last was informed that unless he ceased to send aid to Alost he himself -would be held as a rebel to the King. This was a signal that he must -either submit to the dictation of the despised Flemish Council or -fight, and he chose the latter alternative. He sent out messengers on -all sides for the Spaniards to concentrate in Antwerp, and soon Romero -started out from Lierre with all his men. On his way he met the main -body of malcontents from Alost and greeted them with effusion. Vargas -with his men joined them also, and on the 4th of November they all -entered the citadel of Antwerp together. The townsmen and their troops -had already begun to run up earthworks to defend themselves against the -bloodthirsty marauders who had made a shambles of Alost, Maestricht, -and wherever else they had gained the upper hand. The rich booty of -Antwerp, and the thirst for blood, they knew would launch the greedy -hawks from the citadel upon the panting quarry {118} below, and they -determined to sell their lives and property dearly. Hungry and tired -as the Alost men were on their arrival at daybreak, no meal would they -consume until, as they said, they could break their fast in Antwerp. -Slaking their thirst and firing their brains only with wine, by eleven -o'clock before noon they were ready for the struggle. Then with solemn -prayer and blessing of banners as a preparation for their fell work, -they swept down in three bodies to the town to the aggregate number of -about 6,000 men. The scene that followed has often been described, and -need not be repeated here. In a few hours the richest city in -Christendom was a ravished corpse of its former self. Romero, with his -stalwarts of Spaniards and Almains, entered the city by the St. -George's gate and swept along the street of St. Michael, driving weak -young Egmont before him into a church at the end, where the Count was -taken. - -Everywhere the Walloons turned and fled before the Spaniards. The -brave Champigny, Granvelle's brother, did his best heroically; the -townsmen, unused to arms, made what resistance they could, but the -States troops were worse than useless, and butchery was the only order -of the day. In the great square every house was occupied by Sancho de -Avila's men, who kept up a fusilade upon the frightened crowds of -unarmed people huddled together in the doorways. Soon the curling -smoke showed that the rich stores of merchandise, the noble palaces of -the merchant princes, and the lowly cottages of the artisans were alike -doomed to wanton destruction. The Spaniards, drunk with blood, blind -with rage, spared neither {119} age, sex, nor faith; and with one great -gust of fury swept like a blight over the doomed city. When the -blood-lust was partly sated, it was found that 6,000 unarmed people at -least had been slaughtered, and 6,000,000 ducats worth of property -stolen, with as much again burnt. The States infantry had all fled or -been killed. The Catholic Flemish nobles were scattered and lost, and -the Spaniards had Antwerp beneath their talons. Strada says that the -massacre and plunder were as much the work of the Walloons and Germans -as of the Spaniards, and bears testimony to the efforts of the Spanish -leaders to restrain the fury of their men, mentioning Sancho de Avila, -Mondragon, and others as having exerted their influence to that end, -but markedly omits the name of Romero. Rodas, writing to the King a -day after the fight, says the town was sacked against orders, and that -Avila, Romero, and Vargas, used great diligence to stop plunder. "They -deserve," he says, "well of his Majesty for the services they have -rendered in this great victory." Dr. Wilson, who certainly was not -prejudiced in favour of the Spaniards, says, on the other hand, in a -letter to Walsingham of the 13th of November,[30] that he fears the -Spaniards much less than the English refugees, "who are said to have -done the greatest murders and most horrible above all others, and all -Englishmen are hated for their sake." - -Flemings of every faith were welded together now against the wreckers -of their homes, and even those nobles who, through all the evil past -had stood by Spain, the Perennots, the Croys, the Montmorencis, the -Zweveghems, were at one with {120} the Protestants of the North. Don -Juan found himself, when he arrived, in face of a united people glowing -with indignation, and determined to prevent the destruction of its -liberties, strong enough now to force terms upon him. The first demand -of the Flemings was that all Spaniards should withdraw from Flanders, -and the second that Rodas, Avila, and Romero should lose their heads -for their share in the massacres. To the first demand the Prince was -forced to accede, with the second he fenced diplomatically; and soon -Romero was on the march at the head of his men going from Flanders to -Italy with the curses of all Flemings following him. - -Don Juan could not brook for long the dictation and exactions of the -Council, he took the bit between his teeth, seized the citadel of -Namur, defied them all to do their worst, and made up his mind to fight -it out in spite of the King's orders. Then the veteran forces, by -which Alba had crushed the Low Countries, the bloodthirsty savages who -had ravished them before, were once more recalled from Italy, late in -1577. Romero was designated for the chief command of an army of 6,000 -men who were to act subsequently under Alexander Farnese in Flanders. -He was starting on his march from Cremona at the head of his force, -when the war-worn old soldier, without a moment's warning, fell from -his horse, dead. He breathed his last as he had lived, full-armed and -harnessed for the fray, surrounded by the fierce soldiery he had led so -often. Strada says his death caused the deepest grief, as he was -looked upon as the mainstay of the new attempt to dominate the -Flemings. Another {121} contemporary historian, Cabrera de Cordova, -wrote of him, "his loss caused profound sorrow by reason of the urgent -need for his valour and experience, which had enabled him to rise from -a common soldier to be a general, whilst his prowess and knowledge of -war well deserved, the last promotion to the rank in which he died, -namely, that of commander-in-chief of great enterprises." - -For some years even after his death his name was used to threaten -England with, and the presence of another younger Captain Julian with -the Spanish auxiliaries to the Irish rebellion of 1579-80 gave rise to -many trembling rumours that the terrible Romero himself was there. - -But he is forgotten now, even in his own country; the cause he fought -for, the supremacy of Catholicism, has been beaten everywhere but in -Spain, where stern intolerance, and indifference to personal suffering -still linger as things to be proud of. It has seemed to me, however, -that the devotion, the valour, and the self-sacrifice of the rough -soldier who rose to be "commander-in-chief of great enterprises," -dimmed though they be by cruel ferocity, might well be rescued in this -gentler age from the oblivion in which they lay so long. - - - -[1] "Chronicle of Henry VIII.," edited by Martin A. S. Hume. London, -1889. - -[2] Jean de Beaugé, "Histoire de la guerre d'Ecosse," 1548-9. Maitland -Club. - -[3] Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). - -[4] Ibid. - -[5] Motley. - -[6] "Documentos ineditos para la historia de España," vol. lxxv. - -[7] Motley. - -[8] "Comentarios de las Guerras de los paises bajos." Mendoza. - -[9] Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). - -[10] Ibid. - -[11] Calendar of State Papers (Elizabeth), Spanish, vol. ii. - -[12] Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). - -[13] Calendar of State Papers (Elizabeth), Spanish, vol. ii. - -[14] "Simancas Documentos ineditos," vol. lxxv. - -[15] Strada, "De Bello Belgico." - -[16] "Documentos ineditos," vol. lxxv. - -[17] "Documentos ineditos," vol. lxxv. - -[18] "Documentos ineditos," vol. lxxv. - -[19] "Comentario de las Guerras de los paises bajos." - -[20] Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). - -[21] "Documentos ineditos," vol. lxxv. - -[22] Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). - -[23] "Guerra di Fiandra." - -[24] The account of this disaster is taken from three contemporary -accounts--Mendoza's "Comentarios de la Guerra de los paises bajos"; -Strada's "De Bello Belgico," and Bentivoglio's "Guerra di Fiandra." - -[25] "Documentos ineditos," vol. lxxv. - -[26] Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). - -[27] Herll to Burleigh, Rogers to Walsingham, and Harise to Burleigh. -Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). - -[28] Philip to Rodas. Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). - -[29] Rodas to Philip (intercepted). Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). - -[30] State Papers (Domestic). - - - -[Illustration: tailpiece] - - - - -{123} - -_THE COMING OF PHILIP THE PRUDENT._ - - -[Illustration: PHILIP AND MARY -(_After the painting by Antonio Mor._)] - - -{125} - - -[Illustration: Headpiece] - - -_THE COMING OF PHILIP THE PRUDENT._[1] - -It is somewhat curious that English historians, in -describing an event fraught with such tremendous -possibilities to Christianity as the coming of the -Spanish prince to wed Mary of England, should -have entirely overlooked a source of information -which was more likely than any other to abound in -interesting and trustworthy details of the voyage--I -mean the contemporary narratives of Spaniards -who accompanied Philip hither. So far as regards -the splendid pageantry that marked the new -consort's entrance into London the English records -themselves leave nothing to be desired. Darnley's -tutor, John Elder, in his letter to his pupil's uncle, -the Bishop of Caithness,[2] descends to the minutest -particulars, and is amply confirmed by the anonymous -Chronicle of Queen Mary in the Harleian -manuscripts, whence John Stow derived his -{126} -information; by Edward Underhyll, "the hot-gospeller";[3] -and the letters of the French ambassador, Antoine de -Noailles.[4] The gorgeous ceremonies that attended -the marriage in Winchester Cathedral are also -sufficiently described by these and other authorities, as -well as in the official account of the English heralds -of the time, copied from the Book of Precedents of -Ralph Brooke, York herald, and printed in Leland's -"Collectanea," edit. 1774, and by the Camden -Society, 1849;[5] but the accounts given by English -historians of Philip's voyage and reception at -Southampton appear to rest entirely upon a -narrative of the Venetian, Baoardo, published in -Venice in 1558, four years after the event, and -the letters of Noailles to the King of France. -Miss Strickland and the late Mr. Froude, both -of whom draw upon Baoardo to a large extent -for their local colour, quote him as an eyewitness -of the scenes he describes. Whether he was so -or not I do not know, although I have been -unable to discover any evidence of his presence, -but in any case the bitter animus against Philip -shown in his narrative is so clear that it is unfair to -accept his statements without ample confirmation. -Such confirmation seems to have been sought, -{127} -by Mr. Froude at all events, in the letters of -the French ambassador, and from this material, -coupled with the fact that certain prudent measures -of precaution were suggested by Simon Renard, -the Emperor's ambassador, in his letters to his -master, the historian paints his highly coloured -picture of Philip as a sulky, seasick craven -trembling at his very shadow, in momentary -fear of poison, consummating a sacrifice from -which his soul revolts. To justify this view -Professor Froude depended mainly upon Noailles. -It must, however, be remembered, first, that the -French ambassador was not in a position to know -the exact details of Philip's voyage and reception; -secondly, that he was the last person in the world to -give a fair account of them; thirdly, that the -historian has gone beyond his authority, even such as -it was; and fourthly, that several witnesses of the -events described, whose evidence has hitherto been -ignored, entirely fail to confirm the view taken by -Mr. Froude from Noailles and Baoardo. - -Throughout the whole negotiations that had -preceded the arrangement of the marriage Noailles -had been absurdly ill-informed and wide of the -mark.[6] His letters to the King of France and -the Constable teem with predictions and -assertions which subsequent events proved to be quite -wrong, and it is easy to see that for months -{128} -previous to the marriage he was entirely hoodwinked, -and out of touch with trustworthy sources -of information. In a letter to the French adviser -of Mary of Lorraine in Scotland, M. d'Oysel, -dated 29th of March, 1554, for instance, he -speaks of the Earl of Bedford's departure for -Spain as an accomplished fact, and has no doubt -that he had already sailed from Plymouth to fetch -the Prince. On May 18th, after ringing the -changes upon this for nearly two months, he tells -the King that the rumour runs that Bedford is to go -shortly to Spain, but that the Prince will not come -until the winter, whereas Philip had already left -Valladolid at the time on his way to England. On -the 31st of March Noailles is quite persuaded that -Wyatt's life will be spared, and less than a fortnight -later he describes his execution. On the 29th of -March, again, he says that the Bishop of Norwich, -the Queen's ambassador to the Emperor, had been -summoned to perform the marriage, and was to be -created Archbishop of York for the purpose. -Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, really performed -the ceremony. Noailles again is quite sure that -other Wyatts will arise, and that 50,000 men will be -in arms to receive the Prince, and in April, after -writing for weeks of the preparations for the arrival -of Philip on the south coast and marriage at -Winchester, he believes it all to be a feint and that the -Prince will suddenly appear and be married in London. -On the 29th of the same month he is strongly -of opinion that Sir James Crofts will be executed -on the following Monday, whereas that distinguished -old soldier lived and fought and sold himself for many -years afterwards. Hardly a letter, indeed, from -{129} -Noailles at this period fails to show that the man, -having been completely outwitted by Renard's -keen diplomacy, was entirely at sea, and badly -served by his informers. - -But I go beyond this. Philip had anchored in -Southampton Water on the afternoon of the 19th -of July, 1554, and landed on that of the 20th. -On the night of the 20th, after the Prince had -landed, Noailles learnt in London, by an imperial -messenger, for the first time of his arrival, and -communicated the news to the King of France -immediately by letter; and on the 23rd he writes:-- - -"J'ai envoyé ung des miens á Hamptonne et a -Winchestre et despescheray demain encores ung -aultre pour estre mieulx par mesme informé de tout -ce qui se fera tant a la terre que sur la mer -... affin de tenir advertye vostre majeste." - -It is clear, therefore, that Noailles had no -trustworthy person to give an exact account of the -reception of the Prince until the arrival of the latter -at Winchester; and the description in his letters of -Philip's voyage and doings at Southampton was -merely current gossip dressed up to suit the palate -of the writer and his master.[7] How much impartiality -could be expected from Noailles under the -{130} -circumstances may well be imagined. He had been -thoroughly outmanoeuvred, and French diplomacy -had received a greater blow than it had sustained -for many years in seeing England drift apparently -for good into the arms of Spain. His country was -at the very moment engaged in a long and costly -war with the Emperor, and he himself had just been -detected and exposed for the second time in his -attempts to suborn and support rebellion in England, -and was in high dudgeon at being pointedly excluded -from participation in the marriage festivities. What -wonder, then, that after slandering the Queen for -months past he should do as much as possible to -darken the shadows of the picture of Philip sent -for the delectation of Philip's enemy? It were -expecting too much to suppose that the outwitted -diplomatist and supple courtier would do otherwise. - -Ill-natured, however, as are Noailles' references -to Philip, even they do not, in my opinion, warrant -the distorted picture inferentially derived from them. -To instance a small matter of which much is made -by Froude--namely, the vivid scene of the -sea-sick Prince gulping down beer on the night of his -arrival at Southampton, to please the English -spectators at his public repast--Noailles says not a word -about Philip's being ill or seasick, nor do any other -chroniclers of the time, that I am aware of. The -only foundation for the story seems to be a remark -contained in a letter from the Earl of Bedford and -Lord Fitzwalter from Santiago (Calendar of State -Papers, Foreign) to the effect that, "as the Prince -suffers much at sea, it will be well to make preparations -for him to land at Plymouth, or other port on -the south coast if necessary." - -{131} - -The voyage was a beautifully calm one, and -the Prince had remained on board the _Espiritu -Santo_, at anchor in Southampton Water, for -twenty hours at least before he landed; and, -instead of the dramatic scene at his public supper -described by Froude, his repast was a private -one; and according even to Noailles, who is alone -responsible for the story, _after supper_, in the -presence chamber, Philip told his Spanish courtiers -that in future they must forget the customs -of their country and live like Englishmen, and -"when, according to the English fashion, a quantity -of wine, beer, and ale was brought in silver flagons, -he took some beer and drank it"--a very simple -and appropriate compliment to his new country; but -even Noailles tells the story without a hint of the -loathing of unwilling sacrifice with which Froude -invested the perfectly natural scene. - -Having thus far spoken of the authorities upon -which English historians have hitherto based their -descriptions of the coming of Philip the Prudent, -and pointed out a few of what I venture to think -their obvious shortcomings, I will mention some -other contemporary narratives which may well, it is -true, sin just as much on the score of partiality, but -at any rate afford a view of the events recorded -that has hitherto been almost entirely -ignored--namely, the view taken by those Spaniards who -accompanied their Prince in his voyage to England -in quest of his eager but elderly bride.[8] - -{132} - -Amongst the five hundred courtiers and servants, -besides soldiers, who accompanied Philip to England, -several would naturally be able and disposed -to put upon record, for transmission to their friends -in Spain, full narratives of the great events they -witnessed--events, be it said, which had deeply -stirred the public imagination of Spaniards, who had -been taught to believe that the marriage of their -prince in England would mean not only the mastery -of their country over France, but the restoration of -all Christendom to the true faith. These letters, in -a period when newspapers were not, would -frequently be printed and circulated by enterprising -booksellers, and no doubt many of such newsletters, -both in print and manuscript, are still hidden -in bundles and volumes of miscellaneous papers in -the public and private libraries in the Peninsula. -One curious manuscript letter, written from -Winchester by Juan de Barahona to Antonio de -Barahona, was found in the library of the Escorial fifty -years ago, and published in the first volume of the -"Documentos ineditos para la Historia de España" -in 1842. The manuscript had belonged to the -contemporary chronicler Florian de Ocampo, and gives -an extremely full account of the voyage, reception, -and marriage, abounding in curious details of the -life, dress, and manners of the time. In referring -to this narrative in the following pages I shall -distinguish it as narrative No. 1. - -{133} - -Many years later there was discovered in the -Biblioteca Nacional a record which, to Spaniards at -least, was much more valuable and interesting. It -was a printed tract entitled "Summary and -Veracious Relation of the Happy Voyage made by -the Unconquered Prince of the Spains, Don Felipe, -to England, and his Reception in Vinchester, where -he was married, with his Departure for London; -in which are contained the great and marvellous -things that happened at that time. Dedicated to -the Most Illustrious Lady Donna Luisa Enriquez -de Giron, Countess of Benavente, by Andres -Muñoz, Servant to his Serene Highness the Infante -Don Carlos. Imprinted in Caragoca, in the house -of Esteban de Najera, 1554, at the cost of Miguel -de Çapila, bookseller." The author was a lackey -to the unhappy Don Carlos, then a child, and his -own personal observation is confined to the elaborate -preparations for Philip's voyage made in the -city of Valladolid and the journey of the little prince -to Benavente, in Castile, to take leave of his father. -What he saw and heard he relates with a trivial -minuteness of detail, particularly as to the persons -who were to accompany Philip and the clothes they -took with them, which to an ordinary reader would -be tedious in the extreme. But although his own -share in the voyage ended at Benavente, whence -Don Carlos returned to Valladolid, Muñoz -apparently made arrangements with some member of -the suite--no doubt of similar rank to himself--to -send him particulars from England, and his account -is therefore carried down to the departure of Philip -and Mary for London after their marriage. This -is by far the fullest account known, especially as to -{134} -the events prior to Philip's embarkation; but the -writer's position naturally caused him to dwell -mainly upon the sartorial aspect of things which -came under his observation, and he describes the -splendour and pageantry rather as a spectator than -as an actor. I shall call Muñoz's narrative No. 2. - -About the same time as the discovery of Muñoz's -letter three other letters, which in my opinion are -even more valuable, because of the position of the -supposed author, were found in the Escorial library. -The first is a printed tract in the form of a diary and -is entitled "Transcript of a Letter sent from -England to this City of Seville, in which is given a -Relation of the Events of the Voyage of our Lord -the Prince Don Philip, from his Embarkation in -the Coruña, a Port of Spain, to his Marriage to the -Serene Queen of England. 1554." The book -bears the well-known device, although not the -name, of the celebrated Sevillian printer Andres de -Burgos. In the same library was found a manuscript -letter taking up the narrative where the -last-mentioned tract ended--namely, after the marriage -at Winchester at the end of July--and carrying it -to August 19th, when the Court was at Richmond. -No printed copy of this continuation is known to -exist, but it is almost certainly written by the same -hand, and contains many remarks and opinions -which would probably have been suppressed if the -letter had been published. A continuation of this, -again, was also found in the Escorial, written -apparently by the same person, bringing the narrative -down to October 2nd, and is dated from London, -where the King and Queen then were. These three -letters, which I shall distinguish by the numbers 3, -{135} -4, and 5, were published, together with Muñoz's -narrative (No. 2), by the Society of Bibliophilists of -Madrid in 1877, under the editorship of Don -Pascual de Gayangos. - -In inquiring into the probable authorship of these -three extremely valuable and interesting letters -Señor de Gayangos gives good reason for supposing -that they were written by a young courtier -named Pedro Enriquez, one of Philip's stewards. -He is known to have had a perfect mania for -writing relations of what he saw and heard, and has -been called the Spanish Tacitus.[9] He was a -brother of the Marquis of Villanueva and a relative -both of the Duke and Duchess of Alba, of whose -movements he gives a very minute account in the -above letters. He also identifies himself as a -steward of the King in one of his complaints of the -exclusive service of Philip by Englishmen, and is -known to have been one of the very few Spanish -noblemen who remained with Philip in London. -His style, moreover, is peculiar, and I have had a -former opportunity of commenting upon it in -connection with a rapid and industrious piece of -historical transcription of his, executed in the -following year in Ghent;[10] and I have no doubt -that Don Pedro Enriquez was the author of the -three letters I am speaking of. Few people could -have had better opportunities of observation than -he. He accompanied Philip everywhere; his rank -and his relationship to the all-powerful Alba brought -him within the inner circle of the Court, and the -{136} -feelings he expresses are those of the nobles who -surrounded the King and not the gossip of the -servants' hall or a valet's list of his master's finery. -With these four letters the Society for Bibliophilists -printed another by a different author, addressed -from London at the end of December, 1554, giving -a very full account of the reception of Cardinal Pole; -but as this does not touch the subject in hand I -omit any further reference to it. - -In the British Museum there is a small tract in -Italian, apparently printed in Milan in 1554, called -"The Departure of the Serene Prince with the -Spanish Fleet, and his Arrival in England, with the -Order observed by the Queen in his Highness's -Reception, and the most Happy Wedding; with the -Names of the English, Spanish, and other Lords -and Gentlemen who were present, and the Liveries, -Festivities, and other Things done at the Wedding." It -is signed "Giovanni Paulo Car," and the writer -was a servant of the Marquis of Pescara. A -paraphrase or adaptation of the letter also exists in the -Museum, and appears to have been published in -Rome in the same year, but it is not signed, and -contains many additional particulars. The contents -of these two tracts, again, appear to have been -blended into a narrative published in the following -year, probably in Rome, in which the person to -whom the letter is addressed is described as the -"illustrious Signor Francesco Taverna Cracanz," -and although it is not signed by Car it evidently is -by him, as he speaks of the Marquis of Pescara all -through the narrative as his master. I propose in -referring to this narrative to call it No. 6. We have -thus a mass of contemporary evidence from persons -{137} -who were certainly attached to Philip's suite, by the -aid of which and the authorities already known a -more minute and trustworthy account than any -hitherto presented of the events in question may be -constructed. - -Renard had first broached the subject of the -marriage to Mary in August, 1553, and all the -attempts of Noailles to inspire fear and hatred of -the match in the breasts of the Queen and her -people had only made her more determined to carry -out the wishes of her heart, and, as she no doubt -herself thought, to enhance the happiness and -prosperity of her people. Egmont and his glittering -train had been snowballed by the London 'prentices -when he came formally to offer Philip's hand to the -Queen in January, 1554. A whirlwind of passion -and panic had passed over southern England at the -thought of a Spanish consort ruling in the land, and -at about the time that gallant Wyatt and his -dwindling troop of "draggle-tayles" were wearily -toiling up Fleet Street, only to find that the Queen's -courage and their leader's irresolution had wrecked -their enterprise, a dusty courier clattered into -Valladolid with the premature news that Lord Privy -Seal, the Earl of Bedford, and another English lord -had started for Spain with the contract that was to -make Philip king of England. His Highness was -hunting at umbrageous Aranjuez, a hundred miles -off, and the messenger, just alighting to kiss the -hand of poor lame little Prince Carlos, went -scouring over the tawny plains again, bearing his -pregnant tidings. - -The courting had all been done by the Emperor -through clever Renard; and the Prince, dutiful -{138} -son as he was, bent to his father's will without -even knowing the terms of the bargain by which -he was to be bound for life. The conditions -imposed by the patriotism of Mary and her Council -were hard for the most powerful monarch on earth -to brook for his son. Philip's power was so fenced -round by limitations and safeguards that it was plain -to see the English nobles meant his sceptre to be a -shadowy one, and the sombre, sensitive pride of the -Prince was wounded to the quick at the light esteem -in which they seemed to hold him; but, as Sandoval -says, "he, like a second Isaac, was ready to sacrifice -himself to his father's will and the good of the -Church." And he did so gracefully and with -dignity. No sooner had the courier delivered his -message at Aranjuez than Philip set off on his -return to Valladolid with his gaudy escort of horsemen -in their red and yellow doublets. In hot haste -the old Castilian capital put on its holiday garb to -celebrate the event; the great square, standing -much as it stands to-day, was bravely adorned, and -costly hangings covered all one side of it where the -Prince sat to see the jousts, tourneys, cane-play, and -fireworks, and where he sat, alas! the next time he -saw Valladolid, on his return five years afterwards, to -watch unmoved the hellish fireworks of the great -_auto de fé_. - -The wedding rejoicings had hardly begun when -they were changed to mourning by the news of the -death of Don Juan of Portugal, the husband of -Philip's sister Juana; and the narrator, Muñoz, -breaks off in the midst of his rapture over the -splendour of Valladolid's joy to relate the pompous -grandeur of its sorrow--how between the screen -{139} -and the altar of St. Paul's there were 3,000 -candles of white and yellow wax, and how all the -solemnity of previous exequies paled before these. -In the meantime Philip had sent one of his stewards, -Don Gutierre Lopede Padilla, to receive the English -envoys at Laredo. After waiting there for a month -with the Prince's guard to pay them due honour, -he found that the news sent had been premature, -and that the marriage treaty had not yet even been -ratified, and was not, indeed, until Egmont's second -visit to England in March. So Padilla found his -way back again to Valladolid by the end of March, -and they decided to take the matter in more leisurely -fashion in future. But in a few weeks came news -from the Emperor himself that the contract was -ratified, and then the Marquis de las Navas was -ordered to take the Prince's first present to his -bride. We are told that the Marquis fitted -himself out for his mission regardless of cost, and his -splendour appears to have been equalled by the -princely gifts of which he was the bearer, and -the noble hospitality extended to him in England.[11] Philip's -offering to Mary consisted of "a great table -diamond, mounted as a rose in a superb gold setting, -valued at 50,000 ducats; a collar or necklace of 18 -brilliants, exquisitely worked and set with dainty -grace, valued at 32,000 ducats; a great diamond -with a fine large pearl pendant from it (this was -Mary's favourite jewel, and may be seen on her -breast in most portraits). They were (says narrative -No. 2) the most lovely pair of gems ever seen in the -world, and were worth 25,000 ducats. Then comes -{140} -a list of pearls, diamonds, emeralds, and rubies of -inestimable value, and other presents without number -for the Queen and her ladies. Eighty fine horses -and fifty hackneys were sent on to Corunna to await -the Prince's coming, and all Castile and Aragon, not -to speak of Leon, were alive with artificers of the -gorgeous garb and trappings to fit out the proud -nobles who were to follow their Prince, each, with -true Spanish ostentation, bent upon outstripping the -others in the richness and splendour of themselves -and their train.[12] Muñoz, in narrative No. 2, gives -a list of the clothes made for each of the principal -grandees, which it would be tedious and unnecessary -to repeat here. - -The Prince, great as he was, was only first among -his peers, and if he could be magnificent so could -his train, and Alba and Medina-Celi, Egmont and -Aguilar, Pescara and Feria vied with their master -in their finery. Each great noble--and there were -twenty of them--took his train of servants in new -liveries, and the Prince had a Spanish guard of -100 gentlemen in red and yellow, 100 Germans -in the same uniform, but with silk facings, "as -their custom is to go bravely dressed," 100 -archers on horseback, and 300 servants in the -same gaudy colours of Aragon. All this splendid -apparatus was a comparatively new thing for -Spaniards at the time; the homely, unceremonious -relations between sovereign and people -had only been put aside for the pompous etiquette -{141} -of the house of Burgundy, on the coming of Philip's -grandfather from Flanders with his Spanish bride to -take up the sceptre dropped by the dead hand of -Isabel the Catholic, and the gold of the Indies had -since that time poured into Spain and spread a thirst -for showy pomp even amongst the frank, honest, -homely gentlemen who had formed a majority of -the Spanish hidalgo class. The changed taste, -however, was new enough still to attract the attention -of the crowd who had not yet become accustomed -to so much splendour. - -All these elaborate preparations being completed, -Philip, with nearly 1,000 horsemen, glittering and -flashing in the pitiless Castilian sun, left Valladolid -on the 14th of May--not for England yet, but -far down on the Portuguese frontier, at Alcantara, -to meet his widowed sister, who had been forced to -come out of her bitter grief to govern her father's -kingdom during Philip's absence. He accompanied -her five days on her journey to Valladolid, and then -turning aside to take a last leave of his mad -grandmother, Juana la Loca, bent his course towards -Benavente, on the high road to Santiago, arriving -there on the 3rd of June, covered with dust of travel, -but gracious, as he could be, to those who had -entertained his boy Carlos, who had preceded him. - -Next day there was a grand bull-fight in the plaza, -which Philip and Carlos saw from Pero Hernandez's -flower-decked house. The return of the Princes to -Count Benavente's castle was not quite so dignified as -it might have been, as one bull was so "devilish" -that it refused to be killed, and held the plaza -victoriously against all comers until the next -morning, whereupon Philip and his son had to slip out -{142} -by Pero Hernandez's back door and reach the -castle by a roundabout way. The day after there -was a hunt and a tourney, and then after supper -the Princes mounted on a high scaffold, richly -dight, to see "a procession of beautiful and strange -inventions." Torches blazed all round them, and -each device was led by one of the neighbouring -squires with twenty pikemen and drummers and -fifers, each detachment in a separate livery. -Elephants manufactured out of horses and pasteboard, -castles with savages inside, a green tabernacle -with a lovely maiden borne by savages, a -model of a ship dressed with English and Spanish -flags, and, strangest of all, a girl in a coffin -complaining of Cupid, who came behind on horseback. -When the device reached the middle of the plaza -the god of love was suddenly hoisted on high by a -rope round his middle, and let off fireworks, to the -delectation of the crowd. As a relief to this foolery -the great Lope de Rueda then represented "a sacred -play with comic interludes," which, no doubt, was -better worth seeing than the "conceits and fireworks" -that pleased the narrator so much. The next day, -after bidding good-bye to the son who was afterwards -to hate him so bitterly, the Prince started in the cool -of the summer night on his way to the sea. - -At Astorga a splendid reception had been prepared -for him, but he could not stay, and pushed on -with all possible speed, news having reached him -that the Earl of Bedford and Lord Fitzwalter were -already awaiting him at Santiago. There he arrived -on the vigil of St. John, the 23rd of June, and there -as usual golden keys were offered by kneeling -citizens; silks and satins, velvets and brocades -{143} -flaunted in the sun, and in the upper window of -a house on the line of route sat the two English -lords, their mantles before their faces, watching -the progress of their future king to worship at the -shrine of the Spanish patron saint, St. James. The -next morning Philip sent a party of his highest nobles -to bring Bedford and Fitzwalter to him, and "being -advised of their coming, his Highness came out of -his chamber into a great hall, strangely hung with -rich tapestries, and on the lords half-kneeling and -doffing their bonnets the Prince received them -graciously, with his hat in his hand. The principal -ambassador (_i.e._, Bedford), a grandee and a good -Christian, produced the marriage contract, the -conditions of which his Highness accepted before all -present. As the contents were only known to the -Prince and his Council, we were unable to learn them. -The English nobles then kissed hands in turn, and -as they went out one said to the other in his own -tongue, 'Oh! God be praised for sending us so -good a king as this.' The remark was made so -quietly that it would not have been noticed, only that -a Spanish gentleman who understood their language -stood close to them and happened to hear it." - -The envoys had some reason to be pleased with -their Queen's future consort, for after accompanying -him to the cathedral the next day Bedford received -as a gift what is described as being one of the finest -pieces of gold ever seen, of exquisite and elaborate -workmanship, chased with grotesque figures, and -standing a yard and a half high, of solid gold. -The narrator (No. 2) says that 6,000 ducats' worth -of gold was employed in the making of it, and -the handiwork cost more than 1,000. The twenty -{144} -English gentlemen who accompanied the envoys all -received splendid gifts, although their appearance -was already sufficiently rich with their "thick gold -chains and great copiousness of buttons," which last -characteristic of English fashion at the time seems -to have attracted most of the Spanish observers. -Four days were spent in rest and rejoicing at -Santiago, and then a three days' ride brought -them to Corunna, where there were more rejoicings. -Kneeling aldermen at the gate presented golden -keys as usual; a marvellous canopy was held over -the Prince's head; triumphal arches spanned the -way; and the local poet had contrived to evolve -the following couplet, which was held aloft by five -nymphs-- - - "No basta fuerza ni maña - Contra el principe de España, - -which may be rendered-- - - "Force and cunning both in vain - Strive against the Prince of Spain." - - -The narrator (No. 2) airs his historical knowledge -in describing an allegorical group containing a figure -of Hercules, whom he speaks of as having been "a -King of Spain before Christ, and having built many -great edifices in the country, such as the Pillars of -Hercules at Cadiz and the tower at the entrance -to the port of Corunna, where there is a marvellous -mirror showing ships that are far off at sea." - -With all pomp, and with a naked sword of justice -borne before him by his master of the horse, the -Prince was conducted to the shore to see the gallant -{145} -fleet riding at anchor awaiting him. Drawn up on -the beach were 600 Guipuzcoan sea warriors armed -with lances, and as the fleet and castle thundered -out their salutations the townsfolk, we are told, -feared their dwellings would all be shaken down, -and "for an hour and a half neither heaven nor -earth was visible." Thence the Prince went round -by the castle to the little dock, where forty Biscay -fisher boats were ready with their glistening cargoes -of fine fish to cast at the feet of their beloved Philip. -The English ambassadors begged as a favour that -the new consort would make the voyage in one of -the British ships that had brought them over, but -this was not considered prudent by Philip's cautious -councillors, and as a compromise the English envoys -were allowed to choose from amongst all the Spanish -ships the one that was to convey the Prince. Their -choice fell upon a fine merchant vessel commanded -by the bravest and best of those bold Biscay mariners -who are the pride of Spain, Martin de Bertondona, -and the next morning Philip and his Court went to -inspect it. A splendid sight it must have been with -its towering carved and gilded poop and forecastle. -It was hung, we are told, from stem to stern with -fine scarlet cloth, and aloft on every available spot -were coloured silk pennons. The forecastle was -hung with crimson brocade painted with golden -flames. A royal standard, thirty yards long, of -crimson damask, with the Prince's arms painted -on it, hung from the mainmast, and a similar flag -from the mizzenmast. The foremast had ten pointed -silk flags painted with the royal arms, and there -were thirty other similar flags on the stays and -shrouds. Three hundred sailors in red uniforms -{146} -formed the crew, and we are assured that the -effect of the ship was that of a lovely flower-garden, -as well it might be, and the cost of the -decorations was 10,000 ducats. The English ships -were then inspected and admired, and the ship that -had carried the Marquis de las Navas over to -England with the jewels was visited, and its -captain related how the good Queen was anxious -for her consort's arrival, and how she had ordered -1,000 gentlemen to await him with as many horses, -as she thought no horses would be brought from -Spain. All next day is spent in hunting, and the -favourite, Ruy Gomez, preceding his master on his -return into the town, is saluted by the fleet instead -of the Prince by mistake, much to the latter's -amusement. The next day heralds announced that every -one was to be examined by the Prince's alcalde before -embarking, and that no woman was to go without -her husband. Muñoz says that 12,000 soldiers were -shipped in the hundred ships (some of which -carried 300 bronze pieces) and thirty sloops that -formed the fleet, but this seems to be an -exaggeration, as narrative No. 6 gives 6,000 soldiers -and as many sailors as going in the main squadron -that convoyed Philip (consisting of about 100 sail); -and Noailles, who would minimise it as much as -possible, says 4,000. Don Luis de Carvajal -remained behind with about thirty sail to take the -troops that had not arrived (Noailles says 2,000) and -bring up the rear. - -On the 12th of July Philip and his Court embarked -in a sumptuous galley of twenty-four oars, manned -by sailors in scarlet and gold, with plumed hats of -scarlet silk, and, amidst music, singing, and daring -{147} -gymnastic feats of the mariners, went on board -Martin de Bertondona's ship the _Espiritu Santo_. -The next day, Friday, at three in the afternoon -they set sail, the dense crowd on shore crying to -God to send the travellers a safe voyage, and in the -same breath hurling defiance to the French. There -was a slight swell and wind until next day at dinner, -when the weather fell dead calm, "which looked as -if it might last a month," but raised the spirits of -those who were depressed by "marine vomitings." The -next day a delightful fair breeze sprang up, and -on a smooth sea the splendid fleet ran across the -bay, sighting Ushant on Sunday. On Wednesday -a Flemish fleet of eighteen galleons, which was -cruising in the Channel, hove in sight, and -convoyed them past the Needles with some ships of -the English navy, and into Southampton Water, -where on Thursday, the 19th of July, at four o'clock, -the combined fleet anchored amid the royal salute -from the English and Flemish fleets of thirty -sail that were assembled to receive them. The -English and Flemish sailors had not got on -particularly well together during the time the -two fleets had awaited the arrival of Philip. -Renard had complained to the Emperor that -the Flemish sailors were hustled and insulted -whenever they set foot on shore, and Howard, -the lord admiral, had mocked at their ships -and called them cockle shells;[13] but I can -find no contemporary authority for the extremely -unlikely story of the English admiral having thrown -a shot across the bows of the Prince's fleet to compel -it to salute the English flag. - -{148} - -Philip, however, was determined to gain over the -jealous hearts of his new subjects by his courtesy and -graciousness. Renard's recommendations and the -Emperor's instructions had been very definite on the -point, and every account, Spanish, English, and -Italian, with the sole exception of Baoardo's, quoted -by Froude, agrees that the Prince's demeanour was -kindly, courteous, and frank. Damula, the Venetian -ambassador to the Emperor, writes to the Doge,[14] -saying that on disembarking the Prince treated -everybody with great graciousness and affability, without -any pomp or royal ceremony, mixing with people as -a comrade; and Cabrera, speaking of his arrival, says: -"Some of the English were inclined to be sulky, -but the King won them over with his prudence and -affability, and with gifts and favours, together with -his family courtesy." (Our narrative No. 6 specially -mentions the Prince's _cortesia e gentilezsa di parlore._[15]) - -As soon as the anchors were down the English -and Flemish admirals went on board the _Espiritu -Santo_ to salute the Prince, and the Marquis de las -Navas put off from Southampton with the six young -{149} -noblemen who were to be the new King's lords-in-waiting. -The Prince dined and slept on board, and -the next day there came off to him the Emperor's -ambassador, the Marquis de las Navas, Figueroa -("the ancient ambassador with the long white -beard"), Pescara, and the Earls of Arundel, Derby, -Shrewsbury, and Pembroke (?). Noailles was probably -wrong as regards the last-named nobleman, as -the Spanish narratives agree that he arrived at -Southampton from the Queen next day, with a splendid -escort for the new sovereign. He was also wrong -in asserting that the King was invested with the -Garter on board his vessel, for it appears to have -been given to him in the barge before he stepped -on shore by Arundel, probably assisted by Sir John -Williams--Lord Williams of Thame[16]--to whom -one of our narratives says the Prince gave the wand -of chamberlain, whilst the other narratives say the -office was conferred on "the man who brought him -the Garter." The future consort received these high -personages on board the _Espiritu Santo_ cap in -hand, and after presenting them to his principal -courtiers went on board the splendid barge awaiting -him, accompanied by the English nobles and by -Alba, Feria, Ruy Gomez and four chamberlains, -Olivares, Pedro de Cordoba, Gutierre Lopez de -Padilla, Diego de Acevedo, Egmont, Horn, and -Bergues. No sign was made to the rest of the -fleet, and the mass of courtiers only obtained leave -to land after the royal party had approached the -shore. No soldier or man-at-arms, however, was -{150} -to land, on pain of death, for not only had Philip -learnt from Renard the agony of distrust of the -Spanish arms felt by the English people, but he -had received news of his father's reverse in the -Netherlands and urgent orders to send him all -the troops and money he had or could obtain. -The Spanish fleet were not even allowed to enter -the port of Southampton, but after some delay, and -great discontent of the Spaniards at what they -considered such churlish treatment, were sent to -Portsmouth to revictual for their voyage to Flanders. - -After the presentation of the chain and badge of -the Garter Philip stepped on English soil, and the -first to greet him was Sir Anthony Browne, who -announced in a Latin speech that the Queen had -chosen him for her consort's master of the horse, -by whom her Majesty had sent him the beautiful -white charger housed in crimson velvet and gold -that was champing the bit hard by. The Prince -thanked his new grand equerry, but said he would -walk to the house prepared for him; but Browne -and the lords of the household told him this was -unusual, and the former "took him up in his arms -and put him on the saddle," and then kissing the -stirrups walked bare-headed by the side of his -master. All the English and Spanish courtiers -preceded them, and amidst apparent rejoicing they -slowly passed through the curious crowd to the -Church of the Holy Rood. The Prince must have -looked an impressive figure with his dapper, erect -bearing, his yellow beard and close-cropped yellow -head, dressed as he was in black velvet and silver, -his massive gold chains and priceless gems glittering -in his velvet bonnet and at his neck and wrists. -{151} -Browne was no unworthy pendant to his prince. -He was dressed in a suit of black velvet entirely -covered with gold embroidery and a surcoat of the -same with long hanging sleeves.[17] When the Prince -had returned thanks for his safe voyage he was -conducted to the lodgings prepared for him, which we -are told were beautifully adorned, particularly two -rooms, a bedroom and presence chamber hung with -gold-worked damask with the name of King Henry -on it; but none of our narrators say anything about -Baoardo's story of the dismay caused by the words -_Fidei defensor_ on the hangings. All the English -archers and the guard and porters about the Prince -wore the flaming colours of Aragon, and the Spanish -attendants and courtiers looked on with jealous rage -at the attendance on him of English servants. The -dinner and supper were private, but the meals were -ostentatious, ceremonious, and too abundant for the -Spanish taste. On Saturday, the next day, the -same programme was gone through: to Mass in -the same order as before, the Spanish courtiers -being obliged to leave before the service was over, -in order to banish the idea that they were in official -attendance on the Prince, who came out surrounded -by Englishmen only. It rained so hard that his -Highness, who had no hat or cape, had to borrow -them of an Englishman near him, although the -church was just opposite his lodging. - -Southampton is described in glowing terms. It -is said to be a beautiful port with 300 houses, which -were filled to their utmost capacity by the courtiers -{152} -and the 400 Spanish servants who landed the day -after the Prince. The Queen at Winchester had -learnt post-haste of the landing of her future -husband, and an active interchange of messengers were -soon scouring backwards and forwards through the -pitiless rain of the next three days. Early on -Saturday morning the Earl of Pembroke arrived from the -Queen with an escort for the Prince of 200 gentlemen -dressed in black velvet with gold chains and medals, -and 300 others in scarlet cloth with velvet facings, -all splendidly mounted. Then Egmont posts off to -kiss the Queen's hand, and meets Gardiner coming -to Philip with a costly diamond ring from her -Majesty. The next day twelve beautiful hackneys -come from the bride to her affianced husband, and -after that the well-beloved Ruy Gomez is dispatched -with a ring to thank her, and this interchange of -courtesy and compliment is thus kept up until all -things are arranged for the journey to Winchester. - -Before Philip left Southampton, however, better -news came from Flanders. The French had not -followed up their victory at Marienberg, and the -Imperialists could breathe again. The 600 jennets -that came from Spain were therefore disembarked -and remained in England, as well as Philip's own -horses, "which," says Pedro Enriquez (No. 3), "the -master of the horse took to his own stable; not a -bad beginning to try and keep them altogether in -the long run." On Sunday, the day before he left -Southampton, Philip dined in public for the only -time there. He was served with great ceremony -by the English, but Alba, although he took no -wand of office in his hand, insisted on handing his -master the napkin, and the Spanish courtiers looked -{153} -on with ill-disguised contempt at what they -considered the clumsy service of their successors. The -courtier who wrote narrative No. 3 bursts out at this -point with his complaint: "My lady Doña Maria de -Mendoza was quite right when she said we should -be no more good. We are all quite vagabonds now -and of no use to any one. We had far better go -and serve the Emperor in the war. They make us -pay twenty times the value of everything we buy." The -next morning in the pouring rain the royal -cavalcade set out for Winchester, 3,000 strong. The -nobles and gentry had been flocking in for days -with their retainers in new liveries; Pembroke's -escort, with 200 halberdiers of the guard and as -many light-horse archers, dressed much as are the -beefeaters of to-day, guarded the Prince's person, -the Spanish guard, to their chagrin, being still on -board the ships. On the road 600 more gentlemen, -dressed in black velvet with gold chains, met his -Highness, and when nearing Winchester six of -the Queen's pages, beautifully dressed in crimson -brocade with gold sashes, with as many superb -steeds, were encountered, who told his Highness -the Queen had sent the horses to him as a present. -But not a word anywhere of Baoardo's sensational -story, embellished by Froude, of the breathless -messenger from the Queen, the terror-stricken -Prince, and the gloomy resolve to consummate his -sacrifice even if he got wet in doing it. - -Philip was surrounded by the English nobles -Winchester, Arundel, Derby, Worcester, Bedford, -Rutland, Pembroke, Surrey, Clinton, Cobham, -Willoughby, Darcy, Maltravers, Talbot, Strange, -Fitzwalter, and North, and by about fifteen Spanish -{154} -grandees, whose names will have less interest for -English readers. He was dressed, when he started, -in a black velvet surcoat adorned with diamonds, -leather boots, and trunks and doublet of white satin -embroidered with gold; but this delicate finery had -to be covered by a red felt cloak to protect it from -the rain. Notwithstanding this it was too wet for -him to enter Winchester without a change, so he -stayed at a "hospital that had been a monastery -one mile from the city," and there donned a black -velvet surcoat covered with gold bugles and a suit -of white velvet trimmed in the same way, and thus -he entered, passing the usual red-clothed kneeling -aldermen with gold keys on cushions, and then to -the grand cathedral, which impressed the Spaniards -with wonder, and above all to find that "Mass was -as solemnly sung there as at Toledo." - -A little crowd of mitred bishops stood at the great -west door, crosses raised and censers swinging, and -in solemn procession to the high altar, under a velvet -canopy, they led the man whom they looked upon as -God's chosen instrument to permanently restore their -faith in England. Then, after admiring the cathedral, -Philip and his Court went to the dean's house, -which had been prepared for his reception, in order -to allay the maiden scruples of the Queen with -regard to his sleeping under the same roof with her -at the bishop's palace before the solemnisation of -the marriage. After Philip had supped, and -presumably was thinking more of going to bed than -anything else, the Lord Chamberlain[18] and the Lord -Steward[19] came to him, it being ten o'clock at night, -{155} -and said the Queen was waiting for him in her -closet, and wished him to visit her secretly with -very few followers. He at once put on another -gorgeous suit, consisting of a French surcoat -embroidered in silver and gold, and a doublet and -trunks of white kid embroidered in gold, "and very -gallant he looked," says Muñoz's informant (No. 2). -The party traversed a narrow lane between the two -gardens, and on reaching a door in the wall the -Lord Steward told the Prince he could take with -him such courtiers as he chose. Philip did not -seem disposed to run any risks, and construed the -invitation in a liberal spirit, taking into the garden -Alba, Medina-Celi, Pescara, Feria, Aguilar, Chinchon, -Horn, Egmont, Lopez-Acevedo, Mendoza, -Carillo, and others. They found themselves in a -beautiful garden with rippling fountains and arbours, -which reminded them, they say, of the books of -chivalry. Indeed, nothing is more curious than the -grave seriousness with which all the Spanish -narrators refer to England as the land of Amadis and -of Arthur and his knights, and their attempts to -identify localities and characteristics of England -with the descriptions they have read of the land of -romance, which they firmly believe to be England -and not Brittany. - -The Prince and his party entered by a little back -door, and ascended a narrow, winding staircase to -the Queen's closet. She was in a "long narrow -room or corridor where they divert themselves," -surrounded by four or five aged nobles and as many -old ladies, the Bishop of Winchester being also with -her, and the whole party, we are told, was marvellously -richly dressed, the Queen herself wearing a -{156} -black velvet gown cut high in the English style -without any trimming, a petticoat of frosted silver, -a wimple of black velvet trimmed with gold, and a -girdle and collar of wonderful gems. She was -walking up and down when the Prince entered, and -as soon as she saw him went quickly towards him -and kissed her hand before taking his. In return -he kissed her on the mouth "in the English -fashion," and she led him by the hand to a chair -placed by the side of her own under a canopy. -The Queen spoke in French and her future husband -in Spanish, and they thus made themselves -well understood. Whilst they were in animated -converse the Lord Admiral (Lord William Howard), -"who is a great talker and very jocose," risked -some rather highly flavoured jokes, which the free -manners of the time apparently permitted. The -two lovers sat under their brocade canopy chatting -for a long time; but this probably seemed somewhat -slow to the bridegroom, who, after asking the -Queen to give her hand for all his Spaniards to kiss, -as they loved her well, begged to be allowed to see -her ladies, who were in another room. The Queen -went with him, and as the ladies approached two by -two he kissed them all "in his way" with his -plumed cap in his hand, "so as not to break the -custom of the country, which is a very good -one." Whether the Queen thought it good on this -occasion is not clear; but when her lover wanted to -leave directly the extensive osculation was over she -would not let him go, but carried him off for another -long talk with her. "No wonder," says the narrator -(No. 2), "she is so glad to get him and to see -what a gallant swain he is." When he had to leave -{157} -her she playfully taught him to say "Good-night," -and he made this the excuse for going to the ladies -again to say it to them; but when he reached them -he had forgotten the outlandish words, and had to -come back to the Queen to ask her, "whereat she -was much pleased," but probably less so when he -found it necessary to go back once more to the -ladies to salute them with "God ni hit," Car, the -Marquis of Pescara's servant (narrator No. 6), in -describing this interview says that the Queen's -governess told the Prince she thanked God -for letting her live to see the day, but asked -his pardon for not having reared a more beautiful -bride for him. According to one of the Italian -variants of the same narrative the Queen is -still less complimentary to herself, and in reply -to Philip's thanks to her after the marriage says -it is she who is grateful to him for taking an old -and ugly wife[20] (_brutta e vecchia_). The courtier's -narrative (No. 4) speaks of the Queen in somewhat -less unfavourable terms and says: "Although she -is not at all handsome, being of short stature and -rather thin than fat, she has a very clear red and -white complexion. She has no eyebrows, is a -perfect saint, but dresses very badly." - -This narrator is very critical about the ladies' -dresses and is quite shocked at some of the English -fashions. He says:-- - -"They wear farthingales of coloured cloth without -silk; the gowns they wear over them are of -{158} -damask, satin, or velvet of various colours, but very -badly made. Some of them have velvet shoes -slashed like men's, and some wear leather. Their -stockings are black, and they show their legs even -up to the knees, at least when they are travelling, -as their skirts are so short. They really look quite -indelicate when they are seated or riding. They -are not at all handsome, nor do they dance gracefully, -as all their dancing only consists of ambling -and trotting. Not a single Spanish gentleman is in -love with any of them[21] ... and they are not -women for whom the Spaniards need put themselves -out of the way in entertaining or spending -money on them, which is a good thing for the -Spaniards." - -When the same narrator reaches London he -speaks with somewhat more experience, but his -opinion is not much modified. He says, when -speaking of the vast numbers of ladies that served -the Queen:-- - -"Those I have seen in the palace have not struck -me as being handsome; indeed, they are downright -ugly. I do not know how this is, because outside I -have seen some very beautiful and attractive women. -In this country women do not often wear clogs and -wraps, as they do in Spain, but go about the city -and even travel in their bodices. Some of them -walk in London with veils and masks before their -faces, which makes them look like nuns, who do not -wish to be known. Women here wear their skirts -{159} -very short, and their black stockings are trim and -tightly gartered; the shoes are neat, but are slashed -like men's, which does not look well to Spanish eyes." - -Philip, we are told, slept late next morning, and -as soon as he was up the Queen's tailor brought him -two superb dresses, one made of very rich brocade -profusely embroidered with gold bugles and pearls, -with splendid diamonds for buttons, and the other -of crimson brocade. His Highness went to Mass -in a purple velvet surcoat with silver fringe and -white satin doublet, and then after his private dinner -went in great state to see the Queen. She received -him in the great hall of the palace, with the courtiers -ranged on a raised platform on each side. The -great officers of state preceded her, and she was -followed by fifty ladies splendidly dressed in purple -velvet, "but none of them pretty," and having met -her consort in the middle of the hall she led him to -the daïs, where he stood in sweet converse with her -for some time. But fickle Philip "went, as usual, -to talk to the ladies, and we, about twelve of us, -kissed the Queen's hand." "We" also seem to -have been talking to the ladies before that, but do -not appear to have got on very well, as "we could -hardly understand each other." Then Philip went -to Vespers and the Queen to her chapel, and after -supper they met again, and Figueroa privately read -the Emperor's abdication, which made Philip king -of Naples, and all the ambassadors, except Noailles, -paid homage to the new sovereign, who received -them bareheaded.[22] - -{160} - -The wedding ceremony next day is fully described -by the English authorities already mentioned, and -the narratives before us, although extremely minute -in detail, do not vary much from the accepted -accounts. The ancient cathedral was all aflame -with splendid colour, and the world has rarely seen -so gorgeous and so rich a company as was there -assembled. All the pomp that regal expenditure -could buy in an age of ostentation was there. All -the impressive solemnity that the Roman Church -could give to its ceremonies was lavished upon this. -The Queen, we are told, blazed with jewels to such -an extent that the eye was blinded as it looked upon -her; her dress was of black velvet flashing with -gems, and a splendid mantle of cloth of gold fell -from her shoulders; but through the Mass that -followed the marriage service she never took her -eyes off the crucifix upon which they were devoutly -fixed. Her fifty ladies were dressed in cloth of gold -and silver, and "looked more like celestial angels -than mortal creatures." Philip matched his bride -in splendour. He too wore a mantle of cloth of -gold embroidered with precious stones, and the rest -of his dress was the white satin suit the Queen had -sent him the day before, and he too was a blaze of -jewels. The Earl of Derby, who preceded the -Queen with a sword of state, appears to have -greatly impressed the imaginations of the Spaniards, -as several references are made to his power and -splendour. He is spoken of as the "king of -Mongara (Man), who wears a leaden crown," and it is -easy to see that much of the interest in him is -caused by the supposed identification of his -kingdom with scenes of the romances of chivalry. - -{161} - -After the ceremony the King and the Queen -walked through an immense crowd to the palace -side by side, and entered the great hall,[23] which the -narrator (No. 2) calls the "hall of Poncia," for the -wedding banquet. A high table, eight yards long, -was placed on a daïs, and at it sat the King and -Queen, the latter being on the right and in a finer -chair than her husband. Gardiner sat at the end of -the high table, and on the floor were four other -tables, where the nobles, to the number of 158, -partook of the feast. Before the King and Queen -stood Lords Pembroke and Strange with the sword -and staff of state, and all the courtly ceremony of -saluting the dishes as they are brought in, and -doffing bonnets to the throne, even in the absence -of the Queen, is set forth with admiring iteration by -the form-loving Spaniards. Their jealous eyes, too, -do not fail to notice that the Queen takes precedence -in everything. Not only has she the best chair, but -she eats from gold plate, whilst her consort eats -from silver. This, they say, is no doubt because he -is not yet a crowned king, and it will be altered -later. All the tables are served with silver, except -some large dishes; and great sideboards of plate -stand at each end of the hall. The buffet behind -the high table had over a hundred great pieces of -gold and silver plate, with a "great gilt clock half -as high as a man," and a fountain of precious marble -with a gold rim. There were four services of meat -and fish, each service consisting of thirty dishes,[24] -{162} -and minstrels played during the feast, whilst the -solid splendour and pompous ceremony appear to -have impressed all the Spaniards with wonder not -unmixed with envy. It is, indeed, here that the -jealousy of the courtier narrator (Nos. 3, 4, and -5) first bursts out. The only Spaniard who was -allowed to serve the King was Don Iñigo de -Mendoza, son of the Duke of Infantado, who was -cup-bearer, and four yeomen of the mouth, who helped; -but "as for any of the Prince's own stewards doing -anything, such a thing was never thought of, and -not one of us took a wand in our hands, nor does it -seem likely we ever shall, neither the controller nor -any one else, and they had better turn us all out as -vagabonds." The Earl of Arundel presented the -ewer with water for the King's hands, and the -Marquis of Winchester the napkin. The ewer, we are -{163} -told (narrative No. 6), contained "not water, but -white wine, as is the custom here." - -Then, after the Queen had pledged all her guests -in a cup of wine, and a herald had proclaimed the -titles of Philip as King of England, France, Naples, -and Jerusalem, Prince of Spain, and Count of -Flanders, the royal party retired to another -chamber, with the English and Spanish nobles, where -the time passed in pleasant converse, the Spaniards -talking with the English ladies, "although we had -great trouble to make out their meaning, except of -those who spoke Latin, so we have all resolved not -to give them any presents of gloves until we can -understand them. The gentlemen who speak the -language are mostly very glad to find that the -Spaniards cannot do so." - -When all was ready the ball began, but as the -English ladies only danced in their own fashion and -the Spanish courtiers in theirs, the latter were rather -left out in the cold, until the King and Queen danced -a measure together in the German style, which was -known to both. After dancing until nightfall, -supper was served with the same ceremony as -dinner, and then more talk and gallant compliment, -and so to bed. - -The next day the King only was visible, and -dined alone in public, and on the succeeding day -the same; but on the third day (Saturday) the -Queen heard Mass in her private pew and received -the Duchess of Alba, who had arrived from Southampton -after the marriage. The reception of this -proud dame was ceremonious enough for anything; -but from the bitter complaints of her kinsman, who -probably wrote three of the letters before us, it is -{164} -clear that she, in common with the rest of the -Spanish nobles, was deeply dissatisfied with her -position in this country, so different from what they -expected. The Duchess was conducted to the -palace by the Earls of Kildare and Pembroke and -all the Court, and when she entered the presence -the Queen came almost to the door to meet her. -The Duchess knelt, and the Queen, failing to raise -her, courtesied almost as low and kissed her on the -mouth, "which she usually does only to certain -ladies of her own family." She led the Duchess to -the daïs and seated herself on the floor, inviting her -guest to do likewise, but the latter begged her -Majesty to sit on the chair before she (the Duchess) -would sit on the floor. The Queen refused to do so, -and sent for two stools, upon one of which she sat, -whereupon the Duchess, instead of accepting the -other, sat beside it on the floor. The Queen then -left her stool and took her place on the floor also, -and finally, after much friendly wrangling, both -ladies settled on their respective stools side by -side. The Queen understood Spanish, but spoke in -French, and the Marquis de las Navas interpreted -to the Duchess, who only understood Spanish. -When the Earl of Derby was presented to the -Duchess, he greatly shocked her by offering to kiss -her on the mouth, according to the universal -English fashion, and she drew back to avoid the -salute, but not quite in time, although she assured -the Spaniards that the earl had only managed to -kiss her cheek. - -But the chagrin of the proud, dissatisfied -Spaniards was growing deeper as they saw their -hopes of domination in England disappear. The -{165} -men-at-arms and bodyguard, cooped up in their -ships at Portsmouth and Southampton, forbidden -to land under pain of death, were becoming restive; -the courtiers and their followers, scoffed at and -insulted in the streets, and waylaid and robbed if -they ventured into the country, were forced to put -up with everything silently, by order of the King; -but they could relieve their minds by writing to -their friends in Spain an account of their sorrows. -Writing from Winchester, narrator No. 2 says:-- - -"After all this weary voyage, these people wish to -subject us to a certain extent to their laws, because -it is a new thing for them to have Spaniards in their -country, and they want to feel safe. The Spaniards -here are not comfortable, nor are they so well off -as in Castile. Some even say they would rather -be in the worst stubble-field in the kingdom of -Toledo than in the groves of Amadis." - -The courtier who wrote No. 3 is even more -emphatic. He says:-- - -"Great rogues infest the roads and have robbed -some of our people, amongst others the chamberlain -of Don Juan de Pacheco, from whom they took -400 crowns and all his plate and jewelry. Not a -trace has been found of them, nor of the four or five -boxes missing from the King's lodgings, although -the Council is sending out on all sides. The friars -have had to be lodged in the college for safety and -bitterly repent having come." - -But dissatisfied as the Spaniards were, there was -still sufficient novelty in their surroundings during -their stay at Winchester in the last days of July to -keep them amused. The wonderful round table of -King Arthur in the castle, where the twelve peers -{166} -are still enchanted, and their names written round -in the places where they sat, claims the wondering -attention of the visitors. The curious beer made -with barley and a herb, instead of wheat, as in -Flanders, is discussed; and the strange habit the -ladies, and even some gentlemen, have of putting -sugar in their wine, and the never-ending dancing -going on amongst the ladies of the palace excite -remark. On the last day of July most of the English -lords and squires had gone home for the present; -the Spaniards were distributed about Winchester -and Southampton; the admiral of Spain was under -orders to take a part of the fleet back again; and -the bulk of the Spanish troops were only awaiting a -fair wind to take them to Flanders, and the King -and Queen, with a small suite, set out for Basing, -the Lord Treasurer's[25] house, fifteen miles off. -Most of the accounts before us end at this point -but the two interesting letters to which I have given -the numbers 4 and 5, written respectively from -Richmond and London, show clearly the gradual -exacerbation of the dislike between the Spanish and -English as time went on, in spite of the diplomatic -attempts to connect Philip's name at every -opportunity with acts of clemency and moderation. - -On the 19th of August, which is the date of the -letter from Richmond, the royal honeymoon seems -yet not entirely to have waned:-- - -"Their Majesties are the happiest couple in the -world, and are more in love with each other than I -can say here. He never leaves her, and on the -{167} -road is always by her side, lifting her into the -saddle and helping her to dismount. He dines -with her publicly sometimes, and they go to Mass -together on feast days." - -This letter from Richmond gives the following -curious account of the lavish scale on which the -royal establishment was maintained:-- - -"All the rejoicings here consist only of eating -and drinking, as they understand nothing else. The -Queen spends 300,000 ducats (a year?) in food, and -all the thirteen councillors and the Court favourites -live in the palace, besides the lord steward, the lord -chamberlain, the chancellor, and our people, with -their servants. The ladies also have private rooms -in the palace, with all their servants, and the -Queen's guard of 200 men are also lodged there. -Each of the lords has a separate cook in the -Queen's kitchens, and as there are eighteen different -kitchens such is the hurly burly that they are a -perfect hell. Although the palaces are so large that -the smallest of the four we have seen is infinitely -larger, and certainly better, than the Alcazar of -Madrid, they are still hardly large enough to hold -the people who live in them. The ordinary (daily?) -consumption of the palace is 100 sheep (which are -very large and fat), twelve large oxen, eighteen -calves, besides game, poultry, venison, wild boar, -and a great number of rabbits. Of beer there is no -end, and they drink as much as would fill the river -at Valladolid." - -The writer is very indignant at the scant courtesy -paid to his great kinsfolk the Albas, and at the fact -that they have had to put up with lodgings that are -considered below their dignity even in the villages. -{168} -"It is not enough," he says, "to deprive them of -their office, but they must needs give them bad -quarters as well.... These English are the most -ungrateful people in the world, and hate the -Spaniards worse than the devil, as they readily -show, for they rob us in the town itself, and not -a soul dares to venture two miles on the road -without being robbed. There is no justice for us. We -are ordered by the King to avoid dispute and put -up with everything whilst we are here, enduring all -their attacks in silence. They therefore despise us -and treat us badly. We have complained to -Bibriesca and the ambassador, but they say it is for -his Majesty's sake that we must bear everything -patiently." - -It was no wonder that under such circumstances -these proud hidalgos begged to be allowed to join -the Emperor in Flanders for the war. Medina-Celi -was the first to revolt at his treatment, and no -sooner had he obtained leave to go than eighty -other gentlemen followed him with their suites, and -so by the middle of August the only Spanish nobles -in attendance on Philip were Alba, Feria, Olivares, -Pedro de Cordoba, Diego de Cordoba, and three -gentlemen, amongst whom was Pedro Enriquez, the -supposed author of the letters. The insults upon -the Spaniards personally were bad enough; but -what was more galling even was the disappointment -they felt at the political effect of the match. Instead -of a submissive people, ready to bow the neck at -once to the new king and his followers, they found -a country where even the native sovereign's power -was strictly circumscribed, and where the foreigner's -only hope of domination was by force of arms; and -{169} -this they saw in the present case was impossible. -Enriquez, if he be the author, says: "The marriage -will indeed have been a failure if the Queen have no -children. They told us in Castile that if his -Highness became king of England we should be masters -of France; but quite the contrary has turned out -to be the fact, for the French are stronger than ever -and are doing as they like in Flanders.... Kings -here have as little power as if they were vassals, -and the people who really govern are the councillors; -they are not only lords of the land, but lords of the -kings as well. They are all peers, some of them -raised up by the Church revenues they have taken -and others by their patrimonial estates, and they -are feared much more than the sovereign. They -publicly say they will not let the King go until they -and the Queen think fit, as this country is quite big -enough for any one king." - -Great preparations were made for the entrance -of the Queen and her consort into London. The -signs of vengeance had been cleared away, and the -city was as bright and gay as paint and gilding -could make it. The "galluses," from which dangled -the fifty dead bodies of the London trainbandsmen -who had deserted to Wyatt at Rochester Bridge, -were cleared away from the doors of the houses in -which their families lived, and the grinning skulls -of the higher offenders were taken from the gates -and from London Bridge; but London, for all its -seeming welcome and for all its real loyalty to the -Queen herself, was more deeply resentful of the -Spanish intrusion than any city in the realm, and -the few Spaniards who still remained with Philip -repaid with interest the detestation of the Londoners -{170} -towards them. "We enter London (narrative -No. 4) on Saturday next, but, considering their -treatment of the Spaniards already there, we ought -to stay away. Not only will they give them no -lodgings,[26] but they affront them on every opportunity, -as if they were barbarians, maltreating them and -robbing them in the taverns to their hearts' content. -The friars brought by his Majesty had better not have -come, for these English are so godless and treat them -so vilely that they dare not appear in the streets." - -Only a few days before this letter was written from -Richmond (August 19th) two Spanish noblemen of -the highest rank, Don Pedro and Don Antonio de -Cordoba, ventured to walk in the streets of London -in their habits as knights of Santiago, with the great -crimson cross embroidered on their breasts, as they -are worn in Spain to this day, and this attracting -the derisive attention of the irrepressible London -street boy of the period, the two gentlemen were -soon surrounded by a hooting crowd, who wanted -to know what they meant by wearing so outlandish -an ornament, and tried to strip the offending coats -from their backs. The affair nearly ended in bloodshed, -and the Spaniards had to fly for their lives. -The very few Spanish ladies who came with Philip -were as resentful as their spouses, and we are told -that "Donna Hieronima de Navarra and Donna -Francisca de Cordoba have decided not to wait -upon the Queen, as there is no one to speak to them -at Court, these English ladies being so badly -behaved; and the Duchess of Alba will not go to Court -again, as she had been so discourteously treated." - -{171} - -With all this grumbling, however, the country -itself extorted the admiration of the visitors; the -books of chivalry, we are told, have only stated half -the truth. The palaces, rich and splendid with the -unhallowed spoils of the monasteries; the flowery -vales, gushing fountains, enchanted woods, and -lovely houses far exceed even the descriptions in -Amadis; but there are "few Orianas and many -Mavilias amongst the ladies," and the romancers -have said nothing about the strange, uncouth beings -who inhabit the enchanting land. "Who ever saw -elsewhere a woman on horseback alone, and even -riding their steeds well, and as much at home on -their backs as if they were experienced horsemen?" And -after confessing the beauty of the country -itself, the narrator concludes that the disadvantages -of it outweigh the advantages, and wishes to God -that he had never seen the place or the sea that led -to it. And things got worse as time went on. The -Londoners themselves were in an exaggerated -panic, that explains their hard treatment of their -guests. The author of the "Chronicle of Queen -Mary," who lived in the Tower of London, and -faithfully set down from day to day the news he heard, -reflects the terror inspired by the presence of Philip's -suite in the capital. We have seen that at the -utmost the number of Spaniards of all ranks who -landed from the fleet did not exceed 500, of whom -four-fifths had left for Flanders and Spain before -the King entered London, and yet the diarist, writing -about this time, says, "At this tyme ther was so -many Spanyerdes in London that a man shoulde -haue mett in the stretes for one Inglisheman above -iiij Spanyerdes to the great discomfort of the -{172} -Inglishe nation.... The halles taken up for -Spanyerdes.' And, again, as showing how -complete was the panic, fomented, no doubt, by -Noailles and the Protestants, there is an entry -in the "Chronicle of Queen Mary" of September -8th, as follows: "A talke of XII. thowsand -Spanyerdes coming more into this realm, they said -the fetch the crowne." It is not surprising, with -such a feeling as this current in the city, that the -courtier's next letter, written from London on -October 2nd, should be more despondent than ever. -They were all ill and home-sick; some had almost -died, and the country did not agree with them. - -"God save us and give us health, and bring us -safely home again. The country is a good one, -but the people are surely the worst in the world. I -verily believe if it were not for the constant prayers -and processions for us in Spain we should all have -been murdered long ago. There are slashings and -quarrels every day between Englishmen and -Spaniards, and only just now there was a fight in -the palace itself, where several were killed on both -sides. Three Englishmen and a Spaniard were -hanged for brawling last week. Every day there -is some trouble ... God help us, for these -barbarous, heretical people make no account of soul -and conscience; disobey God, disregard the saints, -and think nothing of the Pope, who they say is -only a man like themselves, and can have no direct -dominion over them. The only Pope they recognise -is their sovereign." - -The futility of the marriage, from a national -point of view, rankled in the breasts of the -disappointed courtiers as much as did their personal -{173} -discomfort. They felt that the trouble they had -undergone, and the humble pie they had eaten, had -added nothing to the power of their country or their -sovereign, and their prevailing idea was how soonest -and best to wash their hands of an ungrateful and -profitless business in which all their sacrifices had -been in vain. - -"We Spaniards," says the narrator, "move -about amongst all these Englishmen like so many -fools, for they are such barbarians that they cannot -understand us, nor we them. They will not crown -the King nor recognise him as their sovereign, and -say that he only came to help govern the kingdom -and beget children, and can go back to Spain as soon -as the Queen has a son. Pray God it may be soon, -for he (Philip) will be glad enough, I am sure, and -our joy will be boundless to be away from a land -peopled by such barbarous folk. The King has -forgiven the Queen 2,250,000 ducats she owed him, -and has distributed 30,000 ducats a year in pensions -to these lords of the Council, to keep them in a good -humour. All this money is taken out of Spain. A -pretty penny this voyage and marriage have cost -us, and yet these people are of no use to us after all." - -Bitter disappointment is the note struck all through. -The English lords who had been so heavily bribed -were ready enough to take all they could get; but -they were as patriotic as they were greedy, and did -not sell their country's interests for their pensions. -Renard for once had made a mistake. He was -ready to assent to any conditions the English liked -to propose on paper, trusting to the personal -influence of Philip on his queen after the marriage -{174} -was effected. But he forgot that the Queen herself -was a mere puppet in the hands of her nobles, as -the narrator I have quoted soon discovered, and, -whatever ascendency the young bridegroom might -obtain over his half-Spanish bride; her councillors, -from the stern Gardiner downwards, were Englishmen -before everything, to whom the over-weening -power of the Emperor had been held up as a terror -since their childhood. And so the whole splendid -plot failed, and the magnificent nuptials had hardly -been forgotten before Philip, recognising that his -sacrifices had been in vain, and that he could never -rule in England, made the best of an unfortunate -speculation, and with all gravity, courtesy, and -dignity left Mary to die of a broken heart, alone, -disappointed, and forsaken. - - - -[1] _The English Historical Review_, April, 1892. - -[2] This curious and rare tract was reprinted by the Camden -Society, 1849, and is the groundwork of Foxe's and -Hollingshed's accounts of the events related therein. - -[3] Edward Underhyll was one of the gentlemen pensioners, -and his quaint narrative of the accession of Mary and the -subsequent events, now amongst the Harleian manuscripts, -was largely used by Strype and others. - -[4] Ambassades de Noailles. Leyden, 1763. - -[5] To these may be added the slight but interesting narrative -existing in manuscript at Lotivain, and printed by Tytler -in his "Edward VI and Mary," and the letters of the -Venetian ambassador in Flanders to the Doge and Senate, for -which see Calendar of State Papers (Venetian) of the date in -question. - -[6] He was equally at sea at the beginning of Mary's reign, -when he vigorously aided Northumberland's conspiracy to -place Lady Jane Grey on the throne, and repeatedly told his -master that Mary's cause was an absolutely hopeless one. On -the ignominious collapse of Dudley, Noailles excused his own -want of prescience by saying that nothing but a direct miracle -from heaven could have brought about such a change. - -[7] I am of course aware that the ambassador had previously -sent his brother François de Noailles to request the Queen -to stand godmother to his newly born son, but François only -arrived at Winchester from London on the day the Queen -received news of the arrival of the Prince off the Isle of -Wight, which could not have been earlier than the 19th, -and was back in London again in time for the child to be -christened, with the Countess of Surrey as the Queen's proxy, -on the 22nd, which would certainly leave him no time to -go to Southampton to witness the landing. See "Ambassudes -de Noailles," iii. 282. - -[8] Mr. Prescott is the only historian writing in the English -language who refers to Spanish accounts at all, and his -reference is confined to a single mention of Cabrera's bald and -stolid history and one or two quotations from Sepulveda, who -appears to have derived what little information he gives from -one of the narratives now before me. Simon Renard's letters -to the Emperor in the Granvelle papers are naturally also -referred to by most historians of the period in question, but, -important as they are from many points of view, they only -give a purely official and diplomatic account, and are Flemish -and imperial rather than Spanish and personal in their interest. - -[9] Cabrera, "Relaciones," and Nicolas Antonio, "Biblioteca -Nova." - -[10] "Chronicle of King Henry VIII. of England." London: -Bell and Sons. 1889. - -[11] See letter from Lord Edmund Dudley to the Council, -quoted in Tytler, "Edward VI. and Mary." - -[12] This was in despite of Renard's recommendation to -Philip: "Seulement sera requis que les Espaignolez qui -suyvront vostre Alteze comportent les façons de faire des -Angloys et soient modestes, confians que vostre Alteze les -aicarassera par son humanité costumiere." - -[13] Renard to the Emperor, quoted in Tytler, "Edward -VI. and Mary." - -[14] July, Calendar of State Papers, Venetian. - -[15] Soriano, the Venetian ambassador in Madrid, says that -the gentle courtesy he adopted in England was continued -after his return to Spain, and that, whilst maintaining his -natural gravity and dignity, his kindness and graciousness -were remarkable to all persons. Michaeli, the Venetian -ambassador in London, who had sided with Noailles in his -opposition to the match, is emphatic in his testimony of -Philip's affability whilst in England, and says that his -conduct towards his wife was enough to make any woman love -him, "for in truth no one else in the world could have been -a better or more loving husband." These and many other -similar contemporary assurances prove that Philip acted all -through the business like an honest, high-minded gentleman. - -[16] He died in 1559, and a magnificent alabaster monument, -with the recumbent figures of himself and his wife, exists in -fine preservation in the chancel of Thame church, of which -he was a liberal benefactor. - -[17] Probably the dress in which he is represented in the -magnificent painting of him belonging to the Marquis of -Exeter at Burghley (No. 236, Tudor Exhibition). - -[18] Sir John Gage. - -[19] The Earl of Arundel. - -[20] In the narrative signed by Car (British Museum) the -Queen is described in this interview as "chatting gaily, and -although she is a little elderly -she displays the grace befitting -a queen." - -[21] Don Pedro Enriquez was wrong here. One of the -greatest of the Spanish nobles, Count de Feria, had fallen -madly in love with Jane Dormer, one of the Queen's maids -of honour, and soon afterwards privately married her. - -[22] Baoardo, quoted by Mr. Froude, says "he raised his hat -to nobody," but these narratives often mention his being -uncovered. - -[23] Narrator No. 6 says, "The hall, which is beautifully -hung with cloth of gold and silk, measures forty of my paces -long and twenty wide." - -[24] Underhyll (Harleian Manuscript, 425, f. 97) gives a very -quaint account of his share in this banquet. "On the -maryage daye the kynge and queue dyned in the halle in the -bushop's palice sittynge under the cloth of estate and none -eles att that table. The nobillitie satte att the syde tables. -Wee (_i.e._, the gentlemen pensioners) weare the cheffe -sarueters to cary the meate and the yearle of Sussex ower -captayne was the shewer. The seconde course att the -maryage off a kynge is gevyne unto the bearers; I meane -the meate butt nott the dishes for they were off golde. It -was my chaunce to carye a greate pastie of a redde dere in a -great charger uery delicately baked; which for the weyght -thereoff dyuers refused; the wyche pastie I sentt unto -London to my wyffe and her brother who cherede therewith -many off ther trends. I wyll not take uppon me to -wryte the maner of the maryage, off the feaste nor of the -daunssyngs of the Spanyards thatt day who weare greatly -owte off countenaunce specyally King Phelip dauncynge -when they dide see me lorde Braye, Mr. Carowe and others -so farre excede them; but wyll leve it unto the learned as it -behovithe hym to be thatt shall wryte a story off so greate a -tryoumffe." The Louvian Chronicle (Tytler) says:--"The -dinner lasted till six in the evening, after which there was -store of music, and before nine all had retired." - -[25] This was the Marquis of Winchester, not, as Señor -Gayangos supposes, Sir Edward Peckham, who was Treasurer -of the Mint. - -[26] The Spaniards had to be quartered in the halls of the -City guilds. - - - -[Illustration: Signature: Marye the queene] - - - - -{175} - -_THE EVOLUTION OF THE SPANISH ARMADA._ - - -{177} - - -[Illustration: Headpiece] - - -_THE EVOLUTION OF THE SPANISH ARMADA._ - -Perhaps no character in history has been more misjudged and -misrepresented than Philip II. For three centuries it has pleased -English writers particularly, to portray him as a murderous ogre, -grimly and silently plotting the enslavement of England for thirty -years before the great catastrophe which reduced his vast empire to the -rank of a harmless second-rate power. As a matter of fact he was a -laborious, narrow-minded, morbidly conscientious man, patient, -distrustful, and timid; a sincere lover of peace and a nater of all -sorts of innovations. He was born to a position for which he was -unfitted, and was forced by circumstances stronger than himself to -embark upon gigantic warlike enterprises which he disliked and deplored. - -For ages it had been considered vital in the interests both of England -and Spain that a close alliance should exist between the two countries, -in order to counterbalance the immemorial connection between Scotland -and France; and that the Flemish dominions of the house of Burgundy -should under no circumstances be allowed to fall under the sway {178} -of the French. It is easy to understand that with France paramount -over the North Sea ports and in Scotland, England would never have been -safe for a moment; whilst the principal continental seat of English -foreign trade would have been at the mercy of England's secular foe. -At the same time all central Europe would have been cut off from its -Atlantic seaboard, whilst the principal maritime powers, Spain and -Portugal, would have been excluded from all ports north of Biscay, -except on the sufferance of their jealous rival. This was the -tradition to which Philip had been born; inheriting as he did the -dominions both of Spain and the house of Burgundy, and almost at any -cost he was forced, as his forefathers had been, to cling to the -connection between his country and England. Henry VIII. had known full -well that he might strain the cord very tightly without breaking it -when he flew into the face of all Christendom, and contemptuously cast -aside for an ignoble passion the aunt of the Emperor, a daughter of the -proudest royal house in Europe. Charles V. dared not, and did not, -break with England in consequence; for Henry had taken care to draw -close to Scotland and France, and the very hint of such a combination -was sufficient to render the Emperor all amiability. - -For a time it looked as if the alliance had been rendered proof against -all attack by the marriage of Philip and Mary, and it is highly -probable that it would have been so if Renard's plan to marry Elizabeth -to the Duke of Savoy had been carried out; but here again circumstances -were too strong for persons. The marriage would have been useless -unless Elizabeth were first legitimised, and Mary {179} could not -legitimise her without bastardising herself, which she obstinately -refused to do, notwithstanding all the entreaties of Philip and his -friends. But Philip ostentatiously favoured his young sister-in-law, -in the hope that when she came to the throne he might have some claim -upon her gratitude, and induce her to maintain the friendship which was -so necessary for his interests. It was no question of Catholic or -Protestant yet. He would have supported her--as indeed he did--however -firm a Protestant she might be; for the next Catholic heir to the -crown, Mary Stuart, was practically a Frenchwoman, married to the heir -of the French throne, and with her as Queen of England and France, -Spain and the house of Burgundy would have been ruined. - -Elizabeth knew as well as any one how vital it was for Philip to be -friendly with England; and during a long course of years she traded -unscrupulously upon her knowledge that she might assail, insult, -plunder, and make more or less veiled war upon him, and yet that he -dared not openly break with her whilst France was greedily eyeing his -Flemish harbours. From the first moment that Elizabeth's reform policy -became evident it was seen by Spanish statesmen that either the -government of England must be changed, so as to bring it back to the -old cordial alliance, or else Spain must seek new combinations of -powers, in order to redress the balance. For the first alternative to -be successful promptness was necessary, and the government of the Queen -changed whilst the country was yet unsettled and divided. Feria wrote -from London to Philip only a day or two after Mary's death that {180} -the country must be dealt with sword in hand rather than by cajolery, -unless it were to be allowed to slip through their hands; and -thenceforward for years all of Philip's agents, one after the other, -pressed upon their master the necessity of using force, either by -aiding the Catholics to revolt or by a direct attack on England. -Angry, almost contemptuous, references to the King's hesitancy and -timidity are constantly occurring in the letters of the various Spanish -ambassadors in England, but beyond occasional money aid to the English -Catholics nothing could be obtained from the King. - -Of all things slow-minded, unwarlike Philip desired peace, almost at -any price, and he saw, as his advisers did not, the dangers that -surrounded him. Marriage designs, cajolery, and other peaceful methods -having failed to bind Elizabeth to him, he attempted to form a new -combination. He married the French king's daughter as his third wife; -and doubtless even thus early had evolved in his mind the idea of a -league of the Catholic powers as a counterbalance to Elizabeth's -friendship with Denmark, Sweden, and the German Protestant princes. He -knew that overt assistance from him to the English Catholics to depose -the Queen and stifle Protestantism would increase the enmity of the -allied Protestants of the Continent, and perhaps let loose the storm of -which the mutterings were already audible in Flanders. So, in answer -to Feria's advice and Bishop Quadra's arguments in favour of force, he -insisted upon a policy of soft words, pacification, and palliation; and -again and again told his ambassadors, "You _must_ keep principally in -view by all ways and means to avoid a rupture ... the importance of -which is so {181} great that I cannot be satisfied without repeating it -so many times." - -But if he thus deprecated open warfare he was at all times, after Mary -Stuart's French husband was dead, ready enough to subsidise plots to -assassinate or depose Elizabeth; and large sums were sent to England -for that purpose. In vain his agents continued to tell him how useless -it was to expect that the English Catholics would pull the chestnuts -out of the fire for him, unless they were assured of his armed support. -But this assurance he would not give. A marriage of his son Carlos -with the widowed Mary Stuart, simultaneously with a Catholic rising in -England, was an expedient after his own heart, but even here his -timidity was so great that he would run no risk of firing a shot in -favour of a project in which he would have been the principal gainer. -He writes (June 15, 1563) to Bishop Quadra: "With regard to the -adherents that the Scots will have in England, and the increase of -their number if necessary, you will not interfere in any way further -than you have done, but let them do it all themselves, and gain what -friends and sympathy they can for their opinions amongst the Catholics -and those upon whom they depend. _I say this because if anything -should be discovered they should be the persons to be blamed and no one -in connection with us._" He was told plainly that the negotiations -could not be carried on in this way, which pledged everybody but -himself, but it was all useless: his instructions were firm and -undeviating: under no circumstances was he to be drawn into war with -England. - -In 1564 the English Protestants were almost {182} openly sympathising -with the growing discontent in the Netherlands, and flocks of refugees -from Holland were daily crossing to England. Spanish ships were being -pillaged on every sea by English privateers, and a war of tariffs and -commercial prohibitions was being carried on between England and -Spanish Flanders; and Philip's advisers told him that an open war with -England would not injure him so much as his present inactivity was -doing. But withal when he sent a smooth-tongued ambassador, Diego de -Guzman, to mollify the English, his secret instructions were that he -was to tell Elizabeth that "his orders were to endeavour to please her -in all things, _as in effect we wish you to do, using every possible -effort to that end; and striving to preserve her friendship towards us -and our mutual alliance._" - -In August, 1568, Philip sent a new ambassador to England, Gerau de -Spes. Relations at the time were extremely strained between the two -countries, owing to the expulsion of the English ambassador from Spain -for some offence against the Catholic religion; and Alba's cruelty in -the Netherlands had aroused a bitter feeling in England against Spain, -which was increased by the plots which were known to be in progress -between the Guises and Alba in favour of Mary Stuart. And yet Philip's -orders to his new ambassador were, "that he was to serve and gratify -Elizabeth on every possible occasion, _as in fact I wish you to do, -trying to keep her on good terms, and assuring her from me that I will -always return her friendship as a good neighbour and brother._" - -When Elizabeth a few months afterwards seized Philip's treasure-ships, -which had been driven to take refuge in English ports to escape from -the {183} privateers, he pursued the same peaceful policy. Fiery de -Spes was all for war and retaliation, but beyond seizing English -shipping in Spanish and Flemish harbours, Philip would not go. He was -driven for money and sorely beset on all sides, his commerce well-nigh -swept from the seas, his credit diminished, and his rebellious subjects -in Flanders blockading his own coasts against him. Mary Stuart was -urging him to action, his own ministers were assuring him ceaselessly -that the only way to check English aggression was to "set the fire to -Elizabeth's own doors by raising troubles in England or Ireland if he -was not prepared to go to war." But in the face of all provocation, in -the face of Alba's assurance that his prestige was being ruined by his -tame submission, he could only say after long delay (December 16, 1569) -that if Elizabeth's hardness of heart continued he should really have -to consider what could be done. "We here think that the best course -will be to encourage with money and secret favour the Catholics of the -North, and to help those in Ireland to take up arms against the -heretics and deliver the crown to the Queen of Scotland, to whom it -belongs by succession." And the only outcome of it all was the futile -aid to the plots of Norfolk and Ridolfi. - -It was the same again twelve years later when Drake's appalling -atrocities on the South American coasts had aroused the fury of all -Spain; and England was enriched by the plunder of sacred shrines and -peaceful merchantmen. English troops were in arms against him in -Flanders, and public money had been flowing over to the aid of the -rebels with the thinnest possible disguise, but still {184} Philip -clung obstinately to the English alliance, hoping against hope that at -last Elizabeth would become friendly with him. The most he would do, -as before, was to help the Irish Catholics in their revolt, in order to -hamper the English queen and prevent her from injuring him further. -Certainly in all these years he had never entertained for a moment the -idea of the subjugation of England; he only sought either by removing -Elizabeth or by diverting her attention to troubles at home to draw her -country back again to the old alliance and friendship. - -Up to this period (1580) the principal reason, beyond Philip's natural -love of peace, which had caused him to follow his long-suffering policy -was the fear of finding himself opposed both to England and France. -Catharine de Medici was as facile as Elizabeth herself, and could -generally, when it suited her, patch up a reconciliation between -Huguenots and Catholics and unite them, for a short time at least, -under a national banner. But in January, 1580, an event happened which -for the first time seemed to hold out hopes that he might be able to -revenge himself upon Elizabeth without the fear of France before his -eyes. Archbishop Beaton, Mary Stuart's ambassador in Paris, secretly -told Philip's ambassador there that he _and the Duke of Guise_ had -prevailed upon the Queen of Scots to place herself, her son, and her -realm entirely in the hands and under the protection of the King of -Spain, and would send James VI. to Spain to be brought up and married -there to Philip's pleasure. This meant the detachment of the Guises -from the French interest, and Vargas, the Spanish ambassador, at once -saw its importance. He sent off a special {185} courier to Philip, -urging him now to action: "Such is the state of things there," he says, -"that if even so much as a cat moved the whole edifice would crumble -down in three days. If your Majesty had England and Scotland attached -to you, directly or indirectly, you might consider the States of -Flanders conquered, and ... you could lay down the law for the whole -world." - -Guise's adhesion to Spain made all the difference, and Philip welcomed -the idea of deporting James Stuart to Spain as a preliminary measure. -Mary herself was in high hopes, and Beaton said she was determined to -leave her prison only as Queen of England. Her adherents, he asserted, -were so numerous in the country, that if they rose the matter would be -easy without assistance, "but with the aid of your Majesty it would -soon be over." The plan was shelved for a time in consequence of the -death of Vargas; and James' deportation became unnecessary on the fall -of Protestant Morton, and the accession to power of D'Aubigny, Earl of -Lennox, who had already sent Fernihurst to Spain to assure Philip of -his devotion; but in April of the following year Mary Stuart opened -negotiations with Tassis, the new Spanish ambassador in Paris. -"Affairs," she assured him, through Beaton, "were never better disposed -in Scotland, than now to return to their ancient condition, so that -English affairs could be dealt with subsequently." The King, her son, -she said, was quite determined to return to the Catholic religion, and -inclined to an open rupture with the Queen of England. - -Philip, however, wished to be quite sure that {186} James was really to -be a Catholic before helping him to the succession of the English -crown. Father Persons and five or six Jesuits were busy in Scotland -with Spanish money plotting for the restoration of the Catholic -religion, and the young King himself told them, "that though for -certain reasons it was advisable for him to appear publicly in favour -of the French, he in his heart would rather be Spanish." Even thus -early James' duplicity was the subject of wonder to those who -surrounded him; and in January, 1582, Mary wrote rather doubtfully -about his religion to Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador in England. "The -poor child," she said, "was so surrounded by heretics that she had only -been able to obtain the assurance that he would listen to the priests -she sent him." But she assures the Spaniard that she will bind herself -and her son exclusively to Philip in future, and begs that the Scottish -courtiers should be bribed in his interest. The Catholic revival in -Scotland was being vigorously worked by the Jesuits and the nobles, and -it soon became evident to them also that James was too slippery to be -depended upon. So they sent Father Holt to London in February with -some important proposals. The rank and file of the Jesuits had no idea -that their Catholic propaganda in Scotland had been contrived and paid -for by Spain with a political object, and Holt was astounded when the -person to whom he was directed in London took him to Mendoza. His -message was that the Scottish nobles had decided, as a last resource, -if James continued obstinate, to depose him, and either convey him -abroad or hold him a prisoner until {187} his mother arrived in -Scotland. They besought the guidance of the King of Spain in the -matter, and begged that 2,000 foreign troops might be sent to them to -carry out their plans. This message was repeated in a softened form to -Mary Stuart in her English prison, and Mendoza urged his master to send -the troops requested, "with the support of whom the Scots might -encounter Elizabeth, and the whole of the English north country would -be disturbed, the Catholics there being in a majority; and the -opportunity would be taken for the Catholics in the other parts of the -country to rise, when they knew they had on their side the forces of a -more powerful prince than the King of Scotland." - -Philip was on the Portuguese frontier at the time, and affairs in -Madrid were being managed by the aged Cardinal de Granvelle, who sent -to the King notes and recommendations on all letters received. - -He warmly seconded Mendoza's recommendations that the troops requested -by the Scots nobles should be sent, and says: "The affair is so -important both for the sake of religion, and to bridle England, that no -other can equal it; _because by keeping the Queen of England busy we -shall be ensured against her helping Alençon or daring to obstruct us -in any other way._" Somewhat later Granvelle repeats the same note. -Speaking of the fear of the Scots nobles that the landing of a large -foreign force might threaten their liberties, he says: "This is not -what his Majesty wants, nor do I approve of it, but that we should -loyally help the King of Scots and his mother to maintain their rights; -and by promoting armed disturbance keep the Queen of England and the -French busy, at a comparatively {188} small cost to ourselves, and so -enable us to settle our own affairs better. If it had no other result -than this it would suffice, but very much more when we consider that it -may lead to the re-establishment of the Catholic religion in those -parts. It is very advantageous that the matter should be taken in hand -by the Duke of Guise, as it will ensure us from French obstruction. -_Since we cannot hope to hold the island for ourselves, Guise will not -try to hand it over to the King of France to the detriment of his near -kinswoman._" He also speaks of the probability of Elizabeth's coming -to terms with Spain on being secured to the throne during her life, and -the re-establishment of the old alliance between the two countries. - -Thus far, then, the aims of Spain were legitimate and honest under the -circumstances; and Philip had no avowed intention, or thought, of the -conquest of England for himself. We shall see how he was gradually -forced by circumstances and the jealousy between the English and -Scottish Catholics to adopt a different attitude. - -So long as Mary and Mendoza kept the direction of the conspiracy in -their own hands all was done wisely and prudently, but as soon as -Lennox and the Jesuits had a hand in it a complete muddle was the -result. Tassis, the Spanish Ambassador in France, and Guise had been -quite outside the new proposition of the Scots nobles, but in March, -1582, Lennox wrote a foolish letter to Tassis, which he sent by -Creighton to Paris, laying bare the plan and giving his adhesion to it, -but making all manner of inflated and exaggerated demands. - -Creighton had promised him, he said, 15,000 {189} foreign troops, of -which he was to have command, and he asked in addition for a vast sum -of money and a personal guarantee against loss of fortune in any event. -Creighton also went to Guise and brought him into the business, and -Jesuit emissaries were to go to Rome and Madrid to crave aid from the -Pope and Philip. Mary and Mendoza were furious at the ineptitude of -Lennox and the priests, and Mary particularly that her name should be -used by them as being the head of the conspiracy. Creighton had no -authority whatever to promise 15,000 men, and the idea that Lennox was -to have command was absurd from a Spanish point of view. Philip was -alarmed too at the large number of persons who were now concerned in -the affair, and directed that no further steps should be taken. The -inclusion of Guise in the project soon produced its result. He wanted -naturally to take a large and prominent part, and travelled to Paris to -meet Tassis secretly at Beaton's house. He was full of far-reaching, -ill-digested plans; but his main desire evidently was to prevent -Spanish troops from being sent to Scotland, for fear, he said, of the -jealousy of the French. His idea was that a large mixed force should -be sent from Italy under the papal flag, whilst he made a descent with -Frenchmen on the coast of Sussex. But all these fine plans were soon -frozen under the cold criticism of Philip and de Granvelle. Philip, it -is true, did not yet think of conquering England for himself, but Mary -and James must owe the English crown to him alone, and be bound to -restore the close alliance between England and Spain, or the change -would be of no use to him: and this could hardly {190} be hoped for if -there were too many French and Italian troops concerned in the -business, or if Guise had the main direction of the enterprise. - -Sir Francis Englefield was in Madrid as Philip's adviser on English -affairs, and both he and the numerous English Catholic refugees in -France, Flanders, and Spain soon made it clear that their national -distrust and enmity of the French was as keen as ever, whilst they -looked sourly upon any project which should make the Frenchified Scots -paramount over England. This feeling they were careful to urge upon -the Spaniards upon every occasion, and it is not surprising that Philip -at last came to believe their assurances that all England would welcome -a Catholic restoration if it came from their old friends the Spaniards, -and not from their old enemies the French. - -From that time a change was apparent in Philip's policy. When he heard -of the Raid of Ruthven and the flight of Lennox he saw that English -Protestant intrigue had conquered, and that the Scottish-Catholic -enterprise was at an end for a time. Guise was to be flattered and -conciliated, but it is clear that henceforward Philip wished to confine -his (Guise's) attention to France. He was told how dangerous it would -be for him to leave France with his enemies, the Huguenots, in -possession, and was emphatically assured of Spanish support in his own -ambitious plans at home. - -Guise was flattered, but he could hardly be expected to look upon -Scottish affairs from Philip's point of view. So he got one of his -adherents, young de Maineville, sent to Scotland to revive the idea of -the landing of foreign troops there. {191} Beaton, who was thoroughly -French, was just as anxious to keep the matter afoot in Paris, but -Philip had lost faith in the enterprise, and only kept up an appearance -of negotiation in order to maintain his hold upon the Guises and -prevent them from undertaking anything except under his patronage. De -Maineville soon got on intimate terms with James, but the Protestant -lords were holding him at the time, and Guise was informed by his agent -that the time was not now propitious for a Catholic descent upon -Scotland. - -Guise thereupon came to the Spaniards in May, 1583, with a fresh plan. -He had decided, he said, to begin with the English Catholics. -Elizabeth was first to be murdered and the country raised, whilst he -landed on the coast, but Philip and the Pope must provide 100,000 -crowns to pay for it. His plans, as usual, however, were vague and -incomplete, and the English Catholics, as well as Philip, looked coldly -upon them. Father Allen and the English exiles were in deadly earnest, -"and thought all this talk and intricacy were mere buckler-play." -Mendoza in Paris reports to Philip that "they suspected a tendency on -the part of the Scots to claim a controlling influence in the new -empire, and as the Scots are naturally inclined to the French, they -would rather the affair were carried through with but few Spaniards, -whilst the English hate this idea, as their country is the principal -one ... and they think it should not lose its predominance." - -The English Catholics had a plan of their own which they urged upon -Philip. The English North Country was to be raised simultaneously with -the {192} landing of a Spanish force in Yorkshire, accompanied by the -Earl of Westmoreland, Lord Dacre, and other nobles, with Allen as -Nuncio and Bishop of Durham, and some of the extreme Catholic party, -even in Scotland, distrusting the French, favoured some such plan as -this under purely Spanish auspices. - -Guise appears finally to have adopted a combination of this plan and -his own. The Spanish forces were to land at Fouldrey, -Dalton-in-Furness, Lancashire, whilst the English North Country was to -be raised, and the Catholic Scots on the border were to co-operate with -the Spaniards. Guise at the same time was to land in the south of -England with about 5,000 men. James VI., who had thrown himself into -Falkland and had assumed the reins of government, was in complete -accord with Guise about it, but the latter, as usual, was for pushing -matters on far too rapidly to please Philip. He (Guise) took upon -himself to send a priest named Melino to the Pope to ask him to furnish -some funds for the expedition and to explain the whole of the -particulars, and this deeply offended the King of Spain, who had no -idea of having matters arranged over his head by such a bungler as -Guise. The latter also sent Charles Paget in disguise to England in -August, 1583, to inquire as to the amount of support he might expect -when he landed on the south coast, and when Philip in due course saw -the instructions taken by Paget, it became clear to him that he must -somehow eliminate Guise from the project. On the margin of the -instructions Philip scribbled sarcastic remarks as to the futility of -Guise's projecting a landing and sending full {193} particulars of his -plans to the Pope _before_ he had ascertained what support he could -depend upon when he _did_ land. What opened Philip's eyes more than -anything else was that the English "were to be assured on the faith and -honour of Guise that the enterprise is being undertaken with no other -object or intention than to re-establish the Catholic religion in -England and to place the Queen of Scotland peacefully on the throne of -England, which rightly belongs to her. When this is effected the -foreigners will immediately retire from the country, and if any one -attempts to frustrate this intention _Guise promises that he and his -forces will join the people of the country to compel the foreigners to -withdraw._" - -Well might Philip underline this and scatter notes of exclamation -around it, for it marked the parting of the ways, and showed that Guise -was more anxious for his family aggrandisement and personal ambition in -placing his kin upon the English throne than to serve the interests of -Spain by securing a close union between the two countries to the -exclusion of France, which was Philip's main object. - -Guise was therefore told that he must not be precipitate, and the -matter was kept in suspense; but from that moment Philip decided to -undertake the matter alone. Allen and the English Catholics had never -ceased to urge upon him that his troops should be landed first in -England, and not in Scotland; and this now obviously suited Philip -best, as he was growing more and more doubtful about James' religious -sincerity. Another fact must have also influenced him greatly in the -same direction. His great admiral, Santa Cruz, had just brilliantly -{194} routed the French mercenary fleet in the service of the -Portuguese pretender at the Azores, and in the flush of victory had -written to Philip begging to be allowed to direct his conquering fleet -against England. "Do not miss the opportunity, sire," he wrote, "and -believe me I have the will to make you king of that country and others -besides." The grand old sailor made light of the difficulties, and -besought the King to let him go and conquer England in the name of God -and Spain. But Philip was not ready for that yet, and the idea was -only now being forced by events into his slow mind that perhaps he -might be obliged, after all, to claim England for his own, since the -English Catholics were for ever saying they wanted no French or -Scotsmen; and not a single English pretender was otherwise than -Protestant. So Santa Cruz was told that the King would consider the -matter, and in the meanwhile provide for eventualities by ordering -large supplies of biscuits, and by gradually sending men to Flanders. -At the same time he wrote to his ambassador in Paris, telling him in -confidence that he intended in due time to invade England from -Flanders, but no one was to learn this until the preparations had -advanced too far to be concealed; "and even then they (the French) must -be told in such terms as may not make them suspect an intention of -excluding the French from the enterprise." - -But what is of more importance still, Philip gave directions in the -same letter to Tassis in November, 1583, that his own claim to the -English crown as a descendant of Edward III. should be cautiously -broached. If England was to remain in close {195} alliance with Spain, -it is difficult to see what other course Philip could have taken. -James as a successor to his mother was now out of the question, so far -as Spanish interests were concerned, for he was playing false all -round. No sooner did the Scots Catholics gain the upper hand than he -intrigued with Elizabeth and the Protestants for their overthrow, and -immediately the English and Protestant faction became paramount he -wrote beseeching letters for aid to Guise and the Pope. All this, of -course, Philip knew, for he knew everything, and although he intended -to put Mary Stuart on the throne, from this time he was determined that -her son should not succeed her. - -The discovery of the Throgmorton plot and Guise's wild plans in -connection therewith threw the whole project into the background for a -time, and confirmed stealthy Philip in the idea that in future he must -manage matters himself. When Tassis, his ambassador in Paris, was -withdrawn from his post, in the spring of 1584, he wrote an important -memorandum to his master setting forth at length the arguments on both -sides for and against a landing in England or Scotland, by which it is -clear that the English and Scottish Catholic factions in France were -now bitterly at issue on the subject. As the English plan had gained -ground, James had once more considered it advisable to feign a desire -to become a Catholic; and Guise had again urged the adoption of the -plan of a landing in Scotland, with the invasion of England over the -Scots border, James himself being the figurehead. Tassis says that -such is the jealousy of the Scots in England that if an army crossed -the Border the {196} English Catholics themselves might resist it. -"The English," he says, "would not like to be dominated by Scotsmen, -and if the crown of Scotland is to be joined to theirs, they still wish -to be cocks-of-the-walk, as their kingdom is the larger and more -important one. On the other hand the Scots may be unduly inflated with -the opposite idea, so that imperfections may exist on both sides." As -Mary Stuart had drawn closer to Spain she had grown distrustful of -Beaton and Tassis, whom she considered too much wedded to French ideas; -but withal Tassis in this document very emphatically leans to the -English view, which he knew was that now held by his master. The full -plan for a great armada was evidently slowly germinating in Philip's -mind, but the vast expense had first to be provided for. When Guise's -envoy, Melino, had gone on his meddling mission to the Pope his -Holiness had offered to subsidise the expedition to a moderate amount, -and in answer to the second appeal from James VI. himself he had said -that he would stand by his previous promise. But this did not suit -Philip, and he let the Pope know promptly that he was willing to -undertake the great task for the glory of God and the advance of the -Church, but that the Pope must subscribe very largely indeed, "and must -find ways and means through his holy zeal to do much more than has yet -been imagined." He was also warned that Guise ought not to be allowed -to leave France, where he might serve the Catholic cause so much more -effectively than elsewhere. And so Guise and the Scotsmen are pushed -further and further into the background, Philip's aim being evidently -to raise civil {197} commotion in France, which was always easy enough -to do, and so to paralyse Henry III. and the Huguenots from helping -Elizabeth, whilst Guise would be powerless to promote the interest in -England of his kinsman James. - -When it became apparent that the Pope was to have a large share in the -business the intrigue was transferred from Paris to Rome. Sixtus -himself was wise, frugal, and moderate, and had no great desire to -serve Philip's political aims, but only to signalise his own -pontificate by the restoration of England to the Church; but he was -surrounded by cardinals who represented the different interests. -Medici, D'Este, Gonzaga, Rusticucci, Santorio, and others represented -the French view, which was in favour of an arrangement with Elizabeth -and James, and desired to exclude Spanish influence from England. -Sanzio watched Guise's interests, whilst the Secretary of State -Caraffa, Sirleto, Como, Allen, and the Spanish ambassador, Olivares, -craftily forwarded Philip's wishes, the Pope himself being carefully -kept in the dark as to the ultimate object in view. The cause of -religion was invoked all through as being Philip's only motive; -inconvenient points were left indefinite, with the certainty that -Caraffa would interpret them favourably to Spanish designs; and by the -most extraordinary cajolery the Pope was induced to promise a million -gold crowns to the enterprise. He was not brought to this without much -haggling and misgiving on his part, and was very cautiously treated -with regard to Philip's intention to claim the English crown. "His -Holiness," writes Olivares, "is quite convinced that your Majesty is -not thinking of the crown of England {198} for yourself, and told -Cardinal D'Este so. I did not say anything to the contrary. He is -very far from thinking your Majesty has any such views, and when the -matter is broached to him he will be much surprised. However deeply he -is pledged to abide by your Majesty's opinion, I quite expect he will -raise some difficulty." Philip's constant orders were that the Pope -should be plied with arguments as to the inadvisibility of the heretic -James being allowed to succeed, and the need for choosing some good -Catholic to succeed Mary. The person that Philip had decided to make -sovereign of England was his favourite daughter, Isabel Clara Eugenia, -but this was not to be mentioned to the Pope. "But if at any time the -Pope moved by his zeal should talk about any other successor, you will -remind him, before he gets wedded to his new idea, that he is pledged -to agree to my choice in the matter." - -In the meanwhile Allen, Persons, and the other English Catholics, were -ceaseless in their steady propagation of the idea of Philip's own right -to the crown, in consequence of the heresy of James, and the same view -was forced upon Mary Stuart by Mendoza and her English confidants in -Paris, all of whom were pensioners of Spain. At length Mary was -convinced, and wrote to Mendoza at the end of June, 1586, saying she -had disinherited her son in favour of Philip. - -The full plan of the Armada had now assumed definite form. The King -was in possession of Santa Cruz's marvellously complete estimate of -cost and requirements of all sorts--a perfect monument of technical -knowledge and forethought; the {199} Pope was pledged to find about a -third of the necessary funds, and to leave Philip a free hand with -regard to the English succession and the time for the carrying out of -the enterprise; whilst Philip's position with regard to his claim to -the English crown was regularised by Mary's will in his favour. - -Guise, Beaton, and the Scots had thus been routed all along the line, -but it was not to be supposed that they would accept their defeat -without a struggle. Their next move was within an ace of being -successful, and nearly changed the whole plan of the Armada. In July, -1586, Guise wrote to Mendoza that a plan he had long been concocting -had at last been brought to a head, and Beaton was commissioned to tell -Mendoza what the scheme was. A Scottish gentleman named Robert Bruce -had been sent to France with three blank sheets, signed respectively by -Lords Huntly, Morton, and Claude Hamilton, which Guise was to fill up -over the signatures with letters to Philip, appealing to him to aid the -Scots Catholics. They asked for 6,000 foreign troops for one year and -150,000 crowns to equip their own men, and in return promised to -restore Catholicism, release James and his mother, compel the former to -become a Catholic, and, most tempting of all, to deliver to Philip one -or two good ports near the English Border to be used against the Queen -of England. Bruce went to Madrid to lay the Scots' appeal before the -King, but when he arrived the failure of the Babington plot and the -collapse of the Catholic party in England was known to Philip, and he -had lost hope of effecting the "enterprise" except with {200} -overwhelming forces of his own. He did not wish, moreover, for Guise's -interference, and was coolly sympathetic and no more. And yet, in the -face of Santa Cruz's advice that he should secure some ports of refuge -for the Armada in the North Sea, the offer of the Scots lords to give -him two good Scotch harbours was one not to be lightly refused, so -whilst he sent Bruce back with vague promises, he instructed Parma and -Mendoza to report fully on the scheme. Parma was cold and -irresponsive. He would give no decided opinion until he knew what -Philip's intentions were. He was apparently jealous that he was not -taken fully into his uncle's confidence, and perhaps angry that his -son's claims to the English crown, which were better than those of -Philip and his daughter, were being ignored. But Mendoza, an old -soldier, the last pupil of Alba, as he called himself, was indignant at -Parma's doubts, and wrote to Philip an extremely able paper strongly -advising the invasion of England through Scotland, instead of risking -everything in a vast fleet, to which one disaster would cripple Spain -for ever. In prophetic words he foretold the possibility of the very -catastrophe which subsequently happened, and prayed Philip, ere it was -too late, to close with the Scots lords' offer. But Philip and Parma -were slow and wanted all sorts of assurances; so Bruce was kept in -France and Flanders for many months, whilst his principals lost hope -and heart. At last, when they were on the point of going over to the -Protestant side, on a promise of toleration for their religion, Bruce -was tardily sent back with 10,000 crowns to freight a number of small -boats at Leith to send over to Dunkirk for {201} Parma's troops, and -the 150,000 crowns demanded by the lords were promised when they rose. - -During all this time the juggle in Rome was going on. Gradually Sixtus -was familiarised with the idea that Philip could not go to war for the -sake of putting heretic James on the throne; then Allen took care that -he saw the genealogical tree showing Philip's claim, and at last, in -the summer of 1587, it was cautiously hinted to him that, though Philip -would not add England to his dominions, he might perhaps appoint his -daughter to the throne. Sanzio, Mendovi and the French cardinals were -straining every nerve to persuade the Pope that the King of Scots might -be converted, and the Capuchin monk Bishop of Dunblane, amongst others, -went to Scotland for the purpose of forwarding this view. - -The result of Bruce's appeal at Madrid was concealed from Guise, but of -course he learnt it indirectly, and was greatly indignant at his -exclusion from a project of which he was the originator. It was really -no secret, however, for in July, 1587, Father Creighton, sent by Guise, -arrived in Rome full of it; he, like other Scotsmen, being in favour of -James' conversion and his acceptance by Spain as King of England. But -Allen, Persons, and the rest of them, soon silenced Creighton, with -threats, cajolery, and money. - -When Catharine de Medici got wind of the business she seems to have -thought it a good opportunity for getting rid of Guise and checkmating -Philip at the same time, and urged him (Guise) to go himself to aid his -kinsman James to the crown, in which case she would largely subsidise -him; and Guise himself was so incensed at the way {202} Philip had -treated him that he threatened to divulge the whole of Bruce's plot to -James, and very probably did so. Elizabeth, too, sent young Gary to -warn James of what was going on, so that when Bruce arrived in Scotland -the King was fully prepared for him; and although he appeared to -acquiesce in the hint from Bruce that the Spaniards would aid him to -avenge his mother, he was now surrounded by ministers favourable to the -Protestant interest, who saw that James had more to hope for from -Elizabeth than from Philip, and the matter was deferred indefinitely. -It was late in autumn when Bruce arrived in Scotland, too late in the -season to freight ships, and he suggested that in the following summer -ships for the transport of Parma's 6,000 men to Leith should be -freighted in Flanders. This was impossible--in fact, the long delay -whilst Philip and Parma were hesitating had ruined the project, which -was now public and consequently impracticable, though Bruce and the -Scottish lords continued to clamour for Spanish men and money until the -Armada appeared. And so again Philip's want of promptness lost this -chance, which might have saved the Armada. - -By this time, late in the year 1587, the final plan of the Armada had -been settled. Parma had received his full instructions from Philip -some months before; all Spain and Catholic Christendom were ringing -with preparations for the fray, and the great fleet--or what Drake had -left intact of it on his summer trip to Cadiz--was mustering at Lisbon -under gallant old Santa Cruz, who was already dying broken-hearted at -the neglect of his wise precautions, at the confusion, waste, and -ineptitude which foreboded the crowning disaster. - -{203} - -With the subsequent mishaps and catastrophe this study is not -concerned. My object has been to show how circumstances drove Philip -to adopt the course he did, both with regard to the invasion itself and -his claim to the English crown; and to demonstrate that the ostensible -prime object of the Armada, the conversion of England to Catholicism, -although undoubtedly desired by Philip, was mainly used as a means to -his real end--namely, a close political alliance with England, without -which Spain was inevitably doomed to the impotence which eventually -fell upon her. - - - -[Illustration: Tailpiece] - - - - -{205} - -_A FIGHT AGAINST FINERY._ - - -{207} - - -[Illustration: Headpiece] - - -_A FIGHT AGAINST FINERY._ - -(A HISTORY OF THE SUMPTUARY LAWS IN SPAIN.) - -It is a curious reflection that whilst all the serious acts and -surroundings of civilised life have been rendered amenable to the law, -whilst the very instincts inherent in the nature of mankind have been -dominated and regulated by authority, utter failure has attended the -persistent efforts of rulers to cope with the trivial follies of -fashion, or to limit the vanity and extravagance of personal adornment. -For long ages men, and particularly women, have insisted upon making -themselves absurd and uncomfortable, at great cost and in an infinite -variety of ways, in obedience to dictates or impulses springing from -nobody knows where, and have only consented to forego each succeeding -caprice when the taste for it has worn itself out and has given place -to another, perhaps still more preposterous than its predecessor. - -It has been from no fault of the rulers that they have {208} been -beaten in their fight with fashion, for they have tried their hardest -for centuries. Our Plantagenet and Tudor sovereigns made many attempts -to regulate the dress and adornment of their subjects, but the motive -which mainly prompted them was the desire to differentiate the classes -and prevent the humbler citizens from emulating, in appearance at -least, their social superiors. In a state of society which depended -upon the subjection of the majority by the privileged classes, this -motive was perfectly reasonable; as was also the alternative one of -protecting a particular national industry, which, in Tudor times -especially, often furnished a reason for the imposition of sumptuary -enactments; but both of these motives, from their very nature, were -necessarily more or less ephemeral and artificial, because, on the one -hand, the continual social development, the growing wealth of the -traders and the emancipation of the labourers made the classes -interdependent; and, on the other, the extended seaboard of England and -the maritime enterprise of the inhabitants made the protection of a -particular industry by prohibiting foreign competition impossible for -any great length of time. The attempted interference, therefore, of -English sovereigns with the dress of their lieges was intermittent and -spasmodic, and was, at a comparatively early period, admitted to be -useless. - -Such, however, from various reasons was not the case in Spain. There -the fight against finery was kept up persistently for nearly six -centuries, and hardly a decade passed during that time without one or -more petty and ridiculous attempts being made to interfere with the -dress, food, {209} personal habits, and surroundings of the people. -The ostensible motives were usually different from those which operated -in England. The separation of the classes has never been so complete -in Spain as elsewhere in Europe, owing to the fact that from a very -early period in the history of the country all Christians were banded -together and dependent upon one another for protection against the -common enemy, the infidel. Manual industry, moreover, was never a -strong point with Spanish Christians, and the main reason for the -various attempts to exclude foreign goods was the dread that Spanish -gold would be sent out to pay for them. Nothing is more striking, -indeed, than the absolutely murderous effect upon Spanish industry -exerted by most of the paternal attempts at interference with trade, -but political economy was even more of a dead letter amongst that -nation of warriors than with our own ancestors. The earliest object of -the great mass of sumptuary laws in Spain was to restrict the dreaded -taste for luxury and splendour which was felt to be a characteristic of -the hated Moor, who had been conquered bit by bit by people who were -content to live roughly, feed frugally, and dress plainly. But with -victory came wealth, with peace came intermixture, and the subtle, -refined, Oriental blood, with its love of pomp and brilliancy, -gradually permeated the rough Gothic-Iberians, until its manifestations -alarmed rulers whose power still largely depended upon the -self-sacrificing frugality and hardy endurance of their subjects. Thus -it was that the attempt was made to keep people frugal and homely -whilst they were growing rich, and the tendency continued during all -the centuries that the struggle against Spanish luxury {210} went on, -although during the last three centuries of the period the original -motive had disappeared, and the usual excuse for the interference of -the King with the dress of his subjects was the desire to prevent them -from spending so much money upon themselves, in order that they might -spend more upon him. - -But, whatever the motives may have been, the fight against extravagance -was carried on as persistently as fruitlessly until quite recent times, -and there exists a mass of information with regard to the dress and -manners of the people in the Spanish sumptuary enactments unequalled -elsewhere. The decrees usually took the form of a representation from -the Cortes to the sovereign, setting forth in a preamble the particular -abuses to be remedied, and then proposing a remedy which the sovereign -usually confirmed by what was called his "pragmatic sanction," and the -decree was then proclaimed and had the force of law. A large number of -these decrees or "pragmatics" of the highest interest will be found in -the British Museum manuscripts (MSS. Add. 9933 and 9934), and many more -are set forth in Sempere's "Historia de las leyes suntuarias" (Madrid, -1788), whilst the familiar and festive traditions of old Madrid teem -with quaint stories of ingenious evasions and jovial defiance of the -laws under the very noses of the sable-clad Acaldes and Alguaciles, -whose grave and solemn duty it was to clip lovelocks and measure frills -and furbelows. - -The first vicious extravagance which seizes upon a hardy, simple people -who find themselves safe after a period of struggle is naturally that -of {211} gluttony; and the earliest sumptuary decrees of the Castilian -kings were directed against this particular excess. - -In point of date the first decree extant in Spain of a sumptuary -character was that issued by Don Jaime (El Conquistador) of Aragon in -1234. He was extremely devout and ascetic himself, and was shocked at -the growing extravagance of his subjects, who having in his remote -mountain kingdom finally expelled the Moors, turned their attention to -tourneys, shows, and mimic warfare, at which great sums were spent both -in feasting and adornment. The Jews too, who at the time nearly -monopolised Spanish trade, encouraged the growing taste for the fine -stuffs and precious ornaments, from the sale of which they derived so -large a profit. So in 1234 Don Jaime decreed from his capital of -Zaragoza that no subject of his should sit down to a meal of more than -one dish of stewed, and one of roast meat, unless it were dried and -salted. As much game as they pleased might be eaten, on condition that -it had been hunted by the eater, but otherwise only one dish of game -might be served. No jongleur or minstrel might eat with ladies and -gentlemen, and no striped or bordered stuffs were to be worn. Gold and -silver, as well as tinsel, were prohibited, and ermine and other furs -were only to be used as a trimming to hoods and hanging sleeves. Jaime -since his childhood had been trying to crush the rising power of his -feudal nobles, and had already embarked on that long career of conquest -by which he subdued the Moorish kingdoms of Majorca and Valencia, so -that, although he himself was now safe in his mountain realm from -invasion, his decree was as much prompted by his {212} dread of the -softening effect of luxury upon his subjects as by his own rough, -simple tastes. - -His kinsman of Castile was in worse case, for his dominions were more -open to the Moor. Saint Ferdinand conquered the splendid Moorish city -of Seville in 1248, where he died four years later, leaving his son, -Alonso the Wise, to succeed him as King of Castile. Oriental luxury -surrounded the frugal Castilians on all hands. The wealth of plundered -cities, the spoils of Moslem palaces were to be had for the grasping, -so that it was natural that extravagance in attire and eating should -soon threaten to soften the Christian conquerors dwelling in the midst -of the gentler, vanquished Moor. Alonso the Wise, in 1256, therefore -issued in Seville his first great sumptuary enactment. By it no -saddles were allowed to be covered or trimmed with plush. No gold or -silver tinsel was to adorn them, excepting as a border of three inches -wide, the saddle itself being of uncovered leather. Gold and silver -might be used on caps, girdles, quilted doublets, saddle-cloths or -table-covers, but not for draping shields or cuirasses. No jingling -bells were to be used as trimmings, except on the saddle-cloths at the -cane-throwing tourneys, but even then no device was to be embroidered -on the cloths. Bosses upon the shields were not to be allowed, but the -latter might be adorned with a painted or gilded-copper device. No -milled cloth was to be worn, nor were the garments to be cut and pinked -in fanciful shapes, or trimmed with ribbons or silk cords; the penalty -for infringing any of these regulations being the loss of one or both -thumbs by the offender, which of {213} course meant his disgrace and -ruin in the career of arms. Women were allowed a little more latitude, -but not much. They might wear ermine and otter fur to any extent, but -they were forbidden to adorn their girdles with beads or seed-pearls, -or to border their kirtles or wimples with gold or silver thread, or to -wear them of any other colour than white. - -With regard to eating, Alonso the Wise held similar notions to those of -his neighbour Don Jaime, and ordered that his lieges should not have -upon their tables more than two dishes of meat and one of bought game, -and on fast days not more than two kinds of fish. As if recognising -the difficulty of enforcing this, the King solemnly undertook to comply -with his own regulations. Great extravagance had arisen in wedding -feasts, which were said (as in Oriental countries they do to-day) to -often ruin the contracting families, and Alonso made strict rules to -limit the excess in this direction. No presents of breeches were to be -given, and the entire cost of a wedding outfit was not to exceed 60 -maravedis, whilst not more than five men and as many women might be -invited to the wedding banquet by each of the contracting parties. The -money spent upon marriage rejoicings, indeed, had become so great that -Alonso made this reform a great point in his decree, and provided -against evasion by strictly limiting the time during which the feast -might continue and wedding presents be given. Moors were said to be -dressing like Christians, and this was rigidly forbidden. They were to -wear no red or green clothes, and no white or gold shoes, and their -hair was to be parted plainly in the middle of the head, {214} with no -topknot, whilst they were enjoined to wear their full beard, which made -the distinction between them and the shaven-chinned Christians the more -marked. The penalties imposed for disobeying this decree of 1256 were -savage in the extreme, varying from loss of a thumb and a fine for the -first offence, to death for the third; but savage as they were, they -can hardly have been effectual, except perhaps in Seville, for only two -years later, in 1258, Alonso came out with a perfect code of conduct -for his subjects, far too minute to even summarise here, but of which -some specimens may be given, as they served as a model for subsequent -decrees for many years afterwards. Alonso had apparently got tired of -his self-denying ordinance and says the King may eat and dress as he -pleases, but agrees to limit his daily table expenditure to 150 -maravedis a day, which in spending power would represent about £40 at -the present time at least. But he orders his "ricoshomes," ruling men, -to eat more sparingly and to spend less money. None of the members of -the royal household, squires, scribes, falconers, or porters, except -the head of each department, were allowed to wear white fur or -trimmings, or to use gilt or plated saddles or spurs. They were -forbidden to indulge in breeches of scarlet cloth, gilt shoes, and hats -of gold or silver tissue. Priests, it appears, had been reducing the -size of their tonsures and ruffling in fine colours, so as to be -undistinguishable from laymen, and they are sternly ordered to have -their tonsures the full size of their heads, gird themselves with a -rope, and eschew red, green, and pink garments. The old regulations -about eating were {215} repeated with the addition of one plate of meat -for supper, and the prohibition of fish on meat days. No man, however -rich, was to buy more than four suits of clothes in a year, and no -ermine, silk, gold or silver tissue, no slashes, trimmings, or pinked -cloth might be worn by men. Two fur mantles in a year, and one -rain-cape in two years was the limit of extravagance allowed to a man -in this direction; and the King alone was to wear a red rain-cape. -Lawn and silk for outer garments were confined to royalty, but the -"ricoshomes" might employ them as linings. No crystal or silver -buttons were to be allowed, nor was shaving or other signs of mourning -permitted, except to vassals who had lost their overlord and to widows. -Jews and Moors are cruelly treated in this decree, and their offences -and those of the poorer classes are to be punished by torture or death, -whilst those of the "ricoshomes" are left to the King's discretion. -Ermine, vair, and otter furs would appear to have been amongst the -principal articles of luxury, as the wearing of them is very strictly -regulated, and white furs seem to come next in estimation after them. - -For ninety years these laws of Alonso the Wise were repeated and -reimposed with slight variations, but apparently ineffectually; since -in 1348 the Cortes of Alcalá made a presentment to Alonso XI. of -Castile bewailing the luxury and extravagance of the age, and proposing -a new code of sumptuary rules, which in due course the King confirmed. -These rules are very interesting because they demonstrate the great -strides which had been made in luxury, refinement, and civilisation -since the issue of the decrees {216} of Alonso the Wise nearly a -century before. No gold ornaments, no ermine or grebe-neck trimmings, -no seed-pearl embroidery, gold or silver buttons or wire, and no -enamels were to be worn except by nobles. No gold tissue or silk was -allowed except for linings, and no man below the rank of a knight might -wear vair fur or gilt shoes. Even the princes of the blood were -strictly limited in their dress, and were ordered to use tapestry cloth -or silk, but without gold or trimming of any sort. The Spartan wedding -regulations of Alonso the Wise had now become obsolete with the advance -of wealth, but the new rules, although wider, were to be enforced with -equal or greater severity. No gentleman was to give his bride within -four months after marriage more than three suits of clothes, one of -which might be of gold tissue, and one embroidered with seed-pearls to -the value of 4,000 maravedis, an enormous sum when we consider that -ninety years before 150 maravedis were the limit of the monarch's daily -expenditure, and that at this date, 1348, the value of a sheep was only -eight maravedis. The bride's trousseau is regulated down to the -smallest details, and the penalty for exceeding them is the loss of -one-quarter of his land by the too-generous gentleman who does so. The -decree sets forth that some women are wearing trains, "which are both -costly and useless," but in future they are to be confined to those -ladies who are travelling in a litter--a privilege limited to nobles. -All other women are to wear pelisses without trains, just reaching the -ground, "or at least not to drag more than two inches upon it." Ladies -who broke this rule were to be fined 500 maravedis. Great stress is -again laid upon the limitation {217} of extravagance in wedding feasts, -and burials, but the cost still allowed shows to what an excess luxury -had been carried. The bride's wedding clothes might cost 4,000 -maravedis and the groom's outfit 2,000; and thirty-two people were now -allowed at the wedding feast. Much more latitude was permitted in the -use of seed-pearls, gold, and silver, to people above the rank of -knights, but the principal point to be noted in these decrees of Alonso -XI. is the incidence of the penalty. In the decrees of Alonso the -Wise, as has been shown, the most savage penalties were imposed upon -the poorer classes, whilst the punishment of the nobles was left to the -King's discretion. But much more even justice is dealt out by Alonso -XI. The nobles who break the law are to lose one-quarter of their -land, the knights one-third, the citizens 500 maravedis, whilst the -poorer classes for slight offences against the sumptuary rules are -condemned to lose the offending garment and its cost in money. - -But whatever the penalty might be, extravagance, checked in one -direction, broke out in another, and Peter the Cruel, the son of -Alfonso XI., only a few years after the date of the decree just -mentioned, issued a complete sumptuary code in which the punishments -were positively ferocious. Fines, scourging, mutilation, and -banishment for first and second offences, and death for the third, were -imposed for the smallest infraction. Peter was particularly hard on -priests, who were said to be swaggering about with women, tricked out -in gay finery, and they were ordered in future to be sober and frugal, -wearing no ornaments of any kind, and only sad-coloured garb. Workmen, -too, were to {218} labour from sunrise to sunset for a fixed wage on -pain of punishment as severe as those imposed by our own labour laws. -The King, moreover, fixed stringently the cost which was to be incurred -by cities and towns in entertaining him when he visited them. The -dietary scale appears a pretty generous one from the point of view of -to-day, consisting as it does of 45 sheep at 8 maravedis each, 22 dozen -of dry fish at 12 maravedis a dozen, 90 maravedis worth of fresh fish, -with pork, grain, wine, &c.; the total value of the feast being limited -to 1,850 maravedis. Villages and nobles were not to spend more than -800 maravedis on a similar occasion. - -In 1384 Peter the Cruel's nephew, John I. of Castile, was well beaten -by the Portuguese at the battle of Aljubarrota, and marked his sorrow -by issuing a decree prohibiting the use in any form of dress of silk, -gold, silver, seed-pearls, precious stones, or ornaments of any kind, -and everybody was ordered to don a simple mourning garb. When, four -years after this, John of Gaunt's daughter Catharine came to marry the -heir to the crown of Castile, she brought something else with her -besides the wide, pointed coif which Spanish widows wore for the next -three hundred years. Part of her dower consisted of great herds of -merino sheep, which crossed and thrived so well in Spain that the -coarse duffel, which had been the only native cloth, gave place in a -few years to beautiful fine woollen textures which could vie with those -of England and Flanders. - -Intercourse between nations, the growth of wealth, the spread of -learning, and the advance of civilisation were moving with giant -strides. The soft arts of peace were practised with greater success -than ever, now {219} that the Moslem and the Christian were fast -merging into one people in Seville and Toledo, and the refinement of -the one was strengthened by the energy of the other. Beautiful stuffs, -stiff with gold and gems, gauzy silk, soft cloths, and fine linens, had -no longer to be brought from the Moors or the kingdoms across the sea. -Seville, Toledo, and Cordova could produce everything that the most -luxurious extravagance could desire, and the sumptuary laws for a time -were forgotten. - -In 1452 the Cortes of Palenzuela presented a petition to John II. -asking that the stringent sumptuary code of Alonso XI. should be -re-enforced. The King, in reply, admitted that the law was a dead -letter, and that the extravagance in dress was greater than ever. He -says that gold tissue and silks are now ordinary wear, and that gold -trimmings and marten-fur linings are used even by people of low estate. -"Actually working women," he says, "now wear clothes that are only fit -for fine ladies; and people of all ranks sell everything they possess -in order to adorn their persons." Still the remedy proposed to him of -a revival of the stern code of a hundred years before he saw was an -impossible one, and the matter was held in suspense. He died soon -afterwards, and his feeble successor, Henry IV., was equally powerless -to stem the rising tide of industry and wealth with their natural -consequences. - -In 1469, during the interregnum which followed the deposition of Henry, -the Master of Santiago issued a proclamation deploring the growing -extravagance of the age, and enjoining more moderation. Amongst other -similar things it says, {220} "Such is the pomp and vanity now general, -even amongst labourers and poor people in their dress and that of their -wives, that in appearance they seek to vie with persons of rank, -whereby they not only squander their own estates but bring great -poverty and want to all classes." But it was useless: and luxury went -unchecked until Ferdinand and Isabel the Catholic were firmly seated on -the twin throne of a united Spain and the last Moslem stronghold had -fallen. Then, in 1495, a "pragmatic" was issued which superseded all -previous obsolete sumptuary codes and established a new one, which -formed the model for similar decrees for the next two centuries. -Probably a more economically unwise decree under the circumstances was -never penned. All other previous pragmatics had forbidden the wearing -of extravagant apparel, and this did the same, especially severely as -regarded the precious metals; but it did more than this. It absolutely -forbade the introduction and sale of every sort of gold and silver -tissue, and rendered criminal the exercise in Spain of the industry of -embroidering or weaving gold, silver, and every other metal. The -Christianised populations of the south of Spain were greatly excelling -already in this industry. Their gold embroideries on velvet were in -great demand for church vestments and royal trappings all over Europe. -The taste for chivalrous splendour was not confined to Spain, and the -beautiful half-Oriental tissues of Andalusia were eagerly sought for in -every Court; gold was just beginning to find its way direct to Spain -from the new-found Indies, and if the industry had remained -untrammelled there was no reason why the country should not have -provided the world {221} with textile splendours to its own great -advantage. The ingenious, industrious people--for they were -industrious until the strangling of their handicrafts made them -idle--did their best to avert ruin. In 1498, only three years -afterwards, the Cortes made a presentment to the Queen saying that -things were worse than ever. It was true that gold brocade was no -longer made and the wicked waste of the precious metal was thus -avoided, but all sorts of strange devices and novelties were being -introduced in the manufacture of silks, whereby the people were tempted -to squander their money on useless finery. The Spanish silk factories -were then the finest in Europe, and great quantities of raw silk were -raised in the south-east of the Peninsula: and yet a "pragmatic" was -issued the next year, 1499, stringently forbidding the manufacture, -sale, or use of silk, except for lining. It was a staggering blow to a -flourishing industry, and in order to prevent total ruin a decree was -given that no raw silk from abroad was to be introduced into the -country, and only Spanish-grown silk used. But this was not enough, -and some of the silk-making provinces, reduced to desperation, -petitioned for the relaxation of the law. Their prayer was granted, as -if in irony, to the extent of allowing them to wear silk against the -law. But they did not want to wear silk, but to make it for other -people to wear, and their industry languished, never entirely to -recover. - -By the time Isabel the Catholic had died the Spanish silk industry was -nearly at an end, and the skittish young Bearnaise princess, Germaine -de Foix, who succeeded her as old Fernando's wife, came too late to do -it much good. It is true she snapped {222} her slender fingers and -threw up her pretty chin at the straitlaced sumptuary laws, and -surrounded herself with silks and velvets, gold brocade and gems, -wherever she went; but unfortunately they mostly came from the looms -and workshops of Southern France, and gave no work to Spanish hands. -Money, of course, had to be sent out of Spain to pay for the finery, -and in 1515 the Cortes of Burgos complained of this to Jane the Mad, -Isabel's nominal successor, who thereupon issued a decree entirely -forbidding brocades and gold or silver embroidery and trimmings to be -worn at all, and strictly limiting the wearing of silk in any form to -people of rank. - -But Jane's power was the merest shadow; Spain was in the throes of a -great struggle for its democratic institutions, which it lost, and no -notice was taken of poor Crazy Jane's decree. If she understood it she -probably had as little sympathy with it as her young stepmother, for -she had lived for years with her handsome husband Philip as head of the -most pompous and splendid Court in Europe, in busy Flanders, surrounded -by all the traditional magnificence of the house of Burgundy, and her -young son, the coming Emperor Chares V., Fleming as he was by birth and -instinct, was even less likely than she to revert willingly to the -simple, democratic, and patriarchal traditions of the Spanish Court. - -He came to his new country with a whole host of Burgundian, Flemish, -and German nobles, whose taste for finery had never been checked; and -whatever decrees Charles might issue for the dress of his people, he -and his Court were the first to {223} disregard the letter and spirit -of his precepts. It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that they -were not obeyed for long together by any one else. The initiative, -moreover, did not come from the King or his courtiers, but from the -Cortes of Castile, who were naturally swayed entirely by Spanish ideas, -of which Charles had at this time, boy as he was, but little knowledge -or sympathy. This was so clearly recognised that when he was about to -leave Corunna in 1520 to assume the imperial crown, the Cortes held -there petitioned him at least to order that the sumptuary laws with -regard to silks, brocades, gold embroideries, and gold and silver lace, -should be strictly enforced during his absence from Spain, since they -saw that, with such a Court as his, they would not be enforced in his -presence. But the example of the Court had struck too deeply, and the -fury for splendour had now really taken hold of the Spaniards, who in -their ages of struggle had been so simple and homely. - -In the pragmatic of 1537 it is said that during the Emperor's absence -the use of brocades, silks, and precious embroideries had increased -more than ever, and they are absolutely prohibited, and the rigid law -of 1498 again repeated. The preamble of the decree of 1537 says that -this law against gold embroidery was generally evaded by making the -gold lace and devices separately and then stitching them on to the -cloth, which cost much more even than embroidery would have done; and -the making of such adornments was consequently prohibited altogether. -Only nine years afterwards, in 1548, the Cortes of Valladolid made a -presentment to the Emperor saying that things {224} were worse than -ever, and the cost of clothes had been increased instead of decreased -by the ingenuity of tailors, who had taken to the plan of cutting out -the most elaborate patterns of coloured cloth with fine scissors and -sewing them on to the cloth garments, almost covering the latter with -delicate lace-like snippet work of applied cloth. In face of this -abuse the Cortes prayed the Emperor to forbid the use of any and every -sort of trimming, lace, or adornment on the garments, both of men and -women, which might give an excuse for the wicked tailors to charge -extravagant prices. Charles V. thought this too sweeping, but in 1552 -he issued a "pragmatic" prohibiting the applied snippet work, and also -the use or manufacture of gold and silver lace and ornaments, the -wearing and making of velvets, silks, and satins being also rigidly -limited. Spain, flooded with the precious metals from the Indies, -richer perhaps in actual bullion than ever a country was before or -since, with home-grown silk in abundance, and the most deft and -tasteful weavers in the civilised world, was therefore obliged to -import its manufactured gold and fine stuffs from abroad, whilst its -own humbler citizens languished amidst the wealth they were not allowed -to earn. No decrees could prevent rich people from squandering their -money on dress, least of all when the Emperor and his Court were in a -constant blaze of magnificence. - -Philip II., who in his later years usually wore black velvet trimmed -with jet or bugles, with the simple chain of the Golden Fleece about -his neck, was in his youth as splendid as his father; and the -preparations for his voyage to England to marry Mary {225} Tudor in -1554 included the making of more solid magnificence in the way of dress -than probably was ever made for one event in modern history. His son's -valet[1] was of a literary turn of mind, and has left us a precise -description of the dresses and trappings made for Philip and his army -of courtiers--the flower of Spain--in which the language of -extravagance is exhausted. Horse furniture, bed-hangings, canopies, -quilts, and upholstery, as well as dress, were all of satin or velvet -covered with gold embroidery and seed-pearls. There were twenty great -nobles, Spaniards, Flemings, and Italians, each with scores of -followers, all dressed in silks and satins with gold chains. Philip's -German bodyguard, even, of 100 troopers, wore facings of silk on the -gaudy red and yellow uniform of Aragon, and the common sailors of the -fleet had crimson silk caps with white plumes. Some few amongst -Philip's numerous suits may be mentioned as an example of the dresses -then in vogue, although many of his nobles appear to have fully -rivalled him in splendour. For some years, as has been shown, -gold-embroidered dresses had been strictly prohibited; and Muñoz, in -his description of the sartorial wonders prepared for the wedding, -mentions the revival of gold embroidery as a novelty. Prince Philip -had one suit consisting of surcoat, doublet, trunk-hose, and jacket of -crimson velvet covered with little lozenges formed of twisted gold -chains, the interstices being filled with a running sprig of silver -braid, the leaves formed of silver filigree. The surcoat was lined -with silver cloth of satin, embroidered in the same way. Another -surcoat was of grey satin covered with alternate stripes {226} of -applied gold chains and silver bugles. It was lined with stamped cloth -of silver, and the doublet, trunks, and jacket were of white satin -ornamented in the same way. Another "pretty suit," we are told, -consisted of a French surcoat of black velvet embroidered all over with -gold and silver bugles, the trunks and jacket being of crimson velvet, -and the doublet of crimson satin with the same embroidery. One of his -dresses consisted entirely of white silk velvet covered with a costly -embroidery of gold filigree; and another had a surcoat of black velvet -with a border of gold bugles and heavy twisted silver cords, the -garment itself being almost hidden under a closely embroidered running -sprig in gold, the leaves being filled in with silver filigree, and in -the spaces between the sprigs were slashes of white satin. With this -gorgeous coat went a suit of white velvet and gold. Precious stones -were worn at the neck and wrists, and gold chains and gems were looped -around the hat. Heavy gold chains rested on the shoulders, and arms -and housings flashed with riches inestimable, the spoils of the two -Indies. - -This will give some faint idea of the fashions of a time when the -rulers were fruitlessly trying to repress extravagance in dress amongst -their subjects. Most of this finery was prepared in the city of -Valladolid, whence Philip left on his journey, and it is not entirely -surprising that in the following year 1555, the Cortes of Castile, -sitting in that place, boldly presented a petition asking that the -sumptuary laws should be done away with altogether. They say that they -are entirely a dead letter, and are consequently a scandal, as well as -{227} being useless and vexatious. Their petition was not granted, for -Philip and his father still thought that all the growing wealth of the -country should come to them, instead of being used for decking the -undistinguished persons of private citizens. - -There had been no finer flax than that of Galicia, and no better linens -than those made from it, but the trade had been crippled by the -sumptuary restrictions, and the business had already fallen into the -hands of Flemings and Frenchmen, who got paid for their stuffs with -Spanish gold. The wool industry was still more cruelly treated. -Thanks to the merino stock, the manufactory of fine cloths, serges, and -friezes had been very prosperous, and Spain could, and did, export -these textiles largely; but in 1552 the export of such goods was -strictly prohibited, and even wool in the fleece might not be sent out -of the country except on condition that for every twelve sacks exported -two pieces of foreign cloth and one bale of foreign linen should be -introduced to prevent the export of gold. - -The silk growers of Valencia and elsewhere had been ruined, but the -looms remained, and the weavers attempted to obtain raw silk from Italy -and France. The introduction of raw silk was thereupon forbidden, and -most of the weavers went the way of the growers, to idleness and ruin, -or across the seas to the Indies. The Cortes of 1555 saw the evil that -was being done and, as usual, made a presentment on the subject. They -pointed out the paralysis of Spanish industry and the large sums of -coin sent out of the country to pay for French and Flemish linens, and -ascribed the evil to its secondary and not its primary reason. They -{228} say flax-growing is neglected and decayed, and suggest that -public lands, where suitable, should be cultivated, and every landowner -forced to plant a certain proportion of flax on his estate. It was -useless and absurd, of course, as the sumptuary laws limiting the -making or wearing of lawns and fine linens had killed the industry, and -the coarse linens were still spun and woven at home; so nothing came of -it. - -But the acme of absurdity and political perverseness was reached in the -Cortes of 1552, which presented a petition begging that the export of -manufactured goods of all sorts to the new Spanish empire in America -should be strictly prohibited. They say that the people there are -getting their money so easily and becoming so rapidly rich, that they -buy such great quantities of Spanish goods as to raise the prices in -the Peninsula, "_whereby we who work here cannot live._" - -The Cortes of 1560 reported that the nation was fast being ruined by -extravagance in dress, and begged that a "pragmatic" should be issued -forbidding every sort of ornament or tissue in which metal entered, and -strictly limiting the trimming of garments to a plain piping round the -edge. This pragmatic was duly granted, but during the next few years a -considerable change was seen. Philip had married the beautiful young -French Princess Elizabeth of Valois, who had been brought up with Mary -Stuart in that light-hearted court that Brantome described so well. -She had no patience with the rigid puritanism and peddling interference -of stern authority with beauty's armoury, and French fashions for -ladies became general. A "pragmatic" {229} was published in 1563, -ostensibly re-enforcing that of 1537 (which, as has been shown, -prohibited the use of gold lace or embroidery in any form), but really -relaxing the regulations greatly, for the benefit of the ladies. They -might in future wear sleeves of point lace in gold or silver, gold or -silver gauze, or silk shot with gold, and their jackets might be made -of similar stuffs, whilst they might deck their coifs, wimples, -stomachers, and under-linen with as much gold as they pleased. Gold, -silver, or crystal buttons could now be worn, but not on the skirt, and -only on the head, bosom, bodice, and sleeves; whilst the hat might be -trimmed with gold gimp. Some concessions were made to their spouses as -well, for they were permitted to clothe their nether limbs in silk -hose, and their trunks might be slashed and trimmed with silk, and, -generally speaking, the wearing of silk was greatly extended. - -Contemporary writers are full of the great extravagance in dress which -followed this period. Moncada says that it was not uncommon for a -man's dress to cost 300 ducats a suit, whilst the abuse of precious -stones, both by men and women, was carried to a ridiculous excess. -Contemporary portraits show that things were bad enough in this respect -in England at the time, but they were much worse in Spain. - -Only one year after the proclamation of the pragmatic just mentioned, -namely, in December, 1564, another elaborate decree was issued, on the -pretext that the previous one had left several points in doubt, and the -authorities had consequently been lax in enforcing it. The decree of -1563 had said that {230} one year's grace was to be given for garments -already made, and this concession had served as a loophole for the -evading the regulations altogether. The authorities are therefore -ordered strictly to enforce the decree; but the opportunity is taken of -elucidating doubtful points and still further modifying the severity of -the orders. It is now explained that the prohibition of gold, silver, -and silk stitching, gimp, or trimming of any sort on the garments, -referred only to applied trimmings, and was not meant to include the -weaving of gold or silk threads or stripes in the textures, or even the -sewing of stripes of silk or leather on to the garment, which stripes -might be bordered by a piping and held by two rows of ornamental -backstitch on each side, provided that no other sort of adornment is -used. Silk gimp even may be applied on garments for indoor wear, -whilst silk frogs may be sewn on to overcoats and travelling cloaks. -Fringes were also allowed on horse furniture and harness now, and -swordbelts and baldricks might be worn as rich as the taste and -extravagance of the owners cared to make them. Some doubt is said to -exist as to the legality of stuffing the trunk-hose with baize to -extend them, and whether the slashes might be lined with baize for the -same purpose, and these practices are strictly forbidden, "nor may -piping be inserted like farthingales, nor may threads, nor wires, nor -gummed silk be employed to extend the trunks unduly, as we are informed -has fraudulently been done." The previous pragmatic had imposed the -same penalties for infraction of the decree by people in their own -houses as in public, which appears to have caused much vexation by the -{231} invasion of domiciles by inferior officers, on pretext of -searching for forbidden garments, and the right of search was now -abolished. - -An attempt to shame ladies into obeying the law was made for the first -time, of many, in these pragmatics of 1563-4 by giving to women of bad -character the right to deck themselves in prohibited finery in their -own houses. But Madrid was already commencing upon the downward career -which made it for more than a century the most dissolute place in -Europe, and women of rank even were proud of their effrontery, so that -no attempts to induce them to obey the law by appeals to their modesty -ever succeeded. The brazen-faced impudence of the Madrileñas, which so -shocked foreigners in the seventeenth century, still remains as a -cherished tradition of the fast-disappearing race of _majas_ and -_manolas_ of Lavapies and other low neighbourhoods of the capital, and -is encouraged in them as a national trait by their social betters. - -In 1568 Philip lost both his beautiful young wife and his only son. -Defeat and disappointment met him on all sides, and his gloom, deepened -by fanaticism, became heavier as the years rolled on. Henceforward he -and his Court dressed in black, and the fashions of his people followed -him, to the extent of relinquishing almost entirely the use of gold -tissues and embroidery on their garments. But poor as was the King's -exchequer, and in despite of Drake and the buccaneers, gold still -poured into Spain from the Indies, and luxury, if checked in one -direction, was certain to break out in another. Coaches had been -brought {232} by Charles from Flanders when he came to Spain, and by -the end of the sixteenth century a perfect rage for coaches had seized -upon the people of the capital--a form of extravagance which for the -next century at least was carried to a ridiculous excess, and even now -remains the principal foible of the Madrileños. The new taste was -supposed to threaten the art of horsemanship and the breed of horses; -so for some years pragmatics were issued ordering that no coach or -wheeled litter or chariot was to be drawn by less than four horses. To -encourage men to ride on horseback, doctors, lawyers, and licentiates -of universities were authorised in 1584 to use long housings to their -steeds, and whilst mules were still to be housed with plain harness, -horses might be decked with velvet saddles, gold and silver fringes, -gimp and nails, and made as smart as possible, in order to encourage -their use. - -In 1593 Camillo Borghese was sent to Madrid by the Pope, and has left -behind him for our enlightenment a minute account of the fashions of -his day,[2] by which we may see the effects that had been produced by -the "pragmatics" we have described. "The dress of this country," he -says, "is as follows. The men wear long breeches, with a surcoat and -hat, or else a cloak and cap, as it would be a great breach of decorum -with them to wear a hat and cloak together. This costume would -certainly be very pretty if the breeches were not cut so long as to be -disproportionate. Some men have taken to wearing hose in the Seville -style, which they call {233} galligaskins, and with these it is proper -to wear a cloak and hat instead of a cap. The ladies, like the men, -usually dress in black, and have a veil round their faces like nuns, -their heads being enveloped by their mantillas in such a way that their -faces are hardly visible. Indeed if it were not for the pragmatic -issued by the King on the subject they would still cover their faces -completely, as they used to do a few years ago. When they do not wear -these veils over their faces, they have on collars with enormous ruff -pleats. They are naturally dark-skinned, but the use of paints is so -common that they all look fair, and though small in stature their high -pattens make them look tall, so that it may be truly said that all -Spanish ladies turn themselves from little and dusky to big and bright. -The main street of Madrid would be fine if it were not unutterably -filthy and almost impassable on foot, and the better class of ladies -are always in carriages or litters, whilst the humbler ones ride on -donkey-back or pick their way through the mire. They (the ladies) are -naturally impudent, presumptuous, and off-handed, and even in the -street go up and talk with men whom they do not know, looking upon it -as a kind of heresy to be introduced properly. They admit all sorts of -men to their conversation and are not a bit scandalised at the most -improper proposals being made to them. - -"The gentlemen now rarely ride on horseback but often go in carriages. -They are preceded in the streets by a group of pages and a couple of -servants they call lacqueys, the pragmatic not allowing them more, -although the grandees may be {234} attended by four. The pragmatics -only allow saddle cloths to be worn from October to March, but for the -rest of the year velvet saddles may be used. The one pastime of these -people is to drive up and down the Calle Mayor (High Street) from -midday to midnight." - -The good churchman was much shocked at the effrontery of the people and -their filthy habits, but this branch of the subject is foreign to the -present article. Rough magnificence, side by side with boorish -rusticity, seems to have been the characteristic of the Spain of Philip -II. In the same year that Borghese wrote, a very severe pragmatic had -been issued prohibiting the use of silver ornaments on household -furniture, which, it says, had reached a pitch of extravagance which -could no longer be endured. Decrees were issued in 1586, 1590, and -1594, which are interesting as showing that the inevitable extravagance -of dress had now turned into the direction of the starched ruff. "No -man," says the last-named pragmatic, "may wear either at his neck or -wrists on any sort of ruff or frill, fixed or loose, any trimming, -fringe ravelling, or netting, starch, rice, gums, rods, wires, gold or -silver threads, or any 'alchemy' or anything else to extend or support -them, but only a plain Holland or linen ruff with one or two little -pleats, on pain of forfeiture of shirt and ruff and a fine of 50 -ducats." Great resistance was offered to this, and it was found, -somehow or other, whether by "alchemy" or what not, the "lettuce-frill" -ruffs still stood stiffly from the neck, and the Council of State -gravely considered the matter, with the result that the decree of 1594 -insists upon the law being {235} enforced, the ruffs to be as -described, and not more than three inches wide from the band to the -hem, the colour to be pure white. The penalties for infraction were -tremendous--for a first offence, 20,000 maravedis fine, for the second, -40,000, and for the third, 80,000 and a year's banishment. - -This was not by any means the only sumptuary law promulgated in this -year of 1594; a much relaxed code of dress was issued with regard to -gold and fancy silk textures, of which the universal use of unadorned -black for so many years had greatly decreased the manufacture in Spain. -Women were now allowed to wear fine cloth or silk jackets, and cover -the seams thereof with gold or silver braid or scrolls, whilst their -dresses and mantles might be trimmed as profusely as they pleased with -the same ornaments. Doublets, jackets, and waistcoats were now allowed -to be of quilted silk, satin, or taffety; whilst the trunk hose of the -men might be slashed, and double-stitched at the edge of the slashings. -The said breeches, moreover, might be stiffened by a single thickness -of baize and all the fine stuffs used for gentlemen's garments could -now, for the first time for many years, be stamped with patterns. New -and more severe measures were adopted at the same time to keep up the -breed of horses, which animals were thought to be almost in danger of -extinction, as horsemanship was less than ever indulged in, and mules -were preferred for drawing the coaches. - -In the same year, 1594, a curious pragmatic was proclaimed dealing with -the extravagant abuse of honorific titles. It commences in the King's -name by saying that, although it is unnecessary to {236} make rules for -himself or his family, he will begin at the top for regularity's sake. -The King must be addressed in writing simply as "Sir" at the head of -the letter, which must end with "God guard the Catholic person of your -Majesty," at the bottom. The heir to the crown was to be addressed in -the same way, but with "Highness" substituted for "Majesty," the -Princes of the blood being given the style of Highness, but "his -Highness" alone standing for the heir to the crown. The rest of the -Princes were to be addressed on the outside of a letter, "To his -Highness the Infante Don So-and-so." The titles "Excellency" and -"Illustrious Sir," which had become very general forms of courtesy, -were forbidden, and "Most Reverend Sir" was only to be applied to -Cardinals and the Primate of Spain, the Archbishop of Toledo. The -highest grandees, bishops, and members of the Council of State were in -future to be addressed by the inferior title of "Señoria," or Lordship, -whilst, out of courtesy and at the option of the person speaking or -writing, the same title could be given alone to Marquises, Counts, -Presidents of Councils, and Grand Commanders. All letters of every -kind were ordered to begin at the top with a cross, and then to state -the business without any address or name, ending with "God guard your -lordship"--or other title--and the date, place, and signature of the -writer. Absolutely no further compliment was to be permitted, no -matter what the relationship or rank of the parties. As a further -attempt to enforce simplicity, the same pragmatic provides that in -future, on pain of a fine of 10,000 maravedis, no coronet may surmount -any coat of arms, except {237} such as are borne by Dukes, Marquises, -and Counts. - -The proclamation of this pragmatic caused a dreadful fluttering of the -dovecotes of the Calle Mayor. "Liars' parade" (the raised terrace -before the church of St. Philip), the favourite lounge of the gilded -youth, rose in revolt, the cadets of the Cordobas, the Mendozas, the -Maquedas, the Leivas, the Manriques, and the rest of them, who had been -called "Excellencies" and "Lordships" from their cradles, turned like -the worm at last. Dress without gold they might, but they, the sons of -Dukes, to be addressed with no more ceremony than dustmen--perish the -thought! that they would not stand. So they and the rest of the -rufflers, led captains, kept poets, bullies, and blacklegs, swept down -the Calle Mayor carrying the grave Alcalde and all before them. Shops -were shut, water was boiled to throw out upon the base "Corchetes," who -dared to call such gallants plain "Mister," and the gloomy recluse in -the Alcazar at the end of the street himself heard the row. When he -was told the cause of it, he only remarked, so the chronicles say: -"Bah! what does it matter to me what they are called? Let them be -Lordships, or what they will, so long as they serve me well." And the -pragmatic thus died on the day it was born, for no attempt was ever -made to enforce it, and "Señorias" in the Calle Mayor remained as -plentiful as blackberries in an English hedgerow. - -The isolation of Philip II. in his gloomy old age, together with the -relaxation of the enactments already mentioned against the use of gold -and silver tissues, had allowed luxury in dress {238} practically to go -unchecked during the last years of the sixteenth century, and when the -King died, in 1598, he left Spain, and particularly the capital, in a -perfect frenzy of prodigality. The most brazen dissoluteness -accompanied the blindest religious fanaticism; the exchequer was -bankrupt, the fields untilled, the aforetime busy workshops of the -south silent and abandoned, the people starving or flocking across the -seas in search of the easily won gold that was ruining them; and when -the coveted gold came to the few who survived the pursuit, it was -lavished in insensate waste on the adornment of their outer -persons--for they always fed frugally in that lean land--and most of -the wealth left the country as fast as it entered it, the idleness it -engendered being its net result to the country that won it. - -For the next hundred years the same process went on. The monarch of -Spain and the Indies was reduced to beg his subjects in the name of -charity to provide food for himself and his family, whilst the mines of -Peru and Mexico were sending millions. The splendour of the polished -Court of Philip IV. was only rivalled by that of his nephew, the Grand -Monarque, but it was soaked to the core in sloth and squalor, whilst -the humbler people found the purchasing power of gold grow less and -less as the metal poured in and the workers, dazzled by wealth so -lightly won, ceased to produce commodities for consumption. Philip -III. was a narrow bigot without his father's industry or intellect, but -he was well-meaning and sorely beset, and was unequal to the propping -up of the great empire into which his father's narrow and halting -policy had {239} introduced the dry rot. The regulation of dress, -however, and the repression of profane extravagance was just the task -which appealed to his tastes and sympathies, and he set about it as -soon as he mounted the throne. - -His pragmatic of 1600 was a new departure in many things and was the -pattern of all similar enactments for the next hundred years. It is -very minute, but a few of its provisions are worth preserving, as they -throw much light on the tastes of the time. The King in his preamble -sets forth that he is informed that the sumptuary pragmatics are quite -disregarded, and seeing that the great excess and extravagance in dress -constitutes a national scandal which must be moderated, he has -conferred with his wisest councillors and has decided to issue a new -pragmatic which shall supersede all previous ones. - -To begin with, the following sweeping order is given: No one of -whatever rank, except the King and his children, shall wear any sort of -brocade or cloth of gold or silver, or stuff shot with gold or silver, -or silk in which metal is woven. No cord, gimp, ornamental stitching -or quilting, either of silk or metal, is to be permitted, excepting on -religious vestments and uniforms, and no precious stones or pearls are -to be worn on housings or accoutrements in any shape. There is an -absolute prohibition of the employment of lute-string, twist, ruchings, -flat braid, cording, chainlets, crewels, cross-stitching, -through-stitching, tangle trimming, puffs, and any sort of bead or -steel trimmings; and the following dress is alone prescribed: The cape -or other over-garment may be {240} of any sort of silk with stripes, on -each edge of which may be an ornamental stitching. Surcoats and -ropillas (a sort of half-tight over-jacket with double sleeves, the -outer ones hanging loose from the shoulder) may be also of silk and -trimmed in the same way, and, if desired, a piping of another sort of -silk, but not the same, may be put between the stripes. The inside of -the capes may have similar stripes of silk, satin, or taffety, but not -velvet. Shoulder capes may be made of velvet, and the hoods of -riding-cloaks or rain-capes may be lined with the same. Silk gimp and -frogs may be sewn on to duffel cloaks, &c. The trunks may be worn of -any kind of silk, and each slashing may be edged with a velvet or silk -piping and an "eyelash" border. If the slashing is a wide one this -edging may be worn on both sides of it, but if otherwise only on one -side. The slashings may be lined with taffety. Silk gimp or braid of -any sort may be worn on the trunks excepting lutestrings or crewels. -Galligaskins may also be made of silk, but with no trimming but a row -of gimp on each side and at the opening. Dressing-gowns for women and -men may be of any material or fashion, so long as gold or silver is not -used. Doublets, ropillas, or trunks made of satin may be ornamented by -silk stitching of any colour, but on no account may the stuff be -pinked, ravelled, or fringed. The rules generally apply to women as -well as men, but the former are allowed to wear jackets of light cloth -of gold or silver, which may be trimmed with a braid of the same over -the seams, and the whole jacket may be covered with "whirligigs" or -scrolls of gold or silver, so long as there is no working in the stuff -{241} itself. The frills and flounces of these garments may also be -ornamented in the same fashion. Hats, belts, baldricks, &c., were all -treated in the same way; gold or silver gimp, braid, and lace were -allowed to be sewn on, but not embroidered or woven in, the texture. - -A rather curious point in this decree of 1600 is the distinction in it -of different classes of citizens. Thus women of known evil life were -allowed to wear what they liked inside the houses, but were to conform -to the law in the streets; pages might dress in silk jackets, coats, -trunks, and caps, but their capes were to be of cloth or frieze; no -lackeys were to have silken clothes or velvet scabbards, but they were -allowed to wear taffety caps. The punishments for the breaking the -orders seem severe but unequal. Offending wearers were to lose the -peccant garment and pay a sum equal to its value for pious uses, but -tradesmen who made or sold the goods were to be condemned to four -years' exile and a fine of twenty maravedis for a first offence, double -the punishment for a second, and the pillory and ten years' exile from -Spain for a third. All this sounds very severe, but there were plenty -of ways out of it. For instance, garments already made might be worn -for four years by men and six by women, although they were not in -accordance with the law. This pragmatic was proclaimed with the usual -ceremony by one of the Alcaldes de Casa y Corte with the sound of drum -and trumpet in the High Street of Madrid on the 8th of June, 1600. The -month must have been a busy one for the dignified officials in -question; for during the first fortnight of it decrees regulating -almost every conceivable subject were issued. The {242} rigid and -unpopular decree about courtesy titles was superseded, and nearly -everybody of position might now be called Señoria. No gold or silver -in any form was to be used in furniture or household decoration, "as -the King is shocked at the waste of the estates of his subjects in such -superfluities, and considers it high time that the money were employed -in useful and necessary things." Velvet or silk might be employed in -upholstery, but no gold or silver except a gold fringe on the edges. -The same rule applied to the lining of carriages and litters, but no -silk was to be used on the outside of vehicles. - -The regulation of jewellery was just as minute and severe, and to judge -from that which was in future to be allowed, the excess in this respect -must have been very great, since after pages of prohibitions with -regard to the fashions of jewellery, and the limitation of enamels and -precious stones, men were still allowed to wear as many rings as they -liked, chains and girdles of gold pieces, sets of cameos mounted in -gold, and strings of pearls in their caps. The use of silver plate is -also much limited, but still side-saddles might be made of silver, if -plain, and the harness and horse-cloths covered with the same metal. -Here, again, the same loophole for evasion was given; for all things -already made were exempt if registered within six months. - -Attempts were made at the same time, as on many subsequent occasions, -to suppress the ostentatious promenading up and down the Calle Mayor, -which grew more scandalous as the years went on, until it reached its -apogee in the reign {243} of Philip IV., and for which the taste has -never yet quite died out. No women of loose life were to promenade in -coaches, nor might coaches be hired for the purpose on pain of -confiscation. No person but a grandee might have more than two torches -carried before him under penalty of one hundred ducats fine, and if any -person hired a lackey by the day, or for less than a month, he was to -be put in the pillory and exiled for four years. The reasons for these -regulations will be well understood by those who have studied the -characteristic picaresque novels of the period, and have smiled at the -amusing subterfuges adopted by impecunious scamps to pass themselves -off as noble hidalgos, the better to prey upon their fellow-creatures. - -Amongst other things Philip III. in his youthful zeal tried to deal -with the vexed subject of ruffs. He made no attempt to stand against -starch any longer--indeed, to judge from his portraits, no one ever -wore such stiff or extensive ruffs as he did himself, but he sternly -draws the line at trimming. There must be no lace edges or ravellings; -they must be pure white, with two little pleats only, and not more than -4½ inches wide, half as wide again as had been allowed by his father. -For the next few years pragmatics positively rained in Madrid, -altering, restricting, relaxing this or the other detail of the various -decrees; but all to no purpose apparently, for in 1611 Philip came out -with another long proclamation, saying that the extravagant abuse of -dress being worse than ever, he has consulted discreet experts and has -decided to alter the rules. The use of gold and silver thread {244} -and foil, and of coloured silks, is more restricted than ever, the only -exceptions being for church vestments and the dresses of officers -actually engaged in war. In other respects, however, the trimmings -allowed appear to be exceedingly elaborate, and in the pragmatic of -1611 about a dozen different specimen trimmings of trunks alone are -described with all the finnicking minuteness of a modern Court -dressmaker's bill; the sum total of it all being that the employment of -silk, velvet, and other fine stuffs, stamped and plain, was now almost -unrestricted, whilst bullion was more severely forbidden than before, -except for ladies' jackets and a few of their trimmings. - -Another desperate attempt was made in the same year to restrict the -unprofitable idling in the streets with carriages and an order was -issued that no new coaches were to be made without a license from the -President of the Council, and no man was to ride in a coach without -leave, "as the King is informed that gentlemen are forgetting how to -ride." Women also are to refrain from covering up their heads and -faces, in order that they may be seen and recognised, and they may only -be accompanied by their husbands, fathers, sons, or grandfathers. The -girls of a family may ride in a coach without the mistress of it, and -the owners of coaches may be accompanied by a friend, but with this -exception no coach is to go out without its owner, and may not be lent, -exchanged, or sold without special license. - -Ruffs had now apparently become general with all classes, as a -pragmatic was issued in 1611, saying that, notwithstanding the former -prohibition of the {245} use of long-lawn and muslin for ruffs, frills, -and collars, poor people would insist upon wearing them, and they -consequently might now be made of those cheaper materials as well as of -fine linen. - -In March, 1621, Philip III. died, leaving luxury and extravagance in -his capital more rampant than ever, and Philip IV., a mere boy, at once -set to work to grapple the evil with as much confidence as if he were -the first to attempt it. If economy had ever been needed it was so -now, for the public treasury was empty, the people ruined with -oppressive taxation, ecclesiastical extortion and official peculation, -and the country was rapidly becoming depopulated. A curious pamphlet -is still in existence which contains a series of exhortations addressed -to the King in the year of his accession by a noble member of the -Cortes of Castile, setting forth the various evils from which the -country was suffering, and proposing remedies for them.[3] There is -much plain speaking and boldness on many matters therein, and, amongst -others, on the eternal question of sumptuary extravagance. The -representation on this subject has so direct a bearing upon what has -already been said as to the inoperativeness of the pragmatics, that -some of it is worth transcribing. - -"Your subjects spend and waste great sums in their abuse of costly garb -with so many varieties of trimmings that the making costs more than the -garments themselves, and as soon as they are made there is a change of -fashion and the money has to be spent over again. When they marry, the -{246} vast wealth they squander on dress alone ruins them, and they are -in debt for the rest of their lives; and although this expenditure may -be voluntary, it has become, so to speak, obligatory, and such is the -excess that the wife of an artisan nowadays needs as much finery as a -lady, even though she and her husband have to get the money for it by -dishonest means, to the offence of God. Many weddings, indeed, are -prevented by the excessive cost and the vassals are therefore unable to -serve your Majesty as they ought. They are unable to pay their debts, -the costs incurred in the recovery of which still further reduce their -fortunes.... As for collars also, the disorder in their use is very -great, for a single one of linen, with its making and ravelling, will -cost over 200 reals, and six reals every time it is goffered, which at -the end of the year doubles the cost of them and much money is thus -wasted. Besides this, many strong young men are employed in goffering -them, who might be better employed in work necessary for the -commonwealth or in tilling the soil. The servants, too, have to be -paid higher wages in respect of the money they have to spend in -collars, which consumes most of what they earn, and a great quantity of -wheat is wasted in starch, which is wanted for food. In addition to -this, the fine linens to make these collars are brought from abroad, -and money has to be sent out of the country to pay for them. With -respect to coaches, great evil is caused and offence given to God, -seeing the disquiet they bring to the women who own them, as they never -stay at home but leave their children and servants to run riot with the -bad example of the mistress being always {247} abroad. The -praiseworthy and necessary art of horsemanship too is dying out, and -those who ought to be mounted crowd, six or eight of them together in a -carriage, talking to wenches rather than learning how to ride. It must -be evident how different gentlemen must grow up who have all their -lives been rolling about in coaches instead of riding, besides which -the breed of horses is deteriorating and money is being squandered by -the keeping of coaches often by people of moderate means who can ill -afford it but who are over-persuaded by their wives, who say that -because So-and-so, who is no better off than they, have a coach they -must have one as well, and so the bad example spreads." - -Don Mateo proposed some very drastic remedies, and, whether in -consequence of this or not, the King and his favourite, the masterful -Count-Duke of Olivares, put their heads together during the first few -weeks of the reign, and came out with tremendous series of pragmatics -repeating the most stringent provisions of the decree of 1611 with -regard to the use of gold or silver, either in dress, furniture, -saddlery, or upholstery. No trimmings were to be allowed of any sort, -and no silk capes, cloaks, or overalls were to be worn, cloth, frieze, -and duffel being substituted in those garments. Above all Don Mateo's -suggestion about the ruffs was adopted. No person was permitted, on -pain of the pillory and exile, to pleat or goffer linen in any shape. -Starch was placed in the _index expurgatoris_ again, and ruffs were to -be for ever suppressed in favour of the large, square, flat Walloon -collar, which fell over the shoulders and breast like a bib. - -The expenses of the palace were cut down to {248} a minimum, and Philip -himself, the most prodigal and lavish of men in after years, went on -short commons. Amongst other efforts at economy made by him one -originated a fashion which became deeply rooted in the Spanish -character, and which the Italian minister of another Philip--the -Frenchman--a hundred years afterwards, said had a large share in making -Spaniards the leisurely and dignified people they were. The wide, -falling Walloon collar, with little or no stiffening,--as will be seen -in portraits of the time--was apt to wrinkle round the neck and very -soon became dirty; so an ingenious tailor in the Calle Mayor submitted -to the young King and his brother Carlos a new device, consisting of a -high square collar of cardboard covered with light-coloured silk inside -and with the same stuff as the doublet outside. By means of heated -rollers and shellac the cardboard was permanently moulded into a -graceful curve which bent outwards at the height of the chin.[4] -Philip was pleased with the novelty and ordered some of the new -"golillas," as they were called, for himself and his brother. The -tailor, in high glee, went to his shop to make them, but alas! heated -rollers turned with handles and smoking pots of shellac were suspicious -things in those days, and the spies of the Council promptly haled the -tailor and his uncanny instruments before the President, who sagely -decided that there was some devilish witchcraft behind it all; and if -not--well, the accursed {249} things he was making were lined with -light blue silk in violation of the pragmatic, so he must be punished -anyhow. A bonfire was made of the poor man's stock before his door and -he was put under lock and key; but when Olivares heard of it he was -furious. He and the Duke of Infantado sent for the President and rated -him soundly as a meddling old fool for burning the King's new collars. -The President declared his ignorance that they were for the King, but -pointed out how outrageous they were in shape, and how they sinned -against the pragmatic; but he was soon silenced by the Count-Duke, who -told him they were the best and most economical things ever invented, -as they did away with the need for constant washing of collars, and -would last ten years without further expense or trouble. - -The golilla "caught on" with high and low. It is true that heads had -to be carried stiffly and turned slowly, but Spanish heads were -intended so to be used and no complaint was made. No more pragmatics -against ruffs, moreover, were ever needed again, and the costly, -cumbrous fashion went out for good. This was in 1623, the same year as -Charles Stuart went on his hairbrained trip to Madrid, and during his -stay all the pragmatics were suspended, in order that he might see how -splendid the Madrileños could be if left to themselves. They did their -best to sustain their reputation and the poverty-stricken country was -again plunged into the maddest vortex of prodigality that even -dissolute Madrid had ever seen, and flaunting Buckingham himself was -outshone in brilliancy and lavishness by the nobles of Philip's Court. -The strict law of Charles V. limiting the {250} wearing of jewellery -and precious stones had been re-imposed, but the list of gems -displayed, given, and received as presents during Charles' visit, and -the sumptuous dresses worn, has been left on record, down to the -smallest detail, by one of the King's attendants;[5] and shows an -inconceivable lavishness which naturally would, and did, make it -difficult to revert in Madrid to the severe orders of the pragmatics -again. - -The tendency of the time, however, was against barbaric splendour, and -gradually the taste for gold and silver tissues and embroideries in -civil costume was modifying itself, but new extravagancies sprang up as -old ones languished. Philip's sister Anna had married Louis XIII. of -France in 1615 with great pomp, and all the Spanish Court had assembled -on the historic ford of the Bidasoa which marked the French frontier. -They brought back some new fashions with them, caught from the -Parisians. Since Charles V., for good reasons, was obliged to have his -curls cropped at Barcelona, Spaniards of all classes had worn the hair -short, and parted as it is in England at present. The French wore it -longer and the Spaniards now followed their lead. But not all at once. -They first adopted the mode of having two ugly locks like long, limp -Newgate-knockers, called "guedejas," hanging before the ears, the back -of the head being cropped and the top surmounted by a twist or curl -called a "copete." In the early portraits of Philip IV. this style of -headdress may be seen. - -{251} - -Another fashion brought from France was much more objectionable, but -took a stronger hold in Spain than elsewhere. Round hoop-skirts or -farthingales had been common in most parts of Europe for over fifty -years before, but the new refinement, called a "guarda-infante," was a -very large, farthingale flattened back and front so as to stick out -inordinately at the sides, particularly at the hips. The jaunty -Madrileñas added to it a new feature, which made it worse than ever, -namely, a metal section or facing to the bottom hoop which resounded -against a similar plate on the heels of their clogs, or clanked upon -the ground, so that a musical clickety-click accompanied them wherever -they went; even as it did that aged equestrienne of Banbury famed in -English nursery lore. As the bold wenches minced along they prided -themselves upon the eccentric or rhythmical effects they produced. -They would be neither shamed, coerced, nor persuaded to abandon the -foolish caprice until they tired of it themselves, but Don Philip did -his best by pragmatics to suppress it. In 1639 the famous fulmination -against female extravagance in dress was issued, part of which ran as -follows: - -"His Majesty orders that no woman, whatever her quality, shall wear a -guarda-infante; which is a costly, superfluous, painful, ugly, -disproportionate, lascivious, indecent article of dress, giving rise to -sin on the part of the wearers and on that of men for their sakes. The -only exception to this rule shall be public prostitutes. - -"No skirts shall consist of more than eight yards of silk or a -proportionate quantity of other stuff, nor shall they measure more than -four yards round; the {252} same rule shall apply to polonaises, -over-skirts, hen-coop skirts and petticoats. - -"No woman wearing shoes shall have a bottom hoop, farthingale, or -anything else in the skirt for the purpose of making a noise, and -bottom hoops or farthingales shall not be worn except with pattens at -least five inches high. - -"No woman shall wear low-cut bodices except women of known evil life. -Any person guilty of infraction of this pragmatic shall lose the -offending article of dress and pay a fine of 20,000 maravedis for the -first offence, and for the second double that amount, with exile from -the Court." - -The unfortunate dressmakers who made the garments were to be much more -severely punished than the fair wearers, and four years' penal -servitude was their sentence for a second offence. - -The offended Madrileñas did not put up tamely with such tyranny, and, -led by three frisky damsels, the daughters of a famous judge, they came -out the day after the pragmatic was proclaimed, swaggering and jingling -up and down the Prado in the widest guarda-infantes, the most -outrageous farthingales, and the noisiest of hoops; and dared the -scandalised alguaciles to touch them, since they could hardly arrest -all the rank and beauty of the Court; and the fair ones practically had -their own way, for Philip only issued a grave and sorrowful -remonstrance against the indelicacy and expense of their constantly -changing caprices, and begging them to conform to their duty. But they -pleased themselves as usual, although it is said that their three fair -ringleaders did no go quite scot-free, as their father the judge, -scandalised that his own daughters {253} should be the first to break -the law, condemned them to dress in nun's garb of the coarsest frieze. -Nothing daunted, the recalcitrant "Gilimonas,"[6] as they were called, -managed, with nods and winks and frisking skirts, to look more -deliciously provocative than ever in their penitential garb, and their -pastors and masters were glad enough to get them back again into their -clicking farthingales to avoid the scandal. - -Nor were the gallants of the other sex more submissive about their -lovelocks. An order was proclaimed at the same time, saying, "His -Majesty orders that no man shall wear a topknot, or lovelock before the -ears, or any curls upon his head--and barbers who dress the hair in -this fashion shall be fined 200 maravedis and be imprisoned for 10 -days." Men who wore the offending curls were to be excluded from Court -and all public offices. "Liars' Parade" was as much upset about this -as about titles, and made a desperate attempt to resist. It was in the -very heyday of poetry in Spain--Calderon, Lope de Vega, Quevedo, and a -host of others were for ever firing off poetical squibs and satires at -the foibles of the age, the "Liars' Parade" being the central exchange -for the "good things" of poets, big and little, from the monarch -downwards. A cloud of barbed poetical arrows from scores of poetical -bows were consequently shot at the royal decree against topknots and -guedejas; and ridicule and satire were poured out unsparingly upon -those who were responsible for it. But to be shut out from the -presence of king and ministers, to have the public service closed -against them, was {254} too hard to be borne by the noble swaggerers -and kept poets of the Calle Mayor, so they gave way and took to the -long, lank, straight hair all round, which Philip himself wore for the -rest of his life, though others, particularly away from the Court, -still clung to the guedejas and short backhair. - -When Philip IV. had been gathered to his fathers in the jasper vault of -the Escorial, and his sickly son had married a French princess, Spain -began to conform its fashions to those which ruled in the Court of the -Roi-soleil, but somehow the three-cornered plumed hat, so general in -France and England, never became popular in Spain. The large -flap-brimmed hat with feathers still lingered when the Queen Regent -Mariana, during her rivalry with her bold step-son, Don Juan José of -Austria, raised a regiment of Swiss and German mercenaries. These -soldiers wore a very broad-brimmed hat, flat all round, and slightly -turned up at the edge, much like the wideawakes of to-day. This hat -caught the fancy of the Spaniards, who dubbed it "Chambergo," a Spanish -variant of "Schomberg," after whom the regiment was called, and this -hat has to this day never lost its hold upon the Spanish populace, -although they had to raise a revolution to keep it, as will be related -presently. - -A very absurd craze at the end of the seventeenth century, which -official remonstrance was powerless to put down, was the universal -wearing of great horn-rimmed spectacles, such as may be seen in the -portrait of Quevedo, facing page 256; men and women of fashion insisted -upon wearing these ugly appendages, whether they needed them or not, -and {255} literary fashion though it was in a literary age, much sport -was given to the poetasters in attacking it. - -By the time Charles the Bewitched had grown up, French fashion ruled in -Madrid, with the sole exceptions of the golilla (somewhat changed in -shape to suit the long backhair) and the round-brimmed hat, which -resisted all attempts to displace them; but the old vice of -extravagance still continued in spite of changed fashions, and in 1674 -a pragmatic was issued deploring again the costly excess in dress, the -abuse of adornment of equipages, and the idle luxury of the time. The -severe decrees of Philip IV. are re-enacted, and a code of permissible -dress laid down, in which velvets, silks, satins, taffeties, of all -colours, stamped and plain, are allowed, but foreign textures are to be -equal in weight and fineness to Spanish goods. - -The pragmatics now, however, had altered their tone. They were -exhortatory rather than comminatory during the last years of the House -of Austria. A change came with the advent of the first Bourbon Philip -V. The Spaniards were sensitive, and resented the inferiority implied -by the adoption by the Court and society of the French fashions, high -heels, wide-skirted coats, full-bottomed wigs, and the rest; so the -mass of the people clung to their cropped back-hair, their -broad-brimmed hats, long cloaks, and above all their stately stiffened -"golillas." Philip was too wise to run atilt against the golilla at -first, and indeed adopted it himself, as may be seen in his portrait as -a youth in the Louvre. But he wrote an anonymous pamphlet against it, -and lost no opportunity of pointing out its unfitness for working -people and soldiers. Alberoni, with his caustic {256} Italian wit, was -for ever sneering at it, so that when Philip abandoned it and took to a -collar and white lace cravat public opinion was prepared for the change -and the golilla fell, after a reign of a hundred years. - -When Philip was firm upon his throne after his long struggle, he issued -a pragmatic, in 1723, once more trying to stem the tide of -extravagance, precisely as if it had never been tried and failed -before. No gold or silver either in texture or trimming was to be -worn. No gold, glass, pearl, or steel buttons were to be allowed. No -precious stones, real or false, might be used in trimming or -fastenings, there were to be no foreign ornaments, and sham gems and -jewellery were strictly prohibited. No silk might be worn but such as -was of Spanish manufacture. Servants were to be clothed in plain cloth -and woollen stockings, and no person but a grandee was allowed to keep -more than two lackeys; and no silk was to be used on harness or the -outside of coaches. No person might drive more than four horses in the -capital, and no lawyer, notary, or tradesman was permitted to keep a -coach. Doctors and priests alone might ride a pacing mule, all other -men were bidden to mount horses only. Artisans and workmen were to -dress exclusively in baize, serge, or frieze; their cuffs alone might -be of silk. The pains and penalties in this great pragmatic were many -and severe, but the decree aimed at doing too much. So many fine and -delicate doubtful points arose with regard to its provisions, that for -years after fresh proclamations were constantly being made to elucidate -this pragmatic of 1723; and through the many loopholes offenders -escaped, and the act became a dead letter. - -[Illustration: FRANCISCO DE QUEVEDO VILLEGAS _from the collection of -his Grace the Duke of Wellington._] - -{257} - -Indeed, sumptuary laws were already growing out of date, even in Spain; -the courtiers copied the latest fashions from Paris, and the common -people, more out of patriotism and mute resentment than anything else, -made their cloaks longer and longer and their hats wider and wider. -The long ends of the cloaks had to be put out of the way somehow, so -they were thrown across the face to the opposite shoulder, and, what -with the broadbrim over the brow and the cloak over the mouth, none of -the face was seen but the eyes. - -Spain during the greater part of the eighteenth century had the -ill-fortune to be governed by foreign ministers, mostly Italians, and -one after the other they tried to cut stubborn Spain to the same -pattern as the rest of the world. The more they tried the more sulky -and determined became the people, and it resolved itself into a -national article of faith to resist all change; things Spanish being -better than things elsewhere. When Philip's younger son, Charles III., -came from Naples to rule them he brought with him his Neapolitan -ministers. Grimaldi said that the Spaniards all looked like -conspirators slinking about in the darkness with their covered faces. -An attempt was made to light the streets with oil-lamps, but the people -resented such a foolish foreign fad, and smashed the lamps as fast as -they were put up. The offenders could not be identified with their -covered faces and slouch hats, so the King was persuaded by the Marquis -of Squillaci (Esquilache, as the Spaniards called him) to issue a new -pragmatic. Its tone was more one of sorrow than of anger. The King -was shocked for foreigners to see such a boorish fashion in his {258} -capital, and had determined that in future no long cloaks or -round-brimmed hats were to be worn. Either a short cape or a skirted -coat was allowed, and men might wear either their own hair or a wig, -but they must cover it with a three-cornered hat and not a Chambergo, -and the face must not be hidden in any way. - -This order was proclaimed on the 4th of March, 1766, and police were -posted in the principal places with shears to curtail cloaks and lop -hat-brims. It happened that a man pursued by alguaciles for wearing -the forbidden garments took refuge in the precincts of the church of -the Trinity, where he was followed by the officers and beaten, in -defiance of sanctuary. An infuriated crowd collected and overpowered -the authorities, who were dismayed at the feeling evinced, and withdrew -their men. For the next few days men all over Madrid ostentatiously -flaunted their cloaks and broad-brims before the barracks and police -posts, and there is no doubt that the feeling was taken advantage by -politicians for their own ends to goad the people to fury against the -Italian ministers. Matters came to a head on the 23rd of March, when a -soldier attempted to seize a man with his face covered. A crowd, ready -for mischief, collected immediately, and the authorities were -overpowered. The mob swept up the Calle de Leon across the Calle de -Alcalá to Squillaci's house (the famous "house with the seven -chimneys") which they wrecked, although the minister had fled. With -broad-brimmed hats on the top of poles they scoured the streets, making -all men they met uncock their hats. Overpowering all resistance, they -assembled {259} before the palace. The guards used force in vain, and -that night the capital was in the hands of the mob. The gaols were -opened, houses wrecked, foreigners assailed and killed, the King's -Walloon Guard especially being singled out for vengeance. Squillaci -and Grimaldi had fled, and the Spanish ministers, either out of -timidity or sympathy, practically sided with the rioters. The rising -spread rapidly to the provinces, old grievances were raked up again, -and a dangerous revolution was in progress, when the King surrendered -unconditionally. People were to wear what they pleased, food and oil -were to be reduced in price, and the Italian ministers were smuggled -away, never to return. - -That practically ended the fight for sumptuary control. Finery was -triumphant in the long struggle, and the strong arm of authority was -obliged to confess itself powerless to dictate on the question of -personal adornment. Half-hearted attempts were made after this to -interfere in sumptuary matters by Spanish sovereigns, but the effects -of their decrees were hardly felt outside their own households. In -1780, for instance, a pragmatic as severe in form as ever was issued, -minutely regulating the wearing of mourning and prohibiting mourning -coaches, but little notice was taken of it after the first few weeks; -and later still a curious mild little decree was issued by Charles IV. -limiting the number of dishes which, according to custom, many -officials were entitled to receive daily from the royal kitchens. It -is a long drop from Alfonso the Wise to the silly dodderer who handed -over his kingdom to Napoleon because his son had offended him; but the -same feeling, almost the {260} same phraseology, pervades the first -pragmatic we have quoted and the last. Both deplore the lavishness and -luxury of the people, and exhort them to correct the excess and -superfluity which characterises their tables; and in both of them the -King promises that he himself will rigidly conform to his own decree -and reform the extravagance of his private repasts. - -Custom, taste, and perhaps necessity, have done what five hundred years -of "pragmatics" failed to do. The Spaniards are the most sober and -frugal-feeding nation in Europe, and certainly do not exceed in the -matter of gaudy or ostentatious raiment. The only traits left to them -perhaps by the extravagant old fashions we have described, are their -consuming love for driving about the streets in a fine carriage, -however much they may stint in all else; and the grave stiff-necked -dignity which a century of the golilla left behind it. - - - -[1] Andres Muñoz' MSS., National Library, Madrid. - -[2] "L'Espagne au 16me et 17me siècles," par Morel Fatio. Paris, 1878. - -[3] "Discursos y apuntamientos de Don Mateo de Lison y Biedma." -Secretly printed in 1622. - -[4] As first invented, the golilla opened in front, as shown in the -portrait of Quevedo, facing page 256, but later, when the hair was worn -long, it was made square in front and was fastened behind, as shown in -the portrait of Charles the Bewitched. - -[5] Manuscript of Don Diego de Soto y Aguilar in the Royal Academy of -History in Madrid, transcript in the author's possession. - -[6] Their father's name was Gil Imon de la Mota. - - -[Illustration: Tailpiece] - - - - -{261} - -_A PALACE IN THE STRAND._ - - -{263} - - -[Illustration: Headpiece] - - -_A PALACE IN THE STRAND._[1] - -Probably not one person out of a thousand of those who hurry along the -busiest part of the Strand notices even the existence of a closed iron -gate by the side of a public-house opposite the Vaudeville Theatre. If -you peer through the grating you will only see a dark, narrow court, -now blocked up by the building operations connected with the Hotel -Cecil, and you will have no difficulty in coming to the conclusion that -this avenue, which has been gradually going down in the world for the -last two centuries, is destined before very long to be blotted out -altogether. For this was an important thoroughfare once, called Ivy -Lane, one of the three public roadways by which access was obtained -from the Strand to the river and the boats, the other two being Milford -Lane and Strand Lane, the entrance to which latter still exists, a mere -passage between two shops opposite Catherine Street. Down the centre -of Ivy Lane ran a brook, over which the roadway of the Strand was -carried by a bridge called Ivy Bridge. This lane, which separates the -liberty of the Duchy of Lancaster from the city of {264} Westminster, -ran sloping down to the river between the garden walls of two of the -great Strand palaces which, erected, as they all were at first, by -bishops, were subsequently grabbed by kings and courtiers for their own -use. To the east stood, on the Savoy demesne, the house of the Bishop -of Carlisle, which was granted to the Elizabethan Earl of Bedford, and -subsequently came into the possession, by exchange, of Robert Cecil, -afterwards the first Earl of Salisbury, second son of the great -Burleigh, whose own house stood nearly opposite, on the site of Exeter -Hall; and on the west, covering all the space now occupied by the -Adelphi as far as Coutts' bank, there rose the ancient mansion which -for centuries was the town palace of the prince-bishops of Durham, -known to history as Durham Place. - -In the lawless times, when these mansions were first founded, it would -have been dangerous for any but ecclesiastics to have resided outside -of the protection afforded by the City boundaries, and so it came about -that all the way from the Temple to Whitehall, along the banks of the -silent highway, which then was the principal thoroughfare of London, -there ran a string of bishops' palaces and religious foundations. -Their outhouses and stable gates opened on to the rough country road we -still call the Strand--a road which even in the time of Mary, we are -told, was filthy and unseemly, and remained so, indeed, until the great -nobles made these palaces their homes. Many books have been written -about the Aldelphi and its site, and Durham Place, which was by far the -most important of the Strand palaces until the Protector built Somerset -House, has come in for its own full share of notice, but the writers -{265} upon the subject have copied each other with slavish fidelity, -errors and all. The same set of facts and assumptions has invariably -done duty in all descriptions of Durham Place. I wish in the present -article to break new ground, and relate some hitherto unnoticed -episodes in its history. - -Stow has not much to tell of Durham Place, except of the great festival -of 1540, when the future rivals, Dudley and Seymour, with Poynings, -Carew, Kingston, and Richard Cromwell, challenged all Europe to a -tourney, and held open house with regal lavishness for a week at Durham -Place, lent to them for the purpose by the King, who rewarded each of -them, moreover, with an income for ever of a hundred marks a year and a -house out of the plunder of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. The -State Papers now and again give us a ray of side-light on the history -of Durham Place. We know how Somerset granted it to Elizabeth for her -life after he had beheaded his brother, who there had coined the -doubloons with which he thought to bribe his way to the throne. We -know on Somerset's fall how jealous Northumberland gave to the Princess -the great unfinished palace of the dead Protector, and took for his own -town house Durham Place, in which, although it was nominally hers, she -had never lived. We know something, but not much, of the fastuous -splendour of Dudley's life during the three years he lived here, of -Jane Grey's ill-starred wedding in the house, of the plotting of her -father-in-law, verily a lath painted like a sword, and the weaker -time-servers around him, to perpetuate their rule and confirm them in -their ill-gotten gains, of the pitiably crumbling down of the {266} -house of cards when the supreme moment came; and how Northumberland -went forth from the Tower to the scaffold, never to see Durham Place -again, hoping in his craven soul, till the axe fell, that his abject -recantation would purchase his worthless life. - -The Egerton Papers (Camden Society) tell us somewhat in detail of the -arbitrary expulsion of Raleigh from Durham Place, where, by the grace -of his mistress, he had lived happily and splendidly for nearly twenty -years. These facts and some others in the subsequent history of the -house are recited by every writer who has touched upon the subject, and -I have no desire to repeat at length incidents which are already well -known. One error into which most writers have fallen has been to jump -at the conclusion that whenever recorded history is silent on the -subject of Durham Place, the house reverted to the possession of the -See of Durham. Such does not appear to me to have been the case. It -is usually asserted that Henry VIII. first took possession of the house -by forcing the Bishop, Cuthbert Tunstal, to exchange his palace for -some other property. This is founded on Stow's statement that Cold -Harbour, in Thames Street, was granted to the Bishop because of "his -house near Charing Cross being taken into the King's hands, Cuthbert -Tunstal was lodged in this Cold Harbour." It is certain, however, that -Katherine of Aragon lived here during her widowhood, before Henry VIII. -came to the throne, as many of her letters to her father in Spain are -in existence dated from this house, ranging over several years prior to -her marriage with Henry in 1509. On the {267} very year of Mary's -death Cuthbert Tunstal wrote a letter[2] to Cardinal Pole thanking him -for obtaining for him the _reversion_ of the house;[2] and it is -usually assumed from this that he actually entered into possession of -it. But he did not; and it is the story of Durham Place during this -time, namely, the last years of Mary and the first few years of -Elizabeth, that I wish to tell. - -The historians of the house generally make short work of the matter by -saying, "When Elizabeth came to the throne Tunstal was again driven -from this house, and about 1583 Elizabeth granted it to its greatest -tenant, the glorious Raleigh."[3] In all probability Tunstal only -lived in the house a short time if at all. He was appointed to the See -in 1530, and in 1540, as we know by Stow's description of the -already-mentioned festival, Durham Place was a royal house, and so it -remained until 1603, when Lord Salisbury used Toby Matthew, Bishop of -Durham, as his catspaw to claim it, in order that he might filch the -best part of it--the Strand frontage--for himself, which he did to his -own great profit. In any case, it is certain that Tunstal never got -the house back again from Mary or Cardinal Pole, whatever promises may -have been made to him. - -Of the few Spanish nobles of high rank who stayed with Philip II. -during the whole of his residence in England after his marriage with -Queen Mary, one was Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, Count de Feria, a prime -favourite and close friend of Philip. This nobleman had fallen deeply -in love with Miss Jane Dormer, one of Mary's maids of {268} honour, and -married her, and although the secret of the union had been well kept, -circumstances made it necessary to openly avow it before the King and -his suite left London for Flanders in September, 1555. Feria was again -in London with the King in March, 1557, for a few months, but in -January, 1558, he came back in another capacity. The war was going -badly for Philip and England. The French had taken Calais, and Guines -was on the point of falling; if the contest was to be carried on at all -more money and more men must be squeezed out of unwilling England, or -otherwise peace must be made, with England for a scapegoat. Philip -could not come himself, so he sent his haughty, overbearing favourite -Feria as his ambassador to bully and bribe the English courtiers and -coerce the sorely beset Queen. He came with a large train of servants -and with great magnificence; his English wife, a country knight's -daughter only as she was, as proud as himself; and he was granted the -use of Durham Place, furnished from the Queen's own house, as other -great ambassadors had been granted it before him. Egmont had been -lodged there with his splendid train in January, 1554, when he had come -to offer Philip's hand to Mary. Chatillon, the French ambassador, too, -had been given the use of the house during his short embassy in 1550, -so that there was nothing extraordinary in the granting of the house to -Feria. Only that former ambassadors had stayed for a few weeks, -whereas Feria and his successor remained in possession for five years -and a half, and made of Durham Place a trysting-place for treason -during the most of that time. - -{269} - -Whilst Elizabeth was striving against terrible odds with all her subtle -statecraft to lay the foundation of a united nation on the broken -elements of civil and religious discord, her task was hourly rendered -more difficult by the plots hatched in her own house at Durham Place. -All the disaffected and discontented found a welcome there; emissaries -from Shan O'Neil flitted backwards and forwards at night by the river -gate. Stukeley whispered here his willingness to desert with the -Queen's ships to the King of Spain, and here Hawkins himself humbly -begged to be bought. Lady Sidney, Robert Dudley's sister, Dudley -himself, Arundel, Lumley, Montague, and Winchester found in the secret -rooms at Durham Place open but discreet ears to listen to their plans -for preventing the establishment of Protestantism in England, and for -bringing the country again under the sway of the Pope. Madcap Arthur -Pole appealed first to Durham Place when he wanted aid for his silly -plot in favour of Mary Stuart, and long-headed Lethington came at dead -of night by the silent river on a similar but far more serious errand. -The publication of the correspondence of the Spanish ambassadors in -England during the reign of Elizabeth (Rolls Series) adds many -interesting pages to the history of Durham Place, and renders the -memories of the house more important than ever to the students of the -Reformation period in England. - -Feria arrived in London and took up his residence at Durham Place on -the 26th of January, 1558, having, as he says, lingered on the way in -order not to bring the unwelcome news of the surrender of Guines by the -English, which news {270} had crossed the Channel with him. In -addition to Durham Place, where he and his household were lodged, he -had the same privileges as to an apartment in the Queen's palace as -those which appertained to an English Privy Councillor--privileges -which he tried hard to have confirmed to him by the new Queen when Mary -died, in order, as he says, that he might keep his foot in the place -and spy out what was going on. But Elizabeth and Cecil knew full well -what his object was, and were quite shocked at the idea of the -representative of a possible suitor for her hand sleeping under the -same roof as the maiden Queen, so Feria had to depend upon his paid -agents in the palace, and even in the Council itself, to bring him news -to Durham Place of what was going on. - -With the evidence now before us we can form an approximate idea of the -appearance of Durham Place at the time. The Strand was a rough, -unpaved road, with a fringe of shops and taverns on the northern side, -whilst on the south side were the back walls and outer courts of the -riverine mansions. The principal land gateway of Durham Place stood -exactly opposite the spot now occupied by the Adelphi Theatre. The -English custodian or porter, who was in the pay of the Queen, had his -dwelling just inside the gate, where he could spy those who went in and -out on the land side. On each side of the gate in the outer courtyard -were stables and outhouses, and in and around the gateway in the street -were benches where idlers and hangers-on sat and lounged through the -day gossiping, in various tongues, and boasting of the prowess of their -respective countrymen. On {271} the other side of the street, nearly -opposite, was a tavern called the "Chequers,"[4] which drove a roaring -trade with the men-at-arms, Court-danglers, and serving-men who were -constantly passing to and from Whitehall and St. James'. Opposite the -gateway, across the large outer courtyard, was the door of the great -hall, generally standing open for the neighbours to pass through[5] it -to the inner or smaller courtyard, in which stood a water conduit fed -by a "spring of fairwater in Covent Garden."[6] Beyond this inner -courtyard stood the house itself at the bottom of the slope on the bank -of the river at the spot now occupied by the arches that support -Adelphi Terrace. It was a castellated structure, with its water-gate -placed in the middle of the curtain between two turrets, and leading -not, as usually was the case, through a garden, but straight from the -steps into the house itself by an enclosed pent-house doorway. The -domestic offices, and probably the chapel, were on the ground floor, -but the principal dwelling-rooms were all upstairs and in the turrets. -Aubrey, in his letters (vol. iii. 573), thus speaks of Raleigh's -occupancy of one of these turrets: "Durham House was a noble palace. -After he came to his greatness, he lived there or in some apartment of -it. I well remember his study, which was on a little turret that -looked into and over the {272} Thames, and had a prospect which is as -pleasant as any in the world." - -The water-gate of the house was not the only approach to the river, as -there was a space with trees on each side of the house, with a dwarf -wall fronting the water, and a descent on one side by which the -neighbours were allowed to get water from the stream for washing and -similar purposes. It will thus be seen that the only really private -part was the house itself between the inner courtyard and the river; -the great hall and both courtyards being practically open to the public -under the supervision of the custodian at the outer gate, who was -responsible only to the Queen, and was a constant source of friction -with the foreign occupants of the house. - -Feria stayed at Durham Place until August, 1558, taking an active part -in the distracted Councils of the Queen; and then, having found that -Mary's hopes of an heir were again fallacious, and having bullied and -frightened the Queen and Council into raising all the money they could -beg or borrow for Philip's service, he went back to Flanders, leaving -his English wife in London, with a Flemish and a Spanish ambassador of -lower rank than himself to represent his master. But when Mary was -known to be dying, he posted back again to be on the spot when the -great change took place, and Durham Place was avoided like a -plague-spot thenceforward for many days by the courtiers and -time-servers who wished to stand well with the new Queen. - -The proud Spaniard repaid distrust by bitter resentment, and soon found -that his arrogance made him unfit instrument for cajolery. So he sent -for a softer spoken diplomatist to act as his "tender," {273} and the -wily, silken Bishop of Aquila became his guest at Durham Place. Feria -could not for long brook the need of paying supple court to the people -over whom he had ridden roughshod, and an excuse was soon found by -which he might be withdrawn without an open confession of his -unfitness, and in May, 1559, he left Durham Place for good, leaving his -English Countess and the Bishop of Aquila in possession. - -At Dover he met Baron Ravenstein, who was coming from the Emperor to -offer the hand of the Archduke Charles to Elizabeth, and as such a -match would only have subserved Spanish interests if it had been -effected by the aid of Spanish diplomacy, Feria asked the German to -become his guest at Durham Place, which he did, and was made much of by -the Countess and the Bishop. But he wore out his welcome very soon, -particularly with the latter, a portion of whose apartments he -occupied, and the Bishop sneers at him for his constant attendance at -Mass. "He is quite a good fellow," he says, "but surely this must be -the first negotiation he ever conducted in his life." The Countess -soon came to high words with the new Queen, and in a month or so left -Durham Place in a dudgeon to join her husband in Flanders, -thenceforward to see England no more. With her went, in addition to -her escort, Don Juan de Ayala, her grandmother, Lady Dormer, and that -Mistress Susan Clarencis who was Queen Mary's most devoted attendant. -From that time, namely, July, 1559, the Bishop was temporary master of -Durham Place by favour of the Queen, against whom he never ceased to -intrigue as far as he dared. - -{274} - -We have already glanced at the structure of the house itself; it may be -now interesting to give some account of the household of the Bishop, -which may probably be considered a typical one. First there was a -chaplain at three crowns a month and his board, a chief secretary at -twelve crowns a month, a chamberlain, two or three -gentlemen-in-waiting, a groom-of-the-chambers, and six pages--all -without any fixed wage, but who lived on promises, perquisites, and -what they could pick up, eating, however, at the Bishop's expense, and -mostly clothed by him. Then there were two couriers at three shillings -a month, which they rarely got; a cook, a buyer, a butler, and a -pantryman, at a crown a month each; two cantineers, two "lacqueys," two -Irish grooms, and two washerwomen at nominal wages of from three to -five shillings a month when they could get them, which was very -uncertain. Small as the wages seem to us, the expense of the -establishment was very great, as these people and a host of friends and -hangers-on were fed roughly but abundantly at the Bishop's cost, the -humbler sort eating in the great hall and the gentlemen of the -household in the upper chambers. - -The Bishop had hardly been in possession of the house for a year when -Challoner, the English Ambassador in Spain, warned Cecil that the -"crafty old fox" was getting to know too much about what went on at -Court, and that some decent excuse should be sought for turning him out -from so advantageous a coign of vantage as Durham Place, with its -water-gate and its close proximity to the palace, whence spies and -courtiers might come and go secretly, as we now know they did, at all -hours for {275} the information of the King of Spain's Ambassador. We -may be sure that the hint was not lost on Cecil, but the Bishop was -cunning, and to turn him out without good ostensible cause would have -been too risky at a time when Philip's future action was still -uncertain. So the Queen's porter in charge of the house was told to -take careful note of those who went in and out by the Strand gate, and -particularly those who attended Mass in the Ambassador's chapel. But -still the weak point in the position was the water-gate, the key of -which always remained in the possession of the Bishop or his -major-domo. Various stratagems were resorted to by the English porter -to obtain possession of it, but in vain, and more decided measures had -at last to be taken. The Bishop's confidential secretary, an Italian -named Borghese, was bribed by Cecil to tell all he knew of his master's -practices, and great promises of high position and a rich marriage in -England were held out to him as a further reward for his treachery. -This made him arrogant and boastful, and led to a slashing match with -the Bishop's Italian gentleman-in-waiting, whom Borghese nearly killed. -He boasted that he had friends at Court, snapped his fingers at the -officers of the law and at the Bishop's cajolery and threats, made a -clean breast of it to Cecil, and things began to look bad for his late -master. Dr. Wotton, a member of the Privy Council, went to Durham -Place, and gravely formulated a series of complaints founded on the -secretary's information. Most of these complaints were trivial, being -to the effect that the Bishop had said and written various depreciatory -things against the Queen: but one {276} accusation was serious, namely, -than Shan O'Neil had taken the Sacrament at Durham Place, which was -true, although the ecclesiastical diplomatist solemnly denied it. - -The Bishop was nearly beside himself with rage and chagrin, and begged -plaintively to be relieved from his irksome post among heretics such as -these. But all in vain. It did not suit the Queen and Cecil for the -moment to perpetrate the last indignity of turning him out of the -house, but after this they kept a closer watch upon him than ever and -bode their time. They had not to wait long. There were four French -hostages in London, held in pledge for the due fulfilment of the Treaty -of Château Cambresis, and very troublesome guests they were. - -The most turbulent of them was a certain Nantouillet, Provost of Paris, -a fanatical Catholic and partisan of the Guises. He had for some -reason or another conceived a grudge against a mercenary captain called -Masino, who was in the pay of the Vidame de Chartres, a Huguenot -nobleman. So, in the manner of the times, he sought to have him -killed, and, seeking for an instrument, he came across a young lad of -bad character called Andrea, who was a servant of a lute player at -Court, Alfonso the Bolognese. To this lad the Provost gave a dagger -and a coat of mail, and promised a reward of a hundred crowns if he -killed Masino. Andrea left his musical master and hung about the -Strand door of Durham Place for several days at the beginning of -January, 1563. At meal times he went into the great hall as others did -and ate his fill, and then lounged outside on the benches again. - -{277} - -At last, in the dusk of the afternoon of the 3rd of January, 1563, -Captain Masino came swaggering up the Strand on his way to Whitehall, -and Andrea fired at him point blank, at a foot distance, with a -harquebuss. But the captain's swagger saved his life, for the bullet -passed between his left arm and his body, making a hole through his -swinging cape and burning his doublet, and then glanced off into a shop -on the other side of the way, "and came near killing an honest -Englishman therein." Out came the swashbuckler's long rapier, and off -ran the assassin into the outer courtyard of Durham Place, shrieking -for mercy, followed by the captain and the English neighbours. The -Bishop's household in the great courtyard seized their arms, and -slammed the doors in the faces of the pursuers, whilst the terrified -assassin fled through the great hall, through the inner courtyard and -pell-mell up the stair leading to the Bishop's apartment. - -Quite by chance, of course, the Provost of Paris happened to be playing -at cards with the Bishop and the French Ambassador, whilst Luis de Paz -and other friends looked on. The banging of the crowd at the closed -door of the great hall, the terror-stricken cries of the criminal, and -the tramping of the servants on the stair, brought out the Bishop and -his friends to ask indignantly the cause of the uproar. Andrea on his -knees at the door begged for protection and mercy. Captain Masino had -beaten him, he said, some days ago, and he had fired a shot at him and -missed him, so no harm was done, but still the captain wanted to kill -him. Calming the clamour, the Bishop asked whether the shot had been -fired inside or outside of Durham {278} Place. "At the gate!" they -said, and the boy had only entered when pursued, to save his life. -"Then," said the Bishop to Bernabe Mata, his majordomo, "turn him out -by the water-gate." By mere chance again a boat was in waiting, hired -by the Provost of Paris, who slipped outside himself to see the -assassin safely off, gave him ten crowns, and whilst the crowd still -battered and stormed at the door of the great hall, Andrea was carried -to Gravesend as fast as strong oars could propel him. But he was -captured next day, and under torture told the whole story. The Provost -himself was closely imprisoned in Alderman Chester's house, whence he -carried on for weeks an interesting correspondence with his friends -outside, written with onion juice on the inside lining of the breeches -of a servant. - -This attempted murder was the opportunity for which Cecil had long been -waiting. Strong hints about treachery founded on the secretary's -information, galling interference with attendance at Mass, flouts and -insults, had been more or less patiently borne by the Bishop at his -master's behest, but harbouring a criminal was an infraction of the -ordinary law of the land, and if it could be brought home to the -Ambassador the Queen would have a good excuse for taking her house away -from a tenant who put it to so bad a use. The news was not long -travelling from the Strand to Whitehall; Cobham and a posse of the -Queen's guard came straight to Durham Place, and in the name of the law -demanded the surrender of the criminal. They were told he was not -there, but had left by the water-gate, and, this reply being -unsatisfactory, they came back again directly with the Queen's command -{279} that the keys of the water-gate, as well as those of the Strand -entrance, should be given up to the English custodian, in order that he -might render an account of all those who went in and out. The Bishop -writes to Philip:-- - -"This custodian is a very great heretic, who for three years past has -been in this house with no other duty than to spy out those who come to -see me, for the purpose of accusing me. I have put up with it for all -this time, although at great inconvenience to myself, so as to avoid -having disputes with them on a matter of this description. When the -Marshal made this demand, however, I answered him that for twenty years -the Ambassadors here had been allowed to reside in the royal houses, -nearly all those sent by your Majesty and the Emperor having done so, -and they had invariably been accustomed to hold the keys of the houses -wherein they lived. I said that it was not right that an innovation -should be made in my case after my four years' residence here, -especially on so slight a pretext as this matter, in which I was not at -all to blame, and considering that this is the first case of the sort -that has happened since I have been here, it cannot be said that my -house is an habitual refuge for criminals. I would, however, go and -give the Queen an account of the matter, which I endeavoured to do." - -But the Queen would not see him either that day or the next. She was -too busy she said; and on the following day, which was Twelfth Day, -just as people were coming to Mass, some locksmiths came in a boat to -the water-gate and put a new lock on, notwithstanding the protest of -the Bishop's {280} household, and the keys of all the gates were now -held by the Queen's officers. The Bishop was in a towering rage, and -said, that as the Queen imprisoned him in his own house, and made a -goal of it, he demanded the keys back, or else that she should find him -another residence where he might be free. A long account of the solemn -conference between the Bishop and the Council is given in the Calendar -of State Papers (Foreign), the 7th of January, 1563, and the Bishop's -version is now published in the Spanish State Papers of Elizabeth, vol. -i. According to both accounts, the Bishop got decidedly the worst of -it. Cecil was the spokesman, and, instead of taking up a defensive -position about the keys, he turned the tables by piling up all the -complaints which his spies had accumulated for the last two years, and -the poor Bishop found himself the accused rather than the injured -party. The escape of the criminal by the water-gate was made the most -of--such a thing in law-abiding England had never been heard of -before--but after all this was a bagatelle to the other charges. - -The neighbours had complained over and over again, Cecil said, of the -quarrels and fights of the Bishop's dependants, and had asked for his -removal from the house. There had been a squabble, one of many, -between the English porter and the Bishop's scullions about the water, -which, after serving the conduit in the inner courtyard, ran down to -the basement kitchen of the house itself. The Bishop's servants kept -their tap running in the kitchen out of malice, in order to deprive the -upper conduit of water, and when the English porter complained, they -shut the door of the great hall, so {281} that neither he nor the -neighbours could get to the conduit at all. Then the porter said he -would cut the pipe and stop their supply, and at this threat they went -to his house with weapons in their hands and said they would kill him -if he did so; and he was the Queen's servant! But, worst of all, Cecil -accused the Bishop of plotting with Shan O'Neil and Arthur Pole, and -said that since the house had been in the Bishop's occupation it had -become sadly dilapidated and damaged as regarded the lead, glass doors, -and so on, and that the Queen had decided to put it into proper repair -and find another fitting residence for him. The Bishop retorted by -denying all the charges, and saying that as the house was low-lying and -damp and he was old and ailing, he would be glad to leave it. But soft -spoken as he was to the Council, he was burning with rage, and wrote to -Granvelle in a very different tone. - -It was some months yet, however, before he moved from Durham Place, and -during that time the Queen's Marshal again descended upon the house one -morning of a Catholic feast-day, and haled all those who were attending -Mass to the Marshalsea. The guard had, it appears, concealed -themselves betimes in the porter's house, and Cecil had given them -orders that if any resistance whatever was offered they were to attack -the house in force and capture all the inmates at any cost. But at -last the poor old Bishop, heart-broken at having to suffer so much -indignity, was got rid of and lodged elsewhere. Deeply in debt and -penniless, he went in the summer of 1563 to Langley, Bucks, where he -died in August, some say of poison, some of plague, and some of grief. -Then Durham Place, {282} refurbished and repaired, again became a royal -guest-house. - -On the 16th of July, 1565, the Queen lent Durham Place to Sir Ambrose -Cave, one of her Privy Council, for the celebration of his daughter's -wedding with the son of Sir Francis Knollys, the Vice-Chamberlain, and -the new Spanish Ambassador, Canon Guzman de Silva, was invited to the -supper in the evening, at which the Queen had promised to be present. -By mutual consent it had been arranged that the French and Spanish -Ambassadors should never meet at Court, or where the vexed question of -precedence might arise; but the two diplomatists, wily Churchmen both, -were for ever on the look out for a chance of scoring off each other. -No doubt Ambrose Cave thought he had cleverly evaded the difficulty by -asking the French Ambassador to the more important meal, namely, the -eleven o'clock dinner, and the Spanish Ambassador to the supper in the -evening, at which the Queen was to be present. But when De Foix learnt -at the hospitable feast at Durham Place that the Queen was coming -later, he announced his intention of staying to supper as well. If -Guzman did not like it, he said, he might stay away, and poor Cave, -foreseeing an unseemly squabble in the Queen's presence, rushed off in -despair to the Spanish Ambassador to beg of him not to come. But this -was too much for the Toledan pride of the Canon, and he told Cave that -he had not sought an invitation to the feast, but since it had been -given and accepted he was not going to stay away for the French -Ambassador or any one else. As for precedence, his master was the -greatest King on earth, {283} and if the worst came to the worst he -would fight out the question. In vain Cave protested that the Queen -would not come if there was to be any quarrelling, and he would be -ruined at Court. He could not, he said, get rid of the Frenchman, who -flatly refused to go, and he could hardly throw him out of the window. -Guzman said if there was much ado about it he would throw him out of -window himself, and sent off Cave in a huff. Then Guzman hurried to -Whitehall in order to catch the Queen before she started for Durham -Place. He waited for some time, he says, in the privy garden by which -she would have to pass to her barge; and after she had vainly attempted -to smooth matters over, and said she herself must refrain from going if -there was to be any disturbance, she pretended to fly into a rage at -Cave's management of the affair, and sent Cecil and Throgmorton off to -Durham Place to get rid of the French Ambassador somehow. What -arguments they used Guzman neither knew nor cared, but when he arrived -with the Queen the rival Ambassador was gone, and he was the principal -guest next to the sovereign. "The Queen stayed through the -entertainment, and the Emperor's Ambassador and I supped with her in -company with the bride and some of the principal ladies and the -gentlemen who came with the Emperor's Ambassador. After supper there -was a ball, a tourney, and two masques, and the feast ended at -half-past one in the morning." - -In September, 1565, Durham Place received a royal guest in the person -of Cecilia, Princess of Sweden, Margravine of Baden, who came -principally to spy how the land lay with regard to the {284} -oft-repeated suit for Elizabeth's hand made by her brother Eric XIV. -The English queen, as was her wont, made much of her at first; but she, -too, wore out her welcome during the months she stayed, for, as we have -seen, the housekeeping of great folk in those days was far from -economical, and when the Swedish princess ran short of money and wanted -pecuniary help, as she soon did, frugal Elizabeth's friendship began to -cool, and it ended in the poor Princess having to pledge even her -clothes to satisfy her more pressing creditors before they would let -her go; and her husband, a ruling prince, was put into gaol at -Rochester by the irate tradesmen who had trusted his wife. But all -this was at the end of her visit; the beginning was certainly brilliant -and auspicious. - -The Princess arrived at Dover in the Queen's ships, and was there -received by Lord Cobham and his wife, the Mistress of the Robes, and a -knot of courtiers sent by the Queen from Windsor. They rode as usual -through Kent to Gravesend, where the Queen's barges awaited them, and -the Queen's cousin, Lord Hunsdon, and six pages in royal livery -received the Princess, who was thus carried up the river with all pomp -and circumstance to the water-gate of Durham Place. Her dress on the -occasion attracted attention in London by its strangeness. She was -attired, we are told, in a long black velvet robe, with a mantle of -cloth of silver and black, and on her fair hair she wore a golden -crown. At the top of the water-stairs at Durham Place she was received -by the Countess of Sussex, Lady Bacon, and Cecil, and installed in the -house with all honour. A day or two afterwards the Queen came {285} -from Windsor to visit her. "She received her Majesty at the door, -where she embraced her warmly, and both went up to her apartments. -After the Queen had passed some time with her in great enjoyment she -returned home, and the next night, the 15th, the Princess was delivered -of a son." In due time the young Prince of Baden was christened with -great pomp, and Durham Place was a scene of festivity on that and many -other occasions whilst the Swedish Princess resided there. We have -rather a full account of one of Queen Elizabeth's visits to the -Princess at Durham Place, as Guzman, the Spanish Ambassador, happened -to be at Whitehall when her Majesty was starting, and, at her -invitation, accompanied her thither in her barge. He says he was with -her alone for some time in the cabin of the barge, until, probably, her -Majesty becoming tired of a _tête-à-tête_ with an elderly clergyman, -called her new pet Heneage to her, and began to whisper and flirt with -him. The Princess awaited the Queen at the water-gate as usual, and -led her to the principal apartments upstairs, although neither royal -lady would consent to be seated until a stool was brought for Guzman, -who relates the incident. The Queen came by water, and returned in a -coach by way of the Strand. When she was seated in the carriage with -Lady Cobham, her maiden Majesty could not resist the opportunity -afforded by the condition of her companion to make rather a risky joke -to the Ambassador, who, ecclesiastic though he was, retorted fully in -the same vein, and carefully repeated the conversation in a letter to -his royal master the next day. - -{286} - -For the next few years Durham Place gave shelter to many courtiers, -ambassadors, and honoured guests of the Queen, and was occasionally -lent, as we have seen, for parties and merrymakings, its large size and -easy access by land and water making it peculiarly appropriate for such -uses. But the elder Earl of Essex, Walter Devereux, made a somewhat -longer stay in some of its apartments. It was here, probably enough in -the turret-rooms which were Raleigh's favourite abiding-place, that -Essex planned that expedition to Ireland with which his name was -destined for all time to be linked. From here he started in August, -1573, and, with the exception of one flying visit in 1575, never saw -Durham Place again. - -In 1583 the Queen granted the house to Raleigh. It was in a -dilapidated condition, and he spent, as he says, £2,000 in repairing -it; certain it is that during twenty years that Raleigh lived there -Durham Place reached its apogee of splendour. The Strand had greatly -altered for the better since the time when Feria lived at Durham Place. -The Bishop of Carlisle's house, on the other side of Ivy Lane, had -disappeared, and Robert Cecil had built a splendid house for himself on -its site. His father and elder brother, too, across the Strand had -another palace, and between them they had paved and made up the roadway -for a considerable distance before their properties. But slowly, too, -the Strand was becoming a great fashionable thoroughfare, and -long-headed Robert Cecil knew well that as shops grew up along its line -the street frontage would increase in value. So he cast covetous eyes -across his own boundary at Ivy Lane on to the great {287} ramshackle -congeries of stables and outhouses which fronted the Strand at Durham -Place. As long as his mistress lived he dared not disturb Raleigh, but -no sooner had the great Queen passed away than Raleigh was turned out -with every circumstance of harshness and insult, and Lord Salisbury got -his street frontage, upon which he built Britain's Burse, which was to -be a rival to the Royal Exchange. - -Thenceforward Durham Place went down in the world. A sort of square, -with entrance by what is now called Durham Street, was built on a -portion of the garden and great courtyard, but the hall and mansion -themselves were left intact, and the latter was still used for the -lodging of ambassadors and others, and the Bishops of Durham appear to -have had lodgings in what formerly was their own palace. Lord Keeper -Coventry lived, or at all events wrote, his letters here, and Lord -Keeper Finch died at Durham Place in 1640. Lord Pembroke bought the -whole site soon after, intending to build himself a house there, but -although the plans were made the project fell through. The -Commonwealth soldiers were quartered in the house for nearly two years, -and Lord Pembroke had to find himself a house elsewhere, for which the -Parliament voted him £200. - -The Strand front became more and more valuable, and by and by another -exchange was built on the rest of the frontage, whilst the property in -the rear continued to get more squalid as the time went on. In the -middle of the last century the exchanges were pulled down and a fine -row of shops built on the site, whilst projects for {288} dealing with -the space still occupied by the old palace were busying many men's -minds. At last came the brothers Adam and made a clean sweep of it -all, back and front, and built the Adelphi as we see it to-day. The -wide expanse of mud which at low tide formerly spread from the walls of -the old palace is now replaced by the waving trees of a public garden. -Great railway stations, gigantic hotels, towering masses of "flats" and -"mansion" rear their high heads all round the site of old Durham Place. -The wealth and power have passed from the hands of the few to the hands -of the many, and instead of one man living in squalid splendour in the -comfortless palace surrounded by hosts of unproductive hinds, hundreds -live in comfort, usefulness, and self-respect upon the spot. There is -probably more money spent in a week by working people in the garish -music-hall that occupies the Strand front than would have sufficed to -keep Durham Place in full swing for a year during the time of its -greatest grandeur. - - - -[1] _The Fortnightly Review_, September, 1893. - -[2] Calendar of State Papers, 1547-1580, p. 105. - -[3] "The Adelphi and its Site," by H. B. Wheatley, F.S.A. - -[4] It was afterwards called the "Queen's Head," and here Old Parr -lodged when he came to London. - -[5] In the next century, when the Strand front was built over, the -parishioners wanted this hall for a church for St. Martin's parish, the -hall, they said, being only used as a passage. - -[6] A century later the water of this spring was found to be foul, and, -as its source had been forgotten, an examination was made. The spring -was rediscovered under a cellar of a house in Covent Garden. - - -[Illustration: Tailpiece] - - - - -{289} - -_THE EXORCISM OF CHARLES THE BEWITCHED._ - - -[Illustration: CHARLES II. OF SPAIN, "The Bewitched." -(_From a painting by Claudio Coelle._)] - - -{291} - - -[Illustration: Headpiece] - - -_THE EXORCISM OF CHARLES THE BEWITCHED._[1] - -The pallid little milksop in black velvet, with his -lank, tow-coloured hair and his great underhung -chin, who will simper for ever on the canvas of -Carreño, had grown to be a man--a poor feeble -anæmic old man of thirty-seven,[2] the last of his -race, to whom fastings and feastings, the ceremonies -of the Church, and the nostrums of the empirics had -been equally powerless in providing a successor -for the crumbling empire of his fathers. The -{292} -strong spirits upon whom he had leant in his youth -and early manhood had passed away. His imperious -mother, who reigned so long and unworthily -in his name, had died of cancer only a year or two -ago. His virile brother, Don Juan José of Austria, -in whom the worn-out blood of the imperial race had -been quickened by the brighter but baser blood of -his actress mother, had been poisoned. His beloved -first wife, the beautiful Marie Louise of Orleans, -had faded away in the sepulchral gloom of that -dreary Court, and his new German wife, Marie Anne -of Neuberg, with her imperious violence, frightened -him out of what little wit he had left by her -advocacy of new ideas. For new ideas to that poor -brain were the inventions of the very Devil himself. -He had been drilled for years into the knowledge -that the claims of his French kinsmen to his -inheritance were just; and, though for years past all -the diplomatists of Europe had been plotting and -planning for one or the other claimant with varying -success, all that poor Charles the Bewitched himself -wanted was to be left alone in peace whilst he lived, -and that one of his French cousins should succeed -him when he died. There was not much chance -of either wish being fulfilled from the time that -England and the Austrian faction juggled Marie -Anne of Neuberg into the palace as Charles' second -wife. She made short work of all the courtiers and -ministers who favoured the French succession--they -had one after the other either to come round -to her side or go. Most of the best of them--not -that any of them were very good--sulked in their -own provinces awaiting events, whilst others still -plotted in the capital. - -{293} - -In the meantime the Queen and her camarilla -were all-powerful. After various weak and futile -explosions, the smashing of crockery and breaking -of furniture and the like, the poor King, for the -sake of peace, let her have her own way, and -ostensibly favoured the claims of the Austrian -Archduke to his inheritance. But like most -semi-idiots he could not relax his grasp on an -idea of which he had once become possessed, and -though he was surrounded day and night by the -Queen's creatures, and was content that they should -have their way whilst he was well, he no sooner -fell into one of his periodical fits of deadly sickness -than, with all the terror and dread of death, and -constant fear of poison and witchcraft upon him, -he yearned for the presence of those who had been -with him in earlier and happier days, before the -German Queen and her base blood-suckers had -come to disturb his tranquillity. - -The story of the strange and obscure Court -intrigue which resulted in the gaining by the -French faction of the upper hand in the palace -during the critical time preceding Charles's death, -has often and variously been told, mostly with -an ignorant or wilful distortion of events. -M. Morel-Fatio has shown how Victor Hugo has -deliberately falsified the character of the Queen -Marie Anne of Neuberg, in order that he might -make use of the local colour furnished by the -Countess d'Aulnoy's letters written from Spain -fifteen years before the period represented by the -dramatist;[3] and many other writers, French and -{294} -English, who have been attracted by the romantic -elements of the witchcraft story, have surrounded -it with a cloud of fictitious persons and incidents -which makes it difficult now to distinguish between -history and romance. Every writer on the subject, -so far as I know, moreover, has stopped short at -the story of the exorcism itself, whereas it really -developed into a great struggle of many years' -duration between the Grand Inquisitor on the -one hand and the Council of Inquisitors on -the other, in which, curiously enough, the latter -body championed the cause of legal process as -against the arbitrary power assumed by its own chief. - -There is in the British Museum[4] a full -manuscript account from day to day of the whole -transaction from beginning to end, written at the -time by one of the clerks or secretaries in the -Inquisition, who, although he avows himself a -partisan of the French faction and of the King's -confessor, Froilan Diaz, around whom all the storm -raged, declares that he has set down the unvarnished -truth of the whole complicated business, in order -that people may know after his death what really -happened, and how much they "owe to his Sacred -Majesty Philip V. for preserving the privileges of -the holy tribunal of the Inquisition, or, what is -the same, our holy faith." By the aid of this -set of documents, and another set in the Museum -(part of which has been published in Spanish), -{295} -the story, which is well worth preserving, may -be reconstructed, and the hitherto unrelated -particulars of the actual exorcism rescued from -oblivion. - -The most powerful person at Court next to the -Queen was Father Matilla, the King's confessor, -whose hand was everywhere, and who said on -one occasion that he would much rather make -bishops than be one. Then came the other members -of the Queen's camarilla, an obscure country -lawyer who had been created Count Adanero, and -Minister of Finance and the Indies, who provided -the crew with money to their hearts' content, and -squandered and muddled away the national -resources, whilst all Spain was groaning under -impossible imposts; Madame Berlips, a German -woman who had an extraordinary influence over -the Queen, and an insatiable greed; two Italian -monks, and a mutilated musician of the Royal -Chapel. There were two great nobles also who, -after several periods of disgrace and hesitation, -had at last thrown themselves on to the Queen's -side--the Admiral of Castile and Count Oropesa, the -ostensibly responsible ministers; but these -practically only carried out the designs of the Queen's -camarilla, and were content with the appearance -and profits of power without its exercise. The -populace, as may be imagined, were in deadly -opposition to the Queen and her foreign -surroundings, and were strongly in favour of one of -the younger French princes whom they might adopt -and make a Spaniard of, as they never could hope -to do with a German archduke, and thus, as they -thought, avoid the threatened partition of their -{296} -country.[5] This was the position of things in March, -1698, when the King, who had partly recovered -from his previous attack eighteen months before, -was again taken ill.[6] He was dragged out by the -Queen to totter and stagger in religious processions, -was made to go through the ceremonial forms of -his position, nodding and babbling incoherently to -ministers and ambassadors whom he was obliged -to receive, and at last, weary and sick to death, -haunted by an unquiet conscience and with the -appalling fear of hourly poison, he sent word by -a trusty messenger to the wise, crafty old minister -of his mother, Cardinal Portocarrero, who had been -banished from the Court by the Queen, that he -wished to see him. - -The Cardinal needed no two invitations, but -posted off to the palace. He had still plenty of -{297} -friends of various ranks, notwithstanding the -Queen, and amongst them was Count de Benavente, -the Gentleman of the Bedchamber. By him he -was conducted at night to the King's bed-side, -after the Queen had retired, and heard the -heart-broken recital of the monarch's troubles. The -King told him he was ill and unhappy and in -trouble about his soul's health. He was conscious -of a struggle going on within him between his -knowledge of the right thing to do and his incapacity to -do it, and this left him no peace or happiness. The -people who surrounded him were distasteful to him, -his confessor, Matilla, gave him no real consolation, -and he ascribed much of his own illness and misery -to the bad management and ceaseless worry he -had to endure from those who had the direction -of affairs. The King unburdened himself to -the Cardinal in his lisping, mumbling fashion, -his utterance broken with sobs and tears, but -sufficiently plainly for Portocarrero to see that if -he and his friends acted boldly, swiftly, and secretly -they might again become predominant and dispose -of the splendid inheritance of Spain and the Indies. -He said some consoling, soothing words to the -King, and promised him that steps should be -taken to insure him tranquillity, and then he took -his leave. The interview took place in the ancient -Alcazar, which stood on the site of the present -royal palace in Madrid, for poor Carlos had no -spirits for the new Buen Retiro Palace, where his -father had been so gay and splendid. It was nearly -eleven o'clock at night, but as soon as the Cardinal -got back to his own house he summoned his friends -to a private conference. They were all of them -{298} -courtiers in disgrace with the Queen, and most of -them extremely popular with the mob in Madrid. -There was Count Monterey, mild and temporising, -with his hesitating speech and his irritating "hems -and hahs"; there was the Marquis of Leganes, -a hot-headed soldier, rash and pugnacious; Don -Francisco Ronquillo, ambitious, intriguing, and -bold, who, with his brother, was the idol of the -"chulos" of the capital; Don Juan Antonio Urraca, -honest, uncouth, and boorish; and, above all, quiet, -wise, and prudent Don Sebastian de Cotes, a close -friend of the Cardinal's. First, Monterey was -invited to give his opinion as to what should be done, -but he dwelt mainly upon the danger to them all -presented from the King's infirmity of purpose; -and how one minister after the other who had for -a moment succeeded in persuading him to make -a stand, had been disgraced and banished the -moment the Queen got access to her husband and -twisted him round her finger, as she could. He -had no desire to take risks, apparently, and could -recommend nothing but that the Cardinal Archbishop -should keep his footing in the palace, and -gradually work upon the King's mind. Leganes -scoffed at such timid counsels; where the disease -was so violent as this a strong remedy must be -adopted. This should be the immediate banishment, -and, if necessary, the imprisonment of the -Admiral of Castile, the principal minister. He -(Leganes) had plenty of arms at home, and had -hundreds of men in Madrid who would serve him, -with experienced officers to command them, and -could soon make short work of the Admiral and -his train of poets and buffoons. Ronquillo went -{299} -further still. He said that was all very well, but -at the same time they must seize the Queen and -shut her up at the Huelgas de Burgos. Monterey -called him a fool, and said such an act would be -the death of the King and would ruin them all -before he could alter his will; and the two nobles -rushed at each other to fight out the question on the -spot before the Archbishop himself. When they -were separated the Cardinal no doubt thought it -was time to do something practical, and asked his -friend Cotes his opinion. Cotes was prosy enough, -but practical. He said of course Portocarrero could -easily get the King to sign any decree he liked, but -the Queen could more easily still get him to revoke -it; and, although it would be well to strike at the -Queen herself, he did not know who would dare -to do it. But after all she could only influence -him by mundane means; the confessor, Matilla, -whom the King hated and feared, and flouted only -yesterday, must be got rid of, and the Queen would -lose her principal instrument. This was approved -of, but no one could suggest a fitting successor -except Ronquillo--who, of course, had a nominee -of his own!--who was promptly vetoed. Each of -the others doubtless had one too, but thought best -to press his claims privately. So it was left to -the Archbishop to choose a new successor and -gain the King's consent to his appointment. The -choice fell upon a certain Froilan Diaz, professor of -theology at the University of Alcalá. One of his -recommendations was that he was near enough to -the capital to be brought thither quickly, before the -affair got wind, and no sooner did the Ronquillos -learn that Cotes had recommended him to the -{300} -Archbishop than they sent a mounted messenger -post-haste to Alcalá to inform Father Froilan of -his coming greatness, and claim for themselves -the credit of his appointment. - -A few days afterwards, in the afternoon, the King -lay in bed languidly listening to the music which was -being played in the outer chamber, with which his -own room communicated by an open door. The -outer room, as usual, was crowded with courtiers, and -in the deep recess of a window stood the confessor, -Matilla, chatting with a friend, alert and watchful -of all that passed. Suddenly Count de Benavente -entered with a stout, fresh-coloured ecclesiastic, -quiet and modest of mien and unknown to all. -They walked across the presence chamber without -announcement, and entered the King's chamber, -shutting the door behind them. Matilla's face grew -longer and his eyes wider as he saw this, and he -knew instinctively that his day was over. Turning -to his friend, he said, "Good-bye; this is beginning -where it ought to have left off," and with that he -left the palace, and went with the conviction of -disaster to his monastery of the Rosario. They -had all known for some days that something had -been brewing. Spies had dogged every footstep -of the Archbishop and those who attended the -midnight meeting at his house, but they had left -out of account the King's own Gentleman of the -Bedchamber, Count de Benavente, who had arranged -the whole affair. It is true that when the Queen -had, as usual, entered the King's bedroom that day, -at eleven o'clock, to see him dine, he had told her -in a whisper, unable to retain his secret, that he -had changed his confessor. She, astounded and -{301} -disconcerted at the news, pretended to approve -of the change--anything, she said, to give -tranquillity to her dear Carlos. But when she could -leave, she flew with all speed to her room, -summoned the Admiral and the camarilla, and told -them they were undone. Panic reigned supreme, -the general idea being that Matilla himself had -betrayed them. In any case they saw that he was -past praying for, so they threw him overboard, and -decided to try to save themselves, and see if, in -time, they could not buy over the new confessor. - -The only man of them who kept his head was -a great ecclesiastic, a brother of the Admiral of -Aragon, and of a member of the Council of the -Inquisition, one Folch de Cardona, Commissary-General -of the Order of San Francisco, who was -subsequently to play an important part in the -tragi-comedy. When Matilla learnt that the Queen and -her friends had known of the change an hour or two -before it happened he broke down. "Oh, for that -hour!" he exclaimed; "in it I would have set it all -right." Divested of all his offices, dismissed from -his inquisitorship, with a pension of 2,000 ducats, -he died within a week of poison or a broken heart, -and he disappears from the scene. - -In his place stands Froilan Diaz, a simple-minded -tool of the courtiers who had appointed -him. He did not look very terrible, even to the -panic-stricken Queen and her friends, and they -decided to make the best of him, and try to -confine the changes to the confessorship. -Henceforward Froilan Diaz was a man to be courted -and flattered. Honours and wealth were lavished -on him, and for a year no great change was -{302} -made in the palace or outside; but under the -surface intrigue was busy, both at the King's -bedside and in the haunts of the Madrid mob. At -the end of a year the latter element made short -work of the ministers and the Queen's gang and -drove the lot of them out, to be replaced by Arias, -the Ronquillos, and the French party; but with -this revolt the present study has nothing to do. - -The King's extreme decrepitude for a young man -had several years before given rise to rumours -amongst the vulgar that he was bewitched, and the -assertion had been made the subject of grave -consideration by the Grand Inquisitor of the time, who -reported that he could find no evidence to act upon. -At the time of the first serious illness of the King, -in 1697, he had of his own action sent to the new -Grand Inquisitor a terrible and austere Dominican -monk called Rocaberti, and had confessed to him -his conviction that his illness was not natural but -the result of some maleficent charm, and besought -him earnestly to have an exhaustive inquiry made. -The Inquisitor told him that he would, if he pleased, -have inquiry made, but saw no possible result could -come of it, unless the King could point out some -person whom he suspected or some plausible -evidence to go upon. And so the matter remained -until some weeks after Father Froilan had become -confessor. As may be supposed, Froilan Diaz's -elevation had reminded all his old friends of his -existence, and, amongst others, an old fellow-student -visited him, with whom he fell into talk about past -days and former acquaintances. "And how is -Father Argüelles getting on?" said the confessor. -"Ah, poor fellow!" was the reply; "he is confessor -{303} -at a convent at Cangas, terribly ill, but in no-wise -cast down, for the Devil himself has assured him in -person that God is preserving him for a great work -yet that shall resound through the world." The -King's confessor pricked up his ears at this, and -wanted further particulars. It appeared, according -to the friend, that Argüelles had had much trouble -with two nuns of his convent, who were possessed, -and in the course of his exorcisms had become quite -on intimate terms with his Satanic Majesty. Froilan -thought this was too important to be neglected, so -he consulted the Grand Inquisitor, the Dominican -Rocaberti. The grim monk did not, apparently, -much like the business, but consented to a letter -being written to the Bishop of Oviedo, the superior -of Argüelles, asking him to question his subordinate -as to the truth of the assertion that the King was -suffering from diabolical charms. The Bishop, -determined that he would not be made the channel -for such nonsense, wrote a sensible answer back, -saying that he did not believe in the witchcraft -story. All that ailed the King was a weakness of the -heart and a too ready acquiescence in the Queen's -wishes, so he would have nothing to do with it. - -Then Froilan sent direct to Argüelles, who -himself was afraid of the business unless he was -secured from harm, and refused to put any questions -to the Devil unless he had the warrant of the Grand -Inquisitor. A letter was therefore written by the -latter on June 18, 1698, ordering him to write the -names of the King and Queen on a sheet of -paper, and, without uttering them, to place the -paper on his breast, summon the Devil, and ask -him whether the persons whose names were so -{304} -written were suffering from witchcraft. Froilan -sent the letter in a long one of his own to his old -friend Argüelles with an elaborate cipher and other -devices for secrecy in subsequent communications. -No names henceforward were to be written. -The vicar, Argüelles, replied, expressing no -surprise at so strange a request, but said the Devil had -previously told him that he was reserved for great -things, but had not given particulars, only that he -should receive an order from a superior. Then he -tells the result obtained by his first effort. He says -he placed the hands of the possessed nun upon the -altar, and by the power of his incantations -commanded the Devil to answer the question put to him. -The Devil was not at all shy, but "swore by God -Almighty that it was the truth that the King was -bewitched," "et hoc ad destruendam materiam -generationis in Rege et eum incapacem ponendum ad -regnum administrandum." He said the charm had -been administered by moonlight when the King was -fourteen years of age. - -So far the Devil. Then the vicar, as an expert, -gives some advice of his own. He says the -King should be given half a pint of oil to drink, -fasting, with the benediction, and the ceremony -of exorcism which the Church prescribes.[7] He -{305} -must not eat anything for some time afterwards, -and everything he eats and drinks must -be blessed. The case is a very bad one, he -says, and a miracle will be performed. If the -King can bear it he should be given, in addition, -the charm prescribed by the Church, but not -otherwise. - -He gives the not improbable opinion that as the -King will vomit dreadfully he must be held in the -arms of the "master," by which name it was agreed -that the Grand Inquisitor should be referred to in -the correspondence. But he says not an hour is -to be lost, and the master himself must administer -the draught. - -But this remedy was too strong, and Froilan -and the Inquisitor, or the friend and the master, -as they are called henceforward, write to say -that, although they are much obliged to the Devil -and the vicar, such a draught as that -recommended would certainly kill the King, and they -beg the exorciser to ask the Devil again for a more -practical and a safer remedy. "How much and in -what form is the Church charm to be given; at what -hour; on what parts of the body?" And so -on--queer questions indeed to be addressed by two -pillars of the Church to the Devil. But this is not -all. They draw up a series of questions that would -do honour to a cross-examining barrister. "What -is the proof of witchcraft? In what way does -it act so as to make the King do things contrary -to his own will? How are the organs affected -cleansed by the charm? What compact was made -with the Devil when the witchery was effected? -Was it administered internally, or externally? -{306} -Who administered it? Has it been repeated? Is -the Queen included in its operation?" And other -questions of a similar sort. The vicar is rather -shocked at their inquisitiveness, and refuses to put -such questions. How can he ask the Devil anything -that the Church does not deal with in its -exorcising ceremonies? - -Another letter is sent asking him to consult the -Devil as to whether it will be well to take the King -to Toledo, to which the vicar replies somewhat -evasively, reproaching his associates. What is the -good, he says, of all their professed desire to heal -the King whilst they refuse to carry out the -directions sent them? A change of place is useless if -he takes the malady with him, and until they follow -out the instructions already given it is no good for -him to consult the Devil again. "Besides," he -says, getting into dangerously deep water for a -country vicar, "how can you expect the King to -be well? Justice is not done, the churches are -starved, hospitals are despoiled and closed, and -souls are allowed to suffer in purgatory because -money is begrudged for Masses, and above all, the -King does not administer justice after swearing -on the cross that he would do so. The Divine -message has already been delivered to you. I have -told you all it is fitting for you to know and how to -cure the patient, and you do nothing but ask a lot -more questions. I tell ye, then, that you will find no -excuse for this at the supreme judgment, and the -death of the King will be laid at your door, since -you could cure him and will not." This was almost -too bold to be borne, and the Inquisitor's secretary -writes back in grave condemnation. He again -{307} -insists upon the questions being put to the Devil. -"You are presumptuous to dare to suppose that you -know better than the friend and the master, and -that you can command in this way whilst refusing to -obey. You want to get out of it now by attributing -the King's illness to other causes. The 'friend -and the master' are deeply offended, and if you do -not do as you are commanded all will be frustrated, -and we distressed to feel that, just as God had -begun to open the door of knowledge to us, all is -spoilt by your presumption and obstinacy." - -After a good deal more of mutual recrimination -the vicar gave way, and on September 9, 1698, -he wrote that he had sworn the Devil on the holy -sacrament, and he had declared that the charm had -been administered to the King in a cup of chocolate -on April 3, 1673. "I asked," he writes, "what the -charm was made of, and he said three parts of a -dead man." "What parts?" "Brain to take away -his will, intestines to spoil his health, and kidney to -ruin his virility." "Can we burn any sign to restore -him?" "No, by the God that made you and me." "Was -it a man or a woman who administered the -charm?" "A woman; and she has already been -judged." "Why did she do it?" "In order to -reign." "When?" "In the day of Don Juan of -Austria, whom she killed with a similar charm, only -stronger." - -This of course was directed against the late -Queen-mother--a dangerous line to take, considering -that the Cardinal Archbishop Portocarrero, -whose creature Froilan was, had been her friend -and minister. Lucifer continued, that the remedies -were those that the Church prescribed. First, -{308} -drinking of blessed oil fasting; secondly, anointing -the whole body with the oil; next, strong purges -and absolute isolation of the King even from the -sight of the Queen. Then the Devil got sulky, -said he was tired and knew no more, and refused to -say another word. The adoption of such a course -as that prescribed, with a man who was dying -already of exhaustion would have been murder; -and of course the associates again hesitated, writing -to the vicar directing him to inquire of the Devil -if any witchery has been practised since the first, -and why the King cannot do right when he wishes -to, instead of being, as he complains, impelled to act -wrongly against his will. It seems impossible that -this can be the result of the original charm, -particularly as the person who gave it is dead. Has -anything been given since? "Yes," says the Devil, -"in 1694, only four years ago, on September 24th, -a similar charm was given in food and left no -outward sign," and this the Devil swears by God and -the Holy Trinity. Then Lucifer, tired of answering -questions, apparently gives a bit of advice. He -says they are thwarting Providence by their delay, -and if they do not hurry up the King will be past help. - -But again the friend and the master want more -information, and on October 22nd write to say that -it is of the highest importance that they should know -the name and residence of the witch; who ordered -her to act, and why. This the Devil absolutely refuses -to answer; but as his past proceedings proved him -to be a demon somewhat infirm of purpose, they do -not seem to have been at all discouraged, but a -week or so afterwards return to the charge with a -{309} -perfect catechism, which they order the vicar to -put to his diabolical interlocutor. "Who was the -witch? What was her name, condition, and -residence? Who ordered the charm, and why? Who -got the corpse and prepared the conjuration? Who -handed the chocolate to the King? Had the witch -any children?" And so on at great length. The -answer came from the vicar on October 7th, in -which the Devil seems to have made quite a clean -breast of it. The Queen-mother, he said, had -ordered the first charm; the first witch was a woman -named Casilda, married, with two sons, who lived -away from her. The go-between was Valenzuela -(the Queen-mother's favourite), and the witch had -no accomplice but the Devil. She sought the -corpse and prepared the charm, and handed it to -Valenzuela. The second charm, in 1694, was -administered by one who wishes for the _fleur-de-lis_ in -Spain; one who is a great adulator of the King, -but hates him bitterly. The Devil could not -mention names, he said, but they knew the person -well. This witch was a famous one named Maria, -living in the Calle Mayor; but he could not give -the number of the house or her surname. - -The Grand Inquisitor's secretary wrote in answer -to this, thanking him, but regretting that his -information was so limited. The street mentioned as -the residence of the first witch, namely, the Calle de -Herreros, did not exist in Madrid, and the friend -and the master beg the vicar to ask his friend the -Devil for more information as to the houses and -husbands of both witches, "as to seek a Maria in -the High Street of Madrid was like looking for a -needle in a haystack." They want also the name -{310} -of the person who ordered the second charm, and -the secretary ends his letter with an astounding -invocation of the Devil's aid. He is conjured in -the names of God, of His holy Mother, and of -St. Simeon of Jerusalem, the King's patron saint, to -intercede with God, "who, the lessons tell us, is -a relative," to aid in the King's recovery. No reply -appears to have been received to this letter, but it -was soon followed by another, saying that the friend -and the master have administered the charm -recommended by the Devil, and the King is better; but -they urgently beg for further aid from the same -quarter, and more charms if possible. This letter -was written on November 5, 1698, and produced -two replies from the vicar, who said that he had -been conjuring all the afternoon fruitlessly, and at -last the Devil burst out in a rage, "Go away! don't -bother me." In fact, it is quite clear at this point -that the vicar, having got himself into a perfect net -of confusion and contradiction, was getting very -frightened indeed; and his next letter said the -Devil was sulky, and would only reply to all his -conjurations that he, the Devil, had been telling -him a lot of lies and would say no more. All -would be known by and by, but not yet. The -vicar added to this a remark to the effect that -all the King's doctors were false and disloyal, -and should be dismissed; the doctor to be -appointed in their place was to be chosen more for -his attachment to the old Church than for his -medical science, and, in the meanwhile, the King's -abode and garments were to be changed and the -exorcisms continued. - -The vicar was thereupon again gravely rebuked -{311} -for daring to say that the King's physicians are -disloyal, but they, the friend and the master, will -refrain from employing them. A further letter of -November 26th urges the vicar not to stand any -more of the Devil's nonsense. Tell him he _must_ -give the names and addresses, as the friend and the -master are put to great trouble seeking them, and -he is exhorted to be diligent in completing the good -work he has begun, as the King is much better for -the exorcisms administered to him. The doctors -were, of course, nominees of the new dominant -French party, and the friend and master did not -like their loyalty to be called into question; but the -vicar was firm, so they were changed, and the poor -King was taken on his journey to Toledo and -Alcalá. He certainly had got much better, and -Stanhope ascribes his improvement to the plasters -of his new Aragonese doctor, or "rather," he says, -"what I believe has done more is that he has of -late drunk two or three glasses of pure wine at -every meal, whereas he has never taken anything -before in all his life but water boiled with a little -cinnamon." - -As soon as the King was well enough, the -intrigue that had been brewing since the new -confessor had got a footing was completed, and the -third claimant to the succession, the young Prince -of Bavaria, was solemnly adopted as heir to the -crown. This, of course, offended most of the great -Powers of Europe, but it had the effect of -reconciling with each other the Spanish courtiers who had -espoused either the French or the Austrian cause, -and for a few months, until the new heir died, the -Court quarrels were patched up. Still the inquiries -{312} -of the Devil went on, and the vicar stumbled and -blundered deeper into the mire. He tried to -correct his mistake about the street where the first -witch lived by saying that the street called Herreros -was now the Cerrajeros, and the surname of the -witch was Perez, the commonest name in Spain. -The secretary wrote to say that the friend and the -master could not make head or tail of it all, and -begged the Devil to be more explicit--first he said -the witch was alive, and then dead. The King -was much better. - -By this time, the beginning of the year 1699, -the vicar evidently thought that, as he had so far -come out of the affair with flying colours, he -ought to be brought to the capital and placed on -the main road of promotion, instead of being kept -in a remote village: and he wrote that the Devil -had declared that the whole truth could only be -divulged in the church of the Virgin of Atocha -in Madrid, and that as he, vicar, had begun it, so -he must conduct the affair to the end. A week -or two later he wrote, again pressing to be allowed -to carry on the rest of the conjuration at the Atocha, -in order, as he says, to reanimate the devotion -to the image, which he thought was cooling. He -gives the name of the second witch as Maria Diez, -another extremely common name, and then falls ill, -sulks, and refuses to invoke the Devil again except -at the Atocha. Still his correspondents continue to -press him for fresh signs and information, without -result except to produce fresh demands that he should -be brought to Madrid. The confederates, however, -deemed this too dangerous, and the correspondence -with Argüelles closes in the month of May, 1699. - -{313} - -About this time the Queen's suspicions were -aroused by a hint dropped by the King, and -she at once set spies around those who had -access to the monarch's room, particularly Froilan -Diaz. She soon learnt something of what was -going on, and, as the chronicler says, "roared -from very rage." She called her friends together, -and in a tearing passion told them what she had -discovered, demanding immediate vengeance on -the King's confessor. Some of her friends, -particularly Folch de Cardona, were cooler-headed than -she was, and pointed out that as the Grand Inquisitor -was mixed up in the business, it would be imprudent -to take any steps until it was seen how far the holy -tribunal itself was implicated, and that in any case -the Queen's vengeance should be wreaked on -Froilan by the action of the Inquisition if possible, -so that she might avoid the unpopularity of -appearing in the matter herself. - -The next day Folch de Cardona sounded his -inquisitor brother, and found that the Council of -the Holy Office knew nothing of what was going -on, and when the Inquisitor was informed and asked -whether the tribunal would consider Froilan guilty if -the facts were proved, he cautiously answered his -brother that he would not venture of himself to -decide, but personally he considered so much hobnobbing -with the Devil both delicate and dangerous. In -June the Grand Inquisitor Rocaberti died suddenly, -probably of poison, and left Froilan to face the matter -alone; and a few days afterwards a report was sent -from Germany, having been transmitted to the -Emperor by the Bishop of Vienna, containing a -declaration, said to have been made by the Devil to -{314} -an exorciser in the church of St. Sophia, to the -effect that Charles II. was bewitched by a certain -woman called Isabel living in the Calle de Silva, -in Madrid, and that if search were made the -instruments of her incantations would be found -beneath the threshold of her house. The Queen -thought to prove that this was another of Froilan's -tricks, and had the whole matter discussed by the -Inquisition, who, however, could find nothing to -connect him with it, but proceeded to excavate the -spot indicated in the Calle de Silva, and there found -sundry dolls and figures dressed in uniforms, which -dolls were borne in solemn procession and burnt -with all the ceremonies of the Church at the end of -July. All this was of course conveyed to the King -by Froilan, and it, together with the positive -assurance that he was bewitched given to him by a -German exorciser named Mauro Tenda, who had -been secretly summoned to Spain, threw the poor -creature into such an agony of terror that his state -became more and more pitiable. - -In September a mad woman in a state of frenzy -presented herself at the palace and demanded -audience. She was refused admittance, and -thereupon began to scream and struggle in a way that -attracted the attention of the King, who told his -attendants to admit her. She burst in foaming -and shrieking with a crucifix in her hand, cursing -and blaspheming at the poor trembling King, -and she had to be borne out again on the -shoulders of the guards, the King nearly dying of -fright on the spot. The maniac was followed, -and it was found that she lived with two other -demoniacs, one of whom was under the impression -{315} -that they were keeping the King subject in -their room. This nonsense was also conveyed to -the monarch, who was now thoroughly persuaded -that he was under the influence of sorcery, and he -ordered that all three of the women should be -exorcised by the German monk. This was done, -Froilan standing by and dictating the questions that -were to be asked of the Devil by the exorciser. -Unfortunately for the confessor, the questions he -asked were rather leading ones, in which his desire -to injure the Queen was evident. "Who was it," -he asked, "that had caused the King's malady?" The -answer given was that it was a beautiful -woman. "Was it the Queen?" was next -demanded, to which the reply was somewhat -confusing, as it was merely the name of an unknown -man, "Don Juan Palia." "Is he a relative of the -Queen? What countryman is he?" received no -reply; but when the Devil was asked in what form -the charm had been administered he said, "In -snuff." "Any of it left?" "Yes, in the desk." "What -queen was it that caused the malady?" was -again asked. "The dead one," said the Devil. -"Is there any other charm?" "Yes." "Who -gave it?" "Maria de la Presentacion." "Who -ordered it?" "Don Antonio de la Paz." "When -was it given?" No answer. "Of what was it -made?" "Of a dog's bone." "Why did you send -the woman to frighten the King?" No answer. -Other questions and answers were given of the -same sort, the latter mentioning at random the -names of unknown people, and in some cases -libelling the Queen and the ministers--all of it -obviously the babble of a mad woman. Secret -{316} -though the exorcism was, the Queen had a full -report of it, and was of course furious with rage at -the open attempt to cast upon her the blame of the -witchcraft. - -The first step towards her revenge was to get -a new Grand Inquisitor in her interest, and -she pressed the King to appoint her friend Folch -de Cardona. He refused, no doubt prompted by -his confessor Froilan, and, notwithstanding the -Queen's passionate protests, appointed a second son -of one of the noblest houses in Spain, Cardinal -Cordoba, to whom the King unburdened himself -completely, and Froilan told the whole story of the -exorcism from beginning to end. From these -confabulations a most extraordinary resolution was -arrived at. Probably the Queen herself was too -high game to fly at, so the new Grand Inquisitor -and his friends decided that the Devil and the -Admiral of Castile, the late Prime Minister, were -at the bottom of all the King's trouble, and they -ordered the Admiral with his papers to be secretly -seized and imprisoned by the Inquisition of Granada, -whilst all his household were incarcerated in another -prison. They had no doubt, they said, that he -would confess all, even if his papers did not -incriminate him. No action, however, could be taken until -the new Grand Inquisitor's appointment was ratified -by the Pope; but on the very day the bull of -ratification arrived the Cardinal Grand Inquisitor died -of poison, and the Queen once again urged her -nominee for the place, but without success as before. -She then cast about for an ambitious man who was -unobjectionable to her opponents, but who might -nevertheless be bought over by her. She found -{317} -him in the person of Mendoza, Bishop of Segovia, -to whom she promised her support and a cardinal's -hat if he would serve her. He was appointed -Grand Inquisitor, and the Queen had now the -whip-hand of her enemy, the confessor. First the -German monk was netted, and under torture by -the Inquisition made a clean breast of his exorcism -in the Calle del Olmo, when Froilan was present. -Then a monk of the Atocha, who had been sent by -the Provincial to investigate the strange doings of -Friar Argüelles at Cangas, produced the letters -from the "friend and the master," and told the -story of the conjurations. This was quite enough -evidence to ruin Froilan, and he was apprehended. -He refused to answer any questions, as all he had -done had been by the King's own orders, and as -the confessor of his Majesty his mouth was closed. -He was at once dismissed from his offices, and the -Grand Inquisitor appealed to the King to allow all -privileges to be waived, and his confessor punished. -Poor Charles the Bewitched was dying in good -earnest now, and could only mumble out that they -might do justice. But Froilan had powerful friends -both at Court and in the Council of the Inquisition, -and before the blow fell he retired, ostensibly to his -monastery, but thence fled to the coast, and so to -Rome. But he was not safe even there, for the -Grand Inquisitor had him seized for heresy by the -Papal officers and brought back to Spain. Then -came the long struggle between the Inquisition and -its head. First, Froilan's case was submitted to the -theological committee of the Holy Office, who -unanimously absolved him. On June 23, 1700, he was -fully acquitted by the General Council of the -{318} -Inquisition, the Grand Inquisitor alone voting for -his secret imprisonment without further trial. - -At the next meeting of the full Council, to the -intense surprise of the members, a decree for the -secret imprisonment of Froilan was placed before -them for signature. They unanimously refused to -sign it, and came to high words--almost blows--with -their chief, who threatened them all with dire -consequences for their obstinacy, and, to show that -he was in earnest, there and then sent five of them -down to their dungeons on his own responsibility. -This was too high-handed even for the meekest of -the Inquisitors, and the Council broke up in confusion. -The Council of Castile, the supreme advisers of the -Crown, appealed at once to the King against the -imprisonment of the Inquisitors; but the King was -helpless now, for the Queen and a new confessor -were at his bedside, bound to stand by the Grand -Inquisitor through thick and thin. They got the -dying King to sign a decree appointing new -Inquisitors enough to swamp the votes of those -left, but lo and behold! they turned against their -own creator at the very first meeting, and refused -to endorse the Grand Inquisitor's action, either as -to the imprisonment of Froilan or that of the -Inquisitors. The strong man who led the revolt -was Lorenzo Folch de Cardona, the brother of the -Queen's old friend, now Bishop of Valencia, and -it was decided that he must be silenced somehow. -They offered him a bishopric, which he refused. -They threatened him with prison and banishment, -and he told them that they dared not touch him; -and he was right, for all Madrid was looking on. -Then the Inquisitor-General sent the case to be -{319} -judged by a provincial council of the Inquisition at -Murcia, which was subservient to him, but the -General Council at Madrid told them they would -be acting illegally if they decided against the -verdict already given by the Committee of -Theologians and the General Council, and even they did -not dare to find Froilan guilty. In the meanwhile, -guilty or not guilty, the poor man was kept a close -prisoner in a dark cell of a monastery of the -Dominican Order, to which he belonged. - -In November, 1700, the King died, and the Grand -Inquisitor was one of the regents, making himself -remarkable for his splendour and ostentation during -the short period of uncertainty after the King's -death. But the arrival of the French King, Philip -V., put an end to the Queen's hopes, and the Grand -Inquisitor was sent off in disgrace to his diocese. -As soon as his back was turned the General -Council of the Inquisition, with Folch de Cardona -in the chair, demanded of Prior of the Atocha -by what right he still kept Froilan in prison. His -answer was that he did so on the warrant of the -Grand Inquisitor. An appeal was made to the -King, but the fortune of war kept Philip for ever -on the move, and for years no decision was given. -In the meanwhile the Pope espoused the cause of -the Inquisitor-General, and protested against his -deprivation. The King appointed a new Inquisitor-General, -and the Pope vetoed the appointment. Then -the Pope sent special power to the old Grand Inquisitor -to sentence Froilan to whatever punishment he -liked without more ado, and the Council of the -Inquisition and Folch de Cardona protested to the King -against the attempt of the Pope to override the -{320} -law of Spain; and at last Philip V. put his foot -down once for all--dismissed the Inquisitor-General, -reappointed the old Council, and authorised them -to release Froilan in the King's name. They found -him, after five years' close confinement, nearly blind -in the dungeons of the monastery of the Atochu, -and brought him out in triumph to be appointed -Bishop of Avila. In vain the Pope protested and -the dismissed Grand Inquisitor fumed. Philip the -Magnanimous was a very different monarch from -Charles the Bewitched. The black bigotry of the -House of Austria was gone, and thenceforward, -though the Holy Office existed in the land for a -century longer, the arbitrary power of the Inquisition -to override the law of the land was gone with it. - - - -[1] _The Gentleman's Magazine_, November, 1893. - -[2] Stanhope, the English minister in Madrid, writes to the -Duke of Shrewsbury, September, 1696: "They cut off his -hair in this sickness, which the decay of nature had almost -done before, all his crown being bald. He has a ravenous -stomach, and swallows all he eats whole, for his nether jaw -stands out so much that his two rows of teeth cannot meet, -so that a gizzard or a liver of a hen passes down whole, and -his weak stomach not being able to digest it he void it in -the same manner." - -[3] "L'Histoire dans Ruy Blas" in "Études sur l'Espagne," -by A. Morel-Fatio, Paris. - -[4] Add. MS. 10241, British Museum. See also "Proceso -criminal fulminado contra el Rmo. P.M. Fray Froylan Diax, -de la sagrada religion de predicadores, Confesor del Rey -N.S.D. Carlos II.: Madrid, 1787." - -[5] Stanhope to his son, March 14, 1698: "Our Court is in great -disorder: the grandees all dog and cat, Turk and Moor. The -King is in a languishing condition, so weak and spent as to his -principles of life that there is only hope of preserving him for a -few weeks.... The general inclination is altogether French -to the succession, their aversion to the Queen having set them -against all her countrymen, and if the French King will -content himself that one of his younger grandchildren be King -of Spain, he will find no opposition either from grandees or -common people. The King is not in a condition to give -audience, speaking very little and that not much to the -purpose. The terms in which they express it to me is that he -is _embelecado_, _atolondrado_, _and dementado_. He fancies the -devils are very busy in tempting him." - -[6] "The King is so very weak he can scarcely lift his hand to -his head to feed himself, and so extremely melancholy that -neither his buffoons, dwarfs, nor puppet shows, all of which -show their abilities before him, can in the least divert him -from fancying everything that is said or done to be a temptation -of the Devil, and never thinking himself safe with out his -confessor and two friars by his side, whom he makes lie in -his chamber every night" (Stanhope to the Earl of Portland. -March 14, 1698). - -[7] How fit the King was to undergo such a regime as this -may be judged by Stanhope's letter to his son, dated Madrid, -June 15, 1698: "Our gazettes here tells us every week that -his Catholic Majesty is in perfect health, and it is the general -answer to all inquiries. It is true that he is abroad every day -but _hærct lateri lethalis arundo_; his ankles and knees swell -again, his eyes bag, the lids red as scarlet, and the rest of his -face a greenish yellow. His tongue is _trabada_, as they -express it; that is, he has such a fumbling in his speech, those -near him hardly understand him, at which he sometimes -grows angry, asks if they all be deaf." - - -[Illustration: Tailpiece] - - - - -{321} - -A SPRIG OF THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. - - -[Illustration: PHILIP IV. OF SPAIN. (_After the painting by -Velasquez._) - - -{323} - - -[Illustration: Headpiece] - - -_A SPRIG OF THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA._[1] - -No dead and gone human visage looms so clearly through the mist of ages -as that strange lymphatic face of Philip IV., which the genius of -Velazquez delighted to portray from youth to age. The smooth-faced -stripling in hunting dress, with his fair pink and white complexion, -his lank yellow hair, and his great mumbling Austrian mouth, shows more -plainly on canvas than he could have done whilst alive how weak of will -and how potent of passion he was, how easily he would be led by the -overbearing Count-Duke of Olivares to sacrifice all else for splendid -shows and sensuous indulgence; how his vanity would be flattered by -poets, painters, and players, whilst the world-wide empire of his -fathers was crumbling to nothingness {324} beneath his sway, and his -vassals were being robbed of their last maravedi to pay for the frenzy -of waste and prodigality with which Charles Stuart was entertained or a -royal wedding celebrated. Thenceforward, through his fastuous prime, -stately and splendid in his black satin and gold, to the time when, old -and disappointed, with forty years of disastrous domination, the rheumy -eyes drawn and haggard, but the head still erect, haughty and -unapproachable in its reserve, the great painter tells the King's story -better than any pen could write it. There is something not unlovable -in the shy, weak, poetic face, and one can pity the lad with such a -countenance who found himself the greatest king on earth at the age of -sixteen, surrounded by fawning flatterers and greedy bloodsuckers who -plunged him into a vortex of dissipation before his father's body was -cold in the marble sarcophagus at the Escurial. The old man's face, -too, cold and repellent as it is, shocking as are the ravages that time -and self-indulgence have stamped upon it, has yet in it an almost -plaintive despair that explains those terrible broken-hearted letters -in which the King, icy and undemonstrative as he was, poured out his -agony and sorrow undisguised for years to the only person in the wide -world he trusted, the nun Maria de Agreda. - -His long reign, which saw the ruin of the Spanish power, witnessed also -the most splendid epoch of Spanish art and literature, the golden age -of the Spanish stage, and a wasteful prodigality of magnificence in the -Court such as, with the exception of that displayed by Philip's -son-in-law, the Roi-soleil, the world has never seen {325} equalled. -The Elizabethan age in England may have approached it in literary -strength, although even that cannot show such a galaxy as Lope de Vega, -Calderon, Velazquez, Murillo, Tirso de Molina, Moreto, Quevedo, -Guevara, Montalvan, and their host of imitators. The history of the -reign has never yet been adequately or even fairly written. Isolated -portions and detached incidents or personalities have been dealt with, -and stray fragments now and again bring vivid pictures of the sumptuous -Court before us. Spanish writers, of late years particularly, are fond -of dwelling with microscopic minuteness on the incidents and adventures -of the time that happened at particular spots in the capital; but the -topographical-historical style, first introduced by Mesonero Romanes, -and now so popular, pleasant reading as it is, does not attempt to do -more than amuse by presenting romantic and detached pictures of a -bygone age, and all that can be claimed by the writers is that -materials are gradually being collected and brought to light by them -from contemporary sources which will be invaluable to the future -serious historian of the reign. - -The British Museum contains many hundreds of unpublished manuscripts -bearing upon the subject--copies of official documents, letters, and -"relations" from Philip's Court, petitions and statements of grievance -addressed to the King, and vast collections of miscellaneous papers in -Spanish, Portuguese, and French, most of which have not yet been -consulted for historical purposes. Amongst a great mass of rather dry -official documents of the period, most of them copies, I recently {326} -came across a small, compact group of papers, all originals, telling a -curious, plaintive little story, nakedly enough, it is true, but not -without a pathos of its own. There is nothing historically important -in it, or in the fact that it discloses probably for the first time -since it happened, but a quaint side-light is thrown by some of the -documents on the way in which Court intrigue was conducted, and also, -curiously enough, on the opinion of the highest authorities of those -times as to the best way of bringing up a child, by which it will be -seen that, allowing for difference of climate and national habits, no -great change has taken place in this respect in the two centuries and a -half that have passed since the papers were penned. - -Philip had succeeded to the throne on the death of his father in March, -1621. He was only sixteen, and Olivares at once plunged him into such -distractions as the then most dissolute capital in Europe could afford. -By a strange coincidence the paper in the Museum (Egerton MSS., 329) -which precedes the group of which I wish to speak is a lengthy and -solemn letter, dated only a few weeks after the young King's accession, -addressed to the Count-Duke by the Archbishop of Granada, remonstrating -with the all-powerful favourite for taking the boy-king out in the -street at night. "People," he says, "are gossiping about it all over -Madrid, and things are being said which add little to the sovereign's -credit or dignity." Madrid even now is fond of scandal, but in the -beginning of the seventeenth century, isolated from the world as was -the capital of the Spains, its one absorbing pursuit from morn till -night was tittle-tattle, and the long {327} raised walk by the side -wall of the church of St. Philip, fronting the Onate palace in the -Calle Mayor, was a recognised exchange for the scandal-mongers. The -Archbishop says, in his bold and outspoken letter, that not only have -these people begun to whisper things that were better unsaid, but the -example shown by the King and his minister in scouring the streets in -search of adventure is a bad one for the people at large, and he -reminds Olivares of the anxiety of the late King on this very account, -and his dread that his heir was already before his death being inducted -into dissipation. The answer to the bold prelate's remonstrance is -just such as might be expected from the insolent favourite. He tells -him in effect that he is an impertinent meddler, and ought to be -ashamed, with his rank, and at his age, to trouble him with the vulgar -gossip of the street. The King, he tells him, is sixteen and he -(Olivares) is thirty-four, and it is not to be expected that they are -to be kept in darkness as to what is done in the world. It is good -that the King should see all phases of life, bad as well as good. He -(Olivares) never trusts the King with any one else; and the favourite -finishes his answer by a scarcely veiled threat that if the Archbishop -does not mind his own business worse may befall him. No doubt the -prelate took the warning, for Olivares was not scrupulous, and had a -short and secret way with those who incurred his displeasure. - -The small group of original papers coming after this begins with a -memorandum unsigned, but evidently written by Olivares to the King some -nine years subsequently, namely, early in the {328} summer of 1630. It -says that it is high time that measures should be taken at once to put -a boy, whose name is not given, out of the way, as he is now four years -old, and it is of great importance that he should be concealed, and all -communication broken off between him and the people with whom he has -been. The writer goes on to say that he has considered deeply how this -is to be done, and that there are objections to be found in every -solution that presents itself, but he thinks on the whole the best way -will be to entrust him secretly to the care of a gentleman of his -acquaintance named Don Juan Isassi Ydiaquez, who lives at Salamanca. -He is a person of education, has travelled all over Europe, and could -bring the lad up as his own. It will be necessary to see this -gentleman first, and the writer proposes to summon him to Court without -telling him the reason, so that "Your Majesty" may see him and then -decide for the best. Across this document is written in Philip's -uncertain, poetic hand: "It appears very necessary that something -should be done in this matter and I approve of what you suggest.--P." - -Presumably Ydiaquez was sent for and approved of, as the next document -in the series is of a much more formal character, being a notarial deed -drawn up by the Secretary of State, Geronimo de Villanueva as -prothonotary of the kingdom, who was, with the exception of Olivares, -the principal confidant of Philip's intrigues.[2] This deed, dated -{329} June 1, 1631, recites that his Excellency Don Caspar de Guzman, -Count of Olivares, Duke of San Lucar, Grand Councillor of the Indies, -Councillor of State, and Master of the Horse, delivers {330} a boy -named Francisco Fernando, aged over four years to Don Juan Isassi -Ydiaquez, this boy being the person referred to but not named in his -Majesty's warrant, under his sign manual, addressed to Don Juan Isassi, -and countersigned and delivered to him by the Secretary of State. The -deed directs that Don Juan is to bring up the boy and educate him in -conformity with the instructions to be given to him by the Count-Duke, -by his Majesty's orders, and Don Juan himself undertakes in the deed to -deliver up the person of the said Don Francisco Fernando when required, -and to obey implicitly in all things the directions of the Count-Duke -with regard to him. He promises to bring him up and rear him as he is -ordered to do in the royal warrant. The deed is signed by the -Count-Duke, {331} Isassi, the King's secretary Carnero, and two -servants, and is attested in notarial form by Villanueva, as -prothonotary of the kingdom. - -Then comes the King's warrant, under Philip's own sign manual, in the -fine old Spanish form:-- - -"The King--Don Juan Isassi Ydiaquez. The Count-Duke will deliver to -you a boy in whose education and virtuous bringing up you will serve me -well and with absolute secrecy, following therein all the orders given -to you by the Count-Duke. I, the King." - -It is clear that this Don Francisco Fernando was no ordinary babe of -four to require the personal attention of all these high and mighty -gentlemen in sending him to school. Philip had one child by his wife -at this time, the chubby youngster Don Baltasar, who for all time will -prance on his stout bay cob on the canvas of Velazquez, and only the -year previous, in 1629, there had been born to the King, by the -beautiful actress, Maria Calderon, the idol of the Spanish stage, a boy -who in the fulness of time was to become that second great Don John of -Austria, the last virile man of his race; but Don Francisco Fernando -was the first-born, and apparently his mother was of far superior -social rank to the jaunty "Calderona," so that he was no doubt, baby as -he was, destined for great things. The instructions given by the -Count-Duke to Don Juan Isassi with regard to the care of his charge are -minute to the last degree, and reflect in every line the great -importance that is attached to the identification of the child. The -long document begins by saying that the boy delivered to Don Juan is -the illegitimate son of the King by the {332} daughter of a gentleman, -and was born in the house of his grandparents, between eleven and -twelve at night, on May 15, 1626. Don Francisco Eraso, Count of -Humanes, took the midwife, and was present at the birth; conveying the -infant as soon as it was born to the house of Don Baltasar de Alamos y -Barrientos, Councillor of the Treasury, where a nurse was awaiting him, -and the child had there remained until its delivery to Don Juan. After -impressing upon Don Juan the need for the most exquisite care to be -taken of the child's life and health, and arranging for the nurses and -doctor who have had the care of him to accompany him to Salamanca for -the first few months of the change, the Count-Duke instructs Don Juan -to seek a good doctor to be kept at hand permanently, who is not to be -told who the boy is unless his services are required, and in the -meanwhile is to receive a good salary. "His Majesty," says Olivares, -"has confided this care to me, and I depend upon you to carry out the -task." - -First of all the child was to be well taught in religion and morality; -secondly, on no account was he to learn who he was, and if his -attendants have already told him incautiously he is to be allowed to -forget it, and "neither by word nor behaviour is he to be made to think -that he is not an ordinary person;" thirdly, he is to be taught polite -learning and languages, particularly Italian and French, to dance, -fence, and play tennis, and, when he is a little older, to ride. He is -to be treated familiarly and without ceremony, and, "in short, to be -educated and brought up with the virtues and nobleness of royalty, and -the study, modesty, {333} knowledge, and temperance of a private -person." Don Juan is to send a weekly report to the Count-Duke through -his secretary Carreras, but to take care that this is done with the -utmost secrecy, and on no account is the child to be shown to any one -without a written order. As secrecy is of the first importance 500 -(ducats) a month only are ordered to be paid, besides the doctor's -fees, and Don Juan is to devise some means for the secret payment of -this sum. A coach is to be secretly got ready to meet the Count-Duke -and the child on the night and at the place which may be appointed for -the delivery; and then, after another urgent injunction of secrecy and -care of the child's religious instruction, and a fervent prayer that -God will give to the little one "all the happiness, spiritual and -temporal, which He will see is necessary and good for the realm," the -proud favourite signs himself simply Caspar de Guzman. - -The hidalgo of Salamanca appears to have been quite overwhelmed at the -honour done him by the charge of so important a person, and his -ceremonious and verbose letter of thanks to the Count-Duke needed -hardly to be prefaced by the prayer that his patron will not attribute -his laconic speech to the proverbial taciturnity of his countrymen, but -rather to his confusion at the greatness of the honour done him by his -Majesty, for which words are inadequate to express his gratitude. His -only thanks can be his faithful fulfilment of orders. He begs that the -doctor who has had the care of the little one may be sent to Salamanca -with him in order to consult with Don Juan's doctor, and ascertain -whether he is fit to undertake so important a charge, and if {334} not -he will approach cautiously a doctor in Vitoria, named Trevino, of whom -he hears good accounts. The woman who accompanies the child shall stay -with him some short time, although the good hidalgo is evidently rather -doubtful of this arrangement, as he adds that if she should find the -horizon of their dull country life too confined for her after Madrid, -or begins to kick against the discipline, other arrangements will have -to be made. All care shall be taken to prevent the boy from learning -who he is, and if it should get wind efforts shall be made to silence -it, but the task will be a difficult one. The child shall be so -reared, please God, that he shall not become abject or servile (which -is most important to a royal personage), or licentious and headstrong; -and the good hidalgo thereupon breaks out into a mild pedantic little -joke by quoting a Latin proverb, to the effect that, to attain so great -an object as this, one must be prepared to eat salt and acrid food, -which, he says, will be easy for him to do, "as we all live on salt -bacon and hung beef in my province." This does not sound very -promising, nor does his description of the water they have to drink, -which he says is bad to drink raw, particularly in the summer, and -needs cinnamon or other spice to correct it. The doctor, he says, will -advise whether they had better boil it with mastic or some other drug. -The correspondence shall be sent weekly through "my nephew, Don Alonso -Ibarra Isassi, the eldest of the lads I took to Madrid with me. He is -a good, prudent, and modest lad, and a correspondence between us as -uncle and nephew will arouse no suspicion." As for the 500 ducats a -month payment, the {335} good hidalgo says his cheeks burn with shame -as he writes or even thinks about them; "but if your Excellency should -deign to order them to be paid to me they might be sent without -attracting notice through the treasury at Vitoria or Burgos." - -So the little child is sent to Salamanca, and with him goes the -ponderously learned Dr. Cristobal Nuñez, who wraps up the simplest -facts in the most complicated and pedantic technical phraseology, and, -what is far more troublesome for the present purpose, writes a -shockingly bad hand. His first document is a microscopic report of the -constitution and temperament of the child, and the simple history of -his baby ailments. The description is most curious; and, if any doubt -existed as to his paternity, every trait indicates the character and -appearance of a son of the sovereign race of Austria. "He is," says -the learned doctor, "of melancholic, choleric temperament, wilful and -passionate, but playful when he is pleased, and respectful to those he -thinks his superiors. He is of sound constitution, being the offspring -of young and healthy parents; possesses superior intelligence for his -age; a wonderful memory, which gives great hope if he be well trained. -He is slow of speech, and expresses himself with great difficulty, -stuttering and lisping; and is so backward on his feet that he has only -just learnt to walk. His person is so perfect and beautiful, that the -mind of a sculptor never imagined anything better; he has a lovely, -fair, red and white complexion, and full grey eyes. He is grave and -thoughtful--not dull or sad, but full of childish humour; quick to -laugh and quick to cry. He is," says the doctor, "high of spirit, -courageous, and {336} pugnacious, impatient of contradiction; and, if -his speech be not at once understood, he flies into such ungovernable -rage as to make it dangerous to thwart him, and he should rather be -coaxed to obedience than forced." - -Like all his forbears, he is described as a great eater, and very fond -of sweets; and it is not surprising to learn that he has all his short -life suffered from over-eating and indigestion, and for long past has -had quartan ague. The drastic remedies of the times were endured by -the child, the doctor says, "without weeping, as if he knew they were -for his good"; but the learned medico confesses that all his own -prescriptions had done the babe less good than what he describes as an -old wife's remedy of anointing the stomach and spine with ointment and -saffron. - -The child's usual mode of life is carefully described. Between eight -and nine in the morning he had a fowl's liver and a little loaf, or -else some bread or cake sopped in broth, or bread and jam and a cup of -water. At twelve o'clock broth with sippets of bread or half of the -breast of a fowl, or sometimes some forcemeat balls, as he likes a -change, and demands it. When he gets tired of this he may have a -little loin of mutton or the leg of a fowl. He is also very fond of a -piece of bacon between two slices of bread, and of quince marmalade, -jams, and sweets. At five o'clock he "packs his wallet," as the doctor -calls it, by a meal of bread and jam, and a cup of water. He is put to -bed at nine o'clock, and sleeps with his nurse. The learned Don -Cristobal then enters into a most verbose disquisition as to the -fitness of the locality chosen for {337} the temperament of the child, -and arrives at the conclusion that the choice has been a wise one, -although the roundabout method of argument founded on wise talk about -blood and humours and vapours and the like seems rather beside the mark -to a modern reader. The sum of it all is, however, that Don Juan de -Isassi's house stands healthily, if somewhat bleakly, on high ground -about three bow-shots from the town, and joining the great convent of -the Suceso, the house itself being a good one, surrounded by its own -grounds. - -Thus far the doctor has only spoken of the constitution and past -management of his late charge; but the next document, which bears the -same date as the preceding one (June 18, 1630), lays down an elaborate -plan for the future rearing of the child. He recommends that he should -be allowed to play after his early supper, and not be sent to sleep -before nine at night, unless he feels sleepy. He is to be woke at -eight, if he is not already awake, and is to be given his light -breakfast of a fowl's liver and cake, a rasher of bacon and bread and -broth, or a roasted egg. At eleven or twelve he is to dine on -forcemeat balls, made of two parts chicken, one part mutton, and one -part bacon, with a little pie or broth with sippets. Sometimes, -instead of force-meat balls, he may have the leg of a fowl, which, if -he likes it, will be enough for him, with a little bread soaked in -broth, or he may have a mouthful of mutton with chicken broth. It will -be well, says the courtly doctor, that the gentleman himself should be -consulted occasionally as to whether he preferred the fowl or the -sausages, or roast or boiled food. He is to sleep about an hour and a -half after dinner, {338} and play in the afternoon; but great care must -be taken to keep him out of the sun, and his early supper may be as -heretofore, only somewhat later; a biscuit or two with jam, a small -egg, such as the fowls of the province lay, or sippets in broth. A -curious and somewhat elaborate little dish is recommended for -occasional breakfast or supper. "Take," says the doctor, "a half-dozen -almonds or melon seeds, and press the juice from them, which mix with a -little barley-cream and some good broth. This must be boiled, and -sugar and sponge-cake worked into it until it is a smooth paste, which -may be served with half a beaten egg over it, and will make a nice -light supper." It will be good to excite the appetite by variety, and -as the child gets older he may sometimes be given coarser food, and -trout or other fresh fish. He must drink fresh spring water boiled -with viper-grass, or mixed with cinnamon, according to the weather. He -is always to have some fruit for dessert, unless it disagrees with him; -but much care must be taken to guard him from excess; and he is to be -specially sparing in drinking. Full common-sense directions are given -with regard to his dress, and if he needs medicine his food must be -reduced by one half, and a decoction of mallow and camomile, honey and -oil administered. Red Alexandria honey is also recommended, quinces, -oil of wormwood, and a variety of other remedies for simple ailments. - -There is yet another document from the doctor giving some further -rules, apparently in answer to special questions. In it he again -learnedly describes the child's constitution, his weak stomach and -aptness to catch cold, inherited from his parents, his {339} tendency -to hydrocephalus, and his almost continuous series of ailments since he -was born, which, says the medico, would have killed him but for his -strong constitution. From seven years old he was to eat fish and other -Lenten fare, and at twelve years must be taught to fast. Above all, he -is not to be brought up delicately or coddled, but encouraged to run -and romp. Great care must be taken that he is not exposed to the cold, -but he must be well wrapped up even in summer. Drugs are to be given -sparingly, if at all: mallow, camomile, sweet almonds, black sugar or -honey if wanted; but he is not to be constantly dosed with red honey -and other things as children usually are, and if he is really ill he is -not to be lowered or bled much; by which it will be seen that Dr. -Cristobal Nuñez, pedantic as he was, differed somewhat from the usual -type of sangrados of the time. All this was between the 1st and 18th -of June, 1630, and it is to be supposed that the poor babe of the house -of Austria lived his little life in and around the "Casa Solariega" of -the Salamancan hidalgo for the next few years, although no record -remains of it here. - -The next document of the series is a letter, elated nearly four years -afterwards, March 17, 1634, from the Secretary of State, Geronimo -Villanueva, to Don Juan Isassi Ydiaquez, saying that his Majesty had -received with the deepest grief the news of the death of Don Francisco -Fernando, who showed such bright promise for his tender years, and his -Majesty highly appreciates all the care that has been taken of his -education. The body is to be brought with the utmost secrecy in a -coach to the royal monastery of {340} St. Lorenzo (the Escurial), where -it is to be buried, and advice is to be sent by confidential special -messenger to Madrid when the corpse should arrive, in order that one of -the King's stewards may be there to receive it. All the other -arrangements for the burial are made. The four years had apparently -not been unprofitable ones to the hidalgo, as the next time his name -appears he is a knight of Santiago and lord of the town of Ameyo, as -well as of the castles of Isassi and Orbea. The date of the document -is April 15, 1634, and again it is a notarial deed attested by the -prothonotary of the kingdom, Don Geronimo Villanueva, setting forth -that Don Juan Isassi Ydiaquez delivered the body of Don Francisco -Fernando, son of his Catholic Majesty Philip IV., whom God had taken to -himself, to the Marquis of Torres, the Bishop of Avila, and other -nobles appointed by the King to receive it. The delivery was made in -the porch of the cathedral, and we are told that the corpse was dressed -in a red gown, bordered with gold, and lay in a coffin of black velvet. -The coffin, which had been borne by Don Juan Isassi and his servant to -the porch, was thence carried to the great hall of the monastery by -certain of the King's gentlemen-in-waiting, and after the religious -ceremonies had been performed, was taken to the vault by the monks of -the Order and laid to rest. And so ended a little life which, like -that of his half-brother Baltasar, if it had been spared, might have -stayed the decay of the Spanish branch of the House of Austria. It is -true that Don John of Austria survived, and for a short time snatched -his poor brother, Charles the Bewitched, from the clutches of {341} his -foolish mother and her low-born favourite, Valenzuela, but who knows -whether the strong, masterful spirit of the baby of four whom it was -dangerous to thwart might not, if he had grown to manhood, have done -more than his younger brother to keep the reins of power when once he -grasped them. Poor trembling, white-faced Charles the Bewitched, with -his leaden eyes and monstrous projecting jaw, a senile dodderer at -thirty, wanted a strong, masterful spirit like this to hold him up and -shield him from the vultures that fought over the carcase before the -poor creature was dead. - -But it was not to be, and the forgotten babe of the sovereign house was -put with so many other princely corpses in that horrible "rotting place -of princes," off the black marble stair of the regal pantheon of the -Escurial, where, not so very many years ago, I saw a ghastly heap of -princely and semi-princely skulls and leg-bones gathered up as they had -fallen from the rotting coffins to the floor. There, all -undistinguished from the others, probably enough rests still, his very -name never published, and his short existence hardly known till now, -Don Francis Ferdinand of Austria, one of the last male members of the -Spanish branch of the sovereign house, which in four generations -descended from the highest pinnacle of human greatness to contempt, -disgrace, decrepitude and decay. - - - -[1] _The Gentleman's Magazine_, September, 1892. - -[2] He was with difficulty rescued from the direst vengeance of the -Inquisition a few years afterwards in consequence of his too ready -co-operation in the King's amorous tendencies. Don Geronimo was patron -of the convent of San Placido, next door to his own house in the Calle -de la Madera in Madrid, and had inflamed the King's mind with stories -of a very beautiful nun who was an inmate of the convent. Philip and -his favourite, the Count-Duke, insisted upon seeing this paragon of -loveliness, and Don Geronimo, exerting his authority as patron, -procured them entrance in disguise to the parlour, where, as was to be -expected, his Catholic Majesty fell violently in love with the -beautiful nun. The interviews in the parlour were constant but, with -the grating between the King and his flame, unsatisfactory, and, by -dint of bribes and threats, Don Geronimo managed to break a passage -from the cellars of his own house into the vaults of the convent, by -means of which, notwithstanding the prayers, the entreaties, and -appeals of the abbess, the King was introduced into the cell of the -unfortunate nun of whom he was enamoured. He found her laid out as if -she were a corpse, surrounded with lighted tapers, with a great -crucifix by her side, but not even this availed, and the sacrilegious -amours continued so long that the news reached the ever-open ears of -the Holy Office. The Grand Inquisitor, a Dominican friar called -Antonio de Sotomayor, Archbishop of Damascus, privately took the King -to task, and obtained a promise that the offence should cease. Don -Geronimo was seized by the officers of the Inquisition (August 30, -1644), and taken to Toledo, where he was accused of sacrilege and other -heinous crimes against the faith. The evidence was full and -conclusive, and Don Geronimo's life was trembling in the balance, when -the Count-Duke boldly went to the Grand Inquisitor one night with two -signed royal decrees in his hands, one giving the Archbishop 12,000 -ducats a year for life on condition of his resignation of the Grand -Inquisitorship, and the other depriving him of all his temporalities, -and banishing him for ever from all the dominions of his Catholic -Majesty. The Grand Inquisitor naturally chose the former, and resigned -next morning. Pressure was put on Pope Urban VIII. by the Spanish -Ambassador, and very shortly an order arrived from Rome that the whole -of the documents and evidence in the case were to be sealed up and sent -in a box by a messenger of the Holy Office to his Holiness himself for -decision. The messenger chosen was one of the Inquisition notaries -called Alfonso Paredes. The Count-Duke, under various pretexts, -delayed this man's departure for some weeks, and in the meanwhile had -good portraits of him painted and sent by special messengers to all the -ports in Italy where he was likely to land, and orders were sent to the -Spanish agents to capture him at all risks. On the night of his -arrival at Genoa, by the connivance of the authorities, he was seized, -gagged, and carried off to Naples, where he was imprisoned for the rest -of his life, condemned to perpetual silence on pain of instant death. -The box of papers that he bore was sent privately to the King, who, -with Olivares, burnt the contents without even opening the packet. The -new Grand Inquisitor, who was a creature of the Queen, a Benedictine -monk named Diego de Arce, was not to be entirely balked, and although -no evidence now existed, he had the prothonotary Don Geronimo -Villanueva brought from his prison in Toledo, where he had languished -for two years, and placed before the tribunal of the Inquisition. He -was stripped of his arms, accoutrements, insignia of rank and outer -clothing, and sat upon a plain low wooden stool, and then, without any -evidence being given or statement of specific offence, was condemned -for irreligion, sacrilege, superstition, and other enormities, and, by -the mercy of the Holy Office, was absolved from all this on condition -that he fasted every Friday for a year, never again entered the -convent, and gave 2,000 ducats to the poor through the monks of Atocha. - - - - -{343} - -_THE JOURNAL OF RICHARD BERE._ - - -{345} - - -[Illustration: Headpiece] - - -_THE JOURNAL OF RICHARD BERE._[1] - -In the course of a recent search amongst the Sloane MSS. at the British -Museum for a document of an entirely different character I chanced upon -a manuscript which, so far as I have been able to discover, has never -yet been described in print or received the attention it appears to -deserve. It is a long, narrow book like an account book, in the Sloane -binding, containing 244 pages of cramped and crowded little writing in -faded ink on rough paper, recording the daily--almost hourly--movements -of a man for eleven years, from the 1st of January, 1692-3, to the -middle of April, 1704. It is written in Spanish--Englishman's Spanish, -full of solecisms and English idioms, but fair and fluent Castilian for -all that, and the diarist, thinking no doubt his secrets were safe in a -language comparatively little known at the time, has set down for his -own satisfaction alone, and often in words that no amount of editing -would render fit for publication, the daily life of one of the -dissolute men about town, who roistered and ruffled in the -coffee-houses and taverns of London at the end of the seventeenth -century. Few men could hope to possess the keen {346} observation and -diverting style of Samuel Pepys, or the sober judgment and foresight of -stately John Evelyn, and this last contemporary diarist of theirs -certainly cannot lay claim to any such qualities. He rarely records an -impression or an opinion, and as a rule confines himself to a bald -statement of his own movements and the people he meets day by day; but -still, even such as it is, the diary is full of quaint and curious -suggestions of the intimate life of a London widely different from -ours. The familiar names of the streets, nay, the very signs of the -taverns, are the same now as then, but in every line of the fading -brown ink may be gathered hints of the vast chasm that separates the -busy crowded life of to-day from the loitering deliberation with which -these beaux in swords and high-piled periwigs sauntered through their -tavern-haunting existence. It strikes the imagination, too, to think -that the man who thus sets down so coarsely and frankly the acts of his -life must have listened, with however little appreciation, to the -luminous talk of wondrous John Dryden at Will's coffee-house, most -certainly knew the rising Mr. Addison, and probably met Matthew Prior -at his old home at the "Rummer" tavern, which the diarist frequented. - -There is nothing in the manuscript directly to identify the writer, and -probably the indirect clues furnished by references to his relatives -have never before been followed up to prove exactly who the author was. -The task has not been an easy one, and has started me on more than one -false scent ending in a check, but at last I stumbled on evidence that -not only absolutely identified the {347} diarist, but also explained -many obscure passages in the manuscript. - -From the first page to the last the writer refers to Danes Court, near -Deal, as the home of his brother, and he himself passes the intervals -of his dissolute life in London in visits to his Kentish kinsman. Now -Danes Court had been for centuries in the possession of the ancient -family of Fogge, and I at once concluded that the writer of my diary -was a younger member of the house. Indeed, encouraged therein by -Hasted, the great authority on Kentish history, I went so far as to -establish to my own entire satisfaction that the diarist was a certain -Captain Christopher Fogge, R.N., who died in 1708, and was buried in -Rochester Cathedral, and I was confirmed in this belief by the fact -that the wind and weather of each day is carefully recorded as in a -sailor's log-book. But somehow it did not fit in. Constant reference -is made to a brother Francis, and no amount of patient investigation in -county genealogies and baptismal certificates could unearth any one -named Francis Fogge. So I had to hark back and try another clue. -Brother Francis was evidently a clergyman and a graduate of King's -College, Cambridge, and towards the end of the diary the author visits -him at the village of Prescot, near Liverpool. - -Sure enough the rich living of Prescot was in the gift of King's -College, Cambridge, and further inquiry soon showed that a certain -Francis Bere, M.A., was rector from 1700 until his death in 1722. This -of itself was not much, but it led to further clues which proved the -monumental Hasted {348} ("History of Kent") to be hopelessly wrong -about the Fogge pedigree and the ownership of Danes Court at the time, -and the whole question was settled more completely than I could have -hoped by the discovery, in the "Transactions of the Kent Archæological -Society for 1863," of a copy of the copious memoranda in the old family -Bible, written by the stout cavalier, Richard Fogge, and his son John, -with the notes attached thereto by Warren, the Kentish antiquary in -1711, in which the family history is made clear. This was good as far -as it went, and proved the surname and parentage of the author of the -diary, but did not identify him personally. Certain references in the -manuscript, however, sent me searching amongst the Treasury Papers in -the Record Office, and there I found a set of papers written in the -same cramped, finnicking hand as the diary, which set my mind at rest, -and proved beyond doubt or question who was the methodical rake that -indiscreetly confided the secret of his "goings on" to the incomplete -oblivion of the Spanish tongue. - -The writer of the diary was one Richard Bere, whose father was rector -of Ickenham, near Uxbridge, and who was born at Cowley, near there, on -the 28th of August, 1653. His sister Elizabeth had married in 1679 -John Fogge, who subsequently succeeded to the Danes Court Estate, and, -on the fly-leaf of the Fogge family Bible referred to, John Fogge, who -was evidently proud of the connection, sets forth that his wife's -grandfather had been "Receiver General of ye Low Countries; her uncles, -one of them was in a noble imploy in ye C Clarke's office, ye other -being {349} one of ye clarkes of ye signet to King Charles II., a man -acquainted with all Xtian languages. Ye other now alive is rector of -Bendropp in Gloucestershire, who has an Estate. Her mother was one of -ye family of Bland, of London, eminent merchants at Home and Abroad." -Richard Bere was born only a year after his sister, so that the -statement as to her relatives will hold good for him also. He had been -Collector of Customs at Carlisle, but apparently had allowed his -Jacobite leanings to be too evident, and had been dismissed from his -office a short time before he began the diary, leaving his accounts at -Carlisle still unbalanced and in arrear. How he learnt Spanish I do -not know, but he had evidently been in Spain before his appointment to -Carlisle, probably in the navy, or in some way connected with shipping, -as, in addition to the careful noting of the wind and weather all -through the diary, he shows great interest in the naval events of his -time. His uncle's remarkable proficiency in "all Xtian tongues" may -also perhaps partly explain his own knowledge of the Spanish language. -His family in old times had been a wealthy and powerful one, seated at -Gravesend, Dartford, and Greenhithe in Kent, but had lost its county -importance long before the date of the diary. The widow of one of his -uncles, however, still lived at Gravesend at the time he wrote, and one -of his father's sisters, who had married a man named Childs, also lived -in the neighbourhood, and on her husband's death went to live with her -niece at Danes Court. - -The diary commences on the 1st of January, 1692-3, when Bere was living -at Mr. Downe's in {350} London, but the detailed entries begin on the -9th of the month, when he went by tilboat from Billingsgate to -Gravesend. Here, after visiting his aunt Bere and his kinsman Childs -at Northfleet, he slept at the inn, and started the next morning in a -coach to Canterbury. The next day he continued his journey to Danes -Court on a hired mare, and then after a few days rest, "without seeing -anybody," begins a round of visits and carouses with the neighbouring -gentry. All the squires and their families for miles round march -through the pages of the diary. Mr. Paramour, of Stratenborough; Mr. -Boys, of Betshanger, "my uncle Boys," who was probably Christopher -Boys, of Updowne, uncle by marriage to John Fogge; "my uncle Pewry," -who was rector of Knowlton, but whose relationship with the diarist is -not clearly discoverable; Mr. Burville, rector of the Fogge Church of -Tilmanston, and a host of other neighbours come and go, dine and drink, -often staying the night, and in a day or two entertain John Fogge and -his brother-in-law in return. The latter records the fact, but -unfortunately does no more, and little is gathered of the manner of -their lives at this period of the diary, except that they did a -prodigious deal of visiting and dining at each others' houses. One of -the most constant visitors to Danes Court is the aged Lady Monins, of -Waldershare Park, the widow of the last baronet of the name, and -Richard Bere appears to be as often her guest at Waldershare. The -round of dining and visiting is broken in upon by a visit on horseback -with brother John Fogge to the assizes at Maidstone, where the latter -has a lawsuit which he loses, and Richard returns to {351} Danes Court -alone, leaving his defeated brother at Canterbury. On the 12th of -April the diarist records that he first saw the swallows, and on the -20th, as instancing the uneventful life in this remote part of the -country, it is considered worth while to register the fact that "whilst -I was digging in the garden with Carlton a man passed on horseback." A -few days afterwards neighbour Carlton's daughter is married, and then -"my nephew Richard was first sent to school at Sandwich, Timothy Thomas -being master." Richard, the heir of Danes Court, was about twelve -years old at the time, and, as we shall see later on, turned out badly -and completed the ruin of the fine old family, of which he was the last -male representative in the direct line. Timothy Thomas, who was a -distinguished scholar and M.A. of Sidney-Sussex College, Cambridge, was -headmaster of the Sandwich Free School and brother to the rector of St. -Paul and St. Mary, Sandwich. He seems to have been always ready for a -carouse at the hostelry of the "Three Kings" at Sandwich or elsewhere -with the father or uncle of his pupil. - -On the 28th of April "the fleet entered the Downs, the wind blowing a -gale at the time. A ship called the _Windsor_ was lost. I went to -Deal to see the ships, and saw five ensigns." Small details of -ablutions--rare enough they seem nowadays--bed-warming, and quaint -remedies for trifling ailments sound queerly enough to us coming -faintly across the gloom of two centuries, but in the midst of the -chronicles of this small beer of visits paid and received, of the -stomach-ache, and so on, brother John receives a writ, and we feel that -we are witnesses of the process by which all this feasting {352} and -revelry is completing the ruin of the ancient family that once owned -broad lands and far manors all over Kent, which founded hospitals and -colleges, and was closely allied to the regal Plantagenets, but whose -possessions had even now shrunken to one poor mansion house of Danes -Court and the few farms around it. John Fogge's father, Richard, whose -pompous Latin epitaph is still in Tilmanston Church, written by his -eldest son, Edward, and scoffed at in the family Bible by the -degenerate John, had been true to the King's side during the civil war. -His near neighbour, Sir John Boys of Betshanger, had hunted and harried -the cavalier and sacked his house after the mad Kentish rising in 1648, -and had frightened his favourite child to death, and for the whole of -the Commonwealth period poor Richard had been plundered and well-nigh -ruined. His sons Edward and John had been captured at sea by the -Dutch, and Christopher had been taken prisoner by the Turks, and all -three had had to be bought off with ransom. Stout old Richard Fogge -therefore had left Danes Court sadly embarrassed at his death in 1680. -His eldest son, Edward, died soon after, and John Fogge, the -brother-in-law of our diarist, was rapidly continuing the ruin at the -date of the diary. By the 30th of May Richard Bere had had enough of -Danes Court, and started to Canterbury "with my brother's horse and -servant, and so to Northfleet, where I visited my kinsman Childs." He -mounted his horse at five o'clock in the morning and arrived at -Northfleet at five in the evening, staying on the way only a short time -at Canterbury to rest and drink with friend Best, at whose house he -always alights when {353} he passes through the ancient city. The -distance by road is a good fifty-five miles, so Richard no doubt -thought he had earned his night's rest at Uncle Childs' before -starting, as he did next day, by tilboat to London. The first thing he -did when he arrived was to "drink with Higgs" and send for Benson to -meet him at Phillips' mug-house. Benson appears to have been a humble -friend or foster-brother, as Bere calls Benson's father "my father -Benson," who went on all his errands, pawned his valuables, and faced -his creditors. When Benson came they started out together and took a -room, where they both slept, "at the sign of the 'Crown,' an inn in -Holborne," and the record thereafter for some time consists mainly of -such entries as "Dined with Sindry at the 'Crown,' and drank with him -all the afternoon and evening at Phillips'. Slept at Mrs. Ward's;" -"Dined with Dr. Stockton, Haddock, and Simpson at the 'Pindar of -Wakefield';" "Dined at the sign of the 'Castle,' a tavern in Wood -Street, with many friends from the North; drank there all the -afternoon, and all night drinking with usual friends at Phillips'," -only that these daily entries usually wind up with the record of a -debauch which need not be described, but which Richard does not -hesitate to set down in such cold blood as his orgy has left him. - -He appears to have had as a friend one Westmacott, who was a prison -official, and a standing amusement was apparently to go and see the -prisoners, who sometimes fall foul of Westmacott and his friend and -abuse them. Richard also has a quaint way of drawing a miniature -gallows in {354} the margin of his manuscript on the days that he -records the execution of malefactors. On the 15th of June, for -instance, after giving his usual list of friends and taverns, he -writes: "Seven men hanged to-day; fine and warm. Drinking at Phillips' -at night; Westmacott there again." A day or two afterwards the -bailiffs walk in during his dinner at the tavern and hale his boon -companion, Pearce, off to jail; but Richard thinks little of it, for he -goes off to drink straightway with Colonel Legge, and then passes a -merry evening with Dr. Stockton and Mr. Rolfe at the sign of the -"Ship," near Charing Cross. - -On the 29th of June "a new sword-belt, some woollen hose, and a rosette -for my hat," were bought; and soon after he leaves his lodgings at Mrs. -Ward's, and thenceforward seems to sleep in taverns or inns for some -time, very often winding up the entries in the diary by confessing that -he was "drunk" or "very drunk." - -On the 18th of July, 1693, he visits "the house of the Princess of -Denmark with Mr. Wooton," and thence goes to see a fashionable friend -of his called Captain Orfeur, who had a fine house at Spring Gardens, -where he meets his brother, and they all make a night of it at the -"Ship." By the beginning of August it is not surprising that he is -ill, and decides to visit his brother Francis in the country. On the -3rd he takes horse to Biggleswade and thence to Oundle, "where I met my -brother and Mr. Rosewell" (he was a fellow of "King's," and apparently -a great friend of Francis Bere's). "Dined at Caldwell's, and slept at -the sign of the 'Dog.'" - -{355} - -He stays at the "Dog" at Oundle for some days, still ill, and visits -Northampton, where he is struck with the curious church, town-hall, -prison, and courts of justice, and slept at the "George." From there -he rides to the "Angel" at Wellingboro', and so home to London by -Dunstable, where he stays at the "Saracen's Head," Watford, -Rickmansworth, and Uxbridge, where he puts up at the "Swan." Being now -well again, he recommences the old round of the "Horns," the "Red Cow," -the "Mermaid," the "Crown," and so on, usually winding up with a -roaring carouse at Phillips', and occasionally relieved by trips to -Islington-wells to walk in the fields with friend Stourton, who lives -near there, and who later on becomes his inseparable companion. To -illustrate the methodical character of this roistering blade, it is -curious to note that, as he could not well carry his cumbrous diary -with him on his journey to Oundle, he has made his daily entries on a -small loose leaf and has afterwards carefully transcribed them in the -book, the loose leaf, however, being also bound up with the rest. On -the reverse side, in English, Richard has copied the following couplet -of Lord Thomond's, which seems to have struck him:-- - - "Whatever Traveller doth wicked ways intend, - The Devill entertains him at his journey's end," - -and to this he adds several little remedies which some travelling -companion seems to have told him on the road. He scrupulously records -the fact that the day is his birthday on each succeeding 28th of -August, and the occasion appears to be an excuse {356} for a burst of -deeper drinking than ever, but on this first birthday mentioned in the -diary, 1693, he is evidently getting hard up. He lodges with a man -named Nelson, who ceaselessly duns him for his rent, and we soon learn -that the faithful Benson has pawned his two rings for eighteen -shillings. On the 27th of September his friend Dr. Stockton tells him -"that Mr. Addison told him that I lost my place because I was against -the Government, and was foolish enough to talk about it, which," says -indignant Richard, "is a lie." - -It sounds curious nowadays to read that he and his friends, Westmacott -and others, sometimes walk out in the fields to shoot with bows and -arrows, and usually return thence to the "Hole-in-the-Wall" to pass the -evening. - -As a specimen of the entries at this period, I transcribe that for the -30th of September, 1693, at least so much of it as can well be -published. "With Metham and Stourton to the City, and dined at the -'Ship' in Birchin Lane. Vickers there, and we went together to the -Exchange and met Mr. Howard; with him to the 'Fountain,' Mr. Coxum -there. At five o'clock went to Sir James Edwards', and drank there two -flasks of wine. Then to the 'King's Head,' where I left them and went -to Mr. Pearce's house and received ten pounds. Found Stourton very -drunk. Went and paid Jackson and Squires. Slept at Pearce's--drunk -myself." With the ten pounds received from Mr. Pearce Richard seems to -have set about renewing his wardrobe, and duly records the days upon -which his various new garments are worn. On the 26th of October -"Aspin, the tailor, brought my new {357} white breeches in the morning, -and we went out to drink at the 'Bull's Head' in Mart Lane." On the -second of November he recites the names of six taverns at which he -drank during the day, namely, the "Bull's Head," the "Red Cow," the -"Ship," the "Horns," the "Cheshire Cheese," and the "Crown," and on the -7th of the same month a dreadful thing happens to him. The constables -walk off his dulcinea, Miss Nichols, to jail, and Richard is left to -seek such consolation as he can find at the "Chequers," the "Three -Cranes," and the "Sugar Loaf." The next day he seeks out his friend -Westmacott at the "King's Head," and is taken to the prison to see the -incarcerated fair one. Whilst there he "meets the man who has done the -mischief." But he winds up at the "Sugar Loaf" in Whitefriars, and -Phillips' mug-house, and is carried home thence in a coach too much -overcome by his grief and potations to walk. On the 14th, after -several more visits to the prison, he bewails that he can do nothing -for Nichols, and on visiting a Mrs. Hill, that kind matron tells him -that his great friend, Dr. Stockton, had told her that "I had -squandered all I had over a worthless wench, and thought now to live at -the expense of my friends," but the entry, unfortunately, winds up with -the words: "Borrowed two pounds of Simons on my watch." - -After this Richard thinks that quiet Danes Court might suit him for a -time, and starts the next day, the 15th of November, as before to -Gravesend by the tilboat, and, after a duty visit to his relatives, -stays two nights at the sign of the "Flushing," and dines there merrily -with "a {358} clergyman named Sell and another good fellow from the -North." The same companions and others go with him in the coach to -Canterbury, where he stays at the "Fleece," gets gloriously drunk, and -is cheated out of half-a-crown, and lies in bed until mid-day next -morning, his niece, Jane Fogge, who lived with the Bests at Canterbury, -coming to visit him before he was up. In the afternoon he continues -his road more soberly to Danes Court on a hired horse, and the old -round of visiting and feasting begins afresh. On the first of December -he meets Parson Burville, of Tilmanston, and drinks Canary wine till he -is drunk. On the 12th Captain Christopher Fogge meets his brother John -at a friend's house and they quarrel; Uncle Childs dies, the cat is -drowned in the well, three East Indiamen captains dine at Danes Court, -Ruggles' wife is confined, and the daily small events of a remote -village happen and are recorded much as they might happen to-day. -Uncle Boys had a kinsman, presumably a brother, Captain Boys, R.N., who -was Constable of Walmer Castle, where he lived. and Richard and his -friends often go there to dine and visit the ships in the Downs. On -the 26th of February, 1694, they all go to dinner on board the -_Cornwall_, and "they gave us a salute of seven guns." They all went -back to the castle to sleep, and John Fogge made a bargain with his -weak-witted younger brother William about Danes Court, presumably with -regard to his reversionary interest or charge upon the property. But -whatever it was it did not matter much, for William Fogge died soon -after. On the 25th of March, after going to Betsanger church and to -the rectory to see Thomas {359} Boys, "Ruggles threw a poor boy out of -the cart and seriously injured him," and on the next day a curt entry -says: "The poor lad died at nine o'clock this morning, and was buried -in the evening," but not a word about any enquiry or the punishment of -the offending Ruggles. - -But after five months Richard sighs again for the taverns of Fleet -Street, and on the 4th of April, 1694, returns to London by the usual -road by Canterbury and Gravesend, and again haunts the taverns and -night-houses of the metropolis. He tries hard to borrow money from his -friends, and is evidently getting anxious about his Customs accounts -left in arrear at Carlisle. He is a pretty constant visitor to -Whitehall about a certain petition of his, which petition, although he -often mentions it in his diary, he of course does not describe or -explain in a document written for his own eye alone. I have, however, -been fortunate enough to find the actual document itself in the -Treasury Papers at the Record Office, with all the voluminous reports -and consultations founded upon it during the seven years it lingered in -the Government offices. It appears that in August, 1689, the Earl of -Shrewsbury, Secretary of State, had addressed a letter (the original of -which is attached to Richard Bere's petition) to the Mayor or Collector -of Customs of Carlisle, directing them to provide for the maintenance -of certain "papist Irish soldier prisoners" who were to be kept in the -castle there. The mayor refused to find the money, and Richard Bere, -as Collector of Customs, had to do so, expecting to be reimbursed out -of the Secret Service Fund, as provided by the Secretary of State. The -prisoners {360} were kept at Carlisle until December, 1690, and Richard -spent £74 4s. on their maintenance. He was soon after suddenly -dismissed from his post, and was unable to balance his accounts for -want of this money, and shortly before beginning the diary had -presented his petition to the Lords of the Treasury for the -reimbursement of the sum, or at least that it should be handed to the -Receiver-General of Customs on his account. But whilst the petition -was lying in the pigeon-holes in one office, another office was only -conscious that Richard was behindhand in his accounts, and on the 11th -of May, 1694, there is an entry as follows in the diary: "Alone to dine -at the 'Spotted Bull.' Then to Phillips', where one Petitt told me -about the tolls of Carlisle, and said that the bailiffs from Appleby -had a warrant to arrest me." Richard did not wait long for the -bailiffs, and in less than a week had signed and sealed a bond, -apparently for borrowed money to settle his toll accounts, bought a -horse and a Bible, had gone to Westminster Hall "about his brother's -affairs," and started off for Carlisle. He rode through Oundle, where -the Rev. Francis Bere appeared still to be living, and so by Stamford, -Grantham, Newark, Doncaster, Ferrybridge, and Appleby to Carlisle. Two -days before he arrived at the city some choice spirits came out to meet -him, and a host of friends received him with open arms after his ten -days' ride. He dines fourteen times with Dick Jackson, drinks often -and deeply with the Mayor of Carlisle, collects money owing to him, -buys a fine new periwig of Ned Haines, and a new sword, settles up his -accounts of tolls, and begs a holiday for the schoolboys, {361} whom he -treats all round, and winds up in a burst of jubilation by receiving a -present of two kegs of brandy from his friend Bell, which had not paid -much to the King probably, and of which, no doubt, the late Collector -and his jovial companions gave a very good account. And then, after a -six weeks' stay at Carlisle, he wends his way back to London again by -the same road, his horse falling lame at Stamford, and the rider having -to post from Grantham to Ware, and thence to London by coach. He -alights at the "Bell," in Bishopsgate Street, where Benson soon seeks -him with fresh clothes and a sedan chair, and takes him to his old -quarter of London again. - -But poor Richard's prosperity is of short duration. The borrowed money -soon comes to an end, with the able and constant assistance of a -certain Catherine Wilson, who has now supplanted the vanished Nichols, -and by the beginning of September, 1694, Benson is taking one article -after the other to the pawnshop, and bringing back sums which Richard -regards as very unsatisfactory in amount. On the 6th of that month he -attends what must have been rather a curious marriage at the church of -St. George's, Bloomsbury, where one of Catherine Wilson's companions, -named Early, was married "to a young man named James Carlile, between -nine and ten in the morning." The whole of the party adjourn to the -fields, and at one o'clock return to drink at the "Feathers" in -Holborn, "but the knavish constables disturbed us and we went to -Whitefriars; at two I went to seek Benson, but he could only bring me -5s. on my pistols." With this sum Richard finds his way back to -Whitefriars, where {362} he remained drinking till evening with the -"newly married pair, Catherine Wilson, a gentleman and his wife, and a -marine." He then attends a coffee-house, and winds up with a carouse -at the "Rising Sun." The unfortunate bridegroom soon disappears from -the diary, but the "bride" takes part in the drinking bouts for some -time to come. By the middle of October Richard has apparently come to -the end of his tether, and, after borrowing a halfcrown on his knives, -quarrels with and separates for a time from Catherine Wilson; but -brother Francis and sister Fogge are appealed to for money, and when it -arrives Catherine is to the fore again. A great scheme is hatched -about this time with a Captain Sales and Mr. Butler, apparently -relating to the tobacco duties, and the Commissioners of Customs and -other officials are being constantly petitioned and visited. Sometimes -the tobacco business is considered hopeful, and sometimes the contrary, -but on the 7th of January, 1695, it looks very bright when the Lords of -the Treasury and the Commissioners of Customs sitting together at -Whitehall receive Richard and his two friends, who lay the case before -them, but "Mr. Culliford spoke against us," and nothing was decided, so -the trio and others who joined them go to the "Rummer" tavern at -Charing Cross, and drink confusion to Mr. Culliford. A day or two days -after this "a knave came to betray me to the bailiffs," and poor -Richard and his friend Sales seek the shady retreat of a tavern in -Fulwood's Rents. For the next few days he dodges the bailiffs from -tavern to tavern, and sleeps at Bell Court, Whitefriars, and elsewhere. -The "knavish" bailiffs even follow friend {363} Sales in the hope of -tracking Richard. On the 14th of January the faithful Benson brings -his clothes to the new lodging in Whitefriars, and Richard ventures out -"to the 'Anchor' in Coleman Street, about the business of Andrew Lloyd -and the widow. Then the 'St. John the Baptist's Head' in Milk Street, -where I found Butler meeting the citizens about the tobacco business." -A few days after, the business of "Andrew Lloyd and the widow" is -settled somehow at the "Mermaid" in Ram Alley, and on the 26th Benson -pawns all Richard's silver for £5 7s., and Richard slips out of -Whitefriars at night, sleeps at the "Star," and escapes to the quiet of -Danes Court, where the bailiffs cease from troubling and the -spendthrift is at rest. - -On the 2nd of February, 1695, scapegrace little nephew Dick Fogge comes -home with a story that the small-pox had appeared at the school at -Sandwich, "but it is all a lie," and the youngster is led back -ignominiously the next day by his father and Tim Thomas the -schoolmaster, and when John Fogge returns to Danes Court he brings news -that the French are capturing English boats in the Channel. Richard is -still uneasy in his mind, for on the 15th of February he dreams that -the bailiffs have caught him at last, and soon afterwards begins -seriously to put his Customs accounts in order. Then early in April he -starts for London again, but as soon as he was on board the tilboat at -Gravesend he caught sight of a bailiff ashore seeking him. It takes -four hours to reach London, and the city is in a turmoil, for during -the night "the mob knocked down a house in Holborn." He takes a room -at {364} the "Green Dragon" for a day or two, and the next night the -mob burn down two houses in the Coal Yard, Drury Lane. A false friend -named Fowler accompanies him in his search for lodgings, which he -eventually takes at the house of a cheese-monger named Tilley in Fetter -Lane, and also goes with him to the Custom House "about my accounts," -and then on the 13th of April, after carousing with him half the day, -"the hound betrayed me to the bailiffs," and poor Richard is caught at -last. He is at once haled off to a spunging-house, called the "King's -Head," in Wood Street, and the first thing the prisoner does is, of -course, to send for Benson, who comes with Sales and other friends, and -they have a jovial dinner of veal with the keeper. The next day Benson -brings some money, and Richard holds a perfect levee of friends. Some -of them go off to soften the creditors, in which they fail, and other -to apply for a writ of _habeas corpus_. A good deal of dining goes on -at the spunging-house, but on the 16th the carouse is cut short by the -removal of Richard to the Fleet. He has a good deal of liberty, -however, for he still occasionally haunts the taverns in Fleet Street, -probably within the "rules" of the prison or under the ward of a -keeper. Brother Francis is appealed to daily by letter, and pending -his reply all the old boon companions come in and out of the prison, -dine there, drink there, and get drunk in the vaults, Benson and -Catherine Wilson coming every day with clothes, books, and comfort. At -the end of the month of May the parson brother, Francis, arrives, and -after a month of negotiation at the Custom House and the law courts, -and much drinking and dining as {365} usual, a bond is signed and -sealed at the "Three Tuns" tavern, "Sales standing my friend," and -Richard Bere is free again. - -But imprudent Richard, after a sharp fit of the gout, soon falls into -his old habits again, and on the 6th of September confesses that he got -into a row at the "Dog" Tavern in Drury Lane "about drinking the Prince -of Wales' health," an indiscreet thing enough considering that his -Custom House accounts were still unsettled, and his own petition to the -Treasury unanswered. On the 1st of July, whilst he and his friend -Sales are dining at the "Crown," the constables walk Sales off to -prison, "and then go to the 'Globe' Tavern and arrest his landlady, and -Andrew Lloyd the author." And so the diary goes on; his accounts still -unpaid, but Richard full of the tobacco business, with petitions to the -King and interviews with Treasury officials. Then there is some great -Irish wool scheme, which necessitates much dancing attendance on the -Duke of Ormond, but does not seem to result in much. His boon -companions evidently do not think much of his chance of recovering -anything from the Treasury, for "they made me promise B. Skynner a new -wig if ever I received my £74 4s. on the King's order." - -However much Richard may drink, he is frugal enough in his eating, for -from this period to the end of the diary he constantly records that for -days together he has eaten nothing but a little bread and cheese, and -the "one poor halfpennyworth of bread to all this intolerable amount of -sack" is as applicable to Richard Bere as it was to the fat knight. -And he needs to be sparing in his expenditure, for {366} he is poor -enough just now, notwithstanding his drinkings with the Duke of -Richmond's steward, with Stourton at the "Rose" in Pall Mall, and his -visits to Lord James Howard in Oxenden Street, for he is reduced to -pawning his new lace ruffles for six shillings, and Benson could borrow -nothing on his new wig, for which he had just paid (or not paid) -thirty-five shillings to Rolfe, the barber. But Benson pawns his linen -for ten shillings and brother Francis sends funds, so after borrowing -nine shillings and sixpence on "my Bezoar stone," and going to the -Temple to receive "my pension" Richard starts on the 1st of September, -1696, by hoy for Sandwich. The voyage is long and tedious, the weather -being bad, but after a day and a night at sea they drop anchor, and -Richard solaces himself with punch and good fellowship at the "Three -Kings" at Sandwich. - -On his arrival at Danes Court "John gives me a bad account of my nephew -Richard, who went back to school to-day." But John certainly does not -set his son a good example, for he soon breaks out himself, and on the -21st of October, "after dining with my aunt," threatens to cut his -wife's throat. For months after this the diary constantly records that -"John came home raving drunk"; "John from Sandwich to-day, very -violent"; "John mad drunk all day"; "to Tilmaston Church twice, John -there reiving drunk," and so on. On Christmas Day, 1696, Richard, who -as befits a parson's son, is all through an indefatigable church-goer, -takes the Sacrament at Tilmanston Church, as he generally does on -special days, John through all the Christmastide remaining drunk as -usual. On {367} the 18th of January, 1697, he gives his wife a black -eye, and the next day it is Richard's turn, and he goes on a great -drinking bout with Captain Whiston, and "got drunk and lost my white -mare," whereupon the immaculate "John is very angry with me." On the -10th of February nephew Richard runs away from school again, and gets -soundly whipped by his father, who remains drunk all the month. On the -15th of March tidings comes to Danes Court that the master has been -lodged in Dover jail, and his wife and her brother start off next -morning to find him. He has escaped somehow, and gets back to Danes -Court mad drunk just as his household are returning from afternoon -service at Tilmanston Church. This goes on all March, and on the 26th -John borrows money from an attorney named Lynch, and seals a bond at -Danes Court conveying all his goods to the lender as security, "being -rabid drunk at the time." A few days afterwards "the bailiffs nearly -took John, but he escaped by the quickness of his mare." Echoes of -more important events occasionally reach Danes Court. On the 6th of -April, 1697, news comes that the French have taken Jamaica, and that -they have captured a merchant fleet and convoys off Bilbao. Soon after -we hear of "French pirates infesting the Downs, and they had taken two -of our ships," but the domestic troubles of the old Kentish manor house -occupy most of the diary at this period; incorrigible young Richard -runs away from school again and cannot be found for days; with some -difficulty drunken John's accounts with Hill and Dilnot, of Sandwich, -are arranged, but on the 24th of April he is lodged in jail at -Canterbury on {368} another suit, and is only released by more -borrowing from Lynch, and at once goes back to his drunken career -again. An entry on the 29th of April, 1697, gives another inkling of -Richard's Jacobite leanings. "Walking to Eythorne I met Petitt the -parson and Captain March. We drank together and went to Walker's, -where a Mr. Kelly defended the bad opinion that it was lawful for -people to rise against the King if he violated his coronation oath." - -All through May John Fogge continued drunk, and one day falling foul of -his brother-in-law, calls him a scurvy knave, and threatens to kick him -out of his house. So Richard, having worn out his welcome at Danes -Court, starts for town again, taking with him nephew Dick, who has just -run away from school once more for the last time. - -He lodges henceforward at Stokes' in Short's Gardens, and pays ten -shillings a month for his room. Every morning two or three taverns are -visited with Stourton, Churchill, and others, where unfortunately they -are sometimes imprudent enough to drink deep to the health of King -James. Metheglin and mum are occasional drinks, but brandy the most -usual, and black puddings seem a favourite dish for dinner. On the -19th of October, 1697, peace is proclaimed with France, and on the 16th -of the following month the King enters the City in state, and on the -2nd of December the peace rejoicings were crowned by a great display of -fire-works, and a banquet given by the Earl of Romney to the King. -Richard's petition after five years' waiting is favourably reported -upon by the {369} Commissioners of Customs, and during all the winter -he haunts Whitehall and the ante-room of Lord Coningsby to get the -recommendation carried out by the Treasury. But one obstacle after the -other is raised, the papers are sent backwards and forwards, and it is -fully two years longer before Richard at last receives his money. On -the 2nd of December, 1697, he records the consecration of St. Paul's, -and on the 15th of February, 1698, he attends his first service in the -Cathedral, "from thence to the Temple Church, and so to the 'Trumpet,' -where I supped on black puddings and cheese. Home at eight, when my -landlady besought me to pay the rent." On the 18th of April he sees -Prince George, and on the 16th of May visits the ship _Providence_ from -New England, and thence to the "Dolphin" tavern until three in the -morning. On the 9th of June, apparently fired by the example of some -of the wits he meets in the coffee-houses of Covent Garden, or in his -favourite promenade at Gray's Inn Gardens, he records the fact that he -wrote some satirical verses. The next day a fine new suit of clothes -comes home, and he dons them with great pride. But alas! a sad thing -happens. Drinking at the "Sun" with his friends, some of the latter -"threw some beer over my fine garments," much to Richard's disgust. -The quaint little gallowses on the margin are pretty frequent now, and -the names of the wretches who are hanged are often given. On the 29th -of June, 1698, Richard visits the Duke of Norfolk at St. James's House -with his friends Stourton and Orfeur. "Thence to St. James's Park, to -see a race between youths, where I met Churchill." - -{370} Richard becomes certainly more respectable as he gets older, and -beyond a slight flirtation with his landlady, Mrs. Stokes, of Short's -Gardens, we hear little of his gallantries henceforward. He is -certainly more prosperous, too, in some mysterious way, owing to a -voyage he makes, apparently in an official capacity, from Gosport to -Flanders, for which a sum of ninety-five guineas is handed to him. He -says nothing of his adventures in Flanders, where, however, he only -lands at Ostend for a few days from his ship the _Good Hope_. The -voyage, however, is evidently an important one for him, as he has -spoken of it on and off for many months, and takes a special journey to -Cambridge to see brother Francis before setting out. On the 19th of -October, 1698, he anchors in Dover Roads on his return, and goes thence -to Danes Court, where he stays over Christmas, and returns to London in -January, 1699. His friend Churchill has now taken the Treasury matter -in hand, and after many months of hope deferred Richard Bere gets his -£74 4s. at last in October. But Churchill wanted paying, and on the -morrow of the payment "Churchill came to me drunk, and quarrelled with -me because I would not give him the money he wanted." I suspect the -money was all spent long ago, for Richard has often enough gone into -the City to borrow five or ten pounds "on the King's order." He is -very methodical about money matters, too, for all his apparent -improvidence. He has a boon companion named Henry Johnson, who during -the autumn and winter of 1699 drank mainly at his expense. Every penny -thus spent is noted against the date in the diary, and a neat account -of the whole. {371} headed "Expenditure on account of Henry Johnson," -is bound up with the diary. From this it appears that Johnson consumed -over seven pounds' worth of brandy at various taverns with Richard in -about five months. On the 27th of January, 1700, Richard again visits -the Duke of Norfolk; but it is rather a falling off to be told that he -goes straight from the Duke's to eat black puddings at Smith's. In -July of the same year he goes to see a witch called Anna Wilkes, a -prisoner in the Marshalsea, and the same day he learns in the Tilt Yard -that his boon companion Stourton is made Deputy-Governor of Windsor. -On the 30th of July the young Duke of Gloucester dies, and one day next -week Richard, after drinking punch with Mr. Van Dyk, tries to see the -body of the young prince at the lying-in-state, but fails. His brother -Francis is in town about the firstfruits and fees of his new fat living -of Prescot, and Richard is his surety for £48 1s. 5d. to the King, and -when Francis has got comfortably settled in his new rectory in July, -1701, Richard takes the ship _Providence_ for Liverpool to visit him. -They take a fortnight to get there; and when he arrives a gentleman -comes on board and announces that brother Francis has married his (the -gentleman's) sister, whereupon Richard is much surprised, and promptly -borrows some money from his new connection. There are high jinks at -Prescot, and Richard is in his element. He dines and carouses with -everybody, from his brother's glebe-tenants to the Earl of Derby at -Knowsley, gets drunk constantly, breaks his nose, loses his horse and -money, quarrels in his cups with a good many of his friends, {372} -toasts King James III., and enjoys himself greatly. It is to be noted -that his brother's curate generally shaved him during his stay. On the -13th of June 1702, King William's death is recorded, and soon after the -diarist returns to London by road, taking up his quarters at Stokes', -Short's Gardens, again. In the autumn he goes to Danes Court, where -John Fogge is still usually drunk; and in October of that year a most -important thing happens to Richard Bere. On the 23rd of that month he -visits the aged Lady Monins at Waldershare, the next mansion to Danes -Court. His sister, Mrs. Fogge, is with him; and staying with Lady -Monins is a certain Lucy Boys, presumably a daughter of Captain Boys, -the Constable of Walmer Castle. After dinner Richard, who was then -forty-nine years of age, whispered soft words of love to this young -lady, and the next day he records the fact that he sent her a tender -love letter. The maiden, nothing loath, sends him an answer next day, -and a few days afterwards comes herself to visit Mrs. Fogge at Danes -Court. Of course Richard improves the occasion, and, as he says, -"makes love again." For the next week a lively interchange of notes -takes place between Danes Court and Waldershare; and on the 8th of -November Lucy Boys thinks it time to go home to Walmer Castle. It is -not quite in the direct road, but she called to say good-bye to Mrs. -Fogge at Danes Court, and, of course, Mr. Richard Bere thought well to -go in the coach with her to Walmer. "We pledged," he says, "to marry -each other, and solemnly promised to marry no one else." On the 16th -of December he again goes to Waldershare, and they again renew their -pledge, and Lady Monins {373} promised all her influence with her -grandson-in-law, the great Earl Poulet, to forward Richard's fortunes. -Early in January, 1703, Richard speeds to London with a letter from -Lucy Boys to Lord Poulet in his pocket. The peer welcomes him warmly, -promises him great things at the Treasury and elsewhere, and loving -letters still speed backward and forward between London and Walmer. -Richard is constant at Lord Poulet's levees, and at last, on the 25th -of March, 1703, Richard is introduced to the all-powerful Lord -Godolphin, who promises him a good office, upon strength of which he -"borrows another £5 of Gawler." - -But Richard complains of lameness on the very day that he saw -Godolphin, and the next entry in the diary is carefully traced with a -trembling hand at the bottom of the page nearly three months -afterwards. Richard had fallen ill of gout, fever, and rheumatism, and -had not left the room for ten weeks, "attended by Mr. Sheppery of Drury -Lane, my surgeon Mr. Williams, and my housekeeper Mrs. Cockman." In -July he was well enough to go to Danes Court, and on the 11th of August -visited Waldershare with his sister. There, walking in the grotto, he -again pledged his troth to Lucy Boys. On the 2nd of September Lucy -Boys came to dine at Danes Court, and the vows were repeated. On this -occasion Miss Boys showed her sincerity by handing to Richard "95 -guineas, one pistole, and six shillings in silver," presumably for -investment or expenditure on fitting up a home. Soon afterwards Lord -Poulet came and took his wife's grandmother away on a visit to Hinton, -where she died in six weeks. Richard {374} Bere returns to London a -happy man, but in a few weeks his lady love herself comes on a visit to -Lord Poulet, and then, on the 20th of November, a great change comes -over the tone of the entries. "The strumpet Boys came to London. I -saw her at Lord Poulet's and gave her five guineas, besides five -guineas I gave her on the 26th to go to the Exchange, five guineas more -I paid on her account at Mr. Stow's, and another ten pounds on account -of the slut." Another entry on the 30th is still more disheartening. -"I went to see the slut Boys at Lord Poulet's, and the baggage denied -ever having promised to marry me at all, and now she has gone and -married a stuttering parson called Woodward." Then Lord Poulet said he -had never promised to do anything for him, and "treated me vilely," and -the whole romance was ended. - -At this time there are two entries in English as follows: "November 27, -1703. From 12 o'clock in ye morning till 7 was ye most violent storm -of wind y|t| ever was known in England, and ye damage done at land and -sea not to be estimated." - -"On ye 15th, 16th, and 17th of January, 1703-4, was a very violent -storm, which forced back ye fleet bound to Lisbon w|th| ye Archduke -Charles, under Rooke, separating them, and did a great deale of damage." - -In March, 1704, Richard is evidently making great preparations for -another sea voyage. He often visits Bear Quay, and is much in the -City. Trunks and new clothes seem to be brought now without much -difficulty, and Benson's services are not apparently so needful for -raising the wind. Richard's friend, old Mrs. Feltham, who keeps a -{375} shop in the Exchange, invites him to come and see her and -drink-mum, in order to ask him about making her son purser. Richard -seems also to have quite a friendly correspondence with the "stuttering -parson Woodward," and one is tempted to believe that Lord Poulet may -after all have done something for the jilted lover. Richard's -circumstances must be a good deal changed, for he can afford to leave -twenty guineas with T. Bell to keep for him when he departs for Danes -Court, after a merry dinner at the "Blue Posts" in the Haymarket (which -he quaintly translates as "los Postes ceruleos en la Feria de feno") -with Churchill and others. On the 23rd of March, 1704, he starts for -Danes Court, and there the usual life of visiting and feasting is -recommenced. On the 11th of April, 1704, there is an entry to the -effect that he went to visit Lady Barret, and wrote to Mr. Woodward, -and then the curtain drops and all is darkness, which swallows up -Richard Bere and all his friends for ever. Where he went and what -became of him I have been unable to discover, and the transient gleam -thrown across his trivial history by his own folly, in writing down his -most secret actions in a language known to many, will in all -probability be the only light ever thrown upon his life. John Fogge -died soon after, but his widow, Richard Bere's sister, lived at Danes -Court in straitened circumstances for many years after. Warren, the -antiquary, writing in 1711 (Fausett MS. Kent Archæological Society), -deplores that the once fine estate was reduced even then to about fifty -pounds a year only, and says that it was uncertain whether any male -heir was living--thus soon had scapegrace nephew Dick drifted away -{376} from his friends. Warren says that he had been last heard of at -Lisbon some years before, but on his mother's death he turned up a -common sailor, sold Danes Court to the Harveys in 1724, married a -certain Elizabeth Rickasie, a sister of St. Bartholomew's Hospital at -Sandwich, and died on board the fleet at Gibraltar in 1740, leaving, -says Hasted, an only daughter, married to a poor shepherd named Cock, -and living in a lowly hovel near the manor house of which her ancestors -had for centuries been masters. - - - -[1] _The Gentleman's Magazine_, November, 1891. - - -[Illustration: Tailpiece] - - - - -{377} - - -INDEX. - - A. - - Acevedo, Diego de, 149, 155. - Adanero, Count de, 295. - Addison, Mr., 346, 350. - Adelphi, the, 264, 288. - Aguilar, Marquis de, 140, 155. - Alarcon, Captain, 46, 55, 59. - Alba, Duchess of, her reception by Queen Mary, 163-4, 167, 170. - Alba, Duke of, in Portugal, 13. - Alba, Duke of, 76; sent to crush the Netherlands, 93; his seizure - of Egmont, 94; his failure, 98; renewed severity, 99-104; his - praise of Romero, 106; retires from the Netherlands, 106-7. - Alba, Duke of, 140, 149, 153, 155. - Alba, Duke of, urges Philip II. to action against England, 183. - Alberoni, Cardinal, 255. - Albert, Archduke, in command at Lisbon, 42, 48, 50-1, 53, 56, 63, 67. - Alburquerque, 3rd Duke of, with Henry VIII. before Boulogne, 80. - Alburquerque, 4th Duke of, 93. - Alburquerque, Matias de, commands the galleys in the Tagus, 50. - Alencastro, Luis, Don, Grand Master of the Order of Christ, 46. - Aljubarrota, Portuguese victory over Castile, 218. - Allen, Father, 191, 193, 197, 198, 201. - Alonso the Wise of Castile, his decree against extravagance in - attire and food, 212-13. - Alonso XI. of Castile, decrees against extravagance, 213. - Altamira, Count de, raises an army to relieve Corunna, 38. - Alvaro, Souza, Portuguese captain, 65-6. - Alvelade, near Lisbon, 56-7. - Andrada, Count de, attempts to relieve Corunna, 37, 39. - Antonio, Dom, the Portuguese Pretender, 13; flies to England, - 14; his treatment by Elizabeth, 14; flies to France, 15-16; - attacks the Azores, 16; again appeals to Elizabeth, 17; his - concessions to Elizabeth, 18-23; accompanies the expedition, - 29; lands at Peniche, 43-5; arrives at Torres Vedras, 55; - at the gates of Lisbon, 56-9, 64, 67; leaves with the English, 64, - 68; returns to England, 71-2. - Antwerp, sack of, in the Spanish Fury, 117-20. - Araujo, Captain, surrenders Peniche, 42. - Argüelles, Father, an exorciser, 303; his communications with - the devil, 304, _passim_. - Armada, defeat of, 3-5; cause of its defeat, 3-4; the disaster to - foretold by Mendoza, 200. - Arundel, Earl of, 149, 153, 154, 155, 162. - Arundel, Earl of, at Durham Place, 269. - Arundell's rising suppressed by the aid of Spanish mercenaries, 77. - Astorga, Philip II. at, 142. - Austria, decline of the house of, in Spain, 340-1. - Authorities with regard to the wedding of Philip and Mary, 125-7, - 131-6. - Azores, attacks upon, in the interest of Dom Antonio, 14-16; - to be attacked by the English expedition, 22, 71; - plan abandoned, 71, 72. - - - - B. - - Bacon, Lady, 284. - Baden, Margrave of, imprisoned for debt at Rochester, 284. - Baoardo, the Venetian, his account of the marriage of Philip and - Mary, 126-7. - Barlemont, Count, to betray Brussels, 115. - Basing House, Philip and Mary at, 166. - Bazan, Alvaro de, 66. - Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow, his plans against Elizabeth, - 184 _passim_. - Beauvoir, de, 108. - Bedford's, Earl of, visit to Spain to ratify the marriage contract, - 128, 137, 142-3; Philip's gift to, 143-4; chooses the ship to - carry Philip to England, 145; in England, 153. - Bedford, Earl of, his house in the Strand, 264. - Benavente, Philip II. at, 141-2. - Benavente, Count de, entertains Philip II., 141. - Benavente, Count de, Chamberlain to Charles II., 297, 300. - Bere, Francis, Rev., rector of Prescot, 347, 360, 371. - Bere, Richard, his parentage, 348; his adventures, 348 _passim_. - Bergues, Marquis of, 149. - Berlips, Madame, 295. - Bertondona, Martin de, Spanish naval commander, 145. - Bossu, Count, 102, 105. - Boulogne besieged by the English, 79-81. - Boys, Captain, R.N., Constable of Walmer Castle, 358. - Boys, Christopher, of Updowne, 350. - Boys, Mr., of Betshanger, 350. - Boys, Lucy, her love passages with Richard Bere, 372-5. - Boys, Sir John, of Betshanger, 352. - Braganza, Duke of, 68. - Brazil, offered to Catharine de Medici in return for aid to Dom - Antonio, 18. - Brett, Colonel, at Corunna, 33; killed at Lisbon, 60. - Britain's Burse, Strand, 287. - Browne, Sir Anthony, master of the horse to King Philip, 151. - Bruce, Robert, envoy of the Scottish Catholics to Philip II., - 199-202. - Butler, Sir Philip, a friend of Essex, 41. - Burleigh, Lord, his house in the Strand, 264. - Burville, Mr., Rector of Tilmanston, 350, 358. - - - - C. - - Cadiz, Drake's attack upon, 8. - Calais, the Armada in, 3. - Calderon, 253. - Caraffa, Cardinal, 197. - Cardenas, surrenders Cascaes to Drake, 62; beheaded by the - Spaniards, 63. - Carew, at Durham Place, 265. - Carillo, 155. - Carlisle House, Strand, 264, 286. - Carlos, Don (son of Philip II.), 137, 141. - Carr, Captain, killed at Lisbon, 60. - Carsey, Captain, killed at Lisbon, 60. - Cary, Robert, sent by Elizabeth to warn James of the Catholic plot, - 202. - Cascaes at the mouth of the Tagus, Drake at, 62-3, 64, 66, 68. - Castile, Admiral of, Prime Minister of Spain, 295-8. - Castro, Fernando de, 56. - Catharine de Medici, aids Dom Antonio, 16, 18. - Catharine of Lancaster, bride of the Prince of Castile, 218. - Cave, Sir Ambrose, gives a wedding feast at Durham Place, 282-3. - Cecil, Robert, first Earl of Salisbury, his house in the Strand, - 264; obtains Strand frontage of Durham Place, 267, 286-7. - Cecilia of Sweden, Margravine of Baden, at Durham Place, 283-4. - Cerralba, Marquis of, defends Corunna, 31. - Cervantes' burial-place, 75-6. - Challoner, Sir Thomas, English ambassador in Spain, 274. - Chambergo bat, 254. - Chapin-Vitelli, at Mons, 99. - Charles V., Emperor, his decrees against extravagance in dress, 223-4. - Charles II. of Spain (the Bewitched), his appearance, 291, 296; - his distress, 297; the exorcism, 303 _passim_; death, 319. - Charles II. of Spain, his sumptuary decrees, 255. - Charles III. of Spain, his sumptuary decrees, 257-9. - Charles IV. of Spain, his sumptuary decrees, 259-60. - Charles Stuart's visit to Madrid, 249-50. - Chartres, Vidame de, 276. - Chatillon, French ambassador, at Durham Place, 268. - Chinchon, Count de, 155. - Churchill (1697), 368-9, 370. - Coaches, abuse in the use of, 231-2, 242-3, 244, 256. - Cobham, Lord, 153, 284. - Cobham, Lady, 284-5 - Como, Cardinal, 197. - Copetes (topknots), decree against, 253. - Cordoba, Don Antonio de, mobbed in London, 170. - Cordoba, Cardinal, Inquisitor-General (Charles II.), 316; - poisoned, 316. - Cordoba, Pedro de, Chamberlain of Philip II., 149; mobbed in - London, 170. - Corunna, English attack upon, 31-40, 45. - Corunna, Philip II. at, 144; the Spanish fleet at, 145-6; Philip - II., departure from, to marry Mary, 147. - Cotes, Sebastian de, a conspirator against the Queen Marie Anne - of Neuberg, 298, - Coventry, Lord Keeper, at Durham Place, 287. - Clanking farthingales, 251, 252. - Clarencis, Mistress Susan, 273. - Clinton, Lord, 153. - Cloth manufactory in Spain, 218, 224, 227. - Creighton the Jesuit, his action in the plot against England, 188, - 189, 201. - Crisp, Provost-Marshal, 51. - Cromwell, Richard, at Durham Place, 265. - - - - D. - - Danes Court, Tilmanston, Kent, 347 _passim_. - Darcy, Lord, 153. - D'Aubigny, Duke of Lennox, joins in the plot against England, - 185, 188, 190. - Derby, Earl of, 149, 153, 160, 164. - Derby, Earl of (1700), 371. - D'Este, Cardinal, 197. - Devereux, Walter (Essex's brother), 41. - Diaz, Cristobal, a Spanish captain in the English service, 85, 90. - Diaz, Froilan, the new confessor of Charles II., 299; his - participation in the exorcism, 303 _passim_; confesses, 316; - arrested and escapes, 317; re-captured and imprisoned by the - Inquisitor-General, 318-19; released and made Bishop of Avila, 320. - Diaz de Lobo, Ruy, beheaded in Lisbon, 57. - Dormer, Jane, Countess of Feria, 158; at Durham Place 268, 273. - Drake, Sir Francis, commands the expedition against Portugal, 9, - 23, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 35, 39-43, 45-6, 62-3, 64, 66, 69, 71. - Dryden, John, 346. - Dudley, Earl of Warwick and Duke of Northumberland, 82, 91, 265-6. - Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, at Durham Place, 269. - Dumblain, Bishop of, 201. - Durham Place, description of, in - Tudor times, 270-2. - - - - E. - - Ecclesiastical palaces in the Strand, 264. - Egmont's visit to Madrid, 93; his arrest and execution, 94-5. - Egmont, Count, at Durham Place, 268. - Egmont's visit to London to ratify Philip and Mary's marriage - contract, 137, 139; with Philip, 140, 149, 155. - Elder, John, his account of Philip and Mary's entrance into - London, 125. - Elizabeth's attitude towards Spain, 179-80. - Elizabeth of Valois, Queen of Spain, 228, 231. - Englefield, Sir Francis, English adviser of Philip II., 190. - English Catholic feeling against the Scots, 190-1, 195-6, 198. - English Catholics favour a purely Spanish attack on England, 192, 193. - English aggression against Spain, 8, 182-3. - English fashions, Spanish opinion of, 157-8, 165-7, 171. - English feeling after the Armada, 7-8. - English feeling against Philip's marriage with Mary, 137, 169-74. - English food, abundance of, 167. - English ladies, Spanish opinion of, 157-8, 166. - Enriquez, Pedro, his account of the marriage of Philip and - Mary, 134-5 _passim_. - Essex, Earl of (Walter Devereux), at Durham Place, 286. - Essex, Robert, Earl of, flight from Court to join the Portuguese - expedition, 27; embarks on the _Swiftsure_ and escapes, 28-9; the - Queen's rage thereat, 28, 35; joins the expedition at sea, 41; - lands at Peniche, 43; leads the vanguard, 51-2; at Lisbon, 56, - 60, 64; his humanity, 66; sends a challenge to the Spaniards, 67-8. - Ethrington, Captain, at Puente de Burgos, 38. - Expedition against Portugal: authorities hitherto known - respecting it, 10; new authorities now quoted, 10, 11, 12; its - constitution as a joint-stock enterprise, 9, 18, 22-8; its - strength, 24-6; difficulties, 24-8; finally sails, 29; attacks - Corunna, 31-40; alarm in Spain, 30-3, 39-40; the sacking of - Corunna, 33-5; arrival at Peniche, 43-7, 51; attack on Lisbon, - 60-6; withdrawal, 63-8; sails from Cascaes, 70; return to - England, 71; reasons for its failure, 72. - - - - F. - - Fadrique de Toledo, 98, 100, 101, 103-4. - Fashion in hair-dressing, 250, 253-4. - Fashion of dress in Spain in time of Philip II., 230-4; in the - time of Philip III., 238-9; in the time of Philip IV., 247-54. - Female extravagance in dress, Philip IV.'s fulmination against, - 251-3. - Fenner, Captain, with the English at Corunna, 32. - Ferdinand and Isabel, their decrees against gold and silver - tissues, 220; limiting the use of silk, 221. - Fernando de Toledo, prior, commands the Spanish army to - relieve Lisbon, 30, 39, 61. - Fernihurst (Gray, Laird of), 185. - Feria, Count de, 140, 149, 155; marries Jane Dormer, 158; - urges Philip to attack England, 180; at Durham Place, 267-8, - 269, 272, 273. - Feria, Countess de. _See_ Dormer. - Figueroa, Spanish special envoy, 149. - Finch, Lord Keeper, at Durham Place, 287. - Fitzwalter, Lord, accompanies Bedford to Spain, 137, 142, 143; - in England, 153. - Fogge family of Danes Court, 347 _passim_. - Fogge, Captain Christopher, 347. - Fogge, Edward, 352. - Fogge, John, of Danes Court, 348, 352, 366-7, 368, 372, 375. - Fogge, Richard, Cavalier, 348, 352. - Fogge, Richard, heir of Danes Court, 351, 363, 366, 367, 375-6. - Folch de Cardona, Antonio, a member of the Queen's party, - 301, 313, 316, 318. - Folch de Cardona, Lorenzo, Member of the Council of the - Inquisition, 301, 313, 318-19. - Fouldrey, Dalton-in-Furness, proposed place of landing for the - Spanish invasion, 192. - Francisco Fernando, the illegitimate son of Philip IV., 328-41. - French ambassador de Foix at Durham Place, 282. - French fashions, revolt against, in Spain, 255. - Froude's account of the marriage of Philip and Mary, 126, 130, - 131 _passim_. - Fuentes, Count de, commands the Spaniards in Lisbon, 55-6, 65, - 67, 72. - Fulford, Captain, at Puente de Burgos, 38. - - - - G. - - Gafas (horn spectacles), 254. - Gage, Sir John, 154. - Gamboa, Sir Peter, a Spanish captain, murdered in London, - 77; enters the English service, 82-3; pensioned by Henry - VIII., 86; his treachery to Romero, 88-9; his brilliant - charge at Pinkie, 90. - Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, 155, 161, 174. - Garter, the investure of Philip with, 149, 150. - Genlis' troops massacred at Mons, 99. - Germaine de Foix, Queen of Aragon, 221. - Gilimonas, the, leaders of the ladies' revolt against the - sumptuary decrees, 252-3. - Glimes, de, Flemish captain in the Spanish service, killed, 109. - Godolphin, Lord, 373. - Golilla, invention of the, 248, 249, 255, 260. - Gomez, Ruy, Philip II.'s favourite, 146, 149. - Gonsalves de Ateide, commands the Spaniards at Peniche, 42-3. - Gonzaga, Cardinal, 197. - Goodwin, Captain, wounded at Corunna, 35. - Granada, Archbishop of, protests against Olivares leading Philip - IV. into dissipation, 326-7. - Granvelle, Cardinal de, his attitude towards the plot against - England, 187, 189. - Grey, Lady Jane, married at Durham Place, 265. - Grey, Lord, in command at Boulogne, 81. - Guaras, Antonio de, 77, 88. - Guarda-Infante (flattened farthingales), decrees against, 251-3. - Guedejas (side locks), 250; decrees against, 253-4. - Guevara, Captain, hanged for murder at Smithfield, 77. - Guise, Duke of, his plans against England, 184 _passim_. - Gutierre, Lope de Padilla, sent to receive the English envoys, - 139, 149. - Guzman, Captain, at Torres Vedras, 47, 51, 55, 70. - Guzman, Diego de, Spanish ambassador in England, 182; at - Durham House, 282, 285. - - - H. - - Haarlem, siege of, 102-4. - Haddington, siege of, 90. - Hamilton, Lord Claude, appeals to Philip II., 199. - Haro, Juan de, a Spanish captain in the English service, 78, 82. - Hawkins, John, at Durham Place, 269. - Heneage, Sir Thomas, 285. - Henry, King-Cardinal of Portugal, 12, 13. - Henry IV. of Castile, 219. - Henry VIII. attacks Boulogne, 79-81; his death, 90. - Hinder, Captain, at Puente de Burgos, 38. - Holt, Father, the Jesuit, his action in the plot against England, 186. - Horn, Count, with Philip II. in England, 149, 155; his arrest - and execution, 94-5. - Hostages, French, in England, 276. - Household of an ambassador at Durham Place, 274. - Howard, Lord Admiral, with Philip and Mary, 155; proposes an - expedition to Portugal, 9. - Howard, Lord James (1696), 366. - Hugo's, Victor, distortion of history, 294. - Huntingdon, Earl of, sent by the Queen to seek Essex, 28. - Huntly, Colonel, at Corunna, 33-4. - Huntly, Earl of, appeals to Philip II., 199. - Hunsdon, Lord, 284. - - - - I. - - Infantado, Duke of, 249. - Ireland, the Armada on the coast of, 5. - Isassi Ydiaquez, Juan de, takes charge of the child of Philip - IV. (Francisco Fernando), 328 _passim_. - Ivy Lane, Strand, 263, 286. - - - - J. - - Jaime I. of Aragon, his enactment against extravagance, 211. - James VI. of Scotland, plan to carry him to Spain, 185; his - duplicity, 186; his religion, 186, 192, 193-5, 197, 201. - Jara, near Lisbon, 55. - Jewels brought to England by Dom Antonio, 14-17. - John I. of Castile, his sumptuary decrees, 218. - John II. of Castile, 219. - Juana la Loca, Queen, 141; her sumptuary decree, 222. - Juan, Don, of Austria, 114, 120; seizes Namur, 120. - Juan Jos20160806500003farjeon, Don, of Austria, 254, 292, 307, 340. - Juan of Portugal, Philip's brother-in-law, death of, 138. - Julian, Captain. _See_ Romero. - - - - K. - - Katharine of Aragon at Durham Place, 266. - Kett's rising, suppressed by the aid of Spanish mercenaries, 77. - Kildare, Earl of, 164. - Kingston, at Durham Place, 265. - Knollys, Francis, sent by the Queen to seek for Essex, 27. - - - - L. - - Lane, Colonel, at Lisbon, 60. - Leganes, Marquis de, a conspirator against the Queen Marie Anne - of Neuberg, 298. - Leicester, Earl of, and Dom Antonio's jewels, 14. _See also_ - Dudley, Robert. - Lethington (William Maitland, Laird of), at Durham Place, 269. - Linen, manufacture of, in Spain, 227. - Lisbon, English attack on, 45-6; Spanish force fall back, 47; - terror in the city, 47-50, 54-5; attempts to betray the city, 57-8; - night attack on the English, 60-61; withdrawal of the - English, 63-66; distrust of the Spaniards, 65. - Lloyd, Andrew, "the author," 363, 365. - Lope de Vega, 253. - Lopez, Dr. Ruy, 15, 17. - Louvres, near Lisbon, 55. - Lumay, Count de la Mark, 103. - Lumley, Lord, at Durham Place, 269. - - - - M. - - Madrid in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 231-44, - 242-3, 251-5. - Maineville, de, sent by Guise to Scotland, 190-1. - Margaret of Parma, 93. - Mariana, Queen Regent of Spain, 254, 292, 307. - Marie Anne of Neuberg, Queen of Spain, 292, 295, 300, 301; - discovers the exorcism, 313-16. - Marie Louise of Orleans, Queen of Spain, 292. - Marriage of Philip and Mary, feeling against it in England, 137, - 167-74; hard conditions imposed by the English, 138; great - preparations in Spain, 140-1; voyage of Philip, 147-53; his - first interview with Mary, 154-7; the ceremony at Winchester, 160; - the banquet, 161-3; after the marriage, 164-74. - Mary, Queen, her first present to Philip, 139; at Winchester, - 152; her presents to Philip, 152-3; her first interview with - Philip, 154-7; her appearance, 156-7; her splendour at the - marriage ceremony, 160; at the banquet, 161-3; her reception - of the Duchess of Alba, 164. - Mary Stuart, proposal to marry her to Don Carlos, 181; her - adhesion to Spain, 184-5, 188-9, 196, 198. - Mason, Sir John, 91. - Massino, Captain, attempt to murder him in the Strand, 276, 277. - Master of Santiago, Regent of Castile, his denunciation of - extravagance in attire, 220. - Matilla, confessor to Charles II. of Spain, 295; his fall and - death, 300-1. - Matthew, Toby, Bishop of Durham, at Durham Place, 267. - Medici, Cardinal de, 197. - Medici, Pietro de, ordered to raise mercenaries for the Spanish - service, 39. - Medina Celi, Duke of, 140, 155; sent to replace Alba in the - Netherlands, 98. - Medina Sidonia, Duke of, his return to Spain from the Armada, 5. - Medkirk, Colonel, at Lisbon, 60. - Melino, Guise's envoy to the Pope, 192, 196. - Mendovi, Cardinal, 201. - Mendoza, Bishop of Segovia, Inquisitor-General (Charles II.), - 317; contest with the Inquisition, 318-19; dismissed, 319. - Mendoza, Bernardino de, Spanish ambassador in England and - France, 14, 105, 186-9, 198-99, 200. - Mendoza, Iñigo de, 155, 162. - Merino sheep introduced into Spain by Catharine of Lancaster, 218. - Middleburg besieged by the Gueux, 107; Romero's attempt - to relieve, 107-10. - Middleton, Captain, at Puente de Burgos, 38. - Milford Lane, Strand, 263. - Mondragon, Spanish commander in Middleburg, 107-8, 119. - Monins, Lady, of Waldeshare, 350, 372-3. - Montague, Viscount (Browne), at Durham Place, 269. - Monterey, Count, conspirator against the Queen Marie Anne - of Neuberg, 298. - Montigny, at Madrid, 94. - Montreuil, besieged by the English, 79, 80, 81; Romero's - duel at, 83-6. - Mora, Cristobal, deserts from the English service, 82; challenges - Gamboa, 83; his duel with Romero, 83-6. - Moors, sumptuary rules for, 213. - Morton, Earl of, 185. - Morton, Earl of (the younger), appeals to Philip II., 199. - Murder attempted from Durham Place, 276-7; escape of the - criminal by the water-gate, 278. - - - - N. - - Naarden, the massacre at, 100-1. - Nantouillet, Provost of Paris, a hostage in England, 276, 278. - Navas, Marquis de, sent to England with Philip's first present - to Mary, 139, 146, 148, 164. - Negro, Sir Pero, a Spanish captain in England, 78, 90. - Noailles, de, French ambassador, his account of the marriage of - Philip and Mary, 128-31; his efforts against the match, 130, 137. - Norfolk, Duke of, besieges Montreuil, (1544) 79-80. - Norfolk, Duke of (1698), 369, 371. - Norris, Sir Edward, at Corunna, 34; wounded, 38. - Norris, Sir John, commands the land forces of the expedition - against Portugal, 9, 23, 25, 26, 35-6, 41-3, 45-6, 51, 55, - 58, 62; withdrawn from Lisbon, 64-6; arrival at Cascaes, 66. - North, Lord, 153. - Northumberland, Duke of, makes use of the Spaniards to overawe - Somerset, 91; dismisses them, 91. _See also_ Dudley. - Nuñez, Cristobal, Dr., his orders for the rearing of a child - (Francisco Fernando), 335-9. - - - - O. - - Odonte, Francisco de, letter from Lisbon, 58-9. - Olivares, Chamberlain of Philip II., 149. - Olivares (the Count-Duke), Minister of Philip IV., 247, 249, 326-7; - his orders for the rearing of Philip's child, 330-3. - Olivares, Count de, Spanish ambassador in Rome, 197. - O'Neil, Shan, at Durham Place, 269, 276, 281. - Orange, Prince of, 98, 105, 114. - Orfeur, Captain (1698), 354, 369. - Oropesa, Count de, Spanish Minister, 295. - Osorio, Captain, 109. - Oviedo, Bishop of, refuses to participate in the exorcism, 303. - - - - P. - - Pacheco, Don Juan, 165. - Paget, Charles, Guise's envoy to England, 192. - Paramour, Mr., of Stratenborough, 350. - Parma, Duke of, his share in the defeat of the Armada, 5; his - negotiation with the Scotch Catholics, 200. - Pembroke, Earl of, 152-3, 161, 164; buys Durham Place (1640), 287. - Penalties for infraction of the sumptuary laws, 214, 216-17, - 218, 241, 247, 256. - Peniche, the English at, 43-7, 51. - Perez, Ensign, deserts to the Scots, 90. - Persons, Father Robert, the Jesuit, his action in the plot against - England, 186, 198, 201. - Pescara, Marquis de, 140, 149, 155. - Peter the Cruel of Castile, his sumptuary decrees, 217-18. - Pewry, rector of Knowlton, 350. - Philip II. accepts the match with Mary at his father's bidding, - 138-9; his journey to Valladolid, 138; splendour of his outfit, - 140; his reception of the English envoys, 142-3; splendid - departure from Corunna, 144-7; voyage and arrival in England, - 147-9; his gracious manner, 148; at Southampton, 149-52; - journey and arrival at Winchester, 152-4; his first interview - with the Queen, 154-7; his splendour at the wedding, 160; - at the marriage banquet, 161-3; his attention to Mary, 166; - his departure from England, 174. - Philip II., his reception of the news of the disaster of the - Armada, 6; his action on the news of the English expedition, 30, 44. - Philip II. and the Flemish nobles, 93-4. - Philip II. and the Portuguese succession, 13. - Philip II., his character, 177. - Philip II., his attitude towards England, 8-9, 178-83, 184, 188, - 190-5, 197-8, 202. - Philip II., his splendour in apparel, 225-6; his sumptuary - decrees, 228, 229, 230, 234-5. - Philip III., his sumptuary decrees, 238-44. - Philip IV., his appearance and character, 323; Spain under his - rule, 234-5; his youthful dissipation, 326-7; adventure in the - convent of San Placido, 328. - Philip IV., decrees against extravagances in apparel, 247-54. - Philip V. of Spain, his sumptuary decrees, 255-6. - Pole, Arthur, at Durham Place, 269, 281. - Pole, Cardinal, 267. - Portocarrero, Cardinal, forwards the intrigue against the Queen - Marie Anne of Neuberg, 297 _passim_. - Portuguese succession, claimants to, 12, 13, 14. - Portuguese feeling towards the English expedition, 43, 47-50, 53-5. - Poulet, Earl (1700), 373-5. - Poynings, at Durham Place, 265. - Prior, Matthew, 346. - Puente de Burgos, fight at, 38. - - - - Q. - - Quadra, Bishop, urges Philip to make war on England, 180. - Quadra (Bishop of Aquila, Spanish ambassador) at Durham Place, - 273; complaints of his conduct, 275; facilitates the escape of a - criminal, 277-8; Cecil's attempt to dislodge him, 278-9; his - defence of his conduct, 280-1; expelled from Durham Place, 281. - Quevedo, 253. - - - - R. - - Raleigh, Sir Walter, 28, 35; at Durham Place, 266, 267, 271, 286. - Ravenstein, Austrian envoy, at Durham Place, 273. - Redondo, Count de, beheaded in Lisbon, 67. - Relations between England and Spain. _See_ Spain. - Renard and the marriage of Philip and Mary, 137, 148; his plan to - marry Elizabeth to the Duke of Savoy, 178. - Requesens, Grand Commander, Alba's successor in the Netherlands, - 107-10, 111, 114. - Richmond, Philip and Mary at, 166. - Riots in Madrid against the sumptuary decrees, 237, 252, 257-9. - Rivalry between Spanish and French ambassadors, 282-3. - Robles, Gaspar de, his account of the siege of Haarlem, 104. - Rocaberti, Inquisitor-General (Charles II.), 302; his share in - the exorcism, 303 _passim_; death, 313. - Rodas, Jerome, Spanish member of the Flemish Council, 115, - 119; his head demanded by the Flemings, 120. - Rome, intrigues in, respecting the invasion of England, 197-201. - Romero, Julian, his origin, 78-9: enters the English service, 82; - sent to Scotland, 82; at Calais, 83; accepts Mora's challenge to - Gamboa, 83; the duel, 83-6; rewarded by the kings of France - and England, 86; in London, 87; arrested for debt, 87-8; - accused of treason, 88-9; at Pinkie and Leith, 90; dismissed - the English service, 91; surrenders Dinant to the French, - 92; bravery at St. Quintin, 92; in Italy, 93; sent to Flanders, - 93; aids in the arrest of Egmont, 94-5; his severity, - 95-6; returns to Spain, 95-6; rumoured intention of attacking - England, 97; again sent to Flanders, 98; at Mons, 98-9; - his account of affairs in the Netherlands, 99; his cruelty at - Naarden, 100-1; his behaviour at Haarlem, 102-4; his march - of vengeance through Holland, 105; begs for leave to return - home, 106, 111; his unsuccessful attempt to relieve Middleburg, - 107-10; his letter to Requesens, 112-13; again in the Netherlands, - 114; sent by the Flemish Council to pacify the mutinous - Spaniards, 115; his share in the "Spanish Fury," 116-20; his - head demanded by the Flemings, 120; marches out of Flanders, 120; - to return from Italy in command, 120; dies on the way, 120. - Romney, Earl of (1697), 368. - Ronquillo, Francisco, a conspirator against the Queen Marie Anne - of Neuberg, 298, 302. - Ruffs, decrees against, 243-5. - Rusticucci, Cardinal, 197. - Ruthven, Raid of, 190. - Rutland, Earl of, 153. - - - - S. - - Saint Ferdinand, King, in Seville, 212. - Salablanca, a Spanish captain at Boulogne, 81. - Sampson, Captain, at Corunna, 33. - San Anton, gate of, Lisbon, 60. - Sancho de Avila, Spanish commander in Flanders, 76; at Egmont's - arrest, 94; in the Spanish fury, 116-20; his head demanded - by the Flemings, 120. - Sancho Bravo, Spanish officer in Lisbon, 59-60, 65. - _San Felipe_, galleon captured by Drake, 8-9. - San Roque, monastery, Lisbon, 60. - Santa Cruz defeats Strozzi at the Azores, 16, 18; offers to invade - England, 194, 200, 202. - Santa Catalina, gate of, Lisbon, 60. - Santander, arrival of the Armada in, 5. - Santiago, Philip's reception at, 142-3. - Santorio, Cardinal, 197. - Sanzio, Cardinal, 197, 201. - Savoy, the, Strand, 264. - Scottish Catholics appeal to Philip, 186-9, 199; proposal to invade - England in the interest of Spain, 199-200. - Sebastian, King of Portugal, 12. - Seymour, at Durham Place, 265; grants Durham Place to Elizabeth, - 265. _See also_ Somerset. - Shrewsbury, Earl of (1689), 359. - Sidney, Colonel, at Puente de Burgos, 38. - Sidney, Lady, at Durham Place, 269. - Silk manufactory in Spain, 220-1, 224, 227. - Sirleto, Cardinal, 197. - Sixtus V., Pope, subsidises the Armada, 5; joins in the plot - against England, 196-203. - Somerset, Protector, 90-1. - Sotomayor, Inquisitor-General, rebukes Philip IV. for his - sacreligious amour, 329. - Southampton, the landing of Philip II. at, 149. - Spain, relations with England, 177 _passim_. - Spaniards, their discontent at their position in England with Philip - II., 153, 161, 164-7, 168, 169, 170, 171-4. - Spanish accounts of the coming of Philip to England, 132-7. - Spanish extravagance in dress, 223-4, 229, 245, 249. - Spanish Fury, the, 115-20. - Spanish mercenaries in the English service, 77-8; at Boulogne, - 80-4; fresh bodies recruited, 82; sent to Scotland, 82-3; at - Boulogne and Calais, 83-4; sent to Scotland, 89-90. - Spanish nation clamours for revenge for the defeat of the - Armada, 6-7. - Spanish troops in Flanders mutiny for pay, 114-15; plot to seize - Brussels, 115; massacres at Alost, &c., 115-16; the Spanish - Fury, 117-20; marched out of Flanders, 120. - Spanish succession, intrigues respecting, 292-4. - Spencer, Master of the Ordnance at Corunna, 34. - Spes, Guerau de, Spanish ambassador, 182. - Squillaci, Marquis de (Esquilache), his attempt to suppress the - Chambergo and cloak, 257-9. - Stanhope, his letters from Spain about Charles the Bewitched, - 291, 296, 304. - Stourton, Deputy-Governor of Windsor (1700), 368-9, 371. - Strand, the, in Tudor times, 264, 270-1. - Strand Lane, 263. - Strange, Lord, 153, 161. - Stukeley, Thomas, his proposed invasion of Ireland, 96-7; at - Durham Place, 269. - Suffolk, Duke of (Brandon), 80. - Sumptuary enactments in England, 208. - Sumptuary enactments in Spain, 208 _passim_. - Surrey, Earl of, 153. - Sussex, Countess of, 284. - _Swiftsure_, the, sails surreptitiously with Essex on board, 28, - 35, 41. - Sydenham, Captain, sad death of, at Corunna, 37. - - - - T. - - Talbot, Lord, 153. - Tassis, J. B., Spanish ambassador in France, 185, 188, 194-5. - Taverns in London (1693), 353-5, 356-7, 360 - Thomas, Timothy, M.A., headmaster of Sandwich School, 351. - Throgmorton's plot, discovery of, 195. - Titles, decree of Philip II. against, 236-7, 242. - Torres Vedras, on the road to Lisbon, 51-2. - Trains, decree against, 216. - Treason against Elizabeth at Durham Place, 269, 273. - Tunstal, Bishop of Durham, at Durham Place, 266-7. - - - - U. - - Umpton, Colonel, at Corunna, 33. - Underhyll, Edward, the hot-gospeller, at Queen Mary's wedding, - 126, 161-2. - Urraca, Juan Antonio, a conspirator against the Queen Marie - Anne of Neuberg, 298. - - - - V. - - Valenzuela, favourite of Mariana, Queen Regent of Spain, 309. - Valladolid, rejoicing and mourning at, 138; Philip's departure - from, 141. - Van Dyk, Mr. (1700), 371. - Vargas, Alonso de, Spanish commander in Flanders, 115-16, 117. - Vigo burnt by the English, 70. - Vina Dorta, Count de, pursues the English, 65-6. - Villanueva Geronimo, Minister of Philip IV., 328; punished by - the Inquisition for sacrilege, 329, 339. - Villa Sirga, Sir Alonso, a Spanish captain murdered in London, - 77, 90. - - - - W. - - Waldershare Park, 350, 372-3. - Walloon collars, 247-8. - Walsingham, Secretary, 9, 15, 35, 97. - Wedding feasts, decrees against extravagance at, 213, 216. - William III., death of, 372. - Williams, Sir Roger, aids Essex to escape, 28, 35, 41; takes - part in the attack on Lisbon, 42, 51-2, 56-8, 64, 68. - Williams of Thame, Sir John, 149. - Willoughby, Lord, 153. - Winchester, Marquis of, 153, 162; at Durham Place, 269. - Windebank, Captain, 107. - Wingfield's account of the Portuguese expedition, 10 _passim_. - Wingfield, Anthony, at Puente de Burgos, 38. - Wingfield, Sir Edward, 41. - Wingfield, Captain Richard, 33. - Woodward, Parson (1700), 375. - Worcester, Earl of, 153. - Wotton, Dr., 92. - Wyatt's rebellion, 128, 137. - - - - Y. - - Yorke, Colonel, at Corunna, 37; at Lisbon, 55, 60. - - - Z. - - Zeeland lost to Spain, 110. - - - -[Illustration: Tailpiece] - - - - UNWIN BROTHERS, THE GRESHAM PRESS, WOKING AND LONDON. - - - - - - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The Year after the Armada, by Martin A. 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Hume -</title> - -<style type="text/css"> -body { color: black; - background: white; - margin-right: 10%; - margin-left: 10%; - font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; - text-align: justify } - -p {text-indent: 4% } - -p.noindent {text-indent: 0% } - -p.t1 {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 200%; - text-align: center } - -p.t2 {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 150%; - text-align: center } - -p.t2b {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 150%; - font-weight: bold; - text-align: center } - -p.t3 {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 100%; - text-align: center } - -p.t3b {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 100%; - font-weight: bold; - text-align: center } - -p.t4 {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 80%; - text-align: center } - -p.t4b {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 80%; - font-weight: bold; - text-align: center } - -p.t5 {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 60%; - text-align: center } - -h1 { text-align: center } -h2 { text-align: center } -h3 { text-align: center } -h4 { text-align: center } -h5 { text-align: center } - -p.poem {text-indent: 0%; - margin-left: 10%; } - -p.thought {text-indent: 0% ; - letter-spacing: 4em ; - text-align: center } - -p.letter {text-indent: 0%; - margin-left: 10% ; - margin-right: 10% } - -p.footnote {text-indent: 0% ; - font-size: 85%; - margin-left: 5% ; - margin-right: 5% } - -p.transnote {text-indent: 0% ; - margin-left: 10% ; - margin-right: 10% } - -p.index {text-indent: -5% ; - margin-left: 5% ; - margin-top: 0% ; - margin-bottom: 0% ; - margin-right: 0% } - -pre.index { text-indent: 0% ; - font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; - font-size: 100% } - -p.quote {text-indent: 4% ; - margin-left: 0% ; - margin-right: 0% } - -p.finis { font-size: larger ; - text-align: center ; - text-indent: 0% ; - margin-left: 0% ; - margin-right: 0% } - -p.capcenter { margin-left: 0; - margin-right: 0 ; - margin-bottom: .5% ; - margin-top: 0; - font-weight: bold; - float: none ; - clear: both ; - text-indent: 0%; - text-align: center } - -img.imgcenter { margin-left: auto; - margin-bottom: 0; - margin-top: 1%; - margin-right: auto; } - -.pagenum { position: absolute; - left: 1%; - font-size: 95%; - text-align: left; - text-indent: 0; - font-style: normal; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; } - -</style> - -</head> - -<body> - - -<pre> - -Project Gutenberg's The Year after the Armada, by Martin A. S. Hume - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Year after the Armada - -Author: Martin A. S. Hume - -Release Date: August 30, 2016 [EBook #52942] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE YEAR AFTER THE ARMADA *** - - - - -Produced by Al Haines - - - - - -</pre> - - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-front"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-front.jpg" alt="ROBERT DEVEREUX, SECOND EARL OF ESSEX. (After a contemporary portrait in the collection of the Earl of Verulam.)" /> -<br /> -ROBERT DEVEREUX, SECOND EARL OF ESSEX. <br /> -(<i>After a contemporary portrait in the collection <br /> -of the Earl of Verulam.</i>) -</p> - -<h1> -<br /><br /> - THE YEAR AFTER<br /> - THE ARMADA<br /> -</h1> - -<p class="t3"> - AND OTHER HISTORICAL STUDIES<br /> - BY MARTIN A. S. HUME, F.R.HIST.S.<br /> - EDITOR OF THE CALENDAR OF SPANISH STATE<br /> - PAPERS OF ELIZABETH (PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE)<br /> - AUTHOR OF "THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH," ETC.<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-title"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-title.jpg" alt="Dieu et mon droit" /> -<br /> -Dieu et mon droit -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t4"> - <i>SECOND EDITION</i><br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t4"> - "'There is no book so bad,' said the bachelor, 'but that<br /> - something good may be found in it.' 'There is no doubt of that,'<br /> - replied Don Quixote."—<i>Don Quixote</i>, pt. ii.<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> - LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN<br /> - PATERNOSTER SQUARE 1896<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t4"> - <i>All rights reserved.</i><br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t3"> - To<br /> - MY MOTHER.<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pvii"></a>vii}</span> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-vii"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-vii.jpg" alt="Headpiece" /> -<br /> -Headpiece -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<h3> -PREFACE. -</h3> - -<p> -Circumstances have led me to follow the course -of modern history into somewhat unfrequented -channels, and in the pursuit of my main object it -is occasionally my good fortune to come across a -piece of unused or unfamiliar contemporary -information—some faded manuscript or forgotten -newsletter—which seems to throw fresh light upon an -important period or an interesting personality of the -past. It is true that in some cases the matters -recounted are not of any great historical significance, -but even then there is generally some quaint glimpse -to be caught of bygone manners or events which -redeems the document from worthlessness. From -such treasure-trove as this, and from other sources -which have generally been overlooked or neglected -by English historians, the studies contained in the -present book have been drawn; and it is hoped that -some fresh knowledge as well as amusement may be -gained from them. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pviii"></a>viii}</span> -</p> - -<p> -If the reader is only half as much interested in -perusing as I have been in writing them, I shall -consider myself very fortunate. -</p> - -<p> -Some of the studies have already appeared in -Magazines, but the principal portion of the book -is now printed for the first time. -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -MARTIN A. S. HUME. -<br /><br /> -LONDON, <i>September</i>, 1896. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-viii"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-viii.jpg" alt="Tailpiece" /> -<br /> -Tailpiece -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pix"></a>ix}</span> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-ix"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-ix.jpg" alt="Headpiece" /> -<br /> -Headpiece -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="t3b"> -CONTENTS. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#chap01">THE YEAR AFTER THE ARMADA</a> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#chap02">JULIAN ROMERO—SWASHBUCKLER</a> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#chap03">THE COMING OF PHILIP THE PRUDENT</a> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#chap04">THE EVOLUTION OF THE SPANISH ARMADA</a> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#chap05">A FIGHT AGAINST FINERY</a> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#chap06">A PALACE IN THE STRAND</a> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#chap07">THE EXORCISM OF CHARLES THE BEWITCHED</a> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#chap08">A SPRIG OF THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA</a> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#chap09">THE JOURNAL OF RICHARD BERE</a> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#index">Index</a> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="Pxi"></a>xi}</span> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-xi"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-xi.jpg" alt="Headpiece" /> -<br /> -Headpiece -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="t3b"> -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#img-front">THE EARL OF ESSEX</a> . . . <i>Frontispiece</i><br /> - (<i>After a contemporary portrait in the collection<br /> - of the Earl of Verulam.</i>)<br /> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#img-124">PHILIP AND MARY</a><br /> - (<i>After the painting by Antonio Mor.</i>)<br /> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#img-256">QUEVEDO</a><br /> - (<i>After the portrait by Velasquez, at Apsley House.</i>)<br /> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#img-290">CHARLES II. OF SPAIN</a><br /> - (<i>After the portrait by Claudio Coello,<br /> - at the Madrid Musco.</i>)<br /> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -<a href="#img-322">PHILIP IV. OF SPAIN</a><br /> - (<i>After the portrait by Velasquez, in the National Gallery.</i>)<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap01"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P3"></a>3}</span></p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-003"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-003.jpg" alt="Headpiece" /> -<br /> -Headpiece -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<h3> -THE YEAR AFTER THE ARMADA. -</h3> - -<p class="t3"> -<i>THE COUNTER-ARMADA OF 1589</i>.[<a id="chap01fn1text"></a><a href="#chap01fn1">1</a>] -</p> - -<p> -On the night of Sunday, the 28th of July, 1588, the -great Armada was huddled, all demoralised and -perplexed, in Calais roads. Only a week before -the proudest fleet that ever rode the seas laughed -in derision at the puny vessels that alone stood -between it and victory over the heretic Queen and -her pirate countrymen, who for years had plundered -and insulted with impunity the most powerful -sovereign in Europe. Gilded prows and fluttering -pennons, great towering hulls which seemed to -defy destruction, the fervid approbation of all Latin -Christendom, and the assurance of Divine protection, -combined to produce in the men of the Armada -absolute confidence in an easy conquest. But six -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P4"></a>4}</span> -days of desultory fighting in the Channel had opened -their eyes to facts thitherto undreamed of. Handy -ships, that could sail several points closer to the -wind than their unwieldy galleons, could harass and -distress them without coming to close quarters. At -first they shouted that the English were afraid of -them, but as the sense of their own impotence -gradually grew upon them their spirits sank. Brave -they were, but, said they, of what use is bravery -against foes who will not fight with us hand to -hand in the only way we wot of? And so from -day to day, whilst they straggled up the Channel, -their boasting gave place to dismay and -disorganisation. They saw their ships were being sunk -and disabled one after the other, whilst the -English vessels were suffering little damage and -had safe ports of refuge behind them. Thus at -the end of the week they found themselves with -a dangerous shoally coast to leeward, in an -exposed roadstead surrounded by the reinforced -English fleet. They were ripe for panic, for their -commander was a fool and a craven in whom they -had no confidence; and when the English fireships -drifted down upon them with the wind, flaring in -the darkness of the summer night, abject paralysing -terror turned the huge fleet into a hustling mob of -ships, in which the sole thought was that of flight. -From that moment the Armada was beaten. The -storms on the northern and Irish coasts, the cold, -the rotten food and putrid water, pestilence and -panic, added dramatic completeness to their -discomfiture; but superior ships, commanders, and -seamanship had practically defeated them when -they slipped their cables and anchors and crowded -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P5"></a>5}</span> -through the narrow sea with the English fleet to -windward and sandbanks on their lee. -</p> - -<p> -But the Armada had represented the labour, the -thought, and the sacrifice of years. Every nerve -had been strained to render it irresistible. Spain -and the Indies had been squeezed to the last -doubloon, careful Sixtus V. had been cajoled into -partnership in the enterprise, and the Church -throughout Christendom had emptied its coffers to -crush heresy for once and for ever. All along the -coast of Ireland from the Giant's Causeway to -Dingle Bay the wreckage of the splendid galleons -was awash, and many of the best and bravest of -Spain's hidalgos, dead and mutilated, scattered the -frowning shore; or, alive, starved, naked, and -plundered, were slowly done to death with every -circumstance of inhumanity by the Irish kerns or their -English conquerors. It could hardly be expected, -therefore, that on the receipt of the dreadful news -Spain should calmly resign itself to defeat. Such -lessons as this are only slowly and gradually brought -home to the heart of a nation; and after Mendoza's -lying stories of victory had been contradicted, and -the fell truth ran through Spain as the battered, -plague-stricken wrecks of what was left of the -Armada crept into Santander, the first heart-cry -was for vengeance and a re-vindication of the -national honour. -</p> - -<p> -Medina Sidonia was the scapegoat (perhaps -not undeservedly, though Parma should bear -his share of blame), and as he went in state and -comfort through Spain to his home in the south, -the very children and old women in the streets -jeered and spat upon him for the chicken-hearted -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P6"></a>6}</span> -coward who had disgraced their country in the eyes -of the world. Only the over-burdened recluse in -the Escorial was patient and resigned under the -blow. He had, as he thought, done his best for the -cause of God; and if for some inscrutable reason -all his labour, his sacrifice, and his prayers were to -be in vain, he could only suffer dumbly and bend -his head to the Divine decree. One after the other -the provinces and municipalities came to him with -offers of money to repair the disaster. In November -the national Cortes secretly sent him word, "that -they would vote four or five millions of gold, their -sons and all they possess, so that he may chastise -that woman, and wipe out the stain which this year -has fallen on the Spanish nation."[<a id="chap01fn2text"></a><a href="#chap01fn2">2</a>] But the Cortes -and the Town Councils always tacked upon their -offers two conditions, born of their knowledge that -peculation and mismanagement were largely responsible -for the disaster of the Armada. "First that -his Majesty will act in earnest; and secondly that -their own agents may have the spending of the -money which they shall vote, for in this way his -Majesty will not be so robbed and all affairs will -go far better."[<a id="chap01fn3text"></a><a href="#chap01fn3">3</a>] But the last condition was one that -Philip could never brook: the secret of his failure -through life was that he wished to do everybody's -work himself and he was smothered in details. -Besides this there were difficulties, diplomatic and -others, in the way, of which the people at large -were unaware. The star of Henry of Navarre was -rising, and all France was now alive to Philip's real -object in the invasion of England. Philip knew -that in any repetition of the attempt he would probably -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P7"></a>7}</span> -not have to confront England alone. So the -cries for vengeance grew fainter, and national feeling -was gradually turned purposely in other directions. -</p> - -<p> -But these cries had been loud enough to reach -England. Exaggerated rumours of the intention -to renew the Armada were industriously sent from -all quarters by zealous spies and agents, and an -uneasy feeling grew that perhaps, after all, -England had not finished her foe; for Elizabeth's -advisers had no means of exactly gauging the depth -of Philip's purse, and they knew the papal coffers -were overflowing. It is true that immediate danger -was over. The hasty English levies had been sent -home again, bragging of the prowess they would -have shown if the hated Spaniard had dared to land, -and the panic and fright had given place to perfectly -natural congratulations on the special protection -vouchsafed by the Almighty to the Virgin Queen -and her people. The heroics were over, and England -was free, for the present at all events, to don -its work-a-day garb again. -</p> - -<p> -But the easy victory had inflamed men's minds. -There had been very little fighting even on the -fleet, and none at all on shore; and it is not -pleasant to be balked of a set-to when all is ready, -and to turn swords to bill-hooks without once -fleshing them in an enemy's carcase. So the -idlers in England who were loath to go to -work again, the turbulent youngsters who were -burning for an excuse to have a go at somebody, -and the lavish gentlemen who were thirsting for -loot, began on their side to talk about vengeance -and retaliation. It mattered little to them that for -a long course of years England had been the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P8"></a>8}</span> -aggressor, and that Philip had exhausted all -diplomatic and conciliatory means, including even secret -murder, and the subornation of treason, in England, -to arrive at a peaceful <i>modus vivendi</i>. For thirty -years he had suffered, more or less patiently, -robbery, insult, and aggression in his own dominions -at the hands of Elizabeth. The commerce of his -country was well-nigh swept from the sea by -marauders sallying from English ports or flying the -English flag. His own towns, both in the Spanish -colonies and in old Spain, had been sacked and -burnt by English seamen without any declaration -of war; and rebellion in the ancient patrimony of -his house had been, and was still, kept alive by -English money and English troops. -</p> - -<p> -Englishmen, then as now, had the comfortable -and highly commendable faculty of believing their -own side always to be in the right, and they knew -in this particular case that it was much more -profitable to plunder than to be plundered, to -attack rather than defend. Elizabeth's caution -and dread of being forced into a costly national -war had over and over again caused her to -discountenance this tendency on the part of some -of her advisers, though she was ready enough -to share the profits when her official orders were -disregarded and her own responsibility evaded. -Only the year before the Armada she had -peremptorily ordered Drake, when he was ready to -sail for Cadiz, not to imperil peace by molesting -any of the territories or subjects of his Catholic -Majesty. But when he came into Dartmouth, after -"singeing the King of Spain's beard," towing behind -him the great galleon <i>San Felipe</i>, with its 600,000 -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P9"></a>9}</span> -ducats in money, the Queen smiled upon him as if -he had never disobeyed her. But for her positive -orders of recall indeed, Drake on this very voyage -would have made the Armada impossible by -destroying, as he was able and ready to do, all the -ships preparing for it in Lisbon harbour. -</p> - -<p> -Only just before the Armada, in June, 1588, the -idea of diverting and dividing Philip's forces by -attacking him in his own country, ostensibly in the -interest of Dom Antonio, the Portuguese pretender, -was broached by Lord Admiral Howard in a -letter to Walsingham, now in the Record Office. -The scheme assumed definite form soon after the -flight of the Armada, when, in September, Sir John -Norris presented to the Queen a complete plan for -fitting out an expedition with this object by means -of a joint-stock company, which might be made both -patriotic and profitable at the same time. Such a -proposal was one eminently likely to suit the Queen, -frugal and evasive of responsibility as she was. -Norris and his associates suggested that the capital -of the company should be £40,000 at least, out of -which the Queen was to subscribe £5,000, and to -appoint a treasurer, who was to supervise the -expenditure of the whole. The Queen's contribution -was only to be spent by permission of this treasurer, -and if the enterprise fell through for want of -subscribers she was to have her money returned to her -or the munitions of war which had been purchased -with it. The Queen, as was her wont, discreetly -hesitated about it; and it was not until addresses -had been presented from Parliament begging her -to adopt some such action that she consented to -take shares in the enterprise. But her treasury was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P10"></a>10}</span> -well-nigh empty; and willing as she was that -anything should be done to weaken her enemy, her -poverty and Tudor frugality forbade her from -undertaking to defray any very large portion of the -cost herself. So she answered her petitioners that -although she would sanction the enterprise and -subscribe something to it, the main cost must be -borne by others. -</p> - -<p> -The story of this ill-starred expedition is usually -disposed of in a few lines by English historians, -although its success would have completely changed -the status of England on the Continent. What is -known of it hitherto is practically confined to the -official documents and letters in the Record Office, -which have only become accessible of late years, a -few letters in the Bacon and Naunton Papers, and -a curious tract printed in Hackluyt and ascribed to -Captain Anthony Wingfield, minutely describing -and apologising for the proceedings. The account -was written in the same year, 1589, as the expedition -took place; and the writer, whoever he was,[<a id="chap01fn4text"></a><a href="#chap01fn4">4</a>] -evidently witnessed the events he relates. His -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P11"></a>11}</span> -description is most graphic and interesting, and -presents the English view of the enterprise in its -best possible light, although all his explanations -and palliations cannot succeed in conjuring away -the utter failure of the expedition, or the bad -conduct of the men who took part in it. The -English account, however, all indulgently unflattering -as it is, is not the only one extant. The publication -of the latest volume of the Calendar of Venetian -State Papers puts us into possession of the version -of the affair current in the Spanish Court and -conveyed to the King from his officers in Portugal; and -in addition to this I possess the transcript of an -unpublished contemporary manuscript which exists -in the library of Don Pascual de Gayangos at -Madrid, written by a Castilian resident in Lisbon -at the time of the invasion, containing a detailed -diary of the event.[<a id="chap01fn5text"></a><a href="#chap01fn5">5</a>] This manuscript, I believe, -has never yet received the attention it deserves -from historians, but it is nevertheless valuable as -confirming in the main the English accounts, but -relating the incidents from an entirely different -point of view. I have also recently discovered -in the Pombalina Library in Lisbon still another -contemporary manuscript diary of the English -invasion, written by a Portuguese gentleman in -Lisbon who was present at the scenes he describes, -and whose standpoint is widely different from those -of the Castilian and the Englishman.[<a id="chap01fn6text"></a><a href="#chap01fn6">6</a>] The Spaniard -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P12"></a>12}</span> -is full of scorn and contempt for the chicken-hearted -Portuguese in Lisbon who, though sympathising -with the native pretender, slunk into hiding at -his approach; whilst the Portuguese diarist insists -vehemently upon the loyalty of the Portuguese -nobles to Philip, and ascribes the instability of the -common people to their weakness and incredulity, -to their fear of the anger of Saint Antonio if they -opposed his namesake the pretender, to their desire -to protect their wives and families, to any other -reason but the obvious one that high and low, -rich and poor, in the city were in a state of -trembling panic from first to last, utterly cowed -and appalled by the few Spaniards whom they -hated as much as they feared. -</p> - -<p> -In 1578, ten years before the Armada, the rash -young King Sebastian of Portugal had disappeared -for ever from the ken of men on the Moorish battlefield -which had seen the opening and closing of his -mad crusade. For centuries afterwards the Portuguese -peasants dreamt of his triumphant return to -lead to victory the hosts of Christendom. But he -came not, unless indeed one of the many claimants -who long afterwards assumed his name was indeed -he; and in the meanwhile, when his uncle, the childless -Cardinal King Henry, died, Portugal wanted a -monarch. -</p> - -<p> -It had a large choice of descendants of Dom -Manoel, grandfather of the lost Sebastian, but the -Magna Charta of the Portuguese, the laws of Lamego -(apocryphal as we now believe them to have been), -were then universally accepted, and strictly excluded -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P13"></a>13}</span> -foreigners from the throne; and all the claimants -were aliens but two, the Duchess of Braganza, -daughter of the elder son of Dom Manoel, and -doubtless the rightful heiress; and Dom Antonio, -a churchman, prior of Ocrato, the questionably -legitimate offspring of Manoel's second son. -</p> - -<p> -When the Cardinal King died in 1580, Philip II., -who for two years had been intriguing, suborning, -and threatening the leading Portuguese to acknowledge -his right to the succession, stretched out his -hand to grasp the coveted crown. Of the two native -claimants one, the Duchess of Braganza, was timid -and unready; the other, Dom Antonio, was ambitious, -bold, and eager. Around him all that was patriotic -grouped itself. The poorer classes bitterly hated the -foreigner, and particularly the Spaniard, whose King -was really the only other serious claimant to the -throne. The churchmen were devotedly attached -to the ecclesiastical claimant, the nobles were -Portuguese before all, and Antonio was acclaimed -the national sovereign. But not for long; the terrible -Alba swept down upon Lisbon, as years before he -had come down upon the Netherlands, and crushed -the life out of Portuguese patriotism. There was -no religious question to stiffen men's backs, and no -William of Orange to command them here. The -Portuguese were made of different stuff from the -stubborn Dutchmen, and Alba rode roughshod -over them with but little resistance. Antonio was -soon a fugitive, hunted from town to town, holding -out for weeks in one fortress, only to be starved into -another; proclaimed a bastard and a rebel, with a -great price set upon his head; and yet for eight -long months he wandered amongst the mountain -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P14"></a>14}</span> -peasantry, as safe from betrayal as was Charles -Edward amongst the Scots Highlanders. At last -Antonio gave up the game and fled to France, -and thence to England. He came in July, 1581, -and was immediately made much of by the Queen -and Leicester. In vain did Mendoza, Philip's -ambassador, demand his surrender as a rebel. -The Queen said she had not quite made up her -mind to help him, but she had quite decided that -she would not surrender him to be killed. He was -too valuable a card in her hand for her to let him go, -and she made the most of him. He was treated with -royal honours, and covert aid was given to him to -strengthen the Azores, which were faithful to him. -He had taken the precaution to bring away the crown -jewels of Portugal with him, the spoils of the two -Indies, but he had no money. The greedy crew that -surrounded the Queen soon scented plunder, and -money for warlike preparations, the purchase of -ships, and the like, was speedily forthcoming on -security of diamonds and pearls such as had rarely -been seen in England. Elizabeth and Leicester, in -presents and by a quibble, managed to grab some of -the best; and most of those pledged to the London -merchants ultimately fell into the Queen's hands.[<a id="chap01fn7text"></a><a href="#chap01fn7">7</a>] -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P15"></a>15}</span> -Some were left with Walsingham for safety, but -when they were demanded Walsingham alleged -that he was personally responsible for some -provisions Antonio had ordered, and made difficulties -about giving them up. So long as the money lasted -Antonio might spend it in England and leave his -diamonds, but some specious excuse was always -invented to prevent any openly hostile expedition -to attack Philip leaving an English port under -Antonio's banner. The rascally Dr. Lopez, who -was afterwards hanged at Tyburn for attempting -to poison the Queen, was Dom Antonio's go-between -and interpreter at Court, and he, greedy -scamp as he was, made a good thing out of it -until the money began to run short, when, in his -usual way, he sold his knowledge to Philip, and -attempted more than once to poison the unhappy -Pretender. Antonio, indeed, was surrounded by -spies though he knew it not,[<a id="chap01fn8text"></a><a href="#chap01fn8">8</a>] but he found he -was being frustrated, betrayed, and defrauded in -every way in England, and his precious jewels -the meanwhile were slipping away. So, in dudgeon -with the greedy English, he fled to France and took -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P16"></a>16}</span> -such of his vessels as he could gain possession of -with him. Catharine de Medici, the Queen-mother, -was, for form's sake, a claimant to the Portuguese -throne herself, but her shadowy claim was soon -abandoned when she had an opportunity of cherishing -such a thorn as Antonio promised to be in the -side of her powerful late son-in-law Philip. Antonio -still had jewels, and whilst they lasted he was treated -with consideration and regal splendour in that gay -and dissolute Court. He certainly got more return -for them there than he got in England. Many were -scattered in bribes amongst the easy-going ladies and -painted mignons of the Court, and most of the rest -went to pay for two costly naval expeditions fitted -out in France in the Queen-mother's name, to enable -Antonio to hold the islands faithful to him.[<a id="chap01fn9text"></a><a href="#chap01fn9">9</a>] But -Santa Cruz swooped down upon Terceira as Alba -had pounced upon Lisbon, and the merry-making -crew of revellers was soon disposed of. Then -poor Antonio fell upon evil days. The emissaries -of Philip, false friends of Antonio, tried time after -time to put him out of the way by poison and the -dagger, but he was ever on the watch; and for help -and safety, still sanguine and hopeful, drifted from -France to England and from England to France, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P17"></a>17}</span> -the plaything in the game alternately of Elizabeth -and Catharine, to be taken up or cast aside as -the interests of the players dictated. -</p> - -<p> -Philip's open attempt to invade England in 1588 -seemed once more to offer him a chance of success, -and his hopes rose again. One gem, and one only, -of all the rich store he brought from Portugal was -left to him; but that was the most precious of them -all, the eighth greatest diamond in the world, the -chief ornament in the Russian imperial crown -to-day.[<a id="chap01fn10text"></a><a href="#chap01fn10">10</a>] It was his last stake, and he decided to risk -it on his chance. It was pledged to Monsieur de -Sancy, whose name it ever afterwards bore, and -with the money so raised Antonio started for -England to tempt Elizabeth to link his desperate -cause with her hopes of revenge upon Spain. -</p> - -<p> -This was in the autumn of the Armada year, 1588, -and, all unconscious of his vile treachery to him, -Antonio once more evoked Lopez's influence at -Court to gain the ear of the Queen and the support -of his close friend Walsingham. The venal Jew, -who was for ever craving rewards and favours, -persuaded the Queen, no doubt for a weighty -consideration, to listen anew to the pretender's -proposals.[<a id="chap01fn11text"></a><a href="#chap01fn11">11</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P18"></a>18}</span> -</p> - -<p> -The adventurer-king was confident that if he -could once set foot again in his own country with -an armed force the whole population would flock to -his standard, and he was ready to promise anything, -and everything, for the help he wanted. Already -in 1582, when Catharine de Medici had aided him -to fit out the fleet under Strozzi at Bordeaux which -was to hold Terceira and restore Antonio to the -throne, the desperate gamester had promised her -the great empire of Brazil as a reward for her help; -and now, if my Spanish diarist is to be believed, he -offered to make himself a mere vassal of Elizabeth -if he were successful. -</p> - -<p> -In the Record Office there is a bond by which -Antonio undertakes, in February, 1589, to -reimburse to the adventurers all the cost of the -enterprise and the pay of the soldiers, but the -Spanish manuscript gives the substance of an -agreement between Dom Antonio and the Queen which -promises much more than mere repayment. The -diarist I quote says:— -</p> - -<p> -"The Queen, cautious and astute as she was, -caught at the fine promises that Dom Antonio held -out and insisted that an agreement should be -entered into; which was done, in substance as set -forth in the following clauses. This agreement was -brought, written in the English language, by a -certain Portuguese named Diego Rodriguez who -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P19"></a>19}</span> -came hither as treasurer to this expedition and -passed over to the service of our lord the King on -the eleventh of June. The clauses, translated into -Castilian, say as follows:— -</p> - -<p> -"First her Majesty the Queen of England undertakes -to provide a fleet of one hundred and twenty -vessels and twenty thousand men—15,000 soldiers -and 5,000 sailors—with captains for both services, -to go and restore Dom Antonio to the throne of -Portugal. -</p> - -<p> -"Dom Antonio undertakes that within eight days -from the arrival of the said fleet in Portugal the -whole country will submit to him in accordance with -the letters he has received from the principal people -in the said kingdom. -</p> - -<p> -"Item, That on arriving in Lisbon the city will -be reduced at once without any defence and all -Castilians in it killed and destroyed, and, for the -friendship and aid thus shown him in recovering his -kingdom, he undertakes to fulfil the following -things—namely:— -</p> - -<p> -"First that within two months of his arrival in -Lisbon he will hand to her Majesty the Queen as -an aid to the costs of the fleet five millions in gold. -</p> - -<p> -"Item, In testimony of the help she has given -him he will pay every year to the Queen for ever -three hundred thousand ducats in gold, placed and -paid in London at his cost. -</p> - -<p> -"Item, That the English should have full liberty -to trade and travel in Portugal and the Portuguese -Indies and the Portuguese equal freedom in England. -</p> - -<p> -"Item, That if the Queen should not desire to fit -out a fleet against the King of Spain in England -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P20"></a>20}</span> -she shall be at liberty to do so in Lisbon and shall -be helped in all that may be necessary. -</p> - -<p> -"Item, That the castles of São Gian, Torre de -Belem, Capariza, Oton, São Felipe, Oporto, -Coimbra and the other Portuguese fortresses shall -be perpetually occupied by English soldiers paid at -the cost of Dom Antonio. -</p> - -<p> -"Item, That there shall be perpetual peace -between her Majesty the Queen and Dom Antonio -and they shall mutually help each other on all -occasions without excuse of any sort. -</p> - -<p> -"Item, That all the Bishoprics and Archbishoprics -in Portugal shall be filled by English Catholics and -the Archbishopric of Lisbon shall be at once filled -by the appointment of Monsieur de la Torques (<i>sic</i>). -</p> - -<p> -"Item, On arriving at Lisbon every infantry man -shall receive twelve months pay, and three extra, as -a present from Dom Antonio and they shall be -allowed to sack the city for twelve days, on condition -that no man of any rank shall presume to harm any -Portuguese or molest the churches or houses -wherein maidens are dwelling; and also that they -pay in money for whatever they may need in the -country. Which agreement her Majesty ordered to -be duly executed under date of last day of -December 1588."[<a id="chap01fn12text"></a><a href="#chap01fn12">12</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The Spanish scribe waxes very indignant at this -document, showing, as he says it does, the sagacity of -the Queen and the blind infatuation of Dom Antonio, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P21"></a>21}</span> -"who gives up the substance for the shadow of kingship, -and is content to make the Portuguese subjects -slaves so that he shall be called King." But he is -most shocked at the sacrifice to this "pestilent sect" -of the two instincts clearest to the Portuguese heart, -namely, devotion to their Church and their greed of -gain; the first of which, he says, will be destroyed -by relationship with the accursed heretics, and the -second attacked by the substitution for "our lord -the king who does not spend a maravedi of -Portuguese money, but brings Castilian money into -Portugal," of a King who has promised to pay -away more than the Portuguese can ever give him. -"And besides," he says, plaintively, "we Castilians -and Portuguese are not so estranged in blood of -boundaries after all, for only a line divides us, and -if it be hard for the Portuguese to endure connection -with their Castilian kinsmen who bring riches -into the country and take nothing from it how much -worse will it be to put up with a nation so greedy -and insolent as the English, separated from them -by land and sea, and foreign to them in customs, -language, faith and laws?" -</p> - -<p> -He ridicules the idea of five millions (of ducats) -in gold being paid, and says he supposes that a -mistake of a nought has been made, which probably -was the case; but even then, he asks, where is -such a sum as 500,000 ducats to come from, "let -alone the 15 months' pay"? However correct or -otherwise in detail this agreement may be, it is -certain that some such terms were made, and it may -be safely assumed that Elizabeth, with her keen eye -to the main chance, would take care to make the -best bargain she could out of the sanguine eagerness -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P22"></a>22}</span> -of Dom Antonio, who would be ready to promise -"mounts and marvels" for ready aid.[<a id="chap01fn13text"></a><a href="#chap01fn13">13</a>] My Portuguese -diarist also ridicules the impossible terms -promised by the Pretender, but adds the false -finishing-touch, evidently spread by the Castilians for the -purpose of arousing the indignation and resistance -of the Portuguese, that the churches were to be -plundered and the Portuguese inhabitants of Lisbon -despoiled. -</p> - -<p> -It would appear strange at first sight that Elizabeth -should have made any proviso for the benefit -of English Catholics whom she had sometimes -treated so unmercifully, but on other occasions she -had favoured the idea of English Catholic settlements -being established across the seas under her -sway; and the great body of Catholic sympathisers -resident in England had not acted altogether -unpatriotically in the hour of panic and terror on the -threat of invasion. It would, therefore, not have -been an impolitic move to earn their gratitude -and further loyalty by opening a new field for them -outside of her own country but, in a manner, under -her control. -</p> - -<p> -On the 23rd of February, 1589,[<a id="chap01fn14text"></a><a href="#chap01fn14">14</a>] the Queen issued -a warrant of her instructions for the expedition, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P23"></a>23}</span> -appointing Sir John Morris[<a id="chap01fn15text"></a><a href="#chap01fn15">15</a>] and Sir Francis Drake to -the chief command thereof, and in it lays down -precise rules for their guidance. She says that the -objects of the expedition are two: namely, first to -distress the King of Spain's ships, and second to get -possession of some of the Azores, in order to -intercept treasure passing to and from the East and -West Indies. Also to assist the King Dom -Antonio to recover the kingdom of Portugal, -"<i>if it shall be found the public voice in the -kingdom be favourable to him</i>." -</p> - -<p> -On the same date authority was given to Norris -and Drake to issue warrants to the adventurers for -their shares in the enterprise; and the Queen -herself undertook to repay them if the expedition were -stopped at her instance. Courtiers and swashbucklers -touted their hardest for subscriptions to -this joint-stock warfare, and pressure was put upon -country gentlemen to subscribe liberally as a proof -of their patriotism—a pressure not to be disregarded -in those doubtful times.[<a id="chap01fn16text"></a><a href="#chap01fn16">16</a>] The Queen's subscription -ultimately reached £20,000, besides seven ships of -the Royal Navy. Promises of money and arms -were forthcoming in abundance, and flocks of idlers, -high and low, offered their valuable services. The -scum of the towns, the sweepings of the jails, were -pressed for the voyage, and Pricket (or Wingfield), -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P24"></a>24}</span> -in his apology for the expedition, lays most of the -blame of failure on the kind of men they had, and -complains bitterly of the justices and mayors -sending them "base disordered persons sent unto us as -living at home without rule." He says many idle -young men, having seen their fellows come back -after a few months in the Netherlands full of their -brave deeds and tales of the wars, "thought to -follow so good an example and to spend like time -amongst us," and finding soldiering a harder trade -than they had bargained for, were not likely to -make good troops. -</p> - -<p> -The misfortunes of the enterprise began before it -was fairly launched. As may be supposed, promises -of support, given under such circumstances as those -which I have described, were hardly likely to be -strictly kept, and the performance in this case fell -far short. Pricket (or Wingfield) bemoans this as -follows: "For hath not the want of 8 out of the 12 -pieces of Artillerie which was promised unto the -adventure lost her Majestie the possession of the -Groyne and many other places as hereafter shall -appeare whose defensible rampiers were greater -than our batterie (such as it was) could force and -therefore were lost unattempted. It was also -resolved to send 600 English horse out of the Low -Countries whereof we had not one, notwithstanding -the great charge expended in their transportation -hither.... Did wee not want seaven of the -thirteene old Companies we should have had from -thence? foure of the ten Dutch Companies and -sixe of their men-of-warre for the sea from the -Hollanders? which I may justly say we wanted in -that we might have had so many good souldiers, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P25"></a>25}</span> -so many good shippes, and so many able bodies -more than we had. -</p> - -<p> -"Did there not, upon the first thinking of the -journey, divers gallant courtiers put in their names -for adventurers to the summe of £10,000, who seeing -it went not forward in good earnest, advised -themselves better and laid the want of so much money -on the journey?" -</p> - -<p> -But the expedition was got together somehow. -Men were cajoled into the belief that they were -going on a great plundering excursion, and would -soon return home again loaded, as Wingfield says, -with "Portogues" and "Milrayes" which should -make them independent for life. There were no -surgeons, no carriages for the hurt and sick, and -from the first the discipline was of the loosest. -Provisions were said to be shipped for two months, -but in some of the ships the men declared they were -starved from the first day. -</p> - -<p> -Even amongst contemporaries much difference of -statement exists as to the number of ships and men -that composed the expedition, although this difference -is partly accounted for by a fact which will -presently be mentioned, and which has hitherto -escaped notice. We should probably not be far out -when we put the number of soldiers who left -Plymouth at about 16,000 and the sailors at 2,500.[<a id="chap01fn17text"></a><a href="#chap01fn17">17</a>] -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P26"></a>26}</span> -Of the men-at-arms all but the three or four thousand -old soldiers, mostly from the Netherland wars, were -idle vagabonds whose first idea was loot and -whose last was fighting. In addition to these there -were 1,200 gentlemen or more, the flotsam and -jetsam of the Court, younger sons of slender -fortunes, and gallants whose hearts were aflame to do -good service to their country. Seven[<a id="chap01fn18text"></a><a href="#chap01fn18">18</a>] of the -bravest of the Queen's ships, of three hundred tons -burden each, twenty other armed ships, and a large -number of transports and galleys of light draft, -would have completed the fleet, but sixty German -smacks and sloops, which had been wintering in -Holland on their way to Spain, were pressed into -the service and added to the number, which finally -reached nearly two hundred sail. The 1st of -February was the date originally fixed for starting, -but when that date arrived nothing was ready but -the army of idlers, who wanted feeding, so that -when the fleet could have sailed it was found that -most of the stores had been consumed, and in some -ships not a week's provision remained. Money ran -short, and Drake and Norris wrote, day after day, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P27"></a>27}</span> -during all the month of March and first two weeks -in April, heartrending letters to the Council and to -Walsingham. The provisions were run out, they -said; the enterprise must fall through if help be not -sent at once. They point out the dishonour and -disgrace of such a lame ending, and again and -again beg for more provisions. -</p> - -<p> -The innkeepers and victuallers of Canterbury, -Southampton, Winchester, Plymouth, and elsewhere -wrote dunning letters to the Queen for money -due for stores supplied. The Dutch shipmasters -commanding the flyboat transports contributed by -the States formally protested and refused to put to -sea with such insufficient provender as they had; -and, just as it looked as if the expedition would -break down for good, there came providentially -into the harbour a Flemish ship with a cargo of -dried herrings, another with five hundred pipes -of wine, and above all a sloop loaded with barley. -These provisions were promptly transferred to -the fleet to the dismay of the masters, who -protested for many a day afterwards, fruitlessly, against -the confiscation of their cargoes. The expedition -was declared ready for sea, but then came tales -of contrary winds that kept them in and out -of harbour for several days more; and one day, -whilst they were thus detained, the Queen's -kinsman, Knollys, comes post haste from London. Had -anybody seen or heard anything of the young Earl -of Essex, the Queen's last new pet? Curiously -enough nobody had, although only the day before a -party of young gallants had dashed into Plymouth -from London all dusty and travel-stained, and had -been received with open arms by the courtiers and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P28"></a>28}</span> -officers on the fleet. Hot-blooded Essex, with all -the thoughtlessness of his twenty-two years, tired of -sickly dallying with an old lady and of squabbling -with Raleigh, tired of his debts, his duns and duties -as prime favourite, had made up his mind to see -some fun, and had fled against the Queen's orders. -No one had seen him of course, but the <i>Swiftsure</i>, -with Sir Roger Williams, the general second in -command of the army, mysteriously left the -harbour as soon as Knollys had told his tale. But -a few hours later the Earl of Huntingdon came -with warrants of arrest and all manner of peremptory -papers, and Drake saw the matter was serious. -Boats were sent scouring after the <i>Swiftsure</i>, but -could get no news of the missing earl. The other -ships stayed in Plymouth ten days longer for a fair -wind, but the <i>Swiftsure</i> came back no more until the -expedition was at an end. Drake and Norris wrote -nearly every day until they sailed disclaiming any -knowledge of Essex or his intention to join the -force, and expressing their deep sorrow; but the -Queen did not believe them, and from that time -had nothing but hard words and sour looks for an -adventure that had robbed her of her favourite. -At length, on the 13th of April 1589, (O.S.), the -expedition finally left Plymouth, but even then it -was only a feint in order that the men might be -kept together and not stray on shore and get out -of hand. "The crosse windes held us two daies -after our going out, the Generalls being wearie -thrust to sea in the same wisely chosing rather to -attend a change out there than to lose it when it -came by having their men on shoare." -</p> - -<p> -Knocking about in the Channel in bad weather -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P29"></a>29}</span> -was, however, not to the taste of some of the -ruffians who thought they were bound over summer -seas to a paradise of plunder; and three thousand -men in twenty-five ships, probably most of them -owned by the recalcitrant Dutchmen, deserted and -were heard of no more—at least so far as the -expedition was concerned. This desertion to some -extent explains the divergence between the accounts -given of the numbers of the expedition. -</p> - -<p> -The rest of the fleet on the third day caught a -fair wind and stretched across the Bay of Biscay in -fine spring weather. They were four days before -their eyes were gladdened by the sight of Cape -Finisterra, but in the week they had been at sea -their provisions were running out. Murmurs at the -short commons were heard on all the ships, and it -was seen that the only way to keep the scratch -crews from open mutiny was to give them a chance -of plunder. -</p> - -<p> -So, instead of obeying the Queen's strict -injunctions—for Drake was a far better hand at -commanding than obeying—and landing poor Dom Antonio -on the country he assured them was yearning for -him, they bore down upon Corunna, on the north-west -coast of Spain. For months before this, as the -difficulties attending the fitting out of a new -Armada became more evident, terror-stricken -rumours had pervaded Spain that the dreaded -Drake, who had now become a sort of supernatural -bogey to the Spanish people, was about to descend -upon this or the other place on the coast and wreak -a terrible vengeance for the Armada. Early in -January even false news came to Madrid that an -English fleet had appeared outside Santander, and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P30"></a>30}</span> -at the end of the month the Venetian ambassador -in Madrid writes to his Doge that news had just -arrived from Lisbon that forty sail of English ships -were out, divided into squadrons of eight or ten -ships each, and were doing much damage. It was -feared, he said, that they would all unite under -Drake and make an attempt first upon Portugal -and then will go to the Azores, and finally to the -Indies. The fitting out in Spain of fifty ships to -protect the seas was hurried on; but, says the -Venetian, "it is thought that two months must -elapse before they can be ready, and then one -does not see what they can do against such light -ships as the enemy's." -</p> - -<p> -Philip was dangerously ill and sick at heart. Fear -reigned supreme in his councils—fear that Drake -the terrible would ravage the coasts whilst Henry -of Navarre crossed the Pyrenees. The Portuguese -nobles were known to be disaffected, and a rising in -favour of Dom Antonio was feared. Philip, with -the energy of despair, did what he could, ill as he -was, immersed in mountains of papers dealing with -trivial detail. But he could do little. The Portuguese -nobles who were at all doubtful were ordered to come -to Madrid, the Spanish grandees were enjoined to -raise and arm their followers and hold themselves in -readiness to march either towards the Pyrenees or to -Lisbon. Then rumours came that the Moorish King -of Fez was to act in concert with the English, and -seize the Spanish possessions on the African coast -opposite Gibraltar. -</p> - -<p> -It will thus be seen in the distracted condition -of affairs that Spain was practically defenceless -against a sudden descent on the coast, but most -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P31"></a>31}</span> -defenceless of all at the extremely remote north-west -corner of Spain, where Drake decided to land. -The fear was mostly for Portugal, where, we are -told, "the population is so impatient of the present -rule that neither the severity of penalties, garrisons -of soldiers, nor the ability of governors have -succeeded in quieting the contumacious spirits. This -causes a dread lest Drake who is acquainted with -those waters may furnish pretexts for fresh risings -and they (the Spaniards) wish to be ready to crush -them."[<a id="chap01fn19text"></a><a href="#chap01fn19">19</a>] The troops they raised, says the Venetian -ambassador, were inferior in quality of horses and -men: raw levies pressed unwillingly into the service, -whilst Portugal was in violent and open commotion -awaiting the arrival of Drake the deliverer. -</p> - -<p> -But whilst all panic-stricken regards were directed -upon Portugal, Drake and his joint-stock Armada -suddenly appeared where they were least expected, -before Corunna, and cast anchor; and the men, nothing -loath, were put on shore in a little bay within a mile -of the town. There was no one to stay their -landing, and they had come nearly to the gates before -a hasty muster of townsfolk met them. These, all -unprepared and surprised as they were, soon -retreated when they saw the force that was coming -against them, and shut themselves up behind the -gates and walls of the town. The place was weak -and ill-garrisoned, commanded by the Marquis de -Cerralba, and could not hope to hold out against a -regular siege, but there were three galleons loaded -with arms in the harbour, which the new -commander-in-chief in Madrid, Alba's son Fernando, -said would be a much greater loss than the town -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P32"></a>32}</span> -itself. The English slept the first night in the -cottages and mills belonging to a hamlet on the -bank of one of the small streams discharging into -the bay, and out of gunshot of the walls. They -were, however, quite unmolested by the terrified -townsfolk, although the galleon San Juan and her -consorts in the harbour kept up a fire upon them -as they passed to and fro. -</p> - -<p> -The place indeed was utterly taken by surprise. -The Cortes of Galicia were in session at the time, -the people peacefully pursuing their ordinary avocations; -the soldiers of the garrison were nearly all on -furlough, scattered over the province; "and, in -short, every one was so far from expecting an attack -that they had no time to turn the useless out of the -town nor put their dearest possessions in safety." The -wife and daughter, indeed, of the Governor -Cerralba at the first alarm fled in their terror two -leagues on foot, through the night, to a place of -safety, but after that none dared to move. The -lower part of the town fronting the harbour was -protected on the land side only by weak walls, and -was unfit for protracted defence. The townspeople -therefore agreed that if the place were attacked on -the water side it would be untenable, and arranged -that as soon as those in the higher town on the hill -should espy the English boats approaching they -were to signal the low town by a fire, so that the -people below might make their escape to the better -defensible upper portion of the town. Some artillery -was landed by the English to stop the fire of the -Spanish ships, and on the morning of the second day -the town was attacked simultaneously by 1,200 men in -long boats and pinnaces under Captain Fenner and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P33"></a>33}</span> -Colonel Huntly; and by Colonels Brett and Umpton -on one side, and Captains Richard Wingfield and -Sampson on the other by escalade. The people in -the upper town, either from panic or oversight, -neglected to give the signal, and those below, -thinking they had only to deal with an escalade on their -walls by Captain Wingfield, fought desperately until -they found two other forces had entered at other -points, and then panic seized them, and, as Pricket -(or Wingfield) describes it, "The towne was entered -in three severall places; with an huge crie, the -inhabitants betooke them to the high towne which -they might with less perrill doo for that ours being -strangers knew not the way to cut them off. The -rest that were not put to the sword in furie fled to -the rockes in the iland and hid themselves in -chambers and sellers which were everie day found -out in great numbers." A perfect saturnalia seems -to have been thereupon indulged in by the English -troops. Here was the fruition of all their golden -dreams—a flying, panic-stricken foe, ample -provisions to loot and to waste, and, above all, wine -without limit. "Some others (<i>i.e.</i>, Spaniards) also -found favour to bee taken prisoners but the rest -falling into the hands of the common soldiers had -their throates cut to the number of 500.... Everie -seller was found full of wine whereupon our men by -inordinate drinking both grewe senseless of the -danger of the shot of the towne which hurt many -of them, being druncke, and took the first ground -of their sickness, for of such was our first and -chiefest mortalitie." -</p> - -<p> -Great stores of provisions were found in the lower -town, and many were also captured as they were -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P34"></a>34}</span> -brought in by Spanish ships. These provisions -were alleged by the English to have been collected -for the purpose of a new attack on England, and it -is quite probable that such was the case, although -the evidence on the point is insufficient. At all -events, the destruction of these stores is the only act -which in any sense justified the expedition sent out -by the adventurers.[<a id="chap01fn20text"></a><a href="#chap01fn20">20</a>] -</p> - -<p> -The next few days were spent by the invaders -in desultory attacks on the upper town, burning -a monastery and scouring the country round by -Colonel Huntly, who "brought home verie great -store of cowes and sheep to our great reliefe." A -great crowd of country people, two thousand strong, -came down with a run one day, armed with rough -weapons, to see what manner of men were these who -raided their cattle and burned their poor huts, but a -discharge of musketry killed eighteen of them and -sent the rest scampering away.[<a id="chap01fn21text"></a><a href="#chap01fn21">21</a>] On "our side" we -hear of an improvised gabion battery being shaken -down by the first fire, and Master Spenser, the -lieutenant of the ordnance, and many others killed -by the enemy's guns as they stood all exposed. But -brave Sir Edward Norris held his ground manfully -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P35"></a>35}</span> -until his orders came to cease firing and retire. -Captain Goodwin makes a mistake of a signal and -prematurely attacks the upper town, getting shot -through the mouth as a reward, and the "common -sort" drop off by drink, pestilence, and bullet -plentifully enough, but unrecorded. Norris and Drake -sent home by Knollys flaming accounts of their -success, and still asked for more provisions from -England and more money; but Queen Bess was in -a towering rage, and was not to be appeased. She -could not forget or forgive the loss of her favourite. -Raleigh and Blount were very well in their way, but -she wanted Essex, and suspected Drake and Norris -of being parties to his escape. On the 4th of May -(O.S.) she wrote to them a remarkable letter, -showing that she had tidings of Essex's being on board -the <i>Swiftsure</i>, and demanding dire vengeance on -Sir Roger Williams, who helped to hide him.[<a id="chap01fn22text"></a><a href="#chap01fn22">22</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P36"></a>36}</span> -</p> - -<p> -After four days of fruitless pottering the troops -were presumably sober enough to attempt an attack -upon the upper town, and the guns being pointed -against it, the general sent a drummer to summon it -to surrender before he opened fire. The summons -was answered by a musket-shot that laid the poor -drummer low, but immediately afterwards a pole -was projected over the town wall, and from it there -dangled a man hanged by the neck. This was the -man who had fired the dastard shot. And then -the Spaniards called a parley, and begged that the -war might be fair on both sides, as it certainly -should be on theirs. Considering that five -hundred of their brethren had their throats cut -ruthlessly, after they had submitted, this was -magnanimous at least; "but as for surrendering the -towne, they listened not greatly thereunto." -</p> - -<p> -So Norris banged away with his cannon for three -days to make a breach in the wall of the high town, -and at the same time set men to work to bore a -mine in the rock beneath the gate, and at the end -of the time, all being in readiness, and his men, -under the gallant brothers Wingfield, with Philpot, -Sampson, and York, waiting to storm the two -breaches, the mine turned out a dismal failure, and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P37"></a>37}</span> -nothing was done. The next day they tried again, -and this time with such success that one half of the -gate tower was blown up, and the other half left -tottering. On rushed the assailants. Some few -got into the town, but as the officers and their -immediate followers set foot on the breach and -waved their men onward, down came the other half -of the tower upon them, and crushed them beneath -the ruins. Two standards were lost, but captured -again, and scores of men were killed. In the dust -and terror the unpractised soldiery thought they -were the victims of some stratagem of the enemy -and fled, leaving the officers and gentlemen -volunteers to extricate themselves as best they could. -Poor Captain Sydenham "was pitifully lost, who -having three or foure great stones on his lower -parts was held so fast, as neither himself could -stirre, nor anie reasonable companie recover him. -Notwithstanding the next day being found to be -alive there was 10 or 12 lost in attempting to -relieve him." -</p> - -<p> -On the other side of the town the breach made -in the walls by the culverins was too small, and -when brave Yorke had led his men to push of pike -with those who stood in the breach, the slope of -rubbish on which they mounted suddenly slipped -down, and left them six feet below the opening, and -so they had to retreat too, through a narrow lane -exposed to the full fire of the enemy, and thus the -attack failed at both points. -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile all Galicia was arming, and -a prisoner brought in by the cattle raiders gave -news that the Count de Andrada, with 8,000 men, -was at Puente de Burgos, six miles off, which was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P38"></a>38}</span> -said to be only the beginning of a great army being -got together by the Count de Altamira. On the -next day, May 6th, it was determined to attack them, -and nine regiments of English marched out to the -fray. The vanguard, under Sir Edward Norris, -was divided into three bodies under Captains -Middleton, Antony Wingfield, and Ethrington, -respectively, and attacked the enemy in the centre -and both flanks simultaneously, routing them at the -first charge. They only stopped running when -they came to a fortified bridge over a creek of the -sea, on the other side of which was their entrenched -camp. Sir Edward Norris, with Colonel Sidney, -and Captains Fulford, Hinder and others, always in -front, fought hand to hand over the bridge and into -the trenches, under "an incredible volie of shot for -that the shot of their armie flanked upon both sides -of the bridge." But the earthworks were soon -abandoned, and Sir Edward Norris, in his very eagerness -to be first, tumbled over his pike and hurt his -head grievously. The officers of the vanguard -were nearly all more or less hurt, but when the -enemy had fled the usual amusement of the -"common sort" commenced. All round for miles -the country was burnt and spoiled, and the flying -countrymen were slaughtered without mercy or -quarter. "So many as 2,000 men might kill in -pursuit, so many fell before us that day"; and after -that was over and the men were returning, hundreds -of cowering peasants were found hidden in hedges -and vineyards, and their "throates" were cut. Two -hundred poor creatures took refuge in a -"cloyster," which was burned and the men put to -the sword as they tried to escape. "You might -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P39"></a>39}</span> -have scene the countrie more than three miles -of compasse on fyre," says the English eye-witness, -and he grows quite hysterical in his laudation of the -English valour; but the Spanish accounts tell how -the Netherlands wars, and the fears for Portugal -and the French frontier, had denuded all north-western -Spain of soldiers, Count de Andrada's force -only being a hasty levy of undrilled and practically -unarmed countrymen, who were easily routed. -</p> - -<p> -The next day the English began to ship their -artillery and baggage and made ready to depart, -after again unsuccessfully trying to fire the upper -town. They managed indeed to burn down every -house in the lower town, and they set sail on -May 9 (O.S.), 1589. -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile utter dismay reigned at Madrid. -What was left of the fleet was acknowledged to be -powerless for defence, and none knew for certain -where the blow was to fall. The accounts from -Corunna were intercepted by the Government, and -were surmised to be worse than they really were; -but still the general opinion was not far out in -supposing that Drake could not do much permanent -harm on the open places on the coast, but would -eventually attack either Lisbon or Cadiz. Fernando -de Toledo was appointed commander-in-chief, but -soldiers could not be got together.[<a id="chap01fn23text"></a><a href="#chap01fn23">23</a>] Pietro de -Medici was hastily ordered to raise 6,000 -mercenaries in Italy; and Contarini writes from -Madrid to the Doge: "It is true that for want -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P40"></a>40}</span> -of soldiers they have adopted a plan which may -prove more hurtful than helpful; they have enrolled -Portuguese, and so have armed the very people -whom they have cause to fear, but perhaps they -think that as they have destroyed the leaders they -have made themselves safe." -</p> - -<p> -Norris was almost as much dreaded as Drake -himself, and his skill and daring suggested to the -terrified Court that he might intend to cut through -the neck of land upon which Corunna stands, and -entirely isolate the town, which he might then make -into a great depot for an English fleet. Philip, we -are told, was in great anxiety, "not so much on -account of the loss he suffers as for the insult -which he feels that he has received in the fact that -a woman, mistress of only half an island, with the -help of a corsair and a common soldier, should have -ventured on so arduous an enterprise, and dared to -molest so powerful a sovereign." -</p> - -<p> -The bitterest blow of all to Philip was the -knowledge that Spain's impotence was now patent to the -world, and that the mere presence of Drake was -sufficient to paralyse all resistance. When the English -force re-embarked at Corunna, says Contarini, they -were not even molested, so glad were the besieged -to be rid of him at any cost. "Whilst Drake was -at Corunna he was so strongly entrenched that he -suffered no loss at all. If he had remained a few -days longer the place would have fallen for the -reliefs were not as ready as was rumoured. Drake -occupied the place called the fishmarket. He -knocked down houses, seized cattle, killed soldiers, -released officers on ransom, and by pillage of the -suburbs and the burning of monasteries seemed to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P41"></a>41}</span> -care more for plunder than for glory."[<a id="chap01fn24text"></a><a href="#chap01fn24">24</a>] As we -have seen, in fact, Drake's sole reason for going to -Corunna at all against his mistress' orders was to -satisfy with loot the mutinous rabble on board his -ships, but of this the Spaniards were naturally -ignorant. -</p> - -<p> -The fleet sailed out of Corunna on the 9th of May, -leaving smoking ruins behind them for many miles -around; but contrary winds drove the ships back -again and again. At last, on the 13th of May, the -truant <i>Swiftsure</i> hove in sight, "to the great delight -of us all," bringing the Earl of Essex, Sir Roger -Williams, Master Walter Devereux ("the Earl's -brother, a gentleman of wonderful great hope"), -Sir Philip Butler ("who hath always been most -inward with him"), and Sir Edward Wingfield. -</p> - -<p> -However glad the men of lower rank may have -been to see the dashing young nobleman, Drake -and Norris can hardly have been overjoyed. They -knew by this time that Elizabeth was in earnest -about it, and that the purse-strings would be drawn -tighter, and the censure be stricter, whilst her errant -favourite was with the expedition; and some inkling -of this even reached the writer of the English -account of the expedition. "The Earle," he says, -"having put himself into the journey against the -opinion of the world, and as it seemed, to the -hazard of his great fortune, though to the great -advancement of his reputation (for as the honourable -carriage of himself towards all men doth make -him highlie esteemed at home, so did his exceeding -forwardness in all services make him to be wondered -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P42"></a>42}</span> -at amongst us) who I say put off ... because he -would avoide the importunity of messengers that -were daily sent for his return and some other causes -more secret to himself." -</p> - -<p> -The earl's first request was that he should always -be allowed to lead the vanguard of the army; -"which was easilie granted unto him, being so -desirous to satisfie him in all things": and -thenceforward to the end of the expedition he marched at -the head with Major-General Sir Roger Williams, -who seemed, by the way, "not one penny the -worse" for her Majesty's anathemas. -</p> - -<p> -Early in the afternoon of May 16th (O.S.) the -fleet cautiously approached the town of Peniche, in -Portugal. Drake had learnt on his way that a -great galleon from the Indies with a million crowns -in gold had taken refuge under the guns of the -fortress, and doubtless hoped to net so big a prize. -But the Archduke Albert in Lisbon was also -looking anxiously for the gold, and sent his galleys, -under Bazan, to bring the galleon into the Tagus -just before the arrival of the English at Peniche. -The town of Peniche was held by Gonsalves de -Ateide with a body of Portuguese who could not -be trusted, and some Castilian reinforcements sent -to him under Pedro de Guzman; but the fortress -was commanded by a Captain Araujo, who was -known to be secretly in favour of Dom Antonio. -Here it was determined to land the force, and -Ateide drew up his men at the landing-place -before the fortress and opened fire upon the ships -as they entered the bay. On the other side of -the harbour, half a league off, the surf was -running high, and a landing there was looked -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P43"></a>43}</span> -upon as impracticable, so that the shore was left -undefended. Suddenly, when least expected by -the Spaniards, Norris began to land his men on -this side. Hot-headed Essex would not even wait -for his boat to reach land, but jumped into the -beating surf breast high with Sir Roger Williams -and a band of gentlemen, and so struggled ashore -to protect the landing of the rest. By the time -Ateide and his 350 Castilians had reached the spot -2,000 English had landed on the beach of Consolation -as it was called. Some slight show of resistance -was made, and fifteen Spaniards fell at the -push of the English pike; but the Castilians were -out-numbered and nearly surrounded, and were -forced to retire precipitately inland to a neighbouring -hamlet to await reinforcements from Torres -Vedras. When Norris had landed 12,000 or 13,000 -men, with the loss of several boatloads in the surf, -but without further molestation from the Spaniards, he -summoned the Portuguese commandant of the fortress -to surrender. He replied that he refused to -surrender to the English, but would willingly do so to his -lawful king, Dom Antonio. So the poor pretender, -"bigger of spirit than of body," landed with his son -Manoel, and his faithful bodyguard of a hundred -Portuguese, to be received once more on his own -land as a sovereign. He found all things ready for -him: his canopy of state erected, plate for his table -set out, and kneeling subjects seeking for his smiles. -He spoke smoothly and fairly, we are told, to the -country people, taking nothing from them, but -giving, or at least promising, much, and assuring -them all of his protection. -</p> - -<p> -But if their new sovereign was chary of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P44"></a>44}</span> -oppressing them, no such scruples afflicted their Castilian -masters. My Portuguese diarist says that the -Spaniards retaliated for Araujo's treachery in -surrendering Peniche by stealing everything belonging -to the Portuguese they could lay their hands upon, -and he cites one case in which they took the large -sum of two thousand crowns from one of the most -influential friends of the Spanish cause. "But," -he says, apologetically, "in confused times such -as these soldiers <i>will</i> act so." -</p> - -<p> -Dom Antonio's bodyguard was armed with -muskets and pikes from the castle, and here the -poor King kept his rough-and-ready Court for two -days. He was tenacious of his regal dignity, and -had many a little wrangle with the English about the -scant ceremony with which they treated him. But -greater disappointments were yet in store for him. -The friars and peasants flocked in to salute their -native king, but, alas, Antonio hoped and looked in -vain for the coming of the lords and gentry from -whom he expected so much. Wily Philip had been -once more too cunning for his enemy. At the first -whisper of the expedition he had banished to distant -places in his own dominions every Portuguese -noble—seventy of them in all—who was not pledged hard -and fast to the Castilian cause. One of Antonio's -false friends, too, had escaped at Corunna, and had -gone straight to Philip and divulged all the -pretender's plans and the names of his supporters still -in Portugal who were to help him into Lisbon. -Their shrift, as may be supposed, was a short one, -and when Antonio came to his kingdom he found -none but monks and clowns to greet him. Such -of the gentry as he approached were usually too -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P45"></a>45}</span> -panic-stricken to side with him, seeing the fate of -others of their class, and my Portuguese scoffs at -the insolence of the idea that Antonio and the -English could hold Lisbon, even if they won it -against all the might of Spain, or of the common -Portuguese rising without the "fidalgos," and -courting the ruin that would befall them if the -"heretics" got the upper hand without the fidalgos -to restrain them. -</p> - -<p> -But Antonio put a brave face on matters, and -was all eagerness to push on to his faithful capital -of Lisbon, which he was confident awaited him with -open arms. His confidence to a certain extent -seems to have been shared by Norris, and here -the second great mistake of the expedition was -made. The first vital error was the fruitless waste -of time at Corunna; the second was the resolution -now arrived at by Norris, entirely against Drake's -judgment, to march from Peniche overland forty-two -miles to Lisbon. Drake, true to the sea and to -the tactics by which he had so often beaten the -Spaniards, was in favour of pushing on to Lisbon -by sea, letting three or four fireships drift about -the castle of São Gian, which commanded the -entrance to the harbour, so that the smoke should -spoil the aim of the guns, and then make a dash -for the city—and doubtless, thought Drake, for -the galleon, with its million gold crowns, lying in -front of the India house. Dom Antonio, whose -one idea was to keep foot on the land where he -was king, sided with Norris. In vain Drake -pointed out that they had no baggage train or -proper provisions for a march through an enemy's -country; that they had only one weak squadron -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P46"></a>46}</span> -of cavalry, of which the cattle was out of condition; -that they had no fitting field artillery; and -that once inland they would lose the support and -protection of the fleet. -</p> - -<p> -It was all of no avail; Dom Antonio and Norris -had their way, and a single company was left to -garrison Peniche,[<a id="chap01fn25text"></a><a href="#chap01fn25">25</a>] supported by six ships, whilst -the whole of the land forces were to march to -Lisbon, and Drake undertook to bring the rest -of the fleet to Cascaes, at the mouth of the river, -when the weather would allow him to do so. -</p> - -<p> -During the night after the landing, some cavalry -under Captain Alarcon had joined the Spaniards, -and a force of Portuguese militia had also been -sent in by Don Luis Alencastro, but they -soon deserted their colours and left their officers -to shift for themselves. The next morning at four -o'clock Captain Alarcon and a few of the Spanish -cavalry reconnoitred the position at Peniche, -but found the enemy too many for them, and -could only scour back as hard as they could -ride to Luis Alencastro, the Grand-Commander of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P47"></a>47}</span> -the Order of Christ, who was endeavouring to -reorganise a body of Portuguese a few miles off, -on the road to Lisbon. But terrible tales of the -strength of the English had already spread; and -when Alarcon and Guzman reached the Grand-Commander -they found his hasty levies in a panic -at the story that Drake had brought with him nine -hundred great Irish dogs as fierce as lions, and -"capable of eating up a world of folks." So they -flatly refused to stir; and the Grand-Commander -could do no more than hasten back to Lisbon to -inform the Cardinal-Archduke Albert of the state -of affairs, whilst Guzman, with the troops, fell back -upon Torres-Vedras, to hold if possible the road -to Lisbon. -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile the capital was in a state of -intense excitement. The native inhabitants, with -a lively recollection of the sacking of the city by -Alba, flocked to the other side of the Tagus, -notwithstanding the strict orders of the Cardinal-Archduke -to the contrary. Provisions and munitions of -war were hastily sent from Spain, and the Prior -Fernando de Toledo was already on the move, -slowly bringing such troops as he could muster -for the relief of Lisbon, whilst the castles and walls -of the city were put into a state of defence. The -Castilians, few in number and intensely hated by -the townsfolk, knew that in a fight the brunt -would fall upon them, and that the Portuguese, -even though they might not help the enemy, and -this was by no means certain, would not raise a -finger to support the dominion of Philip. The -priests went from house to house, strong adherents -of Dom Antonio almost to a man, whispering that -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P48"></a>48}</span> -the English were not, after all, such bad people; -that there were many Catholics amongst them who -were better Christians than the Castilians -themselves, and, as the Spanish diarist says, other -things of the sort which will not bear repeating. -To the well-to-do they said that as soon as a native -king was on the throne their wealth would enormously -increase, whilst the poor were told that -"fishing in troubled waters was profitable to the -fisherman." -</p> - -<p> -On the other hand, the Archduke, knowing -the people with whom he had to deal, established -a veritable reign of terror, and sacrificed without -mercy—often without evidence—any person who -was even suspected of open sympathy with the -invaders, although it was well known in Madrid -that the populace of Lisbon had tacitly agreed to -open the gates to Dom Antonio and to massacre -the Spaniards on his approach. Some Portuguese -nobles had left the Archduke on the first landing -of Dom Antonio, but, finding that most of their -order had been terrorised into quiescence, returned -to Lisbon and tendered their submission. They -were at once beheaded or imprisoned, and the -rest became more slavish than ever in their -professions of attachment to the Archduke. -Terrible stories were spread at the same time of -the "impious abominations" of the English heretics, -and the dreadful fate that awaited all Catholics -if the invader succeeded, until, as my Portuguese -diarist says, "there was not even a loafer on -the quay who did not know that he would be -cast out or ruined if the English came." But -it was all insufficient to make them willing to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P49"></a>49}</span> -fight. The exodus still continued, and under cover -of night the people stole across the river by -thousands, and a boat whose usual freight was two -ducats could not now be hired under fifty, whilst -a bullock-cart and bullocks which could be bought -right out in normal times for fifty ducats now -charged sixty for a single journey to Aldea Gallega, -on the other side of the Tagus. The people of the -provinces, says my Portuguese diarist, oppressed -the flying citizens more than the English, until the -scandal became so great that the Archduke had -to interfere and check their rapacity. Under some -excuse or another every Portuguese was anxious to -get away and leave the fighting to be done by some -one else. The Portuguese diarist stoutly denies that -his countrymen were cowards or traitors, but always -explains that the common people <i>could not</i> have -risen without the lead of the native nobles; and -we have seen the methods by which they were -terrorised and made powerless. The Spaniard, on -the other hand, makes no secret of his contempt -for the white-livered Lisbonenses, and uses much -strong language about them. My Portuguese -diarist greatly resents this feeling, and gives a -little personal experience of his own to show how -harsh were the words used by the Castilians -towards the craven citizens. "On the morning," he -says, "that the enemy fled I went up to the castle -to get some things of mine out of my boxes which -I had left there in the rooms of one of the officers, -where I had determined to await my fate if things -came to the worst. As I was on my way down to -the palace again the rumour spread that the enemy -was retreating, whereupon some soldiers ascended -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P50"></a>50}</span> -the watch tower to enjoy the sight. I asked them -when they returned if the good news were true -that the enemy was really flying, and one of them -answered me roughly that they who were flying -were not the enemy but those who still stay in -Lisbon. To which I answered him not a word but -God be with ye." -</p> - -<p> -But by terrorism, energy, and promptness the -Archduke at length got the city into a state for -defence both against the enemy from without and -the probable enemy within. The city water-tanks -were locked and the supply brought from outside, -so as to save the precious liquid for the coming -siege. The resident Spaniards formed themselves -into a bodyguard of 150 men, "very smart and -well armed," and, as in duty bound, the Germans -and Flemings offered two hundred harquebussiers -in good order, whilst many Portuguese "fidalgos" -slept in the corridors of the palace to protect the -Archduke in the hour of need. Four colonels were -appointed to organise bands of the inhabitants for -the defence of the city, and Matias de Alburquerque, -a famous sea-captain, took charge of the twelve war -galleys in the Tagus and armed thirty merchant -ships which were lying in the harbour. The defensive -works round the city were divided into sections -and apportioned to the command of officers of tried -fidelity, whose names need not be recorded here, -the river front being mainly entrusted to -Portuguese, who evidently considered theirs the post of -danger, as they had not the walls to protect them -along the quay side. The Castilians, however, -made no secret of the fact that they were placed -there as no attack was expected from the river. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P51"></a>51}</span> -The parts most strongly guarded, almost entirely by -Spaniards, were the quarters of St. Catalina, San -Antonio, and San Roque, facing the north and west, -from which quarters the English were expected to -approach. -</p> - -<p> -The English army, by all accounts twelve thousand -strong, marched out of Peniche on the 17th -of May, with the Earl of Essex and Sir Roger -Williams leading; and Drake, accompanying them -to the top of a hill at some distance off, greeted -each regiment as it passed him with kindly words, -and hopes of success, which he could hardly have -anticipated. -</p> - -<p> -Soon the English soldiery began to show their -true metal. Strict orders had been given that the -property and persons of Dom Antonio's faithful -subjects were to be respected; but as soon as -they got clear of Peniche housebreaking and -pillage became rife, and Norris had to order his -provost-marshal, Crisp, to hang a few of the -malefactors before he could obtain obedience. -</p> - -<p> -The Archduke had sent three squadrons of -Spanish horsemen to reinforce Pedro de Guzman -at Torres Vedras, block the road to Lisbon, and -harass the English. They went out to reconnoitre -the enemy at various points after he left Peniche, -but they did not like the look of him, and fell back -again to Torres Vedras, whilst messengers were -hourly sent to the Archduke begging for more -men, whom he could not send. At first it was -rumoured amongst the English that a stand would -be made at a village near Peniche, but when they -arrived there the last Spanish horsemen were just -scampering out of it. The next day it was said -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P52"></a>52}</span> -that certainly a great stand would be made at -Torres Vedras, and this undoubtedly was the -Archduke's intention; but even the almost impregnable -Torres Vedras was untenable with a few hundred -horse and a body of militia, who, if they fought at -all, would fight on the other side; and the Spanish -forces, for fear of being cut off from their base, -hastily evacuated Torres Vedras and fell back -gradually, harassing the flanks of the enemy as -much as they could and cutting off stragglers. -</p> - -<p> -And so the main body of Morris' force, with -the Earl of Essex and Sir Roger Williams always -leading, moved rapidly and peacefully towards -Lisbon, whilst the panic in the capital grew greater -as the English came nearer. Peaceably—but -hungry—for the land was bare, and the English, -we are told, "found our food dry and tasteless and -hankered after their own fat meats and birds, -comparing our barrenness with the abundance of their -own land." There was little or no money in the -host, and nothing was to be taken from the -Portuguese without payment. There was in any case -very little to take, for most of the people along the -road had fled or had been stripped clean by the -Castilian soldiers who had gone before. Drake's -predictions of trouble in moving an army without -a baggage train began to come true, and at last -starvation was breeding open mutiny in the English -host. Norris was then obliged to tell Antonio that -unless food were forthcoming more plentifully the -soldiers must be allowed to shift for themselves. -The poor pretender could only beseech his -controller, Campello, to scour the country far and wide -for delicacies for the English, "who are naturally -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P53"></a>53}</span> -dainty and exquisite in their food"; but he could -only pay in promises, and the land was bare, so the -invaders still marched a hungry host towards the -larders of Lisbon. -</p> - -<p> -From day to day they were told that the -Spaniards would certainly stand and fight -to-morrow, but they were continually disappointed, -as indeed was the stout-hearted Archduke in his -palace, who received with dismay the constant -news that his forces were falling further and further -back towards the capital without fighting. -</p> - -<p> -Whatever country people had remained on the -road welcomed the invaders with cries of "Viva el -Rei Dom Antonio!" but the poor King still looked -in vain for the promised gentlemen. His desire to -please his rustic adherents was almost pathetic. -He condescended, we are told, to caress and -embrace the "commonest little people"; and in -order to make as brave a show as possible before -the English, picked out any countryman who was -decently fair-spoken to be paraded before them as -some grand gentleman in disguise. But however -hopeful he might show himself, he could not conceal -the fact that not a dozen men-at-arms had joined -him, and his only chance now was that Lisbon -itself should declare in his favour. But the native -citizens were distracted and divided. The judges -and magistrates had abandoned their posts, the -shopkeepers had deserted their stores, incendiary -fires and pillage were of hourly occurrence, and the -Archduke alone kept his head. Even he was not -free from danger of attack, for more than one -attempt was made to assassinate some of his chief -officers. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P54"></a>54}</span> -</p> - -<p> -On one occasion a large number of men were -caught deserting their posts and escaping in a -boat to the other side of the Tagus. When they -were brought to the Archduke for punishment he -said if they were too cowardly to fight in defence -of their God and their fatherland they were useless -to him and could go. This he knew, that even -the Castilian women would mount the walls and -fight with stones, if need be, in such a cause. -Albert required all his firmness and nerve, for one -sign of weakness from him and his handful of -Spaniards, would have given heart to the craven -Portuguese within and without the walls, who were -thirsting for their blood. -</p> - -<p> -Three-quarters of the Portuguese in Lisbon had -fled or were in hiding, and the rest were in Spanish -pay or watched day and night by jealous eyes. -But watched as they were, and few in numbers, -their hopes were still high, and amongst themselves -their speech grew bolder. They got news daily -from English prisoners and others of the approach -of their king, and plotted together how they would -serve the hated Castilians when the English -deliverers came. -</p> - -<p> -The rumour ran that the city would be -surrendered to the invader on Corpus Christi day, -and not a Spaniard was to be left alive, and much -more to the same effect. But, alas! on one -occasion when a few English prisoners were being -brought in a panic-cry arose that the invaders had -entered the city, and then each man fled to hiding -to save his own skin rather than to his post, and -the few Spanish guards that remained had to drag -them out of cellars and lofts by main force, kicking -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P55"></a>55}</span> -and cuffing them for a set of cowards for not -helping the defenders. The Count de Fuentes, once -on a false alarm, was sent out of the city with every -man who could be spared to Orlas, three leagues off -on the road to Cascaes, where it was expected the -enemy would pass; but the English went by Torres -Vedras, and Fuentes had to hurry back into Lisbon -again the same day, to avoid being cut off and -the gates being shut against him. -</p> - -<p> -On the 19th of May Norris and his troops -marched into Torres Vedras, where Dom Antonio -was received with regal honours, and the oath of -allegiance taken to him. He was desirous of -making a detour to Santarem, through, as he said, -a rich country favourable to him, but Norris knew -the danger of delay, and insisted upon pushing -forward to Lisbon. -</p> - -<p> -Guzman and his Spanish horsemen had fallen -back during the previous night to Jara, nearer -Lisbon, but he had left Captain Alarcon, with -two companies of horse, to hang on the skirts of -the enemy. The next day Captain Yorke, who -commanded Norris' cavalry, determined to try -their metal, and sent a corporal with eight men -who rode through forty of the enemy, whilst -Yorke himself, with forty English horse, put to -precipitous flight Alarcon's two hundred. On the -following day, May 21st, the English, disappointed -again of a fight, were lodged in the village -of Louvres, not far from Lisbon, which Guzman -had hurriedly evacuated after being very nearly -surprised by Norris. The village was small and -the accommodation poor, so Drake's regiment, -thinking to better their quarters, went to sleep at a -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P56"></a>56}</span> -little hamlet a mile off. In the early dawn a cry -was raised of "Viva el Rei Dom Antonio!" which -was the usual friendly salutation of the country folk. -The young English sentries fraternised with those -who approached, and admitted them into the -sleeping-camp. It was an ambuscade, and many of the -English were slain, but the enemy was finally driven -off by two companies of Englishmen who were -lodged near. The next day, at a village near -Lisbon, a large number were treacherously poisoned -by the bad water from a well, or, as some said, by -the honey which they found in the houses. This -was three miles from Lisbon, at a place called -Alvelade, and at eleven o'clock at night Essex left -the camp with Sir Roger Williams and 1,000 men -to lie in ambuscade near the town. When they -had approached almost to the walls a few of them -began banging at the gates and otherwise trying -to alarm those within and provoke a sally. But -the device was too transparent, and a few men -shot and a sleepless night were the only result. -When the English had arrived at Alvelade, Count -de Fuentes, with the main body of Spaniards, was -at Alcantara, a mile or so nearer Lisbon. Thither -Albert hastily summoned a council of war, and -urged his officers at last to make a stand at -once before the English could co-operate with -their friends within the walls of Lisbon. Fuentes -and the other Spanish commanders were of the -same opinion, but the Portuguese Colonel, -Fernando de Castro, made a speech pointing out -that the English were short of stores, cut off from -their base, and weakened by sickness and short -commons. "Let us," he said, "fall back into the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P57"></a>57}</span> -city and conquer them by hunger and delay. -Behind our walls they will be powerless to injure -us, whilst we can draw abundant supplies from -across the river, and they cannot blockade us even -by land with less than 40,000 men." This exactly -suited the other Portuguese, who were never -comfortable unless they had a good thick wall between -themselves and their enemies. The opinion of the -Spaniards was overborne, and the defending force -entered the gates of Lisbon on Corpus Christi day, -midst the ringing of bells and the more or less -sincere rejoicing of the populace. Lisbon feasted -and welcomed its defenders, whilst poor Dom -Antonio, we are told, at Alvelade just outside, had -not a fowl or even a loaf of rye bread to eat. -"You may guess how he is hated by the Portuguese," -says my Portuguese diarist, "that he being -so near his native Lisbon not even a costermonger -or a down dared to send him a meal, whilst we in -the city had plenty." -</p> - -<p> -Most of the houses adjoining the walls had been -blown up, but the monastery of the Trinidade, down -the hill towards the river, still remained. The prior -was understood to be in favour of Dom Antonio, as -were nearly all churchmen, and Ruy Diaz de Lobo, -one of the few nobles with Dom Antonio, undertook -to negotiate with him to admit the English to the -city through the monastery garden. By the aid of -two sympathetic monks he obtained access to the -prior. But the latter had been gained over by the -Spaniards, and a few hours afterwards the pale -heads of Ruy Diaz de Lobo and the two monks -were grinning with half-closed, lustreless eyes from -the top of three poles on the great quay, whilst Sir -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P58"></a>58}</span> -Roger Williams and his men, when they approached -the monastery in expectation of a friendly reception, -were received with a shower of harquebuss balls, -and fell back. The rest of the day, now that the -main body of English had come up, was spent in -quartering the men in the suburbs of the city, -entrenched camps being formed, protected by breastworks -of wine-pipes filled with earth. Tired with -their six days' march and their labour in the -trenches, Norris' little army were glad to pass their -first night before Lisbon in such peace as the -besieged would allow them. -</p> - -<p> -If the enterprise was ever to succeed this was -the moment. The English were more numerous as -regards men bearing arms, but they had come upon -their wild-goose chase against a fortified city without -any battering artillery or proper appliances for a -siege, whilst the Spaniards were behind strong -walls, with unlimited sources of supply from the -river front across the Tagus. Norris, on the other -hand, was short of supplies, with fifteen miles of -defensible country between him and Cascaes, the -point where the fleet was to await him. The -advantage, therefore, was clearly on the side of the -besieged, but for the one element of the disaffection -of Lisbon itself from within, and in this lay Dom -Antonio's last chance. A letter written by Don -Francisco Odonte, adjutant-general in Lisbon, on -the day following the arrival of the English forces -before the walls, gives a vivid description of the -state of affairs there at the time.[<a id="chap01fn26text"></a><a href="#chap01fn26">26</a>] -</p> - -<p> -"Dom Antonio," he says, "spent the night in the -house of the Duke d'Aveiro, and then early in the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P59"></a>59}</span> -morning completed the investment of the city and -continued his search for some secret gate by which -he might enter. But the garrison harassed him as -much as they could. Don Sancho Bravo and Captain -Alarcon have been skirmishing all day outside the -city, and have sent in 25 or 30 English prisoners -who have been consigned to the galleys; and if they -could only do the same by all those who are really -fighting us, whilst feigning to be our friends, they -might man more galleys than are to be found in all -Christendom this day, for those who have shown -their colours during the last three days, and that -without a blush, are simply infinite, nor is there any -wonder that Dom Antonio has attempted this enterprise, -owing to the promises held out to him; for -from the moment he disembarked, he has been -supplied with abundance of provisions,[<a id="chap01fn27text"></a><a href="#chap01fn27">27</a>] whilst not a -man has offered us his services. All the aldermen -of the city are against us but two, the rest are all in -hiding, and some even have supplied Dom Antonio's -troops, with as little shamefacedness as if they had -come from England with him. In this quarter of -the city there is not a man left. Some have fled -across the river, some are hidden, some have joined -Dom Antonio. The troops under the four colonels -publicly declare they will not fight. Dom Antonio -was certain the moment he appeared the city would -rise, and on this account we are in great alarm and -have passed a very bad night. God help us!" -</p> - -<p> -But the English did not sleep tranquilly either. -In the first hours of the morning of the 25th of May -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P60"></a>60}</span> -Don Garcia Bravo, with 500 Spanish troops from -Oporto, arrived in Lisbon. They were hungry, -ragged, and weary, but they were eager to meet -the foe, and barely gave themselves time to snatch -a hurried meal before sallying from the gate of San -Anton and up the hill to the quarters of Colonel -Brett in the farm of Andres Soares. Another -force at the same time came from the gate of Santa -Catalina and forced Brett's trenches from that side. -The long rows of windows of the monastery of San -Roque on the hill were lined by Spanish musketeers, -who kept up a deadly fire on the English, whilst -two of the great guns of the castle were brought to -bear upon one exposed side of the invaders' camp. -The attack was made before dawn, and Brett had -hardly time to muster his men in the darkness and -confusion, when a cannon-shot from the walls laid -him low. Captain Carsey and Captain Carr were -mortally wounded, and 200 other officers and men -slain. The rest of the English forces were aroused, -and came to the rescue under Colonel Lane and -Colonel Medkirk, and "put them to a sodain fowle -retreate, insomuch as the Earle of Essex had the -chase of them even to the gates of the High towne, -wherein they left behind them many of their best -commanders." A body of Spanish horse, sallying -from the gates of San Anton to support their comrades, -met the latter in full retreat in a narrow lane, -and unwillingly trampled them down; thus adding -to the confusion, which was completed by a flank -charge upon the struggling mass by Yorke's cavalry. -The English chronicler claims that the Spanish loss -tripled ours, but my diarists say that they had -only twenty-five killed and forty wounded, and the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P61"></a>61}</span> -Portuguese tries to account for the heavy loss of -wounded by accusing the English of using poisoned -bullets. The next day the English tried to get in -through the monastery, but they found the city -forewarned and on the alert, although the monks had -done their best for them. The day after they -bribed a Portuguese captain in charge of the wall -at the nearest point to the river to let them pass -round at low tide, but the spies told the Archduke, -and the English found their ally replaced by a -Spaniard with a strong force, who sent them flying -back again. And so three days passed in constant -skirmishes, whilst Norris was chafing and helpless -without. The fatal mistake he had made in leaving -the fleet was now apparent. The time, too, they -had lost at Corunna was irreparable. Fernando de -Toledo was approaching with relief, and the first -dismay in Spain had now given way to desperate -energy. The loss of men in the English camp -from sickness and wounds was terrible, supplies -and munitions were desperately short, there was -no medical aid or transport for the sick and -disabled, whilst the Portuguese in Lisbon, from whom -everything had been hoped, still made no sign. -</p> - -<p> -Dom Antonio still put a brave face on the matter, -but his heart was sinking. For the first two days -he had lodged in the rear of the English camp, -outside Santa Catalina, but on the third, says my -Portuguese diarist, he began to fear for his safety, -and, wearied of low fare and the sound of musketry, -sought refuge in the house of a Portuguese gentleman -on the road to Cascaes. But he was repulsed -and barely escaped capture, and thereafter could but -cling desperately to the English force. In vain he -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P62"></a>62}</span> -looked now for the general rising in his favour, for -the promised nobles who never came, and hour by -hour the prospect darkened. The Earl of Essex, -young, inexperienced, hot-headed, was for assaulting -all sorts of impossible places with pike and -musket, but Norris knew better, and sadly acknowledged -to himself that the expedition had failed. -</p> - -<p> -Drake, with the fleet, had in the meanwhile -reached Cascaes with everything he could lay hands -on in the form of prizes. He had cast anchor on -the very day twelvemonth that the great Armada -had first sailed out of Lisbon, and the townspeople -of the capital were full of portents which they saw -in this coincidence. Every one in Lisbon by this -time feared that he would sail up the river and -enter the harbour; and such was the dread of his -name that if he had done so he might have turned -the tide of victory. But his advice had been -rejected, and he would not venture under the guns -of the forts with an under-manned fleet and no -soldiers. So he remained at Cascaes and left -Norris to get out of the hobble as best he could. -When he arrived he found the town almost abandoned, -for the citizens had fled in terror at his very -name. My Portuguese says that Cardenas, the -commander of the fortress, "a great gentleman," -was deceived by a monk (or, as he says, the devil -in disguise of one) into the belief that Lisbon had -fallen, and he accordingly gave up the fortress, and -himself took to flight. The Castilian and the -Englishman tell the story somewhat differently, and say -that Cardenas was an adherent of Dom Antonio, -and stipulated that a show of compulsion should -be used before he surrendered the fortress. The -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P63"></a>63}</span> -result in any case was the same to him, for the -"great gentleman's" head soon afterwards adorned -one of the Archduke's poles on the quay at Lisbon. -</p> - -<p> -Drake had therefore established himself without -difficulty at Cascaes, and patiently awaited the result -of the land attack on Lisbon. -</p> - -<p> -If the English outside the walls of the capital -were in a bad way, the small force of steadfast -Spaniards inside were not much better. They -knew that the Portuguese citizens around them -were hourly watching for an opportunity to cut -their throats and let in the native pretender. Panics -of treason and treachery were of hourly occurrence, -and on several occasions only the coolness of the -Cardinal-Archduke averted disaster. Every day -men of the best blood of Portugal, often taken from -the immediate surrounding of the Archduke, were -seized for assumed treason, the policy being to -deprive the disaffected populace of native leaders. -To further terrorise the citizens, and prevent them -from plucking up heart to open the gates, a great -review of all the Spanish troops was held in an -open space where the enemy could see as well as -the wavering townfolk. My Spanish diarist says, -"With the sun flashing on shining morions and the -brave show of arms and men all were convinced, -friends and enemies alike that the success of our -cause was certain." -</p> - -<p> -Boldness and firmness won the day. The next -morning Norris called his colonels together to seek -their advice and consult with Dom Antonio. He -said that as the besieged stood firm and the -populace made no move, the English force must have -artillery and munitions if they were to succeed, and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P64"></a>64}</span> -asked their opinion as to whether he should wait -for Dom Antonio's forces, which came not, and -meanwhile send a detachment to Cascaes for -munitions, or raise the siege altogether. Many were -for sending 3,000 men to Cascaes at once. They -had given the enemy a good drubbing, they said, -and they would sally no more; but Norris had -lost hope in Portuguese promises, and was not -quite so contemptuous of the enemy as some of -them, and he decided that he would wait only -one day more for Dom Antonio's levies. If 3,000 -came in that night he would send a like number -of English to Cascaes for the munitions, otherwise -he would raise the siege and leave before daybreak. -In vain Antonio prayed for a few days' longer grace. -In nine days all Portugal would acclaim him. -Lisbon was wavering already, and would turn -the scale. But all his prayers were in vain; -and before dawn the English army was mustered -and ready for the march. Essex was disgusted -at the turn things had taken, and went up to -the principal gate (he and Williams being the -last men to leave) and broke his lance against it, -crying out that if there was any within who would -come out and have a bout with him in honour of -his mistress let him come, and he gave them all the -lie to their teeth. And then he turned away and -followed the army, no doubt much relieved in his -mind. -</p> - -<p> -During the day that Norris was awaiting the -arrival of Dom Antonio's troops the English had -not left their trenches, and the defenders feared -that some deep design lay behind this. Were they -mining, or was Drake sending up some heavy -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P65"></a>65}</span> -guns? they thought. So when the dawn of the -27th of May showed that the main body of the -English was already on its way to Cascaes, Count de -Fuentes still doubted whether it was not all a feint -to draw him out from the shelter of his walls, -and peremptorily refused permission to Count Villa -Dorta to follow them up and engage them. The -way of the retreating force lay along the shore, -but to avoid the fire of the galleys which followed -their movements they chose the rough by-paths -where possible. And so, all undisciplined, sick, -and starving, they wandered and struggled on as -best they could, four hundred at least of stragglers -and sick being killed or captured by Villa Dorta, -who hung upon the rear, notwithstanding his chief's -prohibition. Later in the day Fuentes so far -conquered his suspicion as to lead his army out to -Viera, half-way to Cascaes, but he had barely -sighted the enemy than some rumour or suspicion -reached him of an intended rising in Lisbon during -his absence, and he hurried back again to the city. -My Portuguese diarist ridicules the suggestion of -such a danger as unworthy of any sensible man; but -the utter futility of the English and Portuguese -proceedings from the first was such as well might -excuse Fuentes for thinking that some deeper -design must surely lay behind. The suspicion of -the Portuguese on the part of the Spaniards at this -time is illustrated by an anecdote given by the -Portuguese diarist. Alvaro Souza, the captain of -Philip's Portuguese guard, with five companions, -accompanied Sancho Bravo, who took out a force to -harry the English on their way to Cascaes. Souza -straggled and was captured by Spanish soldiers, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P66"></a>66}</span> -who did not know him. They were near the -castle of São Gian at the mouth of Lisbon harbour -and knowing that Pero Venegas, the commandant, -was a friend of his father, Souza sent a messenger to -him begging him to answer for his loyalty. Venegas -declined to reply, and Souza was lead off under -arrest. On the way he met the famous Alvaro -de Bazan going to his galleys. He was a friend, -and Souza appealed to him to stand by him and -his companions, "but he answered coldly that he -knew him not, nor was this a time to recognise -any one." He had, he said, recently answered -for some Portuguese fidalgos in the palace, and -a few hours afterwards they were arrested for -treason. -</p> - -<p> -Fifteen weary miles over rough ground, and with -Villa Dorta's troops harassing their flank and rear, -the English managed to cover during the day, and -at last, late in the evening, they marched into -Cascaes.[<a id="chap01fn28text"></a><a href="#chap01fn28">28</a>] We may well imagine that the meeting -between Drake and Norris was not very cordial. -The officers threw the whole blame for failure upon -Drake for not coming up the river to support them -before Lisbon; the sailors, on the other hand, saying -that the march overland was against Drake's advice, -and that his ships, without men-at-arms to defend -them and work the guns, would have been at -the mercy of the enemy. At all events, it was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P67"></a>67}</span> -clear they had failed in two of the objects of -the voyage—namely, to burn the King of Spain's -ships and restore Dom Antonio; and one other -only remained to be attempted, which was to take -the Azores. -</p> - -<p> -I have already said that the raising of the siege of -Lisbon took the defenders by surprise. They fully -believed it to be an attempt to draw the Spanish -troops out of the town in order that the citizens -might rise and massacre the few Spaniards left. -So certain were they of this that an unfortunate -Portuguese noble—Count Redondo—who arrived -that day and went to pay his respects to the -Archduke, was immediately seized and beheaded -<i>pour encourager les autres</i>. As soon as they saw -the English had really gone, Count de Fuentes with -his six or seven thousand men again made a -reconnaissance almost to the English position at Cascaes, -and finding the invaders well entrenched, with the -fleet behind them, decided that it would be too risky -to attack them, and hastened back again to Lisbon. -News of the nearness of the Spaniards was brought in -by some friars, of whom great numbers hung about -Dom Antonio's quarters, and Norris and Essex each -promised the messengers a hundred crowns if they -found the enemy in the place reported, as they -were spoiling for a fight in the open before -embarking. But Fuentes had gone to Lisbon, and -the friars lost their reward. Norris, however, still -eager, sent a page who spoke French, and a -trumpeter, post-haste to Lisbon, with a challenge -to Fuentes and his army to come into the open -and fight. The opportunity was too good for -Essex to miss, so he too sent a cartel by the page -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P68"></a>68}</span> -on his own account, giving every one the lie in a -general way and offering to fight anybody in single -combat. The messenger came back again without -an answer, only that the Spaniards had threatened -to hang him for bringing such vapouring insolence -to them; but the Spaniard tells the story in -another way, less honourably for himself. He says, -whilst the messengers were being entertained "as -if they were great gentlemen" at breakfast by some -of the captains who spoke French, the letters (which -they had said could only be opened by the -Archduke's permission) were surreptitiously steamed, -read, and re-sealed, and handed back again as -if unopened, with the reply that his Highness would -not allow them to be opened. So Norris and Essex -had their bravado for nothing, and went without -their fight. -</p> - -<p> -In Lisbon the common people were as disturbed -as ever, doubtless feeling that their chance of -freedom was slipping away from them, and alarms -were constantly raised that the English were -returning. But Spanish reinforcements were arriving -now. The Duke of Braganza, head of the Portuguese -nobility, arrived in royal state with a great -body of retainers to help the Archduke, and all hope -for Dom Antonio gradually ebbed away. -</p> - -<p> -The English commanders in Cascaes began now -to think it high time to put themselves right with -the angry Queen, who continued to send furious -messages about their disobedience and about Essex -and Sir Roger Williams. On the 2nd of June -they wrote from Cascaes a full account of all that -had happened in the best light they could devise, -and saying they knew not what to do unless -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P69"></a>69}</span> -supplies came at once from England. Everybody -was terribly seasick, they said, and well-nigh -starving. Seeing that no more provisions could -be expected, they wrote, on the 5th of June, that -they had decided to go to St. Michaels; and then, -for the first time, they confessed that Essex was -with them. They had met him, they said, to their -great surprise, off Cape Finisterra, but could not -send him home before, as they could not spare -the <i>Swiftsure</i>; but still no word about Sir Roger -Williams.[<a id="chap01fn29text"></a><a href="#chap01fn29">29</a>] -</p> - -<p> -If Drake could not or would not burn the Spanish -fleet on this occasion, he was always a splendid hand -at plundering merchantmen, and during the six days -that his fleet lay before Cascaes he scoured the sea -for miles round in search of prizes, taking as many -as forty German hulks loaded with Spanish -merchandise. Into these prizes the men from the -Dutch flyboats were transhipped, and the Dutch -captains sent off without being paid their freights, -glad, no doubt, to get away from such company -on any terms. -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile Lisbon was gradually settling -down. People who had been hiding in churches -and cellars for the last ten days crept out, nearly -all under the impression that the Spaniards had -all been murdered, and that King Antonio had -come to his own again. Dire was their -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P70"></a>70}</span> -disappointment when they found that they were not the -only people who had skulked in hiding, and that -none of all the city had dared to strike the blow -that would have made Portugal free again. So -they patiently bent their neck to the yoke and -cheered his Highness the Archduke at the top of -their voices as he went in state to the cathedral -to hear a solemn <i>Te Deum</i> of victory. -</p> - -<p> -The Spaniards did their best to follow up the -enemy. The ships in the Tagus were fitted out to -watch Cascaes and follow the English fleet, doing all -the damage they could, and Don Pedro de Guzman -was sent to cut off the English garrison left at Peniche. -They urged the horses, says the Spanish diarist, -until they were ready to drop, but arrived too late to -stop the embarkation, except of about 200 men, -who were put to death. -</p> - -<p> -On the 8th of June the English fleet set sail, -pursued and harassed by the galleys from Lisbon -in nearly a dead calm. Three of our ships were -taken or sunk and one burned, by her captain, -Minshaw, after a desperate resistance. A wind -sprang up, however, and the Spanish galleys were -left behind; but soon the fleet got scattered, the -men died, and were thrown overboard by the hundred -from scurvy, starvation, and wounds; but, notwithstanding -all, after sailing ostensibly for the Azores, -Drake turned back again and, picking up twenty-five -of his ships which had been separated from -him, sailed up the bay and attacked Vigo. He -had only 2,000 men fit to fight: sickness and -privation had thinned them down to that, but with those -few men, finding Vigo deserted, the English burnt -and wasted the town and all the villages around. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P71"></a>71}</span> -"A verie pleasant rich valley but wee burnt it all, -houses and corne, so as the countrey was spoyled -seven or eight miles in length." Then they decided -to drop down to the isle of Bayona, and there put -the pick of the men and stores on twenty of the best -ships for Drake to take to the Azores, whilst the -rest returned to England. But for some reason -Drake broke the agreement and passed Bayona -without even calling, and the thirty ships that were -awaiting him there were left to their fate. Beset -with tempest and pestilence, without a commander, -it was decided by those on board to make the best -of their way to England, in terrible distress as they -were for provisions and water. After ten days' -voyage they arrived at Plymouth on the 2nd of -July, and found that Drake had already arrived -there with the Queen's ships, having abandoned -his voyage to the Azores. Most of the remaining -ships had sought other ports in preference, in order -to sell their prizes without having to share the -proceeds with others. -</p> - -<p> -Such of the soldiers as came to Plymouth were -sent grumbling home with five shillings each for -their wages and the arms they bore. The English -chronicler thinks that this was "verie good pay, -considering they were victualled all the time." Such, -however, was not the opinion of the unfortunate -men themselves, who had not been allowed to loot -as much as they thought fit in Portugal. They -said that if they had been permitted to march -as through an enemy's country, they would have -come back the richest army that ever returned to -England. Not more than 5,000 of them ever came -home; but their story was so dismal a one that -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P72"></a>72}</span> -all England rang with reprobation of the bad -management and parsimony that had brought the -expedition to so inglorious a conclusion. -</p> - -<p> -The first and third objects of the expedition—namely, -the burning of the Spanish fleet and the -capture of St. Michaels—were never even attempted, -but the second object was very nearly being -attained, and the restoration of Dom Antonio, -practically as a vassal of England, might have been -effected a dozen times over if the Portuguese in -Lisbon had not been an utterly terrified set of -poltroons. On various occasions, when Count de -Fuentes and his troops were outside, a few dozen -daring men might have seized the gates and have -turned the tide in Antonio's favour. It was not -to be, however, and the poor King wandered a -poverty-stricken fugitive yet for a few years before -he died, but his desperate struggle for sovereignty -ended with the ignominious failure of the English -attempt to avenge a great national injury by a -joint-stock enterprise. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn1text">1</a>] For the sake of uniformity, throughout this narrative the -dates are given in the "old style," then used in England, ten -days earlier than the dates cited by the Spanish and -Portuguese authorities. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn2text">2</a>] Venetian Calendar of State Papers. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn3text">3</a>] Ibid. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn4text">4</a>] In a subscription reprint of sixty copies of this tract -published in 1881 under the editorship of the Rev. Alexander -Grosart, the authorship appears to be ascribed, I know not -on what grounds, to a certain Robert Pricket who served -probably as a gentleman volunteer and follower of the Earl -of Essex. He had seen previous service in the Netherlands, -and was the author of several poetical works, one being a -panegyric on the Earl of Essex. The tract is entitled "<i>A -True Coppie of a Discourse</i>, written by a gentleman employed -in the late voiage of Spaine and Portingale. Sent to his -particular friend and by him published for the better satisfaction -of all such as having been seduced by particular report -have entered into conceipts tending to the discredit of the -enterprise and Actors of the same. At London. Printed for -Thomas Woodcock, dwelling in Paules Churchyard, at the -sign of the blacke Beare 1589." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn5text">5</a>] It is called "Relacion de lo subcedido del armada enemiga -del reyno de Inglaterra a este de Portugal con la retirada a su -tierra, este año de 1589." MS. Gayangos Library. -Transcript in possession of the author. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn6text">6</a>] "Memoria do successo da vinda dos Ingreses ao reino de -Portugal." Biblioteca National, Lisbon. Pombalina, 196, -fol. 271. Transcribed by the author. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn7text">7</a>] Mendoza, writing to Philip from London, August 8, 1582, -gives one instance of this amongst several. He says: "The -Queen lent Dom Antonio £3,000 when he was here, and I -understand she peremptorily demands payment of the sum, -taking possession of the diamond which was pledged here for -a sum of £5,000 lent by merchants, who offer to relinquish -their claim to the Queen, if she will lend them £30,000 free of -interest for six years out of the bars brought by Drake, which -they will repay in five yearly instalments of £6,000 each. So -far as I can learn, this talk of the loan is a mere fiction and a -cloak under which the Queen may keep the diamond for the -£8,000 on the ground that the merchants advanced the £5,000 -by her express order, without which they would not have done -so. This plan was invented by Cecil in order to prevent Dom -Antonio from getting his diamond back again." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -This diamond is probably identical with the celebrated -stone given by Charles I. when Prince of Wales to the -Count-Duke of Olivares, favourite of Philip IV., when -Charles and Buckingham went on their foolish visit to -Madrid. A contemporary account (Soto's MS. in the -Academy of History, Madrid) describes the diamond as -being of the purest water, weighing eight carats and called -"the Portuguese," from its having been one of the crown -jewels of Portugal. It had a great pearl pendent from it. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn8text">8</a>] See Calendar of Spanish State Papers of Elizabeth, vol. 3, -for particulars of them. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn9text">9</a>] The first of these, in 1582, commanded by Strozzi, -consisted of 55 ships and 5,000 men. Terceira, which was held -for Dom Antonio, welcomed it at once, and in the midst of -the rejoicings to celebrate the event the Spanish fleet under -Santa Cruz appeared and scattered the French like chaff, -Strozzi being killed, Antonio barely escaping, and the fleet -almost entirely destroyed. The second expedition in the -following year under Aymar de Chastes with 6,000 men was, -curiously enough, beaten by Santa Cruz in the same place and -under exactly similar circumstances ("Un pretendant -portugais du xvi. siècle"). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn10text">10</a>] It is a curious co-incidence that this gem was long -afterwards carried away from England by another fugitive King, -James II., who sold it, as Antonio had done, to provide for -his needs. It had formerly belonged to Charles the Bold of -Burgundy, the great-grandfather of Philip II. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn11text">11</a>] After the return of the expedition Lopez writes (July 12, -1589) to Walsingham, deeply regretting that the Queen had -been induced by his advice to spend so much money to no -purpose, and hinting that he had intimated to Dom Antonio -that he and his Portuguese were not wanted in England. On -the same day he himself craves for help in his need and again -asks for a thirty years' monopoly of the import of aniseed and -sumach into England. He was executed in 1592, and was -in high favour almost up to the day of his arrest. In the -Mendoza Papers in the National Archives in Paris, to which I -have had access, are documents proving that he made a -regular trade of poisoning—or attempting to poison, as he -does not seem to have been very successful in the cases -recorded. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn12text">12</a>] It is certain from letters of Dom Antonio's friends in -London, now in the Archives Nationales (K 1567), that it was -not until the end of December that Antonio was confident -that the fleet was really intended to aid him. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn13text">13</a>] There is a rough memorandum in Burleigh's writing, -September 20, 1588, in the Record Office, setting down the -details of the proposed expedition, in which he mentions that -four thousand men are to be sent for from Holland, as well -as two thousand horsemen volunteers. At the foot of the -memorandum Burleigh sets down the "Articles of offers -from King Antonio. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> - "1. To attempt to burn ye shippes in Lysbon and Civill."<br /> - "2. To tak Lysbon."<br /> - "3. To tak the Hands."<br /> -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn14text">14</a>] Calendar of State Papers (Domestic). Record Office. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn15text">15</a>] Norris had greatly distinguished himself in Ireland and -the Netherlands, notwithstanding Leicester's persistent -attempts to ruin him; and, from his conduct there and -during this expedition, he would appear to have been brave, -but turbulent and of doubtful discretion. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn16text">16</a>] Philip was informed late in December by his spies in -England that Drake was to contribute 12,000 crowns, the -Earl of Essex 10,000, Norris 8,000, and London Merchants -24,000, and that the Queen had advanced £20,000. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn17text">17</a>] On the eve of departure Norris and Drake officially told -the Council that the total number of all sorts was 23,375. -Captain Fenner, Drake's vice-admiral, gives the number as -21,000 (Bacon Papers). Captain Baillie, of the <i>Mary German</i>, -in a letter to Lord Shrewsbury says the landsmen alone were -20,000; whilst Drake himself, in one of his many letters begging -for supplies, says, "20,000 men cannot be kept for a trifle." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -Camden, the historian, speaks of 12,500 soldiers, and Speed, -following Pricket's tract, puts the number of landsmen at -11,000 and mariners at 2,500. There is a letter in the -British Museum from one of the Portuguese nobles (Count -de Portalegre) to Philip II., in which the army before Lisbon -is spoken of as 12,000 men; and the Spanish diarist whose -MS. I have mentioned says 16,000 men-at-arms left England -and very few sailors. The terrible mortality from sickness, -&c., and the comparatively small number that came back -made English writers of the time anxious to minimise the -disaster by underrating the numbers of the expedition. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn18text">18</a>] English accounts usually say six, but I am inclined to -believe the Spanish account is correct, as Drake writes to the -Council (Record Office, Domestic Calendar), after the six -ships had been appointed, asking for a larger vessel, the -Victory, "in respect of the King Dom Antonio." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn19text">19</a>] Venetian Calendar. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn20text">20</a>] The Venetian ambassador at Madrid, in his account to the -Doge of the events at Corunna, says that Drake's booty from -that place consisted of "6,000 salted oxen, fifteen thousand -jars of biscuit, 6,000 barrels of powder and 3,000 hogsheads -of wine; all of it provision for the Armada which went so -unsuccessfully last year, or else to furnish a new Armada -according to the design which they entertain. This plunder will -prove of the greatest service to the English ... and here the -news has caused much chagrin; and it is hidden or minimised -as much as possible." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn21text">21</a>] It was said in Madrid that these two thousand peasants had -only six muskets amongst them.—<i>Venetian Calendar of State -Papers</i>. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn22text">22</a>] "She dowteth not but they have thoroughly weighed the -heinousness of the offence lately committed by Sir Roger -Williams in forsaking the army with one of her principal -ships. If they have not already inflicted punishment of death -upon him he is to be deprived of all command and kept in -safe custody at their perils. If the Earl of Essex has joined -the fleet they are to send him home instantly. If they do not -they shall truly answer for the same at their smart, for as we -have authority to rule so we look to be obeyed and these be -no childish actions."—<i>State Papers</i> (<i>Domestic</i>), May 4, 1589. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -The draft of this letter, deeply scored by the Queen's own -hand, was submitted to Walsingham by Windebanke, the -Secretary of the Signet, and the minister said that although -the letter was as mild as could be expected "under the -circumstances," he much feared that any proceedings against one -so beloved as Sir Roger Williams would breed mutiny. And -so apparently thought the generals, for they took no notice -of the Queen's commands. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -The Queen wrote another outspoken letter to the generals -on the 20th of May, in which she says they were perverting -the object of their expedition; which was to burn the King of -Spain's navy and restore Dom Antonio, and then proceed to -the Azores. Corunna, she says, is of little importance and the -risk great, and she commands them to fulfil her orders at once. -Do not, she says, suffer yourselves to be transported with an -haviour of vainglory which will obfuscate the eyes of your -judgment. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -Secretary Windebanke, writing to Heneage at the same time, -says the Queen is strangely set against the expedition, and is -intensely incensed at the fruitless attack on Corunna. "She -thinks they went to places for their own profit rather than for -her service."—<i>State Papers</i> (<i>Domestic</i>). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn23text">23</a>] The bitter jest in Madrid at the time was that, whereas -with the Armada the year before there went an army -with no commander, there was now a commander with no -army. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn24text">24</a>] Contarini to the Doge. Venetian Calendar of State -Papers. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn25text">25</a>] A letter in the collection of the Marquis of Salisbury at -Hatfield curiously illustrates the not altogether happy -relations that existed between the English invaders and the -pretender's friends. The letter is dated the 27th of May, -and is from General Norris to Captain George (Burton?), -whom he had left in charge at Peniche, complaining that -"the King is aggrieved that you do take upon you to give -the word since he hath appointed a Governor. And in -truth it is not reason but the Governor should have the -pre-eminence and therefore henceforward fail not to let him -have that honour." This is a sample of the frequent -complaints that the English did not treat Antonio quite as a king -expected to be treated in his own realm. The fact was that -Antonio had been too long a suppliant and a fugitive dependent -largely upon Elizabeth's caprices for the English to -regard him otherwise than as a tool for their own ends. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn26text">26</a>] Venetian Calendar of State Papers. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn27"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn27text">27</a>] This is more likely to be true than the assertion of my -Portuguese that Antonio could get nothing to eat. The great -body of the people were unquestionably in his favour, but had -no leaders and would not fight. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn28"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn28text">28</a>] If the Earl of Essex was rash and headstrong, he was -also chivalrous. Pricket (or Wingfield) says: "Hee for -money hired men to carrie sick and hurt upon pikes (for -want of waggons) and hee (whose true virtue and nobilitie, -as it dooth in all other his actions appear so did it very much -in this) threw his owne stuffe, I mean apparell and necessaries -from his owne carriages, and let them be left by the -way, to put hurt and sick men upon them in this march." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap01fn29"></a> -[<a href="#chap01fn29text">29</a>] Essex started for England on the 16th of June, two days -after his brother, on receipt of letters direct from the Queen, -brought by a ship with stores from England. Williams was -very desirous of accompanying him, but the generals refused to -let him go, as they doubtless wished him to have the benefit -of the favourite's mollifying influence with the Queen for -some weeks before he arrived in England. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-072"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-072.jpg" alt="Elizabeth R" /> -<br /> -Elizabeth R -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap02"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P73"></a>73}</span></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<i>JULIAN ROMERO—SWASHBUCKLER.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P75"></a>75}</span> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-075"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-075.jpg" alt="headpiece" /> -<br /> -headpiece -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<h3> -<i>JULIAN ROMERO—SWASHBUCKLER.</i> -</h3> - -<p> -In a slumberous street in old Madrid, called anciently -the Calle de Cantaranas, but now inappropriately -named after Lope de Vega, there stands a venerable -convent of barefooted Trinitarian nuns. The -fortress-like red walls with the tiny grated windows -looking upon the street, the quaint, sad tranquillity -which hangs around the place, are only such as -mark hundreds of other like retreats in Madrid and -elsewhere; and yet to this particular convent many -reverent steps are bent from all quarters of the -earth, for here lie the bones of the "maimed one of -Lepanto," the author of "Don Quixote." He died -only a few yards away, in his house in the Calle de -Leon, and was quietly laid to rest in the convent, -where one of his own daughters was a nun. The -very fact of his burial there was almost forgotten—was -indeed for many years disputed, until proved -beyond possibility of doubt not long since—and -when the fury for destroying religious foundations -seized the rulers of Madrid after the revolution of -1868, the convent was marked down for destruction -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P76"></a>76}</span> -like so many others of its kind. And destroyed it -would have been but for the pious zeal of the good -"setenton," Mesonero Romanos, most beloved of -Madrid antiquarians, who woke up the Academy of -History, and brought such pressure to bear upon the -Government as to save the sepulchre of Cervantes -from profanation for all future time, and thus enabled -the great author, after he had lain in his grave -for two and a half centuries, to repay his debt to the -Trinitarian fathers who rescued him from his galling -slavery in the hands of the infidel. A stone tablet -is now fixed in the wall of the convent setting -forth the fact of his sepulture there in 1616, and the -foundation of the community a few years previously -by Doña Juana Gaitan, daughter of General Julian -Romero. The name of the latter awakens no -responsive echoes in Spanish minds. I have before -me, indeed, a recently published Spanish historical -work which ascribes his very existence to a wrong -period. With the exception of a few particulars of -his later life given in a local history of Cuenca by -Father Muñoz, no Spanish writer has ever been at -the trouble of tracing what little may be known of -his stirring career. And yet the man in his day -was the very prototype of those indomitable adventurers, -lusting for blood and gold, who, the sword in -one hand and the cross in the other, hunted down -to death the Indians of one hemisphere and the -"heretics" of the other. Keen, cruel, Alba had no -more ruthless instrument for his fell work than -"Captain Julian," upon whom and Sancho de -Avila the hatred of the persecuted Flemings was -mainly concentrated. In the course of my -somewhat out-of-the-track studies I have found the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P77"></a>77}</span> -name of Julian Romero constantly cropping up, and -so many personal traits of him have appeared, that -by carefully piecing them together a more complete -account may be formed of the life and character of -this typical swashbuckler than of, perhaps, any of -his fellows. His life, too, offers some interest to -Englishmen, for he swaggered and ruffled in -London many a time and oft, and was one of those -Spanish mercenaries who, in the reigns of Henry -VIII. and Edward VI., fought so bravely against -the French and Scots and quelled by their ferocity -the risings of Kett in Norfolk and Arundell in the -West Country. Practically nothing whatever was -known of the lives—hardly indeed the existence—of -the Spanish mercenaries in England until the -recent publication of the anonymous "Spanish -Chronicle of Henry VIII.,"[<a id="chap02fn1text"></a><a href="#chap02fn1">1</a>] which I now attribute -to Antonio de Guaras, a leading Spanish merchant -in London, whom I know to have been on close -terms of intimacy with the Spanish soldiers, and -particularly with Julian Romero, whose early -adventures in England are evidently related at first -hand in the Chronicle. -</p> - -<p> -Of all the turbulent soldiers of fortune who -quarrelled, intrigued, and triumphed in England, and -whose adventures are so minutely told in the -Chronicle, only one was heard of in after life. -The general, Sir Peter Gamboa, was murdered -with Captain Sir Alonso de Villa Sirga in -St. Sepulchre's churchyard, hard by Newgate, one -wet winter's night in 1551, by Captain Guevara, -who was incontinently hanged in Smithfield. Sir -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P78"></a>78}</span> -Pero Negro died of the sweating sickness in one of -the crowded lanes of old London city. Juan de -Haro was killed by the English for attempted -desertion with his company to the French enemy -before Boulogne; others fell in the Flemish wars, -and only the rash and boastful "Captain Julian" -lived to become Alba's trusted henchman, and to -hand his name down to the execration of generations -of Flemings as one of the prime movers of -the "Spanish Fury" in Antwerp. So great was -the fame of his ferocity that the panic mongers, who -were for ever sending to Elizabeth and Cecil -intelligence of the dreadful vengeance which was to fall -upon England at the hands of King Philip, could -invent nothing more terror-striking than their -constantly repeated dread that Julian Romero was to -swoop down upon the coast and serve English -Protestants in the same way as he had treated those of -the Netherlands. He had, indeed, as will be shown -in his own words at various periods of his life—now -for the first time brought together—all the vices and -virtues of his class and time. Vain and boastful, -bigoted and cruel, he was nevertheless true to his -salt, faithful, brave, and steadfast; of that stern, -self-sacrificing stuff by which alone empires may be -won or despotism defended. He was born at Huelamo, -in the province of Cuenca, of very humble folk, -for even when he was in high command and on -terms of close intimacy with nobles and ministers, -he was never given the nobiliary address of Don, -which was enjoyed by the most remote and out-at-elbows -representative of the hidalgo class. He was -not much of a scholar either, for his signature which -exists at Simancas is the only part of his letters in -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P79"></a>79}</span> -his own hand, and is painfully traced in great bold -straight lines, like a row of halberds. -</p> - -<p> -In the winter of 1534 every village in Spain -resounded with the drum-beat of the recruiters, -who were seeking soldiers for the Emperor's -great expedition against the Moors, which was -to start from Barcelona in the spring. Spanish -hearts were all aflame with wondrous stories of -fortune and adventure. The excitement, the -freedom, the idleness, and the possible gains of a -soldier's life had seized upon the imagination of -Spanish youth; and the turbulent spirit of -war-like adventure in far countries was, for the next -century at least, to be the dominant note of the -national character. Julian must have been a mere -boy, but he joined the standard, so he wrote -forty years afterwards, at Christmas, 1534, as a -foot-soldier, and, with a pike on his shoulder, started on -his life of adventure. There was no one to record -the doings and sufferings of the humble man-at-arms -in those stirring days, and beyond the fact that he -drifted from Spain to Tunis, from Tunis to Italy, -and thence to Flanders and France, always in the -midst of the fighting in the Emperor's wars, nothing -is known for the next ten years of Julian Romero's -service. In the beginning of 1544 Henry VIII. had -arranged to enter into alliance with the Emperor -to jointly attack the King of France, and the -probability is that if they had together marched -upon Paris promptly, they would have had France -at their mercy. But other counsels prevailed, and, -whilst Charles operated in Picardy and French -Flanders, Henry sent the Duke of Norfolk and his -brilliant son, Surrey, with an army of 15,000 men, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P80"></a>80}</span> -to besiege Montreuil. The King's brother-in-law, -Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, at the same time -with a large force "sat down before" Boulogne, -and, on the 14th of July, great Harry himself -landed at his good town of Calais to take the -supreme command of his army before Boulogne. -He was accompanied by a brilliant train of courtiers -and soldiers, and took with him as his chief military -adviser a great Spanish noble, Beltran de la Cueva, -third Duke of Alburquerque, whose important share -in the reduction of the town has been almost -entirely ignored by English historians. Besides the -200 Spanish soldiers who followed the Duke, there -were already three Spanish captains in Henry's -service, each with a company of his countrymen, to -the aggregate number of about 260 men, all of them -seasoned veterans in the Continental wars; and -these, together with the less experienced English -levies, succeeded in capturing the town of Boulogne -on the 15th of September. It appears that a breach -had been made in the walls three weeks before, and -the Spaniards begged Henry to let them take the -place by assault. He told them that he would rather -waste 10,000 pounds of powder than that a single -one of his Spaniards should be sacrificed, -"whereupon they blushed for mere shame." But as usual -Henry had his own way, and the town surrendered; -"<i>the Frenchmen</i>," says Wriothesley, "<i>departing -out of the towne with as much goodes as they might -carye, both men and women, besyde that the waggons -caryed; and the King his Majestie entered the said -towne the 18th September with greate tryumphe, and -the 20th day a solempne procession was kept with Te -Deum songe for the Victory of the King his Majestie -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P81"></a>81}</span> -and many fyers made in the citye and in every part -of the realme. The last day of September the King -his Majestie landed at Dover at midnight</i>." The -reason for Henry's hurried return was his desire to -retain all the credit for his victory without waiting -for the probable reverse. Charles V. had come to -terms with the French, and when he had sent word -to his English ally that he was negotiating, Henry -arrogantly said that the Emperor might make peace -if he pleased, but he, Henry, would suit himself in -the matter. But when he found the whole French -army turned against him he hurriedly raised the -siege of Montreuil, put all his forces into Boulogne -under Lord Grey, and got back to England as fast -as he could, whilst his laurels were yet green. All -through the next year the French siege of Boulogne -went on, the three companies of Spanish mercenaries, -steady old soldiers as they were, being the -mainstay of the defence. They complained bitterly -of the raw Englishmen's habit of killing the -prisoners instead of holding them to ransom, and on -one occasion were near mutiny because their -prisoners were murdered. "How now," said -Captain Salablanca to Lord Grey, "do you think we -are in the King's service for the wretched four -ducats a month we earn? Not so my lord; we -serve with the hope of taking prisoners and getting -ransom. Your men have even now killed a gentleman -of mine for whom I should have got at least -five or six thousand crowns ransom." Whatever -their object may have been in serving the -schismatic king, Henry thought very highly of them, -and when in the year 1545 he was about to send -Warwick to attack the Scots, an opportunity -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P82"></a>82}</span> -occurred for him to engage some more, he gladly -seized it. Charles V. had disbanded a large -proportion of his army after the peace of Crespi was -concluded, and had embarked them for Spain with -orders that, under pain of death, they were to take -service with no other sovereign. A ship with 800 -or 1,000 of these disbanded soldiers on their way -home anchored in the Downs, and the warriors -being, we are told, "already tired of the sea," they -sent an offer of their services to the King of -England. The captain of the vessel, however, -would not wait for the answer to reach them, but -on his putting into Plymouth the whole of them landed -and entered the English service. They were promptly -sent off to Warwick's army in Scotland under an -experienced old soldier of their number called Pedro -Gamboa, who was made colonel, with power to -create his own captains. Julian Romero landed -with this force in some subordinate capacity, but -on his arrival in Scotland received his first English -commission as captain, from Gamboa. This was -in the summer of 1545, and when the winter came -the troops were put into quarters, whilst Gamboa -and his newly fledged captains came to London to -air their finery at Henry's Court. The King made -much of them, and in the early spring of 1546, a -temporary peace having been patched up with -Scotland, ordered them to take their companies to -the French coast between Calais and Boulogne, -where the English were erecting a fort. Whilst -Gamboa, Julian Romero, and the other new captains, -had been ruffling at Court, receiving grants -and attentions from the King, the three or four old -Spanish commanders with their companies, who had -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P83"></a>83}</span> -been long in Henry's service, had been enduring -hard fare and rough service, and obtaining but little -loot at Boulogne; so that on the arrival in France -of the new men, straight from Court favour, a very -bitter feeling was shown towards them. One of -the old captains, Cristobal Mora, deserted bodily -with his men to the enemy, and another one, Juan -de Haro, was killed in attempting to do so. It -may therefore well be supposed that when peace -was made in June, 1546, and the compatriots met -again on neutral ground, there was a good deal -of thumb-biting and recrimination. Mora was -flouted in the streets by his fellow-countrymen -for having disgraced the mercenary creed by -deserting his paymaster before the enemy; whilst -he retorted by accusing Gamboa and his friends -of disobeying their natural sovereign the Emperor -in taking service under an excommunicated -heretic. Events came to a head at last by the -deserting captain, Cristobal de Mora, sending a -challenge from Montreuil to Colonel Gamboa in -Calais in July. Either for some reason of disparity -of age or rank between the two, or else out of mere -hot-headed combativeness on the part of Julian -Romero, the latter accepted the challenge for his -chief, and has left upon record an extremely minute -description of the fight. Sir Henry Knyvett went -off to obtain the King of England's permission, -which was gladly given, and "a thousand broad -angels sent to Julian to put himself in order -withal." The King of France ordered the erection of lists -at Montreuil, where the wage of battle should be -decided, and when all was ready Julian Romero, in -the full pomp of war, started on his road from Calais -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P84"></a>84}</span> -to Montreuil, attended by a great company of -English and Spanish gentlemen to see the fun. -The following is the account given by Julian's -friend. -</p> - -<p> -"Well when they arrived in France and the -day being come the seconds and umpires saw that -each one had equal arms. They were to fight on -horseback and each one had a sword, and both -rapiers and daggers, and their corselets were open -at the back with great holes big enough for two -fists to go in on both pieces. This scheme was -invented by the French because Mora had one of the -best and quickest horses in France, and as they -were not to fight with the lance, Mora thought, with -the fleetness of his horse, he would be able to -wound Julian in the back with his rapier, and so -vanquish him. -</p> - -<p> -"When the umpires had seen the arms were -equal they gave the signal for the trumpets to -sound, and the opponents at once closed with one -another, and, at the first blows with the swords, -Julian's sword fell from his hands and he seized his -rapier. Mora was not backward and threw away -his sword for his rapier; and, as he had such an -active horse, he went circling round Julian so as -to wound him in the back. But Julian was no -sluggard, and when Mora saw he could not do this, -he decided to kill Julian's horse, which he did with -a thrust in the chest; and a few moments afterwards -it fell to the ground. At that moment Julian, -thinking to do the same for Mora, attacked him with that -object; but Mora was too quick with his horse for -Julian to wound it, and the rapier fell from Julian's -hand, almost at the moment that his horse dropped -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P85"></a>85}</span> -under him; and as he felt his horse was going to -fall he leapt quickly off his back and Mora had not -time to ride him down, thanks to the horse which -was on the ground. Julian to escape being ridden -down, and finding himself armed only with his -dagger, was forced to shield himself behind his -fallen horse, whilst Mora went round and round -and Julian dodged behind the horse. This went on -for more than three hours, and at last Mora cried -out, 'Surrender, Julian! I do not want to kill thee!' -but Julian did not answer a word. There was -hardly an hour of daylight left, and Julian would be -vanquished at sunset. And, as he saw that Mora -was strutting about waiting for the sun to go down, -Julian kept wide awake and, watching his opportunity, -dropped on one knee behind his prostrate -horse and with his dagger cut the straps of his -spurs, which he threw away. Seeing his rapier not -far from him he made a dash to regain it, and -succeeded before Mora could ride him down. -</p> - -<p> -"The gentleman who was acting as Julian's -second, seeing how things were going, was very -downcast and wished he never had come and said -to the Spanish captains: 'Gentlemen, our man is -losing.' Then said Captain Cristobal Diaz, 'What, -sir! the day is not yet done and I still hope to God -that Julian will come off the victor.' 'Do you not -see, sir,' said the other, 'that Mora is only -flourishing about waiting for sundown?' As they were -chatting thus, they saw how Julian had snatched -up his rapier again, and how Mora was attacking -him. Julian had just time to deal a thrust at -Mora's horse, which, feeling itself wounded began -to prance, and its rider, fearing that it would fall -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P86"></a>86}</span> -with him underneath it, determined to get a short -distance away and dismount. Julian, however, being -on foot and light, without his spurs, went running -after him, and when he was trying to dismount, -embraced him in such a manner as to bring him to -the ground, and with his dagger cut the ties of his -helmet. Mora then surrendered at once, and Julian -took his arm, and with the sword of his enemy in -his hand, led him three times round the field that -all might see how he had surrendered." -</p> - -<p> -For this not very chivalrous victory Julian was -overwhelmed with honours, the French king, we -are told, casting a gold chain round his neck worth -more than 700 crowns, whilst the Dauphin gave -him a surcoat stamped with gold, worth more than -the King's chain; and King Henry of England, -when the Spanish officers returned to England, -extended special favour to Julian Romero, upon -whom he settled a life pension of 600 ducats, which -was a larger sum than any of his fellows, except -Colonel Gamboa, who got a thousand. In any -case it was only paid for a few years. -</p> - -<p> -If the behaviour of the combatants in the duel -lacked the chivalry we are apt to expect, still less -magnanimous was the treatment of the Spanish -officers towards their companies. When the peace -was concluded and Julian's duel fought, orders -came from England that the troops were to be -dismissed, and the mercenary captains were to -repair to London. The latter portion of this order -was concealed from the soldiers, who were told -by Colonel Gamboa that, as they were all -dismissed from the English service, they would march -together and offer their services elsewhere. He -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P87"></a>87}</span> -thereupon led them across the frontier into the -Emperor's Flemish dominions, and then with the -captains gave the men the slip, and left them -to shift for themselves. The captains hung about -the Court in London all the summer and autumn -(1546), quarrelling, gaming, and swaggering, and -Julian Romero, less refined and more hot-headed -than the rest, well nigh got into serious trouble. -His friend who tells the story, evidently at first -hand, says that he had been "showing off" very -much more than his means or his pay would -warrant, and he had borrowed money to such an -extent that he hardly dared to walk out publicly. -One of his pressing creditors was a Milanese called -Baptist Baron, who after much trouble managed -to get him arrested for a debt of 200 ducats. -Julian was furious with rage at the idea of being -haled off to jail, and persuaded the catchpole who -had him in custody to take him to Colonel Gamboa's -house, in hope that he would pay the money. -</p> - -<p> -"No sooner had he arrived there, than he launched -into loud complaints and began to say unreasonable -things, amongst others, that anybody who would -serve heretics must be a great big knave; and he -swore that he would have no more of it, but would -go with only a pike on his shoulder and four ducats -(a month) pay to serve elsewhere; and he said -a good many other things that had much better -have been omitted, for certainly no good came of them." -</p> - -<p> -Gamboa made himself responsible for the money, -but Julian's loose talk about heretics was dangerous, -and the colonel, whose subsequent behaviour to the -other captains shows him to have been a bad-hearted -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P88"></a>88}</span> -man, seems to have done nothing to shield his -subordinate from the consequences of his -indiscretion. Gamboa was himself accused at first of -treason by the Privy Council, for allowing such talk -in his house without punishment. He declared that -he was deaf, and did not hear what Julian had said, -"which," says the narrator (almost certainly the -"merchant" Guaras), "was the truth, as he was in -his chamber at the time." "The Council presently -sent for Julian and rated him soundly, to which Julian -replied: 'Gentlemen, I have said nothing for which -I should be so maltreated.' 'Well,' they answered, -'you said this, that, and the other, and there are -witnesses who heard you.' But Julian denied it, -and they called a merchant who was present in the -house of the colonel and had heard everything that -had passed. Before this merchant went before the -Council, Gamboa spoke to him and begged him to -accuse Julian as much as he could, so that they -should take away his pay from him; but the -merchant, seeing the malice of Gamboa, said, 'Señor -Gamboa, I am no mischief-maker to do harm where -I can do good,' and he would not speak to Gamboa -any more. The lords then sent for the merchant; -all the captains as well as Julian being present, and, -as the merchant was going in, Gamboa said to him -aloud, so that all should hear, 'Señor, I beseech -you to favour Julian as much as you can; for good -or evil to him depends upon what you say.' Good -God! how artfully Gamboa said that, when not -three hours before he had begged him earnestly to -accuse him and get his income taken away. But -Julian and the other captains thought that Gamboa -was favourable to him." The "merchant's" evidence -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P89"></a>89}</span> -does not seem to have palliated the case against -Julian, but that perhaps was because "they made -him place his hands upon the Gospels, and he swore -to tell the truth." He said that Julian was in a rage -at being arrested, and shouted out some coarse -expressions about the King and Council not caring -much for him, and that he would rather serve -elsewhere for four ducats than here for a mint of money. -"Then," said the lords, "didst thou not hear him -say that he would come with a pike on his shoulder -to fight against such heretics?" To which the -merchant replied that the soldiers were making so -much noise that he did not hear well what was said. -The end of the matter was that, just as the Council -were going to sentence Julian to punishment and -dismissal, Paget put in a good word for him, and got -him off with a severe wigging and a threat to punish -him severely if he let his tongue run too loosely -again; "whereupon Julian made no answer but -made a very low bow, and then they told him to go, -and if any one was sorry he was not dismissed it -was Gamboa." -</p> - -<p> -A few weeks after this the trouble with Scotland -broke out again, and the captains were ordered to -raise a fresh force of Spanish men-at-arms. This -was not easily done at short notice, and Julian and -his fellow Spanish officers frankly said that they -could not get together men who would do them -credit in the time specified, and they had no -confidence in Burgundians and others who could be -quickly recruited. Gamboa, however, made no -difficulty about it; but to the great disgust of the -Spaniards raised a regiment of Burgundians, whom -he led to Scotland to take part in the siege of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P90"></a>90}</span> -Haddington. On Gamboa's coming south for the -winter this regiment, under its ensign, Perez, -deserted <i>en masse</i> to the enemy, for which desertion -Perez was hanged when the place was captured; -but in the meanwhile the circumstance still further -widened the breach between Gamboa and the other -Spanish officers. The King died, at the beginning -of the year 1547, and by the time Somerset was -leaving London for his short and triumphant -campaign in Scotland, plenty of Spanish and Italian -mercenaries had joined the standards of our captains. -They confessedly turned the tide of victory to the -English side at the battle of Pinkie by a dashing -flank charge under Gamboa, and a few days afterwards, -at the burning of Leith, they again greatly -distinguished themselves. Julian, of course, was in -the thick of it, and his friend asserts that he was -made an English knight after Pinkie. I can find no -confirmation of this, although the English authorities -show that after the burning of Leith the Protector -knighted, amongst others, on the 28th of September, -1547. Sir Peter Gamboa, Pero Negro, Alonso de -Villa Sirga, and Cristobal Diaz. -</p> - -<p> -Julian remained in Scotland during the campaigns -of 1548-9, and took part in the relief of Haddington; -but Gamboa in the latter year was dismissed -in consequence of his unpopularity with the other -Spaniards and an accusation of peculation made -against him. Of Julian Romero we hear in all parts. -He and Pero Negro were in charge at Droughty -Ferry, near Dundee, and a few of their men made -a dash one day at a French general who was strolling -a short distance from his lines, and captured him -in the face of his own troops before he could be -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P91"></a>91}</span> -rescued. The French complained especially of -Julian's and Pero Negro's celerity of movement, by -which they were able to give them the slip, -encumbered as the French were by the unscientific -methods of their Scotch allies.[<a id="chap02fn2text"></a><a href="#chap02fn2">2</a>] Warwick had the -help of a considerable body of Spaniards, and almost -certainly of Julian Romero, in his defeat of Kett's -rebellion in the autumn of 1549; certainly in the -winter of that year when Warwick, with the prestige -of his victories upon him, thought he was strong -enough to strike a final blow at the Protector, -Julian was one of the foreign captains he took with -him to overawe Somerset at his levee, and to demand -of him in their name rich rewards for their services -in Scotland and elsewhere. As soon as Warwick -had got rid of Somerset he changed his tone. -England was no longer a fit place for Catholics. -The King, Edward VI., was known to be dying, and -the next heiress was a papist and half a Spaniard, -against whom the Spanish officers could not be -trusted to fight in favour of Northumberland's -Protestant <i>protegée</i>. So they were dismissed, those -that were left of them, and are thenceforward -swallowed up in the unfathomable abyss of the dead -past; all except Julian Romero, who was reserved -for greater things. -</p> - -<p> -There was no lack of demand for the services -of such men, for the Emperor, his natural -sovereign, was at war with the French once more, and -less than two years after he left England we hear -of Romero again. Sir John Mason, writing to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P92"></a>92}</span> -the English Council on the 7th of July, 1554,[<a id="chap02fn3text"></a><a href="#chap02fn3">3</a>] -reports that Julian with five standards of Spaniards -and others was holding out against the French in -the castle of Dinant. He is, Sir John says, unlikely -to be taken; but if he be, all the Liege country -must soon follow. A week afterwards Dr. Wotton -writes to Queen Mary[<a id="chap02fn4text"></a><a href="#chap02fn4">4</a>] an account of the fall of -Dinant, and says: "The town and castle of Dinant -have been taken, the former surrendered by -composition without loss of goods, the latter, wherein -were some Spaniards with Captain Julian, who -formerly served in England, made a gallant resistance, -but at last held parliament and yielded, the -soldiers departing with their swords by their side." -</p> - -<p> -The Spanish historian Sandoval blames Romero -for his capture and the loss of Dinant, which he -attributes to his want of prudence in going out to -parley, "but rarely indeed do both valour and -prudence reside in one person, although this captain -afterwards proved that he possessed both qualities; -for he became one of the most famous soldiers of -our time." Romero seems first to have attracted -general public notice by his bravery and dash at -the great battle of St. Quintin in 1557, and in the -contemporary poem called "La Araucana" he is -mentioned as one of the most conspicuous heroes -of the storming of the town, in command of a -regiment of Spaniards, Germans, and Walloons. For -the ten years that followed the peace of 1558 the -centre of war was changed, and the almost constant -struggles between Philip II. and the Turks kept -Italy and Sicily full of Spanish soldiers. Romero -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P93"></a>93}</span> -during most of the time was quartered in the -Milanese, whilst not before the enemy; and in the -meanwhile had been promoted to the rank of -Maestre de Campo (colonel), but in 1567 Philip -took the fatal decision of grappling in a duel to the -death with a closer and more dangerous power than -the Turk—namely, that of Protestantism and -national freedom in his own Netherlands dominions. -The humble remonstrance of the Flemish nobles -and Egmont's visit to Madrid had convinced the -stealthy bigot that, if he insisted upon ruling his -Flemish dominions according to Spanish methods, -he could only do it by the ruthless power of the -sword. His kindly and popular sister, Margaret -of Parma, Flemish to the heart as she was, had -already shown signs of sympathy with the demands -of her countrymen, and was an unfit instrument -for Philip's new plans. There was no one but -hard-hearted old Alba who could be trusted to carry -them out to the bitter end with the needful -cat-like cruelty. So early in 1567 the Spanish -troops from Milan and Naples, the Italians from -Savoy and Parma, the veterans who for years had -been fighting the infidel in the Mediterranean, were -set in motion to join the Duke of Alba. Julian -Romero was at the time in command of the regiment -of Sicily stationed in Milan under the fourth -Duke of Alburquerque, the son of Henry VIII's -military dry-nurse at Boulogne; and he, like the -rest of them, led his men to Brussels. The Flemish -nobles were lulled into a feeling of false security. -Kindly messages came from Philip in Madrid. He -himself would come and set all things right. Alba -and his son flattered the shallow Egmont, and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P94"></a>94}</span> -courted the distrustful Horn, whose brother -Montigny was kept at Madrid by specious excuses, -and the smiling mask was kept over Alba's grim -face till all was ready. -</p> - -<p> -Egmont had readily accepted that fateful -invitation to dinner for the 9th of September, and -even Horn had been persuaded to leave the -security of his own country for the same purpose, -when late on the night of the 8th a Spanish -officer of apparently high rank came secretly -to his (Egmont's) house in disguise and significantly -warned him to escape at once, whilst there -was yet time. To the last day of her life the -Countess of Egmont was confident that this officer -was Julian Romero;[<a id="chap02fn5text"></a><a href="#chap02fn5">5</a>] but, whoever he was, Egmont -neglected the warning and went to the feast next -day. Sancho de Avila posted troops in all the -streets leading to the house, to the wonder of the -townsfolk, and on the stairs of the Hotel itself -were stationed 200 stalwart harquebussiers under -Colonel Julian Romero, who himself stood at the -door of the room in which the treacherous arrest -was to be effected.[<a id="chap02fn6text"></a><a href="#chap02fn6">6</a>] At the given moment Sancho -de Avila laid hands on Egmont, whilst Romero -stood by and overawed any attempt of the -Flemings at resistance. -</p> - -<p> -At 11 o'clock in the morning of the 6th of -June of the following year, the day that the -Counts were to die, Julian it was who went to -Egmont's chamber to conduct him to the scaffold -on the great square in Brussels. He wished to tie -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P95"></a>95}</span> -the Count's hands, but the noble refused to be thus -degraded. During Egmont's last few moments he -turned in bitter anguish to Julian Romero and -asked him earnestly whether the sentence was -irrevocable, and whether a pardon might not, even -now, be granted to him. Romero appeared to -think that the Count's courage was failing him, and -only answered by a contemptuous shrug of his shoulders -and a negative sign; whereupon Egmont gnashed -his teeth in silent rage and went to his death.[<a id="chap02fn7text"></a><a href="#chap02fn7">7</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Alba's severity for the moment paralysed all -resistance on land, and only those "sea beggars," -who afterwards secured the independence of the -Netherlands, kept alive the tradition of Flemish -patriotism. Some of the Spanish troops could -therefore be dispensed with, particularly as Philip's -treasury was empty of money to pay them, and -many found their way back to Spain again. -Amongst these was Julian Romero, who had -married a wife of his own province a few years -before (1565), and yearned for a spell of family -joys far from war's alarms. His time of rest was but -a short one. He was marked out now conspicuously -as one of the most unscrupulous of Alba's officers, -who could be depended upon in any emergency, and -who was fanatically loyal to his sovereign and the -faith for which he was fighting. An instance of -this is given by Don Bernardino de Mendoza.[<a id="chap02fn8text"></a><a href="#chap02fn8">8</a>] Certain -soldiers under that officer were in treaty to -enter into the service of the King of France—not -a very great offence, one would think, in the eyes of -Julian, who had himself served the King of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P96"></a>96}</span> -England—and Alba, desirous of appearing impartial, had -decided that the three ringleaders should be tried -by their own comrades, appointing Julian as -president of the tribunal. He sentenced them all to be -shot, and on the decision being submitted to Alba, -the latter made a long speech in praise of such -severity, and highly commended Romero for his -inflexibility. Philip was contemplating a job that -called for such a man as this. He had been driven -to desperation by Elizabeth's protection of the rebel -Flemish privateers, and her seizure of his treasure, -and had effusively welcomed Thomas Stukeley -when he arrived in Madrid in 1570 with proposals -for the invasion of Ireland and the raising of the -country in favour of Philip. This would, at all -events, keep Elizabeth's hands full, and Philip, -being misled as to Stukeley's standing and influence, -treated him with great honour. He had a large -pension granted to him and a palace to reside in; -he was made a Spanish knight, and Julian Romero, -amongst others, was invited to confer with him as -to the plans for the subjugation of Ireland. It was -decided that Romero should take command of the -expedition, if it were sent, and English spies soon -got hold of the news and communicated it to the -Queen. Philip was not long in finding out that -Stukeley was a mere windbag, and very coolly -got rid of him as soon as possible; but for many -months after the Spanish king had abandoned the -idea, when indeed he was in such straits us hardly -to be able to hold his own, the dreaded name of -Julian Romero was in everybody's mouth as the -coming avenger of Philip's grievances against the -English queen and her ministers. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P97"></a>97}</span> -</p> - -<p> -One zealous spy named Reynolds Digby writes -to Cecil from St. Jean de Luz on December 28, -1570, telling him of "the subtle and devilish -practices against his country," and saying that the Duke -of Medina Celi and Julian Romero had already -embarked "a great store of ordnance for battery -and field, great numbers of copper ovens, baskets, -mattocks, and other stores, with 100 mule loads of -money, the object being to go to Flanders, ship -Alba and his army, and sail to Scotland for the -purpose of attacking it and seizing the -King."[<a id="chap02fn9text"></a><a href="#chap02fn9">9</a>] There was no truth in it, but on the 25th of -January, 1571, another spy named Hogan, living -in Madrid, wrote saying that Romero was going -to Ireland with 6,000 soldiers.[<a id="chap02fn10text"></a><a href="#chap02fn10">10</a>] Walsingham, in -Paris, reports the same news as being brought by -French agents from Madrid, and the Spanish -ambassador in England, evidently believed it, -although he pretended not to do so, in his -interviews with the English ministers.[<a id="chap02fn11text"></a><a href="#chap02fn11">11</a>] Elizabeth -herself was much alarmed, and wrote to Walsingham,[<a id="chap02fn12text"></a><a href="#chap02fn12">12</a>] -telling him to see the Spanish ambassador in Paris -(Francés de Alava), and say "that she cannot -believe the news sent her that there is an intention -of sending Julian Romero or such like with a -number of soldiers to Ireland to follow some vain -device of these rebels, and she much wonders that -the King should give credit to such a man as -Stukeley, about whom no good can be said." The -haughty Don Frances ("the proudest man I ever -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P98"></a>98}</span> -met," says Walsingham) told him that he had never -heard of Stukeley, "and as for any attempts by -Julian Romero to be done in Ireland, they were -no Spaniards who had that enterprise in hand"—which -was quite true, for Philip never intended to -send a Spanish force, and indeed when, years -after, he did aid an expedition, he ordered that all -the commanders should be Italians.[<a id="chap02fn13text"></a><a href="#chap02fn13">13</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Philip wanted Romero for more important work -than aiding Stukeley's hairbrained schemes. Alba -was now face to face with a people in arms in -Holland and Zeeland, under one of the greatest men -of his age, the Prince of Orange. Cruel severity had -only goaded the Netherlanders to desperation, and -Alba, old and ill, felt that his method had failed. -He was begging to be relieved from the conduct of -the war, and the Duke of Medina Celi was sent to -replace him, with Julian Romero in command of the -reinforcements which accompanied him. Medina -Celi himself never took possession of his -vice-royalty, for Alba was too jealous to give it up, now -that his health was somewhat better, and the fresh -troops sent enabled him to act more vigorously; -but Julian Romero got to work as soon as he set -foot on shore. He had been partially disabled by -a severe wound in the leg, but landed his men at -the Sluys and at once joined Don Fadrique, Alba's -son, before Mons; and on the 17th of July, 1572, -only a few weeks after he landed, he led the first -charge of the battle in which Fadrique beat the -French Huguenot force who were trying to relieve -Mons. Fadrique wrote to his father from the -battlefield in enthusiastic praise of Julian, whom -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P99"></a>99}</span> -he coupled with the famous Italian General Chapin -Vitelli, who, although severely wounded, behaved -with great bravery. Unfortunately most of -Genlis' troops that were captured were murdered -in cold blood afterwards, it is to be feared with -Julian Romero's full acquiescence, if nothing worse. -He was now an important personage since his -sojourn at Philip's Court, and in a letter to the King's -secretary, Zayas, dated before Mons, August 23, -1572,[<a id="chap02fn14text"></a><a href="#chap02fn14">14</a>] writes a full account of the state of affairs, -in the wording of which there are now and again -signs that he was still a bluff soldier. -</p> - -<p> -"Holland," he says, "looks as ugly as ever, -Friesland no better, and Zeeland much worse, but -I look upon it all as nothing by the side of this -Mons business, upon which I have set my heart. -If we can only stop up this hole in the frontier -the rest is only so much air; although we shall -sweat if we are to camp before Mons all the winter, -for we shall have to fight on skates." Julian's fears -were groundless. The grim news of St. Bartholomew -convinced the citizens of Mons that no help could -reach them from the French Protestants, and only -a month afterwards—the 22nd of September, -1572—Romero wrote a long account to Zayas of the -surrender of the devoted town, which "he says we -were very fortunate to get by surrender, for no -troops but Spaniards could have taken it, so strong -is it, and of Spaniards we have very few." -</p> - -<p> -Then, swift and relentless as a thunderbolt, -came Alba's vengeance on the southern provinces -of Flanders, hopeless of succour now either from -Orange or the French. Every town was to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P100"></a>100}</span> -support a Spanish garrison or be put to the -sword, and of all the cruel instruments for the -work none were so much in tune with the mastermind -as was Julian Romero. The rebel garrisons -of most of the little towns had fled, there was -but slight resistance, and Fadrique, on his march -from Zutphen to Amsterdam in November, summoned -the town of Naarden to admit the Spanish -troops into the place. Some demur was made to -this, but a few days afterwards the principal men -of the town were sent after Fadrique, afraid of -their own boldness, to discuss terms for submission. -They were refused an interview, and told that a -force had already been ordered to Naarden to -compel compliance. The citizens, panic-stricken at -the news, sent a deputation to offer complete -unconditional submission, but before they could reach -Fadrique's headquarters at Bussem they met Julian -Romero on his way to Naarden, who told them -that he had full authority to treat. Arrived at the -town, he demanded the keys, which were surrendered -to him on his solemn promise that the -lives and properties of the townsfolk should be -respected. He gave (says Hoofd, the historian) -his hand thrice as a pledge of this, and no written -pledge was exacted of him. From what we know -of Julian Romero's temper we can well imagine -this. Romero and his 600 harquebussiers entered -the town and were hospitably received. A great -feast was spread to do them honour at -Burgomaster Gerrit's house. When the banquet was -finished Romero collected his men in the great -square and summoned the citizens to a conference -in the town hall. The bell rang, and the citizens -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P101"></a>101}</span> -came, all unsuspecting, to hear the conditions -imposed upon them; but when they were met, to the -number of about six hundred, in the hall, Romero -gave a signal at the door and his Spaniards fired a -volley upon the closely packed crowd of unarmed -men. Thenceforward the little town was a shambles; -men, women, and children were all murdered -amidst scenes of the most heartrending atrocity, -and even infants were made sport of, being cast -by the pikemen from spear to spear. The Burgomaster -was roasted until he gave up all his fortune -as ransom, and was then hanged at his own -door-post in the presence of Romero and Don Fadrique, -who had arrived the day after the massacre. -Motley, who takes his account from Hoofd, has -not added anything to the horror of the story, and -it is confirmed by Alba himself in a letter to the -King, saying, "They cut the throats of them all, -soldiers and townspeople alike, without leaving a -single soul alive." Strada says that this massacre -had an entirely opposite effect to that expected. -It aroused such fury and hate all over Flanders and -Holland as to double the difficulty of Alba's task. -Strada makes as light of it as possible, but even he -says, "It really seems as if the vengeance wrought -exceeded the fault. All the inhabitants alike, -innocent and guilty, were killed, the houses burnt, the -walls razed, and it looked more like a crime than a -punishment."[<a id="chap02fn15text"></a><a href="#chap02fn15">15</a>] -</p> - -<p> -But Holland and Zeeland were made of different -stuff to South Flanders, and the massacre of -Naarden only caused Haarlem to be more obstinate in -its determination to hold out at any cost. Fadrique -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P102"></a>102}</span> -and his army were before it in the bitter winter of -1572, and it became necessary for him to ensure -an open passage between him and Utrecht, whence -he drew his supplies. This was interfered with by -a rebel fort on the outskirts of Haarlem, near the -opposite bank of the Sparen to that upon which -the road lay. This fort was flanked on two sides -by water—on the one side, where the river was -narrow, the defences were impregnable; whilst on -the other flank, where the stream opened out and -was considered impassable, the fort was otherwise -undefended. Early in December spies reported to -Fadrique that at certain states of the tide the broad -water might be forded and the fort attacked by -surprise on its undefended side. His letter to his -father detailing how this was done is still at -Simancas.[<a id="chap02fn16text"></a><a href="#chap02fn16">16</a>] He says that at daybreak he sent -Julian Romero with 400 picked harquebussiers to -attempt the task. Count Bossu and other -experienced soldiers had said that it was impossible, -but Romero insisted upon attempting it. The -water reached above the knees of the men, -and the ice had to be broken at every step; the -ford was very narrow, and a false step precipitated -the armed men into deep water. The men in -the fort discovered them and opened fire, and -for a full hour they thus skirmished in the frozen -river, when they found that a rebel force from -the town, equal to their own, had crossed the -river on the ice higher up, and were attacking -them from their own bank, so that they were -between two fires. Romero drew his men out -of the river, charged the new force and drove -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P103"></a>103}</span> -them back over the ice again. But in their -flight they showed him the way across the ice as -well, and how by that road the undefended side -of the fort might be reached. With incredible -dash he crossed after them and stormed the fort -on that side, carried it with pike and musket only, -and, as Fadrique tells the Duke, cut the throat of -every man who did not escape by flight. Fadrique -is quite enthusiastic about Romero's share in the -affair. The "heretics," he says, showed surprising -bravery, and the fort was of enormous strength—"the -best I ever saw." "I thought we were fighting -beasts, but I find we have to do with men." "Colonel -Julian has carried himself in this action -as splendidly as he always does and is as eager as -ever to serve his Majesty. He marched for a good -league and half with the water over his knees, -skirmishing with the fort, before the Haarlem force -came. Just think of it, your Excellency; marching -like this with such a leg as Julian's! I can assure -you that a better soldier than he for dash and -enterprise never came from our country. Pray thank -him warmly for he richly deserves it." Only a -few days later Julian was once more to the fore. -Lumay, Count de la Mark, made an attempt to -relieve Haarlem with a large force, but was beaten -by the Spaniards, "Julian with his regiment," we -are told by an anonymous eyewitness,[<a id="chap02fn17text"></a><a href="#chap02fn17">17</a>] "leading -the attack in front of every one." Encouraged by -this victory, the Spaniards a week afterwards—the -20th of December, 1572—attempted to take the -place by storm, but were unsuccessful. Julian was -standing on a trench directing operations when a -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P104"></a>104}</span> -musket-shot destroyed one of his eyes, but even -that did not put him <i>hors de combat</i> for long, for -he writes to the Duke's secretary, Albernoz, on -the 13th of the next month (January, 1573) from -Amsterdam: "I have been impatiently expecting -Illan's arrival, in order that I might go to the -front, but if he comes not I am determined I will -wait no longer, but will set out to-morrow; for I see -that things are now going to begin in real earnest. -I am pretty well, but not so well as I want to be to -serve Don Fadrique; but I will do so with all my -poor strength, standing or falling. He has sent me -word that I must go and lodge in his quarters or -he will burn mine down over my head. I will obey -him in this as in all things, and although I know -full well I shall not lack for dainties there, I will -not spare you from sending me the other box of -marmalade you promised me, as the one you sent -is half gone already." -</p> - -<p> -For the next six months each step in the terrible -siege of Haarlem is related in the letters from Don -Fadrique, Caspar de Robles, and Romero himself. -Wherever fighting was going on Colonel Julian was -always in the front rank, and we hear of him -creeping forward from month to month nearer to the -devoted city as death and famine make it weaker. -Romero's own letter to Alba of the 25th of May, -1573,[<a id="chap02fn18text"></a><a href="#chap02fn18">18</a>] gives the best account I have read of the -incidents of the siege from the Spanish point of -view, although neither that nor any other of the -series I have mentioned appears ever to have been -utilised by historians. When at last, in July, 1575, -the famished heroes in the city surrendered, Julian -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P105"></a>105}</span> -Romero was deputed to accompany Count Bossu -to the wood where the submission was to be -arranged, and himself to hold the town gate that -no soul should issue therefrom without due warrant. -Of the cruel massacre of the starving people -which followed Julian Romero does not boast, but -it may be not uncharitably assumed that he played -his usual sympathetic part in it. Certain it is that -no sooner was it over than Colonel Julian, with an -army of 4,000 men, commenced his fell march over -Holland. Mendoza[<a id="chap02fn19text"></a><a href="#chap02fn19">19</a>] says: "Julian entered by -the Dunes as far as the Hague, taking Catwyk, -Walkemburg, Wassenaer, Naeldwyk, St. Geradique, -Squelpewyk Noortwyk, Vlaerdingen, the fort of -Mansendus, where he cut the throats of St. Aldegonde -and 600 men, Minister, Gravesande, &c." And -then he went towards Leyden, which was -being besieged by Valdes. Morgan, writing to -Lord Burleigh from Delft[<a id="chap02fn20text"></a><a href="#chap02fn20">20</a>] on the 12th of November, -1575, represents the Dutch burghers as completely -cowed for the moment by Romero's ferocity. -He says: "Julian with his 4,000 men is entrenched -half-way between the Hague and Delft, cutting off -all communication between the latter place and -Leyden." -</p> - -<p> -But by this time Alba felt that cruelty had -failed to crush Orange and the Zeelanders, -supported as they were by England and helped by -the German princes; and sated as even he was of -blood, he determined to give up the struggle and -allow another policy to be tried. Romero was tired -of it too, and wished to retire with his chief. Alba -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P106"></a>106}</span> -himself wrote to the King from Brussels on the 15th -of December, 1573.[<a id="chap02fn21text"></a><a href="#chap02fn21">21</a>] "Colonel Julian Romero has -served here in the way your Majesty has been -informed. He had returned here from Holland, -determined to go to Spain and beseech your -Majesty to allow him to rest at home, seeing -that he has served for 40 years. When your -Majesty's letter for him had been handed to him -and I had myself impressed upon him how much -he would be missed here at the present juncture, -he consented to send Captain Illan to Spain on his -private affairs, whilst he still remains in the service -here. I pray your Majesty to take such measures -for rewarding Julian's many services as they deserve. -I can assure you that what he has done in this -campaign alone places your Majesty under a deep -obligation to him. He is one of the most useful -men of his quality that I have ever known, and I -shall warmly welcome any mark of favour your -Majesty may confer upon him." -</p> - -<p> -Romero's own letter to the King to accompany -this plainly tells how much the hard old soldier -yearned for rest. "I have been," he says, "in -your Majesty's service now in this guise for -well-nigh forty years, without leaving it for a single -hour; my work in this campaign has been, as -your Majesty knows, extremely hard, and as I -have lost the full use of my legs, arms, and eyes, -I besought the Duke to give me leave to go home, -which he did. When I went to Brussels to take -leave of him a letter was handed to me from your -Majesty ordering me not to leave these States. I -obey your Majesty's orders, but the Duke and the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P107"></a>107}</span> -Grand Commander (Requesens) have given me -leave to send Captain Illan to beg your Majesty -personally to let me go and see my home again. -I need greatly to go, as is proved by my asking to -do so now, for otherwise I would not even go if I -had leave." -</p> - -<p> -Philip was the most ungenerous and ungrateful -of employers, and for reasons which presently will -be stated it is doubtful whether Julian's devotion -was rewarded as Alba recommended that it should -be, notwithstanding a letter in the Record Office[<a id="chap02fn22text"></a><a href="#chap02fn22">22</a>] -from one of the many false Englishmen then in -Spanish Flanders, written to a Captain Windebanke -in Elizabeth's service. The writer was trying to -get Windebanke to play the traitor, and deplores -that so good a captain should be so scurvily -rewarded by the Queen, whose penuriousness he -compares with Philip's (entirely imaginary) liberality. -"Captain Julian Romero," he says, "whom I knew -a poor captain in Ireland, is now worth £2,000, -and has a pension of a thousand ducats." The -writer was probably false in his facts as he was in -his patriotism, for I can find no record of Julian's -ever having been in Ireland, and only a few months -after the date of the letter we have his own word -that he was almost in indigence. -</p> - -<p> -The new Viceroy, Requesens, was to try to do -by conciliation what Alba had failed to effect by -severity. It was time to adopt a new policy, for -Southern Flanders was now nearly as disaffected -as Holland, and Zeeland was entirely in the -hands of the Gueux. Its capital, Middleburg, -was held by Mondragon and his Spaniards, but -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P108"></a>108}</span> -he was closely beleaguered by the rebels and -in the direst straits. Mondragon was one of -the best and bravest of the commanders on the -Spanish side, whose heroic relief of Tergoes still -remains one of the brightest feats of war ever -performed, he had informed Requesens that, -unless he were relieved with food and stores, he -should be forced to lay down his sword and give -up Middleburg to the despised "beggars of the -sea"; so the new Viceroy's first duty was to send -aid to Middleburg and Ramua. Two fleets were -fitted out for the purpose in January, 1574, one -consisting of large ships under the famous Sancho -de Avila was to go by the main Scheldt and the -Hundt, rather for the purpose of diverting the rebel -force than for any other action, whilst nine standards -of soldiers under Romero, and a great quantity of -stores, were to go in a fleet of seventy-two canal -boats, barges, galliots, and crookstems, through the -narrow channels by way of Bergen-op-Zoom to -the besieged town. The naval commander was -to have been De Beauvoir, with Glimes as second -in command. The former fell ill, and the Viceroy -gave the chief control to Romero, who protested -that he was a soldier and not a sailor, but at -last consented to take the command. -</p> - -<p> -The expedition began badly. Requesens came -to the quay of Antwerp to see it depart; Romero's -flagship led the way, and as a salvo of honour -was fired, a gun on one of the boats burst, and the -craft sank with all hands. Then the leader looked -behind and found several of his vessels lagging. -Antwerp itself was riddled with disaffection, and the -Flemish sailors had given him the slip, so the boats -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P109"></a>109}</span> -had to be left behind. Then Romero and his fleet -dropped down the river and anchored near Bergen, -opposite Romerswald, to await another tide, Requesens, -the Viceroy, proceeding to the same place -by road to witness the final departure of the -expedition from Bergen. At daybreak on the 21st the -rebel fleet, under Boisot, Admiral of Flanders, was -seen to be approaching them from the open water -opposite. Romero's fleet was surrounded by shallows -and sand-banks, and largely manned by Flemish -sailors whose loyalty, to say the least of it, was -doubtful, and de Glimes, seeing the danger, begged -his chief not to fight. Cardinal Bentivoglio[<a id="chap02fn23text"></a><a href="#chap02fn23">23</a>] says: -"The Vice-Admiral would not have fought, knowing -the great disadvantage on his side. The enemy's -ships were many more in number, but Romero, -either because his valour blinded his judgment, or -from his want of knowledge of maritime affairs, or -perhaps because the risk was forced upon him by -Mondragon's urgent need, insisted upon fighting." The -disaster that followed is ascribed by Bentivoglio -to treachery of Romero's Flemish sailors, but, be -that as it may, de Glimes' ship first stranded, and -others immediately followed, and, thus helpless, -were exposed to a galling musketry fire. Captain -Osorio with other ships went to the aid of de -Glimes and immediately met with the same fate. -Greek fire was thrown into the Spanish vessels, and -many of them were burnt to the water's edge, the -Viceroy the while standing on the dyke helplessly -witnessing the destruction of his force. When de -Glimes, the Vice-Admiral, had been killed, and his -part of the fleet destroyed, the rebels, acquainted -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P110"></a>110}</span> -as they were with the intricate passages, came -alongside of Romero's flagship, grappling with it and -with its consorts. Boisot's decks towered high over -the canal boats, and the crews shot down from their -superior position until nearly all the Spaniards were -killed, when at last a round shot crashed through -the timbers of the flagship, and Romero, fearing she -was foundering, jumped overboard on the land side -with his few surviving comrades. He came up -spluttering and floundering within a few feet of the -Viceroy, who stood upon the bank. As he dragged -himself up the dyke he blurted out with a voice as -vigorous as when he was giving the command to -charge, "I told your Excellency how it would -be! You knew I was no sailor but a foot -soldier and nothing else. No more fleets for -me; if you gave me a hundred I should probably -lose them all." Requesens gave a graceful and -generous answer, but the blow was a heavy one for -the Spanish power, for Middleburg and Ramua -surrendered to the rebels, and henceforward for -ever Zeeland was lost to King Philip.[<a id="chap02fn24text"></a><a href="#chap02fn24">24</a>] Seven -hundred of the Spanish force were killed, as was -Boisot, the Flemish admiral, and Romero's ship, with -all his papers and instructions, fell into the hands -of the enemy. -</p> - -<p> -Romero was sick at heart. Requesens' mild -temporising looked to Alba's iron lieutenant like -lamentable weakness. There was only one way for -Julian to meet heresy and the assertion of independence, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P111"></a>111}</span> -and that was by extermination. Philip -apparently had sent him no rewards, or even thanks, -for his staying after Alba left, and had simply -ignored his prayer for leave to return home. This -was nothing new, for the King always treated his -most faithful servants thus, but bluff Julian probably -did not know this at the time, and was bitterly -disappointed. After his defeat at Bergen he busied -himself for some months in planning fortifications -and re-organising the forces, which Requesens had -found in a state of almost open mutiny for want of -pay. By the end of June his task was done, and -affairs in South Flanders were looking much more -tranquil. No answer came from Madrid to Julian, -who, sick and mortified, counted the hours for the -time when he might see his home again. In June -he wrote an interesting letter to the Viceroy, which -deserves to be repeated nearly in full. After -recommending the names of five officers for the future -command of the forces he says:[<a id="chap02fn25text"></a><a href="#chap02fn25">25</a>] "I must now -address you with my customary frankness and clearness, -and disabuse your mind, for once and for all, -of the idea that any offers or promises from his -Majesty, or any one else, will make me waver in my -determination to return home next September. -Nothing but my own death shall stand in the way -of this, so urgent is my need to go; since my soul's -health and the welfare of my wife and children -depend upon it, and the least of these reasons would -be sufficient to make me firm in my resolve. I have -long wished to go but have deferred it because my -services here were so much required. I very -unwillingly consented to stay when the Duke of Alba -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P112"></a>112}</span> -left; with the sole object of being by your -Excellency's side whilst you were new to your position. -I have been well repaid by the pleasure of knowing -you and would still serve you with all love and -zeal, but the moment now has arrived beyond which -I cannot, and will not, stay. You may judge whether -I need go when I say that I have served his -Majesty 40 years next Christmas without once -resting from the wars and my duty. I have lost -in the service an arm, a leg, an eye, and an ear; and -the rest of my person is so seared with wounds that -I suffer incessantly. I have now just lost a dear -son upon whom I built all my hopes—and with -good reason as the whole army will bear witness. -You will judge whether such troubles as these are -not enough to break down my health and spirits. -Moreover I married nine years ago, thinking that -I might have some rest, but since then I have -never been an entire year at home. I have spent -during my service nearly all the money I had with -my wife, and although I have a daughter at home, -and one here of marriageable age, I can do nothing -to help them; except with the trifle still left of my -wife's money. I can, moreover, see plainly that -this is being exhausted by me at such a rate, that -unless I can get home at once, both my wife and -myself will have to end our days in the poor-house. -You are so Christian a prince that I feel sure you -will not try to hinder my resolution, for, believe -me, it is not for the purpose of exalting or selling -myself at a higher price that I urge it. If when I -have been home the King still thinks I may be -useful, I will try with all my heart, but it must be -in some place where I may set up my home and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P113"></a>113}</span> -have my wife by my side, for without her, all the -world shall not make me stir. I think I have -already well deserved by my sufferings and long -service any favours his Majesty has conferred upon me." -</p> - -<p> -To this affecting and dignified letter the Viceroy -replied saying that he would no longer stand in the -way. He had written four or five times already to -the King, urging him to fitly reward Julian's great -services, and had reason to believe that something -would shortly be done, but he had again written in -the most pressing terms begging the King not to -neglect so good and true a servant. A day or two -afterwards Romero again wrote to the Viceroy -another manly letter, which shows how bitterly he -felt the King's indifference to him. He says: -"With reference to your Excellency's kindness in -begging his Majesty to reward me, I am constrained -to beseech that no further great effort should be -made. I will endeavour to pass the few years left -to me as decently as I can, and if I cannot have -everything I desire I am already as reconciled to -leave it all as one who has the candle in his hand. -God is my witness that I have never served the -King for lucre; no, that has never been my target! -True it is that I am cut to the heart to see his -Majesty extend his favours to others, who were -suckling at the breast when I was already a veteran, -whilst he forgets me, but this I lay to my ill luck -and to God's will that I should remain a poor man. -But naked I was born; I have lived honourably -and I care for naught else. Pray therefore, trouble -yourself no further on my account. I trust before -my departure hence God will settle the affairs of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P114"></a>114}</span> -these States. At this season of the year there is -little stirring, and if when I have been home and -set my house in order, your Excellency should -remain in your present straits; I pledge my word as -a Christian to come and serve again with all my -strength. If I were a batchelor and as hale as I -used to be, you should see what I would do. -Worcum, June 27, 1574." -</p> - -<p> -If Romero's desire of seeing his home again was -fulfilled, as it probably was, his visit must have been -of short duration, for in October of the next year -he was commanding thirty standards of troops before -Zerusee, and endeavoured to capture an island near -Dortrecht, but was beaten by the Prince of Orange -himself with the loss of 800 men.[<a id="chap02fn26text"></a><a href="#chap02fn26">26</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Early in the following year things had reached -an acute stage. Requesens was dead, and Don -Juan of Austria, his successor, had not arrived. -The mercenaries in the Spanish service, unpaid -and chafing at inaction, were in open mutiny, -and were plundering and maltreating friends and -foes indifferently to indemnify themselves. The -Council of State, mostly Flemish and Walloon -nobles, were profoundly divided, and already were -doing their best to hold their own against the -savage Spanish soldiery. Brussels was held by -Walloon troops in the interests of the Council -of State, the Spanish troops in the neighbourhood -being under the command of Romero. By -the middle of March the Council were obliged -to meet and devise some means of pacifying the -mutineers by raising money to pay them, "without -which many strange seditions must happen." -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P115"></a>115}</span> -They agreed with Romero to pay certain soldiers -forty crowns each, to satisfy them until the -arrival of the new Governor, and then sent him -to parley with the mutineers. Strada says they -would not listen to him, but in any case most -of his men fraternised with and joined them. -On his return to Brussels he was again sent -by the Council against the rebel Spaniards who -had gone towards Maestricht. English agents -in Flanders[<a id="chap02fn27text"></a><a href="#chap02fn27">27</a>] report that he had arranged a plot -to be carried out in his absence. He had left -200 of his men in Brussels, and the plan was -for Count Barlemont, one of the Council, to deliver -the keys of the city to them, in order that the -mutineers, and probably Romero with them, should -enter the city and sack it. The plot was discovered, -and Barlemont deprived of the keys, and after -Romero had fruitlessly been to Maestricht, he found -on his return to Brussels the citizens in a frenzy -of rage against the Spaniards in consequence of the -massacres at Alost and elsewhere by the mutineers. -The infuriated Flemings tore to pieces a servant of -Jerome Rodas, the leading Spanish councillor, and -the latter, with Romero and Vargas, had to fly for -their lives to the stronghold in the palace. -Henceforward the Flemish Council and the Spaniards -were completely estranged. The Council proclaimed -the mutineers rebels against the King, whilst Rodas -assumed to be Philip's sole representative. -</p> - -<p> -Philip was in deep distress at the news.[<a id="chap02fn28text"></a><a href="#chap02fn28">28</a>] Romero -was to be warmly thanked, the Council must -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P116"></a>116}</span> -disband their forces, money would be sent, Don Juan -would soon arrive, and all would be settled. In the -meantime, however, the forces of the Council were -attacking the mutineers at Ghent, Maestricht, Alost, -and elsewhere, and the Spanish commanders, Sancho -de Avila, Romero, Vargas, &c., whilst ostensibly -condemning them, were constrained daily to side -more with their fellow-countrymen. Romero at -last escaped from Brussels and fortified himself at -Lierre, where a considerable force gradually joined -him. The Council sent word that they would -attack him if he did not submit to their authority, -but when they attempted to do so his force, with -that of Vargas, routed the States troops. The -massacre which followed is explained by Mendoza -by the fact that the Spaniards were hot-headed -youngsters, which they were not, but he is evidently -ashamed of it. A large number of spectators, -students from Louvain and others, had come out to -see the fight. They were all slaughtered, as were -soldiers and civilians, armed and unarmed, men and -women, without quarter and without mercy, up to -the very gates of Louvain. Thenceforward all hope -of restraint was lost. The Spanish soldiery were -so many bloodthirsty wild beasts, making no -distinction between Flemish friends or foes, and it was -war to the knife on both sides. Romero's headquarters -were still at Lierre, although he kept up -a close connection with the mutineers at Alost, and -his men seem to have outdistanced others in their -savagery, no attempt to moderate which appears to -have been made by their chief. Savage Rodas -himself got frightened in October, and wrote to the -King that the Spanish soldiers were pillaging on -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P117"></a>117}</span> -all sides, and if some remedy were not sent soon -from Spain, all would go to perdition.[<a id="chap02fn29text"></a><a href="#chap02fn29">29</a>] -</p> - -<p> -Wherever Romero had a chance of fighting the -States forces he did so, and Mendoza gives -particulars of many brilliant skirmishes in which the -Spaniards were successful, but which usually ended -in an indiscriminate massacre of Flemings. Sancho -de Avila in the Antwerp citadel the while was -keeping up a close communication with the -mutineers at Alost, Ghent, and other places, whilst -the citizens were collecting such forces of Walloons -and German mercenaries as they could. Sancho -at last was informed that unless he ceased to -send aid to Alost he himself would be held as a -rebel to the King. This was a signal that he must -either submit to the dictation of the despised -Flemish Council or fight, and he chose the latter -alternative. He sent out messengers on all sides -for the Spaniards to concentrate in Antwerp, and -soon Romero started out from Lierre with all his -men. On his way he met the main body of malcontents -from Alost and greeted them with effusion. -Vargas with his men joined them also, and on -the 4th of November they all entered the citadel -of Antwerp together. The townsmen and their -troops had already begun to run up earthworks -to defend themselves against the bloodthirsty -marauders who had made a shambles of Alost, -Maestricht, and wherever else they had gained the -upper hand. The rich booty of Antwerp, and the -thirst for blood, they knew would launch the greedy -hawks from the citadel upon the panting quarry -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P118"></a>118}</span> -below, and they determined to sell their lives and -property dearly. Hungry and tired as the Alost -men were on their arrival at daybreak, no meal -would they consume until, as they said, they could -break their fast in Antwerp. Slaking their thirst -and firing their brains only with wine, by eleven -o'clock before noon they were ready for the struggle. -Then with solemn prayer and blessing of banners -as a preparation for their fell work, they swept down -in three bodies to the town to the aggregate number -of about 6,000 men. The scene that followed has -often been described, and need not be repeated -here. In a few hours the richest city in Christendom -was a ravished corpse of its former self. -Romero, with his stalwarts of Spaniards and Almains, -entered the city by the St. George's gate and swept -along the street of St. Michael, driving weak young -Egmont before him into a church at the end, where -the Count was taken. -</p> - -<p> -Everywhere the Walloons turned and fled -before the Spaniards. The brave Champigny, -Granvelle's brother, did his best heroically; the -townsmen, unused to arms, made what resistance -they could, but the States troops were worse -than useless, and butchery was the only order of -the day. In the great square every house was -occupied by Sancho de Avila's men, who kept -up a fusilade upon the frightened crowds of -unarmed people huddled together in the doorways. -Soon the curling smoke showed that the rich stores -of merchandise, the noble palaces of the merchant -princes, and the lowly cottages of the artisans were -alike doomed to wanton destruction. The Spaniards, -drunk with blood, blind with rage, spared neither -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P119"></a>119}</span> -age, sex, nor faith; and with one great gust of fury -swept like a blight over the doomed city. When -the blood-lust was partly sated, it was found that -6,000 unarmed people at least had been slaughtered, -and 6,000,000 ducats worth of property stolen, with -as much again burnt. The States infantry had all -fled or been killed. The Catholic Flemish nobles -were scattered and lost, and the Spaniards had -Antwerp beneath their talons. Strada says that -the massacre and plunder were as much the work -of the Walloons and Germans as of the Spaniards, -and bears testimony to the efforts of the Spanish -leaders to restrain the fury of their men, mentioning -Sancho de Avila, Mondragon, and others as having -exerted their influence to that end, but markedly -omits the name of Romero. Rodas, writing to the -King a day after the fight, says the town was sacked -against orders, and that Avila, Romero, and Vargas, -used great diligence to stop plunder. "They -deserve," he says, "well of his Majesty for the -services they have rendered in this great -victory." Dr. Wilson, who certainly was not prejudiced in -favour of the Spaniards, says, on the other hand, -in a letter to Walsingham of the 13th of November,[<a id="chap02fn30text"></a><a href="#chap02fn30">30</a>] -that he fears the Spaniards much less than the -English refugees, "who are said to have done the -greatest murders and most horrible above all others, -and all Englishmen are hated for their sake." -</p> - -<p> -Flemings of every faith were welded together -now against the wreckers of their homes, and even -those nobles who, through all the evil past had -stood by Spain, the Perennots, the Croys, the -Montmorencis, the Zweveghems, were at one with -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P120"></a>120}</span> -the Protestants of the North. Don Juan found -himself, when he arrived, in face of a united -people glowing with indignation, and determined -to prevent the destruction of its liberties, strong -enough now to force terms upon him. The first -demand of the Flemings was that all Spaniards -should withdraw from Flanders, and the second -that Rodas, Avila, and Romero should lose their -heads for their share in the massacres. To the first -demand the Prince was forced to accede, with the -second he fenced diplomatically; and soon Romero -was on the march at the head of his men going -from Flanders to Italy with the curses of all -Flemings following him. -</p> - -<p> -Don Juan could not brook for long the dictation -and exactions of the Council, he took the bit -between his teeth, seized the citadel of Namur, -defied them all to do their worst, and made up his -mind to fight it out in spite of the King's -orders. Then the veteran forces, by which Alba -had crushed the Low Countries, the bloodthirsty -savages who had ravished them before, were once -more recalled from Italy, late in 1577. Romero -was designated for the chief command of an army -of 6,000 men who were to act subsequently under -Alexander Farnese in Flanders. He was starting -on his march from Cremona at the head of his force, -when the war-worn old soldier, without a moment's -warning, fell from his horse, dead. He breathed his -last as he had lived, full-armed and harnessed for the -fray, surrounded by the fierce soldiery he had led so -often. Strada says his death caused the deepest -grief, as he was looked upon as the mainstay of the -new attempt to dominate the Flemings. Another -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P121"></a>121}</span> -contemporary historian, Cabrera de Cordova, wrote -of him, "his loss caused profound sorrow by reason -of the urgent need for his valour and experience, -which had enabled him to rise from a common soldier -to be a general, whilst his prowess and knowledge of -war well deserved, the last promotion to the rank in -which he died, namely, that of commander-in-chief -of great enterprises." -</p> - -<p> -For some years even after his death his name -was used to threaten England with, and the -presence of another younger Captain Julian with -the Spanish auxiliaries to the Irish rebellion of -1579-80 gave rise to many trembling rumours that -the terrible Romero himself was there. -</p> - -<p> -But he is forgotten now, even in his own country; -the cause he fought for, the supremacy of Catholicism, -has been beaten everywhere but in Spain, where -stern intolerance, and indifference to personal -suffering still linger as things to be proud of. It has -seemed to me, however, that the devotion, the -valour, and the self-sacrifice of the rough soldier -who rose to be "commander-in-chief of great enterprises," -dimmed though they be by cruel ferocity, -might well be rescued in this gentler age from the -oblivion in which they lay so long. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn1text">1</a>] "Chronicle of Henry VIII.," edited by Martin -A. S. Hume. London, 1889. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn2text">2</a>] Jean de Beaugé, "Histoire de la guerre d'Ecosse," 1548-9. -Maitland Club. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn3text">3</a>] Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn4text">4</a>] Ibid. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn5text">5</a>] Motley. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn6text">6</a>] "Documentos ineditos para la historia de España," -vol. lxxv. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn7text">7</a>] Motley. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn8text">8</a>] "Comentarios de las Guerras de los paises bajos." Mendoza. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn9text">9</a>] Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn10text">10</a>] Ibid. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn11text">11</a>] Calendar of State Papers (Elizabeth), Spanish, vol. ii. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn12text">12</a>] Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn13text">13</a>] Calendar of State Papers (Elizabeth), Spanish, vol. ii. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn14text">14</a>] "Simancas Documentos ineditos," vol. lxxv. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn15text">15</a>] Strada, "De Bello Belgico." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn16text">16</a>] "Documentos ineditos," vol. lxxv. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn17text">17</a>] "Documentos ineditos," vol. lxxv. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn18text">18</a>] "Documentos ineditos," vol. lxxv. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn19text">19</a>] "Comentario de las Guerras de los paises bajos." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn20text">20</a>] Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn21text">21</a>] "Documentos ineditos," vol. lxxv. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn22text">22</a>] Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn23text">23</a>] "Guerra di Fiandra." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn24text">24</a>] The account of this disaster is taken from three -contemporary accounts—Mendoza's "Comentarios de la Guerra -de los paises bajos"; Strada's "De Bello Belgico," and -Bentivoglio's "Guerra di Fiandra." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn25text">25</a>] "Documentos ineditos," vol. lxxv. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn26text">26</a>] Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn27"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn27text">27</a>] Herll to Burleigh, Rogers to Walsingham, and Harise to -Burleigh. Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn28"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn28text">28</a>] Philip to Rodas. Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn29"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn29text">29</a>] Rodas to Philip (intercepted). Calendar of State -Papers (Foreign). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap02fn30"></a> -[<a href="#chap02fn30text">30</a>] State Papers (Domestic). -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-121"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-121.jpg" alt="tailpiece" /> -<br /> -tailpiece -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap03"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P123"></a>123}</span></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<i>THE COMING OF PHILIP THE PRUDENT.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-124"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-124.jpg" alt="PHILIP AND MARY (After the painting by Antonio Mor.)" /> -<br /> -PHILIP AND MARY<br /> -(<i>After the painting by Antonio Mor.</i>) -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P125"></a>125}</span> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-125"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-125.jpg" alt="Headpiece" /> -<br /> -Headpiece -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<h3> -<i>THE COMING OF PHILIP THE PRUDENT.</i>[<a id="chap03fn1text"></a><a href="#chap03fn1">1</a>] -</h3> - -<p> -It is somewhat curious that English historians, in -describing an event fraught with such tremendous -possibilities to Christianity as the coming of the -Spanish prince to wed Mary of England, should -have entirely overlooked a source of information -which was more likely than any other to abound in -interesting and trustworthy details of the voyage—I -mean the contemporary narratives of Spaniards -who accompanied Philip hither. So far as regards -the splendid pageantry that marked the new -consort's entrance into London the English records -themselves leave nothing to be desired. Darnley's -tutor, John Elder, in his letter to his pupil's uncle, -the Bishop of Caithness,[<a id="chap03fn2text"></a><a href="#chap03fn2">2</a>] descends to the minutest -particulars, and is amply confirmed by the anonymous -Chronicle of Queen Mary in the Harleian -manuscripts, whence John Stow derived his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P126"></a>126}</span> -information; by Edward Underhyll, "the hot-gospeller";[<a id="chap03fn3text"></a><a href="#chap03fn3">3</a>] -and the letters of the French ambassador, Antoine de -Noailles.[<a id="chap03fn4text"></a><a href="#chap03fn4">4</a>] The gorgeous ceremonies that attended -the marriage in Winchester Cathedral are also -sufficiently described by these and other authorities, as -well as in the official account of the English heralds -of the time, copied from the Book of Precedents of -Ralph Brooke, York herald, and printed in Leland's -"Collectanea," edit. 1774, and by the Camden -Society, 1849;[<a id="chap03fn5text"></a><a href="#chap03fn5">5</a>] but the accounts given by English -historians of Philip's voyage and reception at -Southampton appear to rest entirely upon a -narrative of the Venetian, Baoardo, published in -Venice in 1558, four years after the event, and -the letters of Noailles to the King of France. -Miss Strickland and the late Mr. Froude, both -of whom draw upon Baoardo to a large extent -for their local colour, quote him as an eyewitness -of the scenes he describes. Whether he was so -or not I do not know, although I have been -unable to discover any evidence of his presence, -but in any case the bitter animus against Philip -shown in his narrative is so clear that it is unfair to -accept his statements without ample confirmation. -Such confirmation seems to have been sought, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P127"></a>127}</span> -by Mr. Froude at all events, in the letters of -the French ambassador, and from this material, -coupled with the fact that certain prudent measures -of precaution were suggested by Simon Renard, -the Emperor's ambassador, in his letters to his -master, the historian paints his highly coloured -picture of Philip as a sulky, seasick craven -trembling at his very shadow, in momentary -fear of poison, consummating a sacrifice from -which his soul revolts. To justify this view -Professor Froude depended mainly upon Noailles. -It must, however, be remembered, first, that the -French ambassador was not in a position to know -the exact details of Philip's voyage and reception; -secondly, that he was the last person in the world to -give a fair account of them; thirdly, that the -historian has gone beyond his authority, even such as -it was; and fourthly, that several witnesses of the -events described, whose evidence has hitherto been -ignored, entirely fail to confirm the view taken by -Mr. Froude from Noailles and Baoardo. -</p> - -<p> -Throughout the whole negotiations that had -preceded the arrangement of the marriage Noailles -had been absurdly ill-informed and wide of the -mark.[<a id="chap03fn6text"></a><a href="#chap03fn6">6</a>] His letters to the King of France and -the Constable teem with predictions and -assertions which subsequent events proved to be quite -wrong, and it is easy to see that for months -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P128"></a>128}</span> -previous to the marriage he was entirely hoodwinked, -and out of touch with trustworthy sources -of information. In a letter to the French adviser -of Mary of Lorraine in Scotland, M. d'Oysel, -dated 29th of March, 1554, for instance, he -speaks of the Earl of Bedford's departure for -Spain as an accomplished fact, and has no doubt -that he had already sailed from Plymouth to fetch -the Prince. On May 18th, after ringing the -changes upon this for nearly two months, he tells -the King that the rumour runs that Bedford is to go -shortly to Spain, but that the Prince will not come -until the winter, whereas Philip had already left -Valladolid at the time on his way to England. On -the 31st of March Noailles is quite persuaded that -Wyatt's life will be spared, and less than a fortnight -later he describes his execution. On the 29th of -March, again, he says that the Bishop of Norwich, -the Queen's ambassador to the Emperor, had been -summoned to perform the marriage, and was to be -created Archbishop of York for the purpose. -Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, really performed -the ceremony. Noailles again is quite sure that -other Wyatts will arise, and that 50,000 men will be -in arms to receive the Prince, and in April, after -writing for weeks of the preparations for the arrival -of Philip on the south coast and marriage at -Winchester, he believes it all to be a feint and that the -Prince will suddenly appear and be married in London. -On the 29th of the same month he is strongly -of opinion that Sir James Crofts will be executed -on the following Monday, whereas that distinguished -old soldier lived and fought and sold himself for many -years afterwards. Hardly a letter, indeed, from -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P129"></a>129}</span> -Noailles at this period fails to show that the man, -having been completely outwitted by Renard's -keen diplomacy, was entirely at sea, and badly -served by his informers. -</p> - -<p> -But I go beyond this. Philip had anchored in -Southampton Water on the afternoon of the 19th -of July, 1554, and landed on that of the 20th. -On the night of the 20th, after the Prince had -landed, Noailles learnt in London, by an imperial -messenger, for the first time of his arrival, and -communicated the news to the King of France -immediately by letter; and on the 23rd he writes:— -</p> - -<p> -"J'ai envoyé ung des miens á Hamptonne et a -Winchestre et despescheray demain encores ung -aultre pour estre mieulx par mesme informé de tout -ce qui se fera tant a la terre que sur la mer -... affin de tenir advertye vostre majeste." -</p> - -<p> -It is clear, therefore, that Noailles had no -trustworthy person to give an exact account of the -reception of the Prince until the arrival of the latter -at Winchester; and the description in his letters of -Philip's voyage and doings at Southampton was -merely current gossip dressed up to suit the palate -of the writer and his master.[<a id="chap03fn7text"></a><a href="#chap03fn7">7</a>] How much impartiality -could be expected from Noailles under the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P130"></a>130}</span> -circumstances may well be imagined. He had been -thoroughly outmanoeuvred, and French diplomacy -had received a greater blow than it had sustained -for many years in seeing England drift apparently -for good into the arms of Spain. His country was -at the very moment engaged in a long and costly -war with the Emperor, and he himself had just been -detected and exposed for the second time in his -attempts to suborn and support rebellion in England, -and was in high dudgeon at being pointedly excluded -from participation in the marriage festivities. What -wonder, then, that after slandering the Queen for -months past he should do as much as possible to -darken the shadows of the picture of Philip sent -for the delectation of Philip's enemy? It were -expecting too much to suppose that the outwitted -diplomatist and supple courtier would do otherwise. -</p> - -<p> -Ill-natured, however, as are Noailles' references -to Philip, even they do not, in my opinion, warrant -the distorted picture inferentially derived from them. -To instance a small matter of which much is made -by Froude—namely, the vivid scene of the -sea-sick Prince gulping down beer on the night of his -arrival at Southampton, to please the English -spectators at his public repast—Noailles says not a word -about Philip's being ill or seasick, nor do any other -chroniclers of the time, that I am aware of. The -only foundation for the story seems to be a remark -contained in a letter from the Earl of Bedford and -Lord Fitzwalter from Santiago (Calendar of State -Papers, Foreign) to the effect that, "as the Prince -suffers much at sea, it will be well to make preparations -for him to land at Plymouth, or other port on -the south coast if necessary." -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P131"></a>131}</span> -</p> - -<p> -The voyage was a beautifully calm one, and -the Prince had remained on board the <i>Espiritu -Santo</i>, at anchor in Southampton Water, for -twenty hours at least before he landed; and, -instead of the dramatic scene at his public supper -described by Froude, his repast was a private -one; and according even to Noailles, who is alone -responsible for the story, <i>after supper</i>, in the -presence chamber, Philip told his Spanish courtiers -that in future they must forget the customs -of their country and live like Englishmen, and -"when, according to the English fashion, a quantity -of wine, beer, and ale was brought in silver flagons, -he took some beer and drank it"—a very simple -and appropriate compliment to his new country; but -even Noailles tells the story without a hint of the -loathing of unwilling sacrifice with which Froude -invested the perfectly natural scene. -</p> - -<p> -Having thus far spoken of the authorities upon -which English historians have hitherto based their -descriptions of the coming of Philip the Prudent, -and pointed out a few of what I venture to think -their obvious shortcomings, I will mention some -other contemporary narratives which may well, it is -true, sin just as much on the score of partiality, but -at any rate afford a view of the events recorded -that has hitherto been almost entirely -ignored—namely, the view taken by those Spaniards who -accompanied their Prince in his voyage to England -in quest of his eager but elderly bride.[<a id="chap03fn8text"></a><a href="#chap03fn8">8</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P132"></a>132}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Amongst the five hundred courtiers and servants, -besides soldiers, who accompanied Philip to England, -several would naturally be able and disposed -to put upon record, for transmission to their friends -in Spain, full narratives of the great events they -witnessed—events, be it said, which had deeply -stirred the public imagination of Spaniards, who had -been taught to believe that the marriage of their -prince in England would mean not only the mastery -of their country over France, but the restoration of -all Christendom to the true faith. These letters, in -a period when newspapers were not, would -frequently be printed and circulated by enterprising -booksellers, and no doubt many of such newsletters, -both in print and manuscript, are still hidden -in bundles and volumes of miscellaneous papers in -the public and private libraries in the Peninsula. -One curious manuscript letter, written from -Winchester by Juan de Barahona to Antonio de -Barahona, was found in the library of the Escorial fifty -years ago, and published in the first volume of the -"Documentos ineditos para la Historia de España" -in 1842. The manuscript had belonged to the -contemporary chronicler Florian de Ocampo, and gives -an extremely full account of the voyage, reception, -and marriage, abounding in curious details of the -life, dress, and manners of the time. In referring -to this narrative in the following pages I shall -distinguish it as narrative No. 1. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P133"></a>133}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Many years later there was discovered in the -Biblioteca Nacional a record which, to Spaniards at -least, was much more valuable and interesting. It -was a printed tract entitled "Summary and -Veracious Relation of the Happy Voyage made by -the Unconquered Prince of the Spains, Don Felipe, -to England, and his Reception in Vinchester, where -he was married, with his Departure for London; -in which are contained the great and marvellous -things that happened at that time. Dedicated to -the Most Illustrious Lady Donna Luisa Enriquez -de Giron, Countess of Benavente, by Andres -Muñoz, Servant to his Serene Highness the Infante -Don Carlos. Imprinted in Caragoca, in the house -of Esteban de Najera, 1554, at the cost of Miguel -de Çapila, bookseller." The author was a lackey -to the unhappy Don Carlos, then a child, and his -own personal observation is confined to the elaborate -preparations for Philip's voyage made in the -city of Valladolid and the journey of the little prince -to Benavente, in Castile, to take leave of his father. -What he saw and heard he relates with a trivial -minuteness of detail, particularly as to the persons -who were to accompany Philip and the clothes they -took with them, which to an ordinary reader would -be tedious in the extreme. But although his own -share in the voyage ended at Benavente, whence -Don Carlos returned to Valladolid, Muñoz -apparently made arrangements with some member of -the suite—no doubt of similar rank to himself—to -send him particulars from England, and his account -is therefore carried down to the departure of Philip -and Mary for London after their marriage. This -is by far the fullest account known, especially as to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P134"></a>134}</span> -the events prior to Philip's embarkation; but the -writer's position naturally caused him to dwell -mainly upon the sartorial aspect of things which -came under his observation, and he describes the -splendour and pageantry rather as a spectator than -as an actor. I shall call Muñoz's narrative No. 2. -</p> - -<p> -About the same time as the discovery of Muñoz's -letter three other letters, which in my opinion are -even more valuable, because of the position of the -supposed author, were found in the Escorial library. -The first is a printed tract in the form of a diary and -is entitled "Transcript of a Letter sent from -England to this City of Seville, in which is given a -Relation of the Events of the Voyage of our Lord -the Prince Don Philip, from his Embarkation in -the Coruña, a Port of Spain, to his Marriage to the -Serene Queen of England. 1554." The book -bears the well-known device, although not the -name, of the celebrated Sevillian printer Andres de -Burgos. In the same library was found a manuscript -letter taking up the narrative where the -last-mentioned tract ended—namely, after the marriage -at Winchester at the end of July—and carrying it -to August 19th, when the Court was at Richmond. -No printed copy of this continuation is known to -exist, but it is almost certainly written by the same -hand, and contains many remarks and opinions -which would probably have been suppressed if the -letter had been published. A continuation of this, -again, was also found in the Escorial, written -apparently by the same person, bringing the narrative -down to October 2nd, and is dated from London, -where the King and Queen then were. These three -letters, which I shall distinguish by the numbers 3, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P135"></a>135}</span> -4, and 5, were published, together with Muñoz's -narrative (No. 2), by the Society of Bibliophilists of -Madrid in 1877, under the editorship of Don -Pascual de Gayangos. -</p> - -<p> -In inquiring into the probable authorship of these -three extremely valuable and interesting letters -Señor de Gayangos gives good reason for supposing -that they were written by a young courtier -named Pedro Enriquez, one of Philip's stewards. -He is known to have had a perfect mania for -writing relations of what he saw and heard, and has -been called the Spanish Tacitus.[<a id="chap03fn9text"></a><a href="#chap03fn9">9</a>] He was a -brother of the Marquis of Villanueva and a relative -both of the Duke and Duchess of Alba, of whose -movements he gives a very minute account in the -above letters. He also identifies himself as a -steward of the King in one of his complaints of the -exclusive service of Philip by Englishmen, and is -known to have been one of the very few Spanish -noblemen who remained with Philip in London. -His style, moreover, is peculiar, and I have had a -former opportunity of commenting upon it in -connection with a rapid and industrious piece of -historical transcription of his, executed in the -following year in Ghent;[<a id="chap03fn10text"></a><a href="#chap03fn10">10</a>] and I have no doubt -that Don Pedro Enriquez was the author of the -three letters I am speaking of. Few people could -have had better opportunities of observation than -he. He accompanied Philip everywhere; his rank -and his relationship to the all-powerful Alba brought -him within the inner circle of the Court, and the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P136"></a>136}</span> -feelings he expresses are those of the nobles who -surrounded the King and not the gossip of the -servants' hall or a valet's list of his master's finery. -With these four letters the Society for Bibliophilists -printed another by a different author, addressed -from London at the end of December, 1554, giving -a very full account of the reception of Cardinal Pole; -but as this does not touch the subject in hand I -omit any further reference to it. -</p> - -<p> -In the British Museum there is a small tract in -Italian, apparently printed in Milan in 1554, called -"The Departure of the Serene Prince with the -Spanish Fleet, and his Arrival in England, with the -Order observed by the Queen in his Highness's -Reception, and the most Happy Wedding; with the -Names of the English, Spanish, and other Lords -and Gentlemen who were present, and the Liveries, -Festivities, and other Things done at the Wedding." It -is signed "Giovanni Paulo Car," and the writer -was a servant of the Marquis of Pescara. A -paraphrase or adaptation of the letter also exists in the -Museum, and appears to have been published in -Rome in the same year, but it is not signed, and -contains many additional particulars. The contents -of these two tracts, again, appear to have been -blended into a narrative published in the following -year, probably in Rome, in which the person to -whom the letter is addressed is described as the -"illustrious Signor Francesco Taverna Cracanz," -and although it is not signed by Car it evidently is -by him, as he speaks of the Marquis of Pescara all -through the narrative as his master. I propose in -referring to this narrative to call it No. 6. We have -thus a mass of contemporary evidence from persons -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P137"></a>137}</span> -who were certainly attached to Philip's suite, by the -aid of which and the authorities already known a -more minute and trustworthy account than any -hitherto presented of the events in question may be -constructed. -</p> - -<p> -Renard had first broached the subject of the -marriage to Mary in August, 1553, and all the -attempts of Noailles to inspire fear and hatred of -the match in the breasts of the Queen and her -people had only made her more determined to carry -out the wishes of her heart, and, as she no doubt -herself thought, to enhance the happiness and -prosperity of her people. Egmont and his glittering -train had been snowballed by the London 'prentices -when he came formally to offer Philip's hand to the -Queen in January, 1554. A whirlwind of passion -and panic had passed over southern England at the -thought of a Spanish consort ruling in the land, and -at about the time that gallant Wyatt and his -dwindling troop of "draggle-tayles" were wearily -toiling up Fleet Street, only to find that the Queen's -courage and their leader's irresolution had wrecked -their enterprise, a dusty courier clattered into -Valladolid with the premature news that Lord Privy -Seal, the Earl of Bedford, and another English lord -had started for Spain with the contract that was to -make Philip king of England. His Highness was -hunting at umbrageous Aranjuez, a hundred miles -off, and the messenger, just alighting to kiss the -hand of poor lame little Prince Carlos, went -scouring over the tawny plains again, bearing his -pregnant tidings. -</p> - -<p> -The courting had all been done by the Emperor -through clever Renard; and the Prince, dutiful -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P138"></a>138}</span> -son as he was, bent to his father's will without -even knowing the terms of the bargain by which -he was to be bound for life. The conditions -imposed by the patriotism of Mary and her Council -were hard for the most powerful monarch on earth -to brook for his son. Philip's power was so fenced -round by limitations and safeguards that it was plain -to see the English nobles meant his sceptre to be a -shadowy one, and the sombre, sensitive pride of the -Prince was wounded to the quick at the light esteem -in which they seemed to hold him; but, as Sandoval -says, "he, like a second Isaac, was ready to sacrifice -himself to his father's will and the good of the -Church." And he did so gracefully and with -dignity. No sooner had the courier delivered his -message at Aranjuez than Philip set off on his -return to Valladolid with his gaudy escort of horsemen -in their red and yellow doublets. In hot haste -the old Castilian capital put on its holiday garb to -celebrate the event; the great square, standing -much as it stands to-day, was bravely adorned, and -costly hangings covered all one side of it where the -Prince sat to see the jousts, tourneys, cane-play, and -fireworks, and where he sat, alas! the next time he -saw Valladolid, on his return five years afterwards, to -watch unmoved the hellish fireworks of the great -<i>auto de fé</i>. -</p> - -<p> -The wedding rejoicings had hardly begun when -they were changed to mourning by the news of the -death of Don Juan of Portugal, the husband of -Philip's sister Juana; and the narrator, Muñoz, -breaks off in the midst of his rapture over the -splendour of Valladolid's joy to relate the pompous -grandeur of its sorrow—how between the screen -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P139"></a>139}</span> -and the altar of St. Paul's there were 3,000 -candles of white and yellow wax, and how all the -solemnity of previous exequies paled before these. -In the meantime Philip had sent one of his stewards, -Don Gutierre Lopede Padilla, to receive the English -envoys at Laredo. After waiting there for a month -with the Prince's guard to pay them due honour, -he found that the news sent had been premature, -and that the marriage treaty had not yet even been -ratified, and was not, indeed, until Egmont's second -visit to England in March. So Padilla found his -way back again to Valladolid by the end of March, -and they decided to take the matter in more leisurely -fashion in future. But in a few weeks came news -from the Emperor himself that the contract was -ratified, and then the Marquis de las Navas was -ordered to take the Prince's first present to his -bride. We are told that the Marquis fitted -himself out for his mission regardless of cost, and his -splendour appears to have been equalled by the -princely gifts of which he was the bearer, and -the noble hospitality extended to him in England.[<a id="chap03fn11text"></a><a href="#chap03fn11">11</a>] Philip's -offering to Mary consisted of "a great table -diamond, mounted as a rose in a superb gold setting, -valued at 50,000 ducats; a collar or necklace of 18 -brilliants, exquisitely worked and set with dainty -grace, valued at 32,000 ducats; a great diamond -with a fine large pearl pendant from it (this was -Mary's favourite jewel, and may be seen on her -breast in most portraits). They were (says narrative -No. 2) the most lovely pair of gems ever seen in the -world, and were worth 25,000 ducats. Then comes -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P140"></a>140}</span> -a list of pearls, diamonds, emeralds, and rubies of -inestimable value, and other presents without number -for the Queen and her ladies. Eighty fine horses -and fifty hackneys were sent on to Corunna to await -the Prince's coming, and all Castile and Aragon, not -to speak of Leon, were alive with artificers of the -gorgeous garb and trappings to fit out the proud -nobles who were to follow their Prince, each, with -true Spanish ostentation, bent upon outstripping the -others in the richness and splendour of themselves -and their train.[<a id="chap03fn12text"></a><a href="#chap03fn12">12</a>] Muñoz, in narrative No. 2, gives -a list of the clothes made for each of the principal -grandees, which it would be tedious and unnecessary -to repeat here. -</p> - -<p> -The Prince, great as he was, was only first among -his peers, and if he could be magnificent so could -his train, and Alba and Medina-Celi, Egmont and -Aguilar, Pescara and Feria vied with their master -in their finery. Each great noble—and there were -twenty of them—took his train of servants in new -liveries, and the Prince had a Spanish guard of -100 gentlemen in red and yellow, 100 Germans -in the same uniform, but with silk facings, "as -their custom is to go bravely dressed," 100 -archers on horseback, and 300 servants in the -same gaudy colours of Aragon. All this splendid -apparatus was a comparatively new thing for -Spaniards at the time; the homely, unceremonious -relations between sovereign and people -had only been put aside for the pompous etiquette -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P141"></a>141}</span> -of the house of Burgundy, on the coming of Philip's -grandfather from Flanders with his Spanish bride to -take up the sceptre dropped by the dead hand of -Isabel the Catholic, and the gold of the Indies had -since that time poured into Spain and spread a thirst -for showy pomp even amongst the frank, honest, -homely gentlemen who had formed a majority of -the Spanish hidalgo class. The changed taste, -however, was new enough still to attract the attention -of the crowd who had not yet become accustomed -to so much splendour. -</p> - -<p> -All these elaborate preparations being completed, -Philip, with nearly 1,000 horsemen, glittering and -flashing in the pitiless Castilian sun, left Valladolid -on the 14th of May—not for England yet, but -far down on the Portuguese frontier, at Alcantara, -to meet his widowed sister, who had been forced to -come out of her bitter grief to govern her father's -kingdom during Philip's absence. He accompanied -her five days on her journey to Valladolid, and then -turning aside to take a last leave of his mad -grandmother, Juana la Loca, bent his course towards -Benavente, on the high road to Santiago, arriving -there on the 3rd of June, covered with dust of travel, -but gracious, as he could be, to those who had -entertained his boy Carlos, who had preceded him. -</p> - -<p> -Next day there was a grand bull-fight in the plaza, -which Philip and Carlos saw from Pero Hernandez's -flower-decked house. The return of the Princes to -Count Benavente's castle was not quite so dignified as -it might have been, as one bull was so "devilish" -that it refused to be killed, and held the plaza -victoriously against all comers until the next -morning, whereupon Philip and his son had to slip out -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P142"></a>142}</span> -by Pero Hernandez's back door and reach the -castle by a roundabout way. The day after there -was a hunt and a tourney, and then after supper -the Princes mounted on a high scaffold, richly -dight, to see "a procession of beautiful and strange -inventions." Torches blazed all round them, and -each device was led by one of the neighbouring -squires with twenty pikemen and drummers and -fifers, each detachment in a separate livery. -Elephants manufactured out of horses and pasteboard, -castles with savages inside, a green tabernacle -with a lovely maiden borne by savages, a -model of a ship dressed with English and Spanish -flags, and, strangest of all, a girl in a coffin -complaining of Cupid, who came behind on horseback. -When the device reached the middle of the plaza -the god of love was suddenly hoisted on high by a -rope round his middle, and let off fireworks, to the -delectation of the crowd. As a relief to this foolery -the great Lope de Rueda then represented "a sacred -play with comic interludes," which, no doubt, was -better worth seeing than the "conceits and fireworks" -that pleased the narrator so much. The next day, -after bidding good-bye to the son who was afterwards -to hate him so bitterly, the Prince started in the cool -of the summer night on his way to the sea. -</p> - -<p> -At Astorga a splendid reception had been prepared -for him, but he could not stay, and pushed on -with all possible speed, news having reached him -that the Earl of Bedford and Lord Fitzwalter were -already awaiting him at Santiago. There he arrived -on the vigil of St. John, the 23rd of June, and there -as usual golden keys were offered by kneeling -citizens; silks and satins, velvets and brocades -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P143"></a>143}</span> -flaunted in the sun, and in the upper window of -a house on the line of route sat the two English -lords, their mantles before their faces, watching -the progress of their future king to worship at the -shrine of the Spanish patron saint, St. James. The -next morning Philip sent a party of his highest nobles -to bring Bedford and Fitzwalter to him, and "being -advised of their coming, his Highness came out of -his chamber into a great hall, strangely hung with -rich tapestries, and on the lords half-kneeling and -doffing their bonnets the Prince received them -graciously, with his hat in his hand. The principal -ambassador (<i>i.e.</i>, Bedford), a grandee and a good -Christian, produced the marriage contract, the -conditions of which his Highness accepted before all -present. As the contents were only known to the -Prince and his Council, we were unable to learn them. -The English nobles then kissed hands in turn, and -as they went out one said to the other in his own -tongue, 'Oh! God be praised for sending us so -good a king as this.' The remark was made so -quietly that it would not have been noticed, only that -a Spanish gentleman who understood their language -stood close to them and happened to hear it." -</p> - -<p> -The envoys had some reason to be pleased with -their Queen's future consort, for after accompanying -him to the cathedral the next day Bedford received -as a gift what is described as being one of the finest -pieces of gold ever seen, of exquisite and elaborate -workmanship, chased with grotesque figures, and -standing a yard and a half high, of solid gold. -The narrator (No. 2) says that 6,000 ducats' worth -of gold was employed in the making of it, and -the handiwork cost more than 1,000. The twenty -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P144"></a>144}</span> -English gentlemen who accompanied the envoys all -received splendid gifts, although their appearance -was already sufficiently rich with their "thick gold -chains and great copiousness of buttons," which last -characteristic of English fashion at the time seems -to have attracted most of the Spanish observers. -Four days were spent in rest and rejoicing at -Santiago, and then a three days' ride brought -them to Corunna, where there were more rejoicings. -Kneeling aldermen at the gate presented golden -keys as usual; a marvellous canopy was held over -the Prince's head; triumphal arches spanned the -way; and the local poet had contrived to evolve -the following couplet, which was held aloft by five -nymphs— -</p> - -<p class="poem"> - "No basta fuerza ni maña<br /> - Contra el principe de España,<br /> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -which may be rendered— -</p> - -<p class="poem"> - "Force and cunning both in vain<br /> - Strive against the Prince of Spain."<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -The narrator (No. 2) airs his historical knowledge -in describing an allegorical group containing a figure -of Hercules, whom he speaks of as having been "a -King of Spain before Christ, and having built many -great edifices in the country, such as the Pillars of -Hercules at Cadiz and the tower at the entrance -to the port of Corunna, where there is a marvellous -mirror showing ships that are far off at sea." -</p> - -<p> -With all pomp, and with a naked sword of justice -borne before him by his master of the horse, the -Prince was conducted to the shore to see the gallant -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P145"></a>145}</span> -fleet riding at anchor awaiting him. Drawn up on -the beach were 600 Guipuzcoan sea warriors armed -with lances, and as the fleet and castle thundered -out their salutations the townsfolk, we are told, -feared their dwellings would all be shaken down, -and "for an hour and a half neither heaven nor -earth was visible." Thence the Prince went round -by the castle to the little dock, where forty Biscay -fisher boats were ready with their glistening cargoes -of fine fish to cast at the feet of their beloved Philip. -The English ambassadors begged as a favour that -the new consort would make the voyage in one of -the British ships that had brought them over, but -this was not considered prudent by Philip's cautious -councillors, and as a compromise the English envoys -were allowed to choose from amongst all the Spanish -ships the one that was to convey the Prince. Their -choice fell upon a fine merchant vessel commanded -by the bravest and best of those bold Biscay mariners -who are the pride of Spain, Martin de Bertondona, -and the next morning Philip and his Court went to -inspect it. A splendid sight it must have been with -its towering carved and gilded poop and forecastle. -It was hung, we are told, from stem to stern with -fine scarlet cloth, and aloft on every available spot -were coloured silk pennons. The forecastle was -hung with crimson brocade painted with golden -flames. A royal standard, thirty yards long, of -crimson damask, with the Prince's arms painted -on it, hung from the mainmast, and a similar flag -from the mizzenmast. The foremast had ten pointed -silk flags painted with the royal arms, and there -were thirty other similar flags on the stays and -shrouds. Three hundred sailors in red uniforms -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P146"></a>146}</span> -formed the crew, and we are assured that the -effect of the ship was that of a lovely flower-garden, -as well it might be, and the cost of the -decorations was 10,000 ducats. The English ships -were then inspected and admired, and the ship that -had carried the Marquis de las Navas over to -England with the jewels was visited, and its -captain related how the good Queen was anxious -for her consort's arrival, and how she had ordered -1,000 gentlemen to await him with as many horses, -as she thought no horses would be brought from -Spain. All next day is spent in hunting, and the -favourite, Ruy Gomez, preceding his master on his -return into the town, is saluted by the fleet instead -of the Prince by mistake, much to the latter's -amusement. The next day heralds announced that every -one was to be examined by the Prince's alcalde before -embarking, and that no woman was to go without -her husband. Muñoz says that 12,000 soldiers were -shipped in the hundred ships (some of which -carried 300 bronze pieces) and thirty sloops that -formed the fleet, but this seems to be an -exaggeration, as narrative No. 6 gives 6,000 soldiers -and as many sailors as going in the main squadron -that convoyed Philip (consisting of about 100 sail); -and Noailles, who would minimise it as much as -possible, says 4,000. Don Luis de Carvajal -remained behind with about thirty sail to take the -troops that had not arrived (Noailles says 2,000) and -bring up the rear. -</p> - -<p> -On the 12th of July Philip and his Court embarked -in a sumptuous galley of twenty-four oars, manned -by sailors in scarlet and gold, with plumed hats of -scarlet silk, and, amidst music, singing, and daring -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P147"></a>147}</span> -gymnastic feats of the mariners, went on board -Martin de Bertondona's ship the <i>Espiritu Santo</i>. -The next day, Friday, at three in the afternoon -they set sail, the dense crowd on shore crying to -God to send the travellers a safe voyage, and in the -same breath hurling defiance to the French. There -was a slight swell and wind until next day at dinner, -when the weather fell dead calm, "which looked as -if it might last a month," but raised the spirits of -those who were depressed by "marine vomitings." The -next day a delightful fair breeze sprang up, and -on a smooth sea the splendid fleet ran across the -bay, sighting Ushant on Sunday. On Wednesday -a Flemish fleet of eighteen galleons, which was -cruising in the Channel, hove in sight, and -convoyed them past the Needles with some ships of -the English navy, and into Southampton Water, -where on Thursday, the 19th of July, at four o'clock, -the combined fleet anchored amid the royal salute -from the English and Flemish fleets of thirty -sail that were assembled to receive them. The -English and Flemish sailors had not got on -particularly well together during the time the -two fleets had awaited the arrival of Philip. -Renard had complained to the Emperor that -the Flemish sailors were hustled and insulted -whenever they set foot on shore, and Howard, -the lord admiral, had mocked at their ships -and called them cockle shells;[<a id="chap03fn13text"></a><a href="#chap03fn13">13</a>] but I can -find no contemporary authority for the extremely -unlikely story of the English admiral having thrown -a shot across the bows of the Prince's fleet to compel -it to salute the English flag. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P148"></a>148}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Philip, however, was determined to gain over the -jealous hearts of his new subjects by his courtesy and -graciousness. Renard's recommendations and the -Emperor's instructions had been very definite on the -point, and every account, Spanish, English, and -Italian, with the sole exception of Baoardo's, quoted -by Froude, agrees that the Prince's demeanour was -kindly, courteous, and frank. Damula, the Venetian -ambassador to the Emperor, writes to the Doge,[<a id="chap03fn14text"></a><a href="#chap03fn14">14</a>] -saying that on disembarking the Prince treated -everybody with great graciousness and affability, without -any pomp or royal ceremony, mixing with people as -a comrade; and Cabrera, speaking of his arrival, says: -"Some of the English were inclined to be sulky, -but the King won them over with his prudence and -affability, and with gifts and favours, together with -his family courtesy." (Our narrative No. 6 specially -mentions the Prince's <i>cortesia e gentilezsa di parlore.</i>[<a id="chap03fn15text"></a><a href="#chap03fn15">15</a>]) -</p> - -<p> -As soon as the anchors were down the English -and Flemish admirals went on board the <i>Espiritu -Santo</i> to salute the Prince, and the Marquis de las -Navas put off from Southampton with the six young -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P149"></a>149}</span> -noblemen who were to be the new King's lords-in-waiting. -The Prince dined and slept on board, and -the next day there came off to him the Emperor's -ambassador, the Marquis de las Navas, Figueroa -("the ancient ambassador with the long white -beard"), Pescara, and the Earls of Arundel, Derby, -Shrewsbury, and Pembroke (?). Noailles was probably -wrong as regards the last-named nobleman, as -the Spanish narratives agree that he arrived at -Southampton from the Queen next day, with a splendid -escort for the new sovereign. He was also wrong -in asserting that the King was invested with the -Garter on board his vessel, for it appears to have -been given to him in the barge before he stepped -on shore by Arundel, probably assisted by Sir John -Williams—Lord Williams of Thame[<a id="chap03fn16text"></a><a href="#chap03fn16">16</a>]—to whom -one of our narratives says the Prince gave the wand -of chamberlain, whilst the other narratives say the -office was conferred on "the man who brought him -the Garter." The future consort received these high -personages on board the <i>Espiritu Santo</i> cap in -hand, and after presenting them to his principal -courtiers went on board the splendid barge awaiting -him, accompanied by the English nobles and by -Alba, Feria, Ruy Gomez and four chamberlains, -Olivares, Pedro de Cordoba, Gutierre Lopez de -Padilla, Diego de Acevedo, Egmont, Horn, and -Bergues. No sign was made to the rest of the -fleet, and the mass of courtiers only obtained leave -to land after the royal party had approached the -shore. No soldier or man-at-arms, however, was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P150"></a>150}</span> -to land, on pain of death, for not only had Philip -learnt from Renard the agony of distrust of the -Spanish arms felt by the English people, but he -had received news of his father's reverse in the -Netherlands and urgent orders to send him all -the troops and money he had or could obtain. -The Spanish fleet were not even allowed to enter -the port of Southampton, but after some delay, and -great discontent of the Spaniards at what they -considered such churlish treatment, were sent to -Portsmouth to revictual for their voyage to Flanders. -</p> - -<p> -After the presentation of the chain and badge of -the Garter Philip stepped on English soil, and the -first to greet him was Sir Anthony Browne, who -announced in a Latin speech that the Queen had -chosen him for her consort's master of the horse, -by whom her Majesty had sent him the beautiful -white charger housed in crimson velvet and gold -that was champing the bit hard by. The Prince -thanked his new grand equerry, but said he would -walk to the house prepared for him; but Browne -and the lords of the household told him this was -unusual, and the former "took him up in his arms -and put him on the saddle," and then kissing the -stirrups walked bare-headed by the side of his -master. All the English and Spanish courtiers -preceded them, and amidst apparent rejoicing they -slowly passed through the curious crowd to the -Church of the Holy Rood. The Prince must have -looked an impressive figure with his dapper, erect -bearing, his yellow beard and close-cropped yellow -head, dressed as he was in black velvet and silver, -his massive gold chains and priceless gems glittering -in his velvet bonnet and at his neck and wrists. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P151"></a>151}</span> -Browne was no unworthy pendant to his prince. -He was dressed in a suit of black velvet entirely -covered with gold embroidery and a surcoat of the -same with long hanging sleeves.[<a id="chap03fn17text"></a><a href="#chap03fn17">17</a>] When the Prince -had returned thanks for his safe voyage he was -conducted to the lodgings prepared for him, which we -are told were beautifully adorned, particularly two -rooms, a bedroom and presence chamber hung with -gold-worked damask with the name of King Henry -on it; but none of our narrators say anything about -Baoardo's story of the dismay caused by the words -<i>Fidei defensor</i> on the hangings. All the English -archers and the guard and porters about the Prince -wore the flaming colours of Aragon, and the Spanish -attendants and courtiers looked on with jealous rage -at the attendance on him of English servants. The -dinner and supper were private, but the meals were -ostentatious, ceremonious, and too abundant for the -Spanish taste. On Saturday, the next day, the -same programme was gone through: to Mass in -the same order as before, the Spanish courtiers -being obliged to leave before the service was over, -in order to banish the idea that they were in official -attendance on the Prince, who came out surrounded -by Englishmen only. It rained so hard that his -Highness, who had no hat or cape, had to borrow -them of an Englishman near him, although the -church was just opposite his lodging. -</p> - -<p> -Southampton is described in glowing terms. It -is said to be a beautiful port with 300 houses, which -were filled to their utmost capacity by the courtiers -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P152"></a>152}</span> -and the 400 Spanish servants who landed the day -after the Prince. The Queen at Winchester had -learnt post-haste of the landing of her future -husband, and an active interchange of messengers were -soon scouring backwards and forwards through the -pitiless rain of the next three days. Early on -Saturday morning the Earl of Pembroke arrived from the -Queen with an escort for the Prince of 200 gentlemen -dressed in black velvet with gold chains and medals, -and 300 others in scarlet cloth with velvet facings, -all splendidly mounted. Then Egmont posts off to -kiss the Queen's hand, and meets Gardiner coming -to Philip with a costly diamond ring from her -Majesty. The next day twelve beautiful hackneys -come from the bride to her affianced husband, and -after that the well-beloved Ruy Gomez is dispatched -with a ring to thank her, and this interchange of -courtesy and compliment is thus kept up until all -things are arranged for the journey to Winchester. -</p> - -<p> -Before Philip left Southampton, however, better -news came from Flanders. The French had not -followed up their victory at Marienberg, and the -Imperialists could breathe again. The 600 jennets -that came from Spain were therefore disembarked -and remained in England, as well as Philip's own -horses, "which," says Pedro Enriquez (No. 3), "the -master of the horse took to his own stable; not a -bad beginning to try and keep them altogether in -the long run." On Sunday, the day before he left -Southampton, Philip dined in public for the only -time there. He was served with great ceremony -by the English, but Alba, although he took no -wand of office in his hand, insisted on handing his -master the napkin, and the Spanish courtiers looked -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P153"></a>153}</span> -on with ill-disguised contempt at what they -considered the clumsy service of their successors. The -courtier who wrote narrative No. 3 bursts out at this -point with his complaint: "My lady Doña Maria de -Mendoza was quite right when she said we should -be no more good. We are all quite vagabonds now -and of no use to any one. We had far better go -and serve the Emperor in the war. They make us -pay twenty times the value of everything we buy." The -next morning in the pouring rain the royal -cavalcade set out for Winchester, 3,000 strong. The -nobles and gentry had been flocking in for days -with their retainers in new liveries; Pembroke's -escort, with 200 halberdiers of the guard and as -many light-horse archers, dressed much as are the -beefeaters of to-day, guarded the Prince's person, -the Spanish guard, to their chagrin, being still on -board the ships. On the road 600 more gentlemen, -dressed in black velvet with gold chains, met his -Highness, and when nearing Winchester six of -the Queen's pages, beautifully dressed in crimson -brocade with gold sashes, with as many superb -steeds, were encountered, who told his Highness -the Queen had sent the horses to him as a present. -But not a word anywhere of Baoardo's sensational -story, embellished by Froude, of the breathless -messenger from the Queen, the terror-stricken -Prince, and the gloomy resolve to consummate his -sacrifice even if he got wet in doing it. -</p> - -<p> -Philip was surrounded by the English nobles -Winchester, Arundel, Derby, Worcester, Bedford, -Rutland, Pembroke, Surrey, Clinton, Cobham, -Willoughby, Darcy, Maltravers, Talbot, Strange, -Fitzwalter, and North, and by about fifteen Spanish -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P154"></a>154}</span> -grandees, whose names will have less interest for -English readers. He was dressed, when he started, -in a black velvet surcoat adorned with diamonds, -leather boots, and trunks and doublet of white satin -embroidered with gold; but this delicate finery had -to be covered by a red felt cloak to protect it from -the rain. Notwithstanding this it was too wet for -him to enter Winchester without a change, so he -stayed at a "hospital that had been a monastery -one mile from the city," and there donned a black -velvet surcoat covered with gold bugles and a suit -of white velvet trimmed in the same way, and thus -he entered, passing the usual red-clothed kneeling -aldermen with gold keys on cushions, and then to -the grand cathedral, which impressed the Spaniards -with wonder, and above all to find that "Mass was -as solemnly sung there as at Toledo." -</p> - -<p> -A little crowd of mitred bishops stood at the great -west door, crosses raised and censers swinging, and -in solemn procession to the high altar, under a velvet -canopy, they led the man whom they looked upon as -God's chosen instrument to permanently restore their -faith in England. Then, after admiring the cathedral, -Philip and his Court went to the dean's house, -which had been prepared for his reception, in order -to allay the maiden scruples of the Queen with -regard to his sleeping under the same roof with her -at the bishop's palace before the solemnisation of -the marriage. After Philip had supped, and -presumably was thinking more of going to bed than -anything else, the Lord Chamberlain[<a id="chap03fn18text"></a><a href="#chap03fn18">18</a>] and the Lord -Steward[<a id="chap03fn19text"></a><a href="#chap03fn19">19</a>] came to him, it being ten o'clock at night, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P155"></a>155}</span> -and said the Queen was waiting for him in her -closet, and wished him to visit her secretly with -very few followers. He at once put on another -gorgeous suit, consisting of a French surcoat -embroidered in silver and gold, and a doublet and -trunks of white kid embroidered in gold, "and very -gallant he looked," says Muñoz's informant (No. 2). -The party traversed a narrow lane between the two -gardens, and on reaching a door in the wall the -Lord Steward told the Prince he could take with -him such courtiers as he chose. Philip did not -seem disposed to run any risks, and construed the -invitation in a liberal spirit, taking into the garden -Alba, Medina-Celi, Pescara, Feria, Aguilar, Chinchon, -Horn, Egmont, Lopez-Acevedo, Mendoza, -Carillo, and others. They found themselves in a -beautiful garden with rippling fountains and arbours, -which reminded them, they say, of the books of -chivalry. Indeed, nothing is more curious than the -grave seriousness with which all the Spanish -narrators refer to England as the land of Amadis and -of Arthur and his knights, and their attempts to -identify localities and characteristics of England -with the descriptions they have read of the land of -romance, which they firmly believe to be England -and not Brittany. -</p> - -<p> -The Prince and his party entered by a little back -door, and ascended a narrow, winding staircase to -the Queen's closet. She was in a "long narrow -room or corridor where they divert themselves," -surrounded by four or five aged nobles and as many -old ladies, the Bishop of Winchester being also with -her, and the whole party, we are told, was marvellously -richly dressed, the Queen herself wearing a -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P156"></a>156}</span> -black velvet gown cut high in the English style -without any trimming, a petticoat of frosted silver, -a wimple of black velvet trimmed with gold, and a -girdle and collar of wonderful gems. She was -walking up and down when the Prince entered, and -as soon as she saw him went quickly towards him -and kissed her hand before taking his. In return -he kissed her on the mouth "in the English -fashion," and she led him by the hand to a chair -placed by the side of her own under a canopy. -The Queen spoke in French and her future husband -in Spanish, and they thus made themselves -well understood. Whilst they were in animated -converse the Lord Admiral (Lord William Howard), -"who is a great talker and very jocose," risked -some rather highly flavoured jokes, which the free -manners of the time apparently permitted. The -two lovers sat under their brocade canopy chatting -for a long time; but this probably seemed somewhat -slow to the bridegroom, who, after asking the -Queen to give her hand for all his Spaniards to kiss, -as they loved her well, begged to be allowed to see -her ladies, who were in another room. The Queen -went with him, and as the ladies approached two by -two he kissed them all "in his way" with his -plumed cap in his hand, "so as not to break the -custom of the country, which is a very good -one." Whether the Queen thought it good on this -occasion is not clear; but when her lover wanted to -leave directly the extensive osculation was over she -would not let him go, but carried him off for another -long talk with her. "No wonder," says the narrator -(No. 2), "she is so glad to get him and to see -what a gallant swain he is." When he had to leave -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P157"></a>157}</span> -her she playfully taught him to say "Good-night," -and he made this the excuse for going to the ladies -again to say it to them; but when he reached them -he had forgotten the outlandish words, and had to -come back to the Queen to ask her, "whereat she -was much pleased," but probably less so when he -found it necessary to go back once more to the -ladies to salute them with "God ni hit," Car, the -Marquis of Pescara's servant (narrator No. 6), in -describing this interview says that the Queen's -governess told the Prince she thanked God -for letting her live to see the day, but asked -his pardon for not having reared a more beautiful -bride for him. According to one of the Italian -variants of the same narrative the Queen is -still less complimentary to herself, and in reply -to Philip's thanks to her after the marriage says -it is she who is grateful to him for taking an old -and ugly wife[<a id="chap03fn20text"></a><a href="#chap03fn20">20</a>] (<i>brutta e vecchia</i>). The courtier's -narrative (No. 4) speaks of the Queen in somewhat -less unfavourable terms and says: "Although she -is not at all handsome, being of short stature and -rather thin than fat, she has a very clear red and -white complexion. She has no eyebrows, is a -perfect saint, but dresses very badly." -</p> - -<p> -This narrator is very critical about the ladies' -dresses and is quite shocked at some of the English -fashions. He says:— -</p> - -<p> -"They wear farthingales of coloured cloth without -silk; the gowns they wear over them are of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P158"></a>158}</span> -damask, satin, or velvet of various colours, but very -badly made. Some of them have velvet shoes -slashed like men's, and some wear leather. Their -stockings are black, and they show their legs even -up to the knees, at least when they are travelling, -as their skirts are so short. They really look quite -indelicate when they are seated or riding. They -are not at all handsome, nor do they dance gracefully, -as all their dancing only consists of ambling -and trotting. Not a single Spanish gentleman is in -love with any of them[<a id="chap03fn21text"></a><a href="#chap03fn21">21</a>] ... and they are not -women for whom the Spaniards need put themselves -out of the way in entertaining or spending -money on them, which is a good thing for the -Spaniards." -</p> - -<p> -When the same narrator reaches London he -speaks with somewhat more experience, but his -opinion is not much modified. He says, when -speaking of the vast numbers of ladies that served -the Queen:— -</p> - -<p> -"Those I have seen in the palace have not struck -me as being handsome; indeed, they are downright -ugly. I do not know how this is, because outside I -have seen some very beautiful and attractive women. -In this country women do not often wear clogs and -wraps, as they do in Spain, but go about the city -and even travel in their bodices. Some of them -walk in London with veils and masks before their -faces, which makes them look like nuns, who do not -wish to be known. Women here wear their skirts -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P159"></a>159}</span> -very short, and their black stockings are trim and -tightly gartered; the shoes are neat, but are slashed -like men's, which does not look well to Spanish eyes." -</p> - -<p> -Philip, we are told, slept late next morning, and -as soon as he was up the Queen's tailor brought him -two superb dresses, one made of very rich brocade -profusely embroidered with gold bugles and pearls, -with splendid diamonds for buttons, and the other -of crimson brocade. His Highness went to Mass -in a purple velvet surcoat with silver fringe and -white satin doublet, and then after his private dinner -went in great state to see the Queen. She received -him in the great hall of the palace, with the courtiers -ranged on a raised platform on each side. The -great officers of state preceded her, and she was -followed by fifty ladies splendidly dressed in purple -velvet, "but none of them pretty," and having met -her consort in the middle of the hall she led him to -the daïs, where he stood in sweet converse with her -for some time. But fickle Philip "went, as usual, -to talk to the ladies, and we, about twelve of us, -kissed the Queen's hand." "We" also seem to -have been talking to the ladies before that, but do -not appear to have got on very well, as "we could -hardly understand each other." Then Philip went -to Vespers and the Queen to her chapel, and after -supper they met again, and Figueroa privately read -the Emperor's abdication, which made Philip king -of Naples, and all the ambassadors, except Noailles, -paid homage to the new sovereign, who received -them bareheaded.[<a id="chap03fn22text"></a><a href="#chap03fn22">22</a>] -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P160"></a>160}</span> -</p> - -<p> -The wedding ceremony next day is fully described -by the English authorities already mentioned, and -the narratives before us, although extremely minute -in detail, do not vary much from the accepted -accounts. The ancient cathedral was all aflame -with splendid colour, and the world has rarely seen -so gorgeous and so rich a company as was there -assembled. All the pomp that regal expenditure -could buy in an age of ostentation was there. All -the impressive solemnity that the Roman Church -could give to its ceremonies was lavished upon this. -The Queen, we are told, blazed with jewels to such -an extent that the eye was blinded as it looked upon -her; her dress was of black velvet flashing with -gems, and a splendid mantle of cloth of gold fell -from her shoulders; but through the Mass that -followed the marriage service she never took her -eyes off the crucifix upon which they were devoutly -fixed. Her fifty ladies were dressed in cloth of gold -and silver, and "looked more like celestial angels -than mortal creatures." Philip matched his bride -in splendour. He too wore a mantle of cloth of -gold embroidered with precious stones, and the rest -of his dress was the white satin suit the Queen had -sent him the day before, and he too was a blaze of -jewels. The Earl of Derby, who preceded the -Queen with a sword of state, appears to have -greatly impressed the imaginations of the Spaniards, -as several references are made to his power and -splendour. He is spoken of as the "king of -Mongara (Man), who wears a leaden crown," and it is -easy to see that much of the interest in him is -caused by the supposed identification of his -kingdom with scenes of the romances of chivalry. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P161"></a>161}</span> -</p> - -<p> -After the ceremony the King and the Queen -walked through an immense crowd to the palace -side by side, and entered the great hall,[<a id="chap03fn23text"></a><a href="#chap03fn23">23</a>] which the -narrator (No. 2) calls the "hall of Poncia," for the -wedding banquet. A high table, eight yards long, -was placed on a daïs, and at it sat the King and -Queen, the latter being on the right and in a finer -chair than her husband. Gardiner sat at the end of -the high table, and on the floor were four other -tables, where the nobles, to the number of 158, -partook of the feast. Before the King and Queen -stood Lords Pembroke and Strange with the sword -and staff of state, and all the courtly ceremony of -saluting the dishes as they are brought in, and -doffing bonnets to the throne, even in the absence -of the Queen, is set forth with admiring iteration by -the form-loving Spaniards. Their jealous eyes, too, -do not fail to notice that the Queen takes precedence -in everything. Not only has she the best chair, but -she eats from gold plate, whilst her consort eats -from silver. This, they say, is no doubt because he -is not yet a crowned king, and it will be altered -later. All the tables are served with silver, except -some large dishes; and great sideboards of plate -stand at each end of the hall. The buffet behind -the high table had over a hundred great pieces of -gold and silver plate, with a "great gilt clock half -as high as a man," and a fountain of precious marble -with a gold rim. There were four services of meat -and fish, each service consisting of thirty dishes,[<a id="chap03fn24text"></a><a href="#chap03fn24">24</a>] -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P162"></a>162}</span> -and minstrels played during the feast, whilst the -solid splendour and pompous ceremony appear to -have impressed all the Spaniards with wonder not -unmixed with envy. It is, indeed, here that the -jealousy of the courtier narrator (Nos. 3, 4, and -5) first bursts out. The only Spaniard who was -allowed to serve the King was Don Iñigo de -Mendoza, son of the Duke of Infantado, who was -cup-bearer, and four yeomen of the mouth, who helped; -but "as for any of the Prince's own stewards doing -anything, such a thing was never thought of, and -not one of us took a wand in our hands, nor does it -seem likely we ever shall, neither the controller nor -any one else, and they had better turn us all out as -vagabonds." The Earl of Arundel presented the -ewer with water for the King's hands, and the -Marquis of Winchester the napkin. The ewer, we are -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P163"></a>163}</span> -told (narrative No. 6), contained "not water, but -white wine, as is the custom here." -</p> - -<p> -Then, after the Queen had pledged all her guests -in a cup of wine, and a herald had proclaimed the -titles of Philip as King of England, France, Naples, -and Jerusalem, Prince of Spain, and Count of -Flanders, the royal party retired to another -chamber, with the English and Spanish nobles, where -the time passed in pleasant converse, the Spaniards -talking with the English ladies, "although we had -great trouble to make out their meaning, except of -those who spoke Latin, so we have all resolved not -to give them any presents of gloves until we can -understand them. The gentlemen who speak the -language are mostly very glad to find that the -Spaniards cannot do so." -</p> - -<p> -When all was ready the ball began, but as the -English ladies only danced in their own fashion and -the Spanish courtiers in theirs, the latter were rather -left out in the cold, until the King and Queen danced -a measure together in the German style, which was -known to both. After dancing until nightfall, -supper was served with the same ceremony as -dinner, and then more talk and gallant compliment, -and so to bed. -</p> - -<p> -The next day the King only was visible, and -dined alone in public, and on the succeeding day -the same; but on the third day (Saturday) the -Queen heard Mass in her private pew and received -the Duchess of Alba, who had arrived from Southampton -after the marriage. The reception of this -proud dame was ceremonious enough for anything; -but from the bitter complaints of her kinsman, who -probably wrote three of the letters before us, it is -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P164"></a>164}</span> -clear that she, in common with the rest of the -Spanish nobles, was deeply dissatisfied with her -position in this country, so different from what they -expected. The Duchess was conducted to the -palace by the Earls of Kildare and Pembroke and -all the Court, and when she entered the presence -the Queen came almost to the door to meet her. -The Duchess knelt, and the Queen, failing to raise -her, courtesied almost as low and kissed her on the -mouth, "which she usually does only to certain -ladies of her own family." She led the Duchess to -the daïs and seated herself on the floor, inviting her -guest to do likewise, but the latter begged her -Majesty to sit on the chair before she (the Duchess) -would sit on the floor. The Queen refused to do so, -and sent for two stools, upon one of which she sat, -whereupon the Duchess, instead of accepting the -other, sat beside it on the floor. The Queen then -left her stool and took her place on the floor also, -and finally, after much friendly wrangling, both -ladies settled on their respective stools side by -side. The Queen understood Spanish, but spoke in -French, and the Marquis de las Navas interpreted -to the Duchess, who only understood Spanish. -When the Earl of Derby was presented to the -Duchess, he greatly shocked her by offering to kiss -her on the mouth, according to the universal -English fashion, and she drew back to avoid the -salute, but not quite in time, although she assured -the Spaniards that the earl had only managed to -kiss her cheek. -</p> - -<p> -But the chagrin of the proud, dissatisfied -Spaniards was growing deeper as they saw their -hopes of domination in England disappear. The -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P165"></a>165}</span> -men-at-arms and bodyguard, cooped up in their -ships at Portsmouth and Southampton, forbidden -to land under pain of death, were becoming restive; -the courtiers and their followers, scoffed at and -insulted in the streets, and waylaid and robbed if -they ventured into the country, were forced to put -up with everything silently, by order of the King; -but they could relieve their minds by writing to -their friends in Spain an account of their sorrows. -Writing from Winchester, narrator No. 2 says:— -</p> - -<p> -"After all this weary voyage, these people wish to -subject us to a certain extent to their laws, because -it is a new thing for them to have Spaniards in their -country, and they want to feel safe. The Spaniards -here are not comfortable, nor are they so well off -as in Castile. Some even say they would rather -be in the worst stubble-field in the kingdom of -Toledo than in the groves of Amadis." -</p> - -<p> -The courtier who wrote No. 3 is even more -emphatic. He says:— -</p> - -<p> -"Great rogues infest the roads and have robbed -some of our people, amongst others the chamberlain -of Don Juan de Pacheco, from whom they took -400 crowns and all his plate and jewelry. Not a -trace has been found of them, nor of the four or five -boxes missing from the King's lodgings, although -the Council is sending out on all sides. The friars -have had to be lodged in the college for safety and -bitterly repent having come." -</p> - -<p> -But dissatisfied as the Spaniards were, there was -still sufficient novelty in their surroundings during -their stay at Winchester in the last days of July to -keep them amused. The wonderful round table of -King Arthur in the castle, where the twelve peers -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P166"></a>166}</span> -are still enchanted, and their names written round -in the places where they sat, claims the wondering -attention of the visitors. The curious beer made -with barley and a herb, instead of wheat, as in -Flanders, is discussed; and the strange habit the -ladies, and even some gentlemen, have of putting -sugar in their wine, and the never-ending dancing -going on amongst the ladies of the palace excite -remark. On the last day of July most of the English -lords and squires had gone home for the present; -the Spaniards were distributed about Winchester -and Southampton; the admiral of Spain was under -orders to take a part of the fleet back again; and -the bulk of the Spanish troops were only awaiting a -fair wind to take them to Flanders, and the King -and Queen, with a small suite, set out for Basing, -the Lord Treasurer's[<a id="chap03fn25text"></a><a href="#chap03fn25">25</a>] house, fifteen miles off. -Most of the accounts before us end at this point -but the two interesting letters to which I have given -the numbers 4 and 5, written respectively from -Richmond and London, show clearly the gradual -exacerbation of the dislike between the Spanish and -English as time went on, in spite of the diplomatic -attempts to connect Philip's name at every -opportunity with acts of clemency and moderation. -</p> - -<p> -On the 19th of August, which is the date of the -letter from Richmond, the royal honeymoon seems -yet not entirely to have waned:— -</p> - -<p> -"Their Majesties are the happiest couple in the -world, and are more in love with each other than I -can say here. He never leaves her, and on the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P167"></a>167}</span> -road is always by her side, lifting her into the -saddle and helping her to dismount. He dines -with her publicly sometimes, and they go to Mass -together on feast days." -</p> - -<p> -This letter from Richmond gives the following -curious account of the lavish scale on which the -royal establishment was maintained:— -</p> - -<p> -"All the rejoicings here consist only of eating -and drinking, as they understand nothing else. The -Queen spends 300,000 ducats (a year?) in food, and -all the thirteen councillors and the Court favourites -live in the palace, besides the lord steward, the lord -chamberlain, the chancellor, and our people, with -their servants. The ladies also have private rooms -in the palace, with all their servants, and the -Queen's guard of 200 men are also lodged there. -Each of the lords has a separate cook in the -Queen's kitchens, and as there are eighteen different -kitchens such is the hurly burly that they are a -perfect hell. Although the palaces are so large that -the smallest of the four we have seen is infinitely -larger, and certainly better, than the Alcazar of -Madrid, they are still hardly large enough to hold -the people who live in them. The ordinary (daily?) -consumption of the palace is 100 sheep (which are -very large and fat), twelve large oxen, eighteen -calves, besides game, poultry, venison, wild boar, -and a great number of rabbits. Of beer there is no -end, and they drink as much as would fill the river -at Valladolid." -</p> - -<p> -The writer is very indignant at the scant courtesy -paid to his great kinsfolk the Albas, and at the fact -that they have had to put up with lodgings that are -considered below their dignity even in the villages. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P168"></a>168}</span> -"It is not enough," he says, "to deprive them of -their office, but they must needs give them bad -quarters as well.... These English are the most -ungrateful people in the world, and hate the -Spaniards worse than the devil, as they readily -show, for they rob us in the town itself, and not -a soul dares to venture two miles on the road -without being robbed. There is no justice for us. We -are ordered by the King to avoid dispute and put -up with everything whilst we are here, enduring all -their attacks in silence. They therefore despise us -and treat us badly. We have complained to -Bibriesca and the ambassador, but they say it is for -his Majesty's sake that we must bear everything -patiently." -</p> - -<p> -It was no wonder that under such circumstances -these proud hidalgos begged to be allowed to join -the Emperor in Flanders for the war. Medina-Celi -was the first to revolt at his treatment, and no -sooner had he obtained leave to go than eighty -other gentlemen followed him with their suites, and -so by the middle of August the only Spanish nobles -in attendance on Philip were Alba, Feria, Olivares, -Pedro de Cordoba, Diego de Cordoba, and three -gentlemen, amongst whom was Pedro Enriquez, the -supposed author of the letters. The insults upon -the Spaniards personally were bad enough; but -what was more galling even was the disappointment -they felt at the political effect of the match. Instead -of a submissive people, ready to bow the neck at -once to the new king and his followers, they found -a country where even the native sovereign's power -was strictly circumscribed, and where the foreigner's -only hope of domination was by force of arms; and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P169"></a>169}</span> -this they saw in the present case was impossible. -Enriquez, if he be the author, says: "The marriage -will indeed have been a failure if the Queen have no -children. They told us in Castile that if his -Highness became king of England we should be masters -of France; but quite the contrary has turned out -to be the fact, for the French are stronger than ever -and are doing as they like in Flanders.... Kings -here have as little power as if they were vassals, -and the people who really govern are the councillors; -they are not only lords of the land, but lords of the -kings as well. They are all peers, some of them -raised up by the Church revenues they have taken -and others by their patrimonial estates, and they -are feared much more than the sovereign. They -publicly say they will not let the King go until they -and the Queen think fit, as this country is quite big -enough for any one king." -</p> - -<p> -Great preparations were made for the entrance -of the Queen and her consort into London. The -signs of vengeance had been cleared away, and the -city was as bright and gay as paint and gilding -could make it. The "galluses," from which dangled -the fifty dead bodies of the London trainbandsmen -who had deserted to Wyatt at Rochester Bridge, -were cleared away from the doors of the houses in -which their families lived, and the grinning skulls -of the higher offenders were taken from the gates -and from London Bridge; but London, for all its -seeming welcome and for all its real loyalty to the -Queen herself, was more deeply resentful of the -Spanish intrusion than any city in the realm, and -the few Spaniards who still remained with Philip -repaid with interest the detestation of the Londoners -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P170"></a>170}</span> -towards them. "We enter London (narrative -No. 4) on Saturday next, but, considering their -treatment of the Spaniards already there, we ought -to stay away. Not only will they give them no -lodgings,[<a id="chap03fn26text"></a><a href="#chap03fn26">26</a>] but they affront them on every opportunity, -as if they were barbarians, maltreating them and -robbing them in the taverns to their hearts' content. -The friars brought by his Majesty had better not have -come, for these English are so godless and treat them -so vilely that they dare not appear in the streets." -</p> - -<p> -Only a few days before this letter was written from -Richmond (August 19th) two Spanish noblemen of -the highest rank, Don Pedro and Don Antonio de -Cordoba, ventured to walk in the streets of London -in their habits as knights of Santiago, with the great -crimson cross embroidered on their breasts, as they -are worn in Spain to this day, and this attracting -the derisive attention of the irrepressible London -street boy of the period, the two gentlemen were -soon surrounded by a hooting crowd, who wanted -to know what they meant by wearing so outlandish -an ornament, and tried to strip the offending coats -from their backs. The affair nearly ended in bloodshed, -and the Spaniards had to fly for their lives. -The very few Spanish ladies who came with Philip -were as resentful as their spouses, and we are told -that "Donna Hieronima de Navarra and Donna -Francisca de Cordoba have decided not to wait -upon the Queen, as there is no one to speak to them -at Court, these English ladies being so badly -behaved; and the Duchess of Alba will not go to Court -again, as she had been so discourteously treated." -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P171"></a>171}</span> -</p> - -<p> -With all this grumbling, however, the country -itself extorted the admiration of the visitors; the -books of chivalry, we are told, have only stated half -the truth. The palaces, rich and splendid with the -unhallowed spoils of the monasteries; the flowery -vales, gushing fountains, enchanted woods, and -lovely houses far exceed even the descriptions in -Amadis; but there are "few Orianas and many -Mavilias amongst the ladies," and the romancers -have said nothing about the strange, uncouth beings -who inhabit the enchanting land. "Who ever saw -elsewhere a woman on horseback alone, and even -riding their steeds well, and as much at home on -their backs as if they were experienced horsemen?" And -after confessing the beauty of the country -itself, the narrator concludes that the disadvantages -of it outweigh the advantages, and wishes to God -that he had never seen the place or the sea that led -to it. And things got worse as time went on. The -Londoners themselves were in an exaggerated -panic, that explains their hard treatment of their -guests. The author of the "Chronicle of Queen -Mary," who lived in the Tower of London, and -faithfully set down from day to day the news he heard, -reflects the terror inspired by the presence of Philip's -suite in the capital. We have seen that at the -utmost the number of Spaniards of all ranks who -landed from the fleet did not exceed 500, of whom -four-fifths had left for Flanders and Spain before -the King entered London, and yet the diarist, writing -about this time, says, "At this tyme ther was so -many Spanyerdes in London that a man shoulde -haue mett in the stretes for one Inglisheman above -iiij Spanyerdes to the great discomfort of the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P172"></a>172}</span> -Inglishe nation.... The halles taken up for -Spanyerdes.' And, again, as showing how -complete was the panic, fomented, no doubt, by -Noailles and the Protestants, there is an entry -in the "Chronicle of Queen Mary" of September -8th, as follows: "A talke of XII. thowsand -Spanyerdes coming more into this realm, they said -the fetch the crowne." It is not surprising, with -such a feeling as this current in the city, that the -courtier's next letter, written from London on -October 2nd, should be more despondent than ever. -They were all ill and home-sick; some had almost -died, and the country did not agree with them. -</p> - -<p> -"God save us and give us health, and bring us -safely home again. The country is a good one, -but the people are surely the worst in the world. I -verily believe if it were not for the constant prayers -and processions for us in Spain we should all have -been murdered long ago. There are slashings and -quarrels every day between Englishmen and -Spaniards, and only just now there was a fight in -the palace itself, where several were killed on both -sides. Three Englishmen and a Spaniard were -hanged for brawling last week. Every day there -is some trouble ... God help us, for these -barbarous, heretical people make no account of soul -and conscience; disobey God, disregard the saints, -and think nothing of the Pope, who they say is -only a man like themselves, and can have no direct -dominion over them. The only Pope they recognise -is their sovereign." -</p> - -<p> -The futility of the marriage, from a national -point of view, rankled in the breasts of the -disappointed courtiers as much as did their personal -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P173"></a>173}</span> -discomfort. They felt that the trouble they had -undergone, and the humble pie they had eaten, had -added nothing to the power of their country or their -sovereign, and their prevailing idea was how soonest -and best to wash their hands of an ungrateful and -profitless business in which all their sacrifices had -been in vain. -</p> - -<p> -"We Spaniards," says the narrator, "move -about amongst all these Englishmen like so many -fools, for they are such barbarians that they cannot -understand us, nor we them. They will not crown -the King nor recognise him as their sovereign, and -say that he only came to help govern the kingdom -and beget children, and can go back to Spain as soon -as the Queen has a son. Pray God it may be soon, -for he (Philip) will be glad enough, I am sure, and -our joy will be boundless to be away from a land -peopled by such barbarous folk. The King has -forgiven the Queen 2,250,000 ducats she owed him, -and has distributed 30,000 ducats a year in pensions -to these lords of the Council, to keep them in a good -humour. All this money is taken out of Spain. A -pretty penny this voyage and marriage have cost -us, and yet these people are of no use to us after all." -</p> - -<p> -Bitter disappointment is the note struck all through. -The English lords who had been so heavily bribed -were ready enough to take all they could get; but -they were as patriotic as they were greedy, and did -not sell their country's interests for their pensions. -Renard for once had made a mistake. He was -ready to assent to any conditions the English liked -to propose on paper, trusting to the personal -influence of Philip on his queen after the marriage -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P174"></a>174}</span> -was effected. But he forgot that the Queen herself -was a mere puppet in the hands of her nobles, as -the narrator I have quoted soon discovered, and, -whatever ascendency the young bridegroom might -obtain over his half-Spanish bride; her councillors, -from the stern Gardiner downwards, were Englishmen -before everything, to whom the over-weening -power of the Emperor had been held up as a terror -since their childhood. And so the whole splendid -plot failed, and the magnificent nuptials had hardly -been forgotten before Philip, recognising that his -sacrifices had been in vain, and that he could never -rule in England, made the best of an unfortunate -speculation, and with all gravity, courtesy, and -dignity left Mary to die of a broken heart, alone, -disappointed, and forsaken. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn1text">1</a>] <i>The English Historical Review</i>, April, 1892. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn2text">2</a>] This curious and rare tract was reprinted by the Camden -Society, 1849, and is the groundwork of Foxe's and -Hollingshed's accounts of the events related therein. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn3text">3</a>] Edward Underhyll was one of the gentlemen pensioners, -and his quaint narrative of the accession of Mary and the -subsequent events, now amongst the Harleian manuscripts, -was largely used by Strype and others. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn4text">4</a>] Ambassades de Noailles. Leyden, 1763. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn5text">5</a>] To these may be added the slight but interesting narrative -existing in manuscript at Lotivain, and printed by Tytler -in his "Edward VI and Mary," and the letters of the -Venetian ambassador in Flanders to the Doge and Senate, for -which see Calendar of State Papers (Venetian) of the date in -question. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn6text">6</a>] He was equally at sea at the beginning of Mary's reign, -when he vigorously aided Northumberland's conspiracy to -place Lady Jane Grey on the throne, and repeatedly told his -master that Mary's cause was an absolutely hopeless one. On -the ignominious collapse of Dudley, Noailles excused his own -want of prescience by saying that nothing but a direct miracle -from heaven could have brought about such a change. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn7text">7</a>] I am of course aware that the ambassador had previously -sent his brother François de Noailles to request the Queen -to stand godmother to his newly born son, but François only -arrived at Winchester from London on the day the Queen -received news of the arrival of the Prince off the Isle of -Wight, which could not have been earlier than the 19th, -and was back in London again in time for the child to be -christened, with the Countess of Surrey as the Queen's proxy, -on the 22nd, which would certainly leave him no time to -go to Southampton to witness the landing. See "Ambassudes -de Noailles," iii. 282. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn8"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn8text">8</a>] Mr. Prescott is the only historian writing in the English -language who refers to Spanish accounts at all, and his -reference is confined to a single mention of Cabrera's bald and -stolid history and one or two quotations from Sepulveda, who -appears to have derived what little information he gives from -one of the narratives now before me. Simon Renard's letters -to the Emperor in the Granvelle papers are naturally also -referred to by most historians of the period in question, but, -important as they are from many points of view, they only -give a purely official and diplomatic account, and are Flemish -and imperial rather than Spanish and personal in their interest. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn9"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn9text">9</a>] Cabrera, "Relaciones," and Nicolas Antonio, "Biblioteca -Nova." -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn10"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn10text">10</a>] "Chronicle of King Henry VIII. of England." London: -Bell and Sons. 1889. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn11"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn11text">11</a>] See letter from Lord Edmund Dudley to the Council, -quoted in Tytler, "Edward VI. and Mary." -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn12"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn12text">12</a>] This was in despite of Renard's recommendation to -Philip: "Seulement sera requis que les Espaignolez qui -suyvront vostre Alteze comportent les façons de faire des -Angloys et soient modestes, confians que vostre Alteze les -aicarassera par son humanité costumiere." -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn13"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn13text">13</a>] Renard to the Emperor, quoted in Tytler, "Edward -VI. and Mary." -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn14"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn14text">14</a>] July, Calendar of State Papers, Venetian. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn15"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn15text">15</a>] Soriano, the Venetian ambassador in Madrid, says that -the gentle courtesy he adopted in England was continued -after his return to Spain, and that, whilst maintaining his -natural gravity and dignity, his kindness and graciousness -were remarkable to all persons. Michaeli, the Venetian -ambassador in London, who had sided with Noailles in his -opposition to the match, is emphatic in his testimony of -Philip's affability whilst in England, and says that his -conduct towards his wife was enough to make any woman love -him, "for in truth no one else in the world could have been -a better or more loving husband." These and many other -similar contemporary assurances prove that Philip acted all -through the business like an honest, high-minded gentleman. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn16"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn16text">16</a>] He died in 1559, and a magnificent alabaster monument, -with the recumbent figures of himself and his wife, exists in -fine preservation in the chancel of Thame church, of which -he was a liberal benefactor. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn17"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn17text">17</a>] Probably the dress in which he is represented in the -magnificent painting of him belonging to the Marquis of -Exeter at Burghley (No. 236, Tudor Exhibition). -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn18"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn18text">18</a>] Sir John Gage. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn19"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn19text">19</a>] The Earl of Arundel. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn20"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn20text">20</a>] In the narrative signed by Car (British Museum) the -Queen is described in this interview as "chatting gaily, and -although she is a little elderly -she displays the grace befitting -a queen." -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn21"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn21text">21</a>] Don Pedro Enriquez was wrong here. One of the -greatest of the Spanish nobles, Count de Feria, had fallen -madly in love with Jane Dormer, one of the Queen's maids -of honour, and soon afterwards privately married her. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn22"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn22text">22</a>] Baoardo, quoted by Mr. Froude, says "he raised his hat -to nobody," but these narratives often mention his being -uncovered. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn23"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn23text">23</a>] Narrator No. 6 says, "The hall, which is beautifully -hung with cloth of gold and silk, measures forty of my paces -long and twenty wide." -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn24"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn24text">24</a>] Underhyll (Harleian Manuscript, 425, f. 97) gives a very -quaint account of his share in this banquet. "On the -maryage daye the kynge and queue dyned in the halle in the -bushop's palice sittynge under the cloth of estate and none -eles att that table. The nobillitie satte att the syde tables. -Wee (<i>i.e.</i>, the gentlemen pensioners) weare the cheffe -sarueters to cary the meate and the yearle of Sussex ower -captayne was the shewer. The seconde course att the -maryage off a kynge is gevyne unto the bearers; I meane -the meate butt nott the dishes for they were off golde. It -was my chaunce to carye a greate pastie of a redde dere in a -great charger uery delicately baked; which for the weyght -thereoff dyuers refused; the wyche pastie I sentt unto -London to my wyffe and her brother who cherede therewith -many off ther trends. I wyll not take uppon me to -wryte the maner of the maryage, off the feaste nor of the -daunssyngs of the Spanyards thatt day who weare greatly -owte off countenaunce specyally King Phelip dauncynge -when they dide see me lorde Braye, Mr. Carowe and others -so farre excede them; but wyll leve it unto the learned as it -behovithe hym to be thatt shall wryte a story off so greate a -tryoumffe." The Louvian Chronicle (Tytler) says:—"The -dinner lasted till six in the evening, after which there was -store of music, and before nine all had retired." -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn25"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn25text">25</a>] This was the Marquis of Winchester, not, as Señor -Gayangos supposes, Sir Edward Peckham, who was Treasurer -of the Mint. -</p> - -<p class="poem"> -<a id="chap03fn26"></a> -[<a href="#chap03fn26text">26</a>] The Spaniards had to be quartered in the halls of the -City guilds. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-174"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-174.jpg" alt="Signature: Marye the queene" /> -<br /> -Signature: Marye the queene -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap04"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P175"></a>175}</span></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<i>THE EVOLUTION OF THE SPANISH ARMADA.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P177"></a>177}</span></p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-177"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-177.jpg" alt="Headpiece" /> -<br /> -Headpiece -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<h3> -<i>THE EVOLUTION OF THE SPANISH ARMADA.</i> -</h3> - -<p> -Perhaps no character in history has been more -misjudged and misrepresented than Philip II. For -three centuries it has pleased English writers -particularly, to portray him as a murderous ogre, -grimly and silently plotting the enslavement of -England for thirty years before the great catastrophe -which reduced his vast empire to the rank of a -harmless second-rate power. As a matter of fact -he was a laborious, narrow-minded, morbidly -conscientious man, patient, distrustful, and timid; a -sincere lover of peace and a nater of all sorts of -innovations. He was born to a position for which -he was unfitted, and was forced by circumstances -stronger than himself to embark upon gigantic -warlike enterprises which he disliked and deplored. -</p> - -<p> -For ages it had been considered vital in the -interests both of England and Spain that a close -alliance should exist between the two countries, in -order to counterbalance the immemorial connection -between Scotland and France; and that the Flemish -dominions of the house of Burgundy should under -no circumstances be allowed to fall under the sway -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P178"></a>178}</span> -of the French. It is easy to understand that with -France paramount over the North Sea ports and in -Scotland, England would never have been safe for -a moment; whilst the principal continental seat of -English foreign trade would have been at the mercy -of England's secular foe. At the same time all -central Europe would have been cut off from its -Atlantic seaboard, whilst the principal maritime -powers, Spain and Portugal, would have been -excluded from all ports north of Biscay, except on the -sufferance of their jealous rival. This was the -tradition to which Philip had been born; inheriting -as he did the dominions both of Spain and the -house of Burgundy, and almost at any cost he was -forced, as his forefathers had been, to cling to the -connection between his country and England. -Henry VIII. had known full well that he might -strain the cord very tightly without breaking it -when he flew into the face of all Christendom, and -contemptuously cast aside for an ignoble passion -the aunt of the Emperor, a daughter of the proudest -royal house in Europe. Charles V. dared not, -and did not, break with England in consequence; -for Henry had taken care to draw close to Scotland -and France, and the very hint of such a combination -was sufficient to render the Emperor all amiability. -</p> - -<p> -For a time it looked as if the alliance had been -rendered proof against all attack by the marriage of -Philip and Mary, and it is highly probable that it -would have been so if Renard's plan to marry -Elizabeth to the Duke of Savoy had been carried -out; but here again circumstances were too strong -for persons. The marriage would have been useless -unless Elizabeth were first legitimised, and Mary -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P179"></a>179}</span> -could not legitimise her without bastardising herself, -which she obstinately refused to do, notwithstanding -all the entreaties of Philip and his friends. But -Philip ostentatiously favoured his young sister-in-law, -in the hope that when she came to the throne -he might have some claim upon her gratitude, and -induce her to maintain the friendship which was so -necessary for his interests. It was no question of -Catholic or Protestant yet. He would have -supported her—as indeed he did—however firm a -Protestant she might be; for the next Catholic heir -to the crown, Mary Stuart, was practically a -Frenchwoman, married to the heir of the French throne, -and with her as Queen of England and France, -Spain and the house of Burgundy would have been -ruined. -</p> - -<p> -Elizabeth knew as well as any one how vital it -was for Philip to be friendly with England; and -during a long course of years she traded unscrupulously -upon her knowledge that she might assail, -insult, plunder, and make more or less veiled war -upon him, and yet that he dared not openly break -with her whilst France was greedily eyeing his -Flemish harbours. From the first moment that -Elizabeth's reform policy became evident it was -seen by Spanish statesmen that either the government -of England must be changed, so as to bring it -back to the old cordial alliance, or else Spain must -seek new combinations of powers, in order to redress -the balance. For the first alternative to be -successful promptness was necessary, and the government -of the Queen changed whilst the country was yet -unsettled and divided. Feria wrote from London -to Philip only a day or two after Mary's death that -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P180"></a>180}</span> -the country must be dealt with sword in hand rather -than by cajolery, unless it were to be allowed to slip -through their hands; and thenceforward for years -all of Philip's agents, one after the other, pressed -upon their master the necessity of using force, either -by aiding the Catholics to revolt or by a direct attack -on England. Angry, almost contemptuous, references -to the King's hesitancy and timidity are constantly -occurring in the letters of the various -Spanish ambassadors in England, but beyond -occasional money aid to the English Catholics -nothing could be obtained from the King. -</p> - -<p> -Of all things slow-minded, unwarlike Philip desired -peace, almost at any price, and he saw, as his advisers -did not, the dangers that surrounded him. Marriage -designs, cajolery, and other peaceful methods having -failed to bind Elizabeth to him, he attempted to form -a new combination. He married the French king's -daughter as his third wife; and doubtless even thus -early had evolved in his mind the idea of a league -of the Catholic powers as a counterbalance to -Elizabeth's friendship with Denmark, Sweden, and -the German Protestant princes. He knew that -overt assistance from him to the English Catholics -to depose the Queen and stifle Protestantism would -increase the enmity of the allied Protestants of the -Continent, and perhaps let loose the storm of which -the mutterings were already audible in Flanders. -So, in answer to Feria's advice and Bishop Quadra's -arguments in favour of force, he insisted upon a -policy of soft words, pacification, and palliation; and -again and again told his ambassadors, "You <i>must</i> -keep principally in view by all ways and means to -avoid a rupture ... the importance of which is so -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P181"></a>181}</span> -great that I cannot be satisfied without repeating it -so many times." -</p> - -<p> -But if he thus deprecated open warfare he was -at all times, after Mary Stuart's French husband -was dead, ready enough to subsidise plots to -assassinate or depose Elizabeth; and large sums -were sent to England for that purpose. In -vain his agents continued to tell him how useless -it was to expect that the English Catholics would -pull the chestnuts out of the fire for him, unless -they were assured of his armed support. But -this assurance he would not give. A marriage of -his son Carlos with the widowed Mary Stuart, -simultaneously with a Catholic rising in England, -was an expedient after his own heart, but even here -his timidity was so great that he would run no risk -of firing a shot in favour of a project in which he -would have been the principal gainer. He writes -(June 15, 1563) to Bishop Quadra: "With regard -to the adherents that the Scots will have in England, -and the increase of their number if necessary, you -will not interfere in any way further than you have -done, but let them do it all themselves, and gain -what friends and sympathy they can for their -opinions amongst the Catholics and those upon whom -they depend. <i>I say this because if anything should -be discovered they should be the persons to be blamed -and no one in connection with us.</i>" He was told -plainly that the negotiations could not be carried on -in this way, which pledged everybody but himself, -but it was all useless: his instructions were firm and -undeviating: under no circumstances was he to be -drawn into war with England. -</p> - -<p> -In 1564 the English Protestants were almost -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P182"></a>182}</span> -openly sympathising with the growing discontent in -the Netherlands, and flocks of refugees from Holland -were daily crossing to England. Spanish ships -were being pillaged on every sea by English -privateers, and a war of tariffs and commercial -prohibitions was being carried on between England and -Spanish Flanders; and Philip's advisers told him -that an open war with England would not injure -him so much as his present inactivity was doing. -But withal when he sent a smooth-tongued ambassador, -Diego de Guzman, to mollify the English, his -secret instructions were that he was to tell Elizabeth -that "his orders were to endeavour to please her in -all things, <i>as in effect we wish you to do, using every -possible effort to that end; and striving to preserve -her friendship towards us and our mutual alliance.</i>" -</p> - -<p> -In August, 1568, Philip sent a new ambassador -to England, Gerau de Spes. Relations at the time -were extremely strained between the two countries, -owing to the expulsion of the English ambassador -from Spain for some offence against the Catholic -religion; and Alba's cruelty in the Netherlands had -aroused a bitter feeling in England against Spain, -which was increased by the plots which were known -to be in progress between the Guises and Alba in -favour of Mary Stuart. And yet Philip's orders to -his new ambassador were, "that he was to serve -and gratify Elizabeth on every possible occasion, <i>as -in fact I wish you to do, trying to keep her on good -terms, and assuring her from me that I will always -return her friendship as a good neighbour and brother.</i>" -</p> - -<p> -When Elizabeth a few months afterwards seized -Philip's treasure-ships, which had been driven to -take refuge in English ports to escape from the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P183"></a>183}</span> -privateers, he pursued the same peaceful policy. -Fiery de Spes was all for war and retaliation, but -beyond seizing English shipping in Spanish and -Flemish harbours, Philip would not go. He was -driven for money and sorely beset on all sides, his -commerce well-nigh swept from the seas, his -credit diminished, and his rebellious subjects in -Flanders blockading his own coasts against him. -Mary Stuart was urging him to action, his own -ministers were assuring him ceaselessly that the -only way to check English aggression was to "set -the fire to Elizabeth's own doors by raising troubles -in England or Ireland if he was not prepared to go -to war." But in the face of all provocation, in the -face of Alba's assurance that his prestige was being -ruined by his tame submission, he could only say -after long delay (December 16, 1569) that if -Elizabeth's hardness of heart continued he should -really have to consider what could be done. "We -here think that the best course will be to encourage -with money and secret favour the Catholics of the -North, and to help those in Ireland to take up arms -against the heretics and deliver the crown to the -Queen of Scotland, to whom it belongs by succession." And -the only outcome of it all was the futile -aid to the plots of Norfolk and Ridolfi. -</p> - -<p> -It was the same again twelve years later when -Drake's appalling atrocities on the South American -coasts had aroused the fury of all Spain; and -England was enriched by the plunder of sacred -shrines and peaceful merchantmen. English troops -were in arms against him in Flanders, and public -money had been flowing over to the aid of the -rebels with the thinnest possible disguise, but still -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P184"></a>184}</span> -Philip clung obstinately to the English alliance, -hoping against hope that at last Elizabeth would -become friendly with him. The most he would do, -as before, was to help the Irish Catholics in their -revolt, in order to hamper the English queen and -prevent her from injuring him further. Certainly -in all these years he had never entertained for a -moment the idea of the subjugation of England; he -only sought either by removing Elizabeth or by -diverting her attention to troubles at home to draw her -country back again to the old alliance and friendship. -</p> - -<p> -Up to this period (1580) the principal reason, -beyond Philip's natural love of peace, which had -caused him to follow his long-suffering policy was -the fear of finding himself opposed both to England -and France. Catharine de Medici was as facile as -Elizabeth herself, and could generally, when it suited -her, patch up a reconciliation between Huguenots -and Catholics and unite them, for a short time at -least, under a national banner. But in January, -1580, an event happened which for the first time -seemed to hold out hopes that he might be able to -revenge himself upon Elizabeth without the fear of -France before his eyes. Archbishop Beaton, Mary -Stuart's ambassador in Paris, secretly told Philip's -ambassador there that he <i>and the Duke of Guise</i> -had prevailed upon the Queen of Scots to place -herself, her son, and her realm entirely in the hands -and under the protection of the King of Spain, and -would send James VI. to Spain to be brought up -and married there to Philip's pleasure. This meant -the detachment of the Guises from the French -interest, and Vargas, the Spanish ambassador, at -once saw its importance. He sent off a special -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P185"></a>185}</span> -courier to Philip, urging him now to action: -"Such is the state of things there," he says, "that -if even so much as a cat moved the whole edifice -would crumble down in three days. If your -Majesty had England and Scotland attached to you, -directly or indirectly, you might consider the States -of Flanders conquered, and ... you could lay down -the law for the whole world." -</p> - -<p> -Guise's adhesion to Spain made all the difference, -and Philip welcomed the idea of deporting James -Stuart to Spain as a preliminary measure. Mary -herself was in high hopes, and Beaton said she -was determined to leave her prison only as Queen -of England. Her adherents, he asserted, were -so numerous in the country, that if they rose -the matter would be easy without assistance, -"but with the aid of your Majesty it would soon -be over." The plan was shelved for a time in -consequence of the death of Vargas; and James' -deportation became unnecessary on the fall of -Protestant Morton, and the accession to power of -D'Aubigny, Earl of Lennox, who had already sent -Fernihurst to Spain to assure Philip of his devotion; -but in April of the following year Mary Stuart -opened negotiations with Tassis, the new Spanish -ambassador in Paris. "Affairs," she assured him, -through Beaton, "were never better disposed in -Scotland, than now to return to their ancient -condition, so that English affairs could be dealt with -subsequently." The King, her son, she said, was -quite determined to return to the Catholic religion, -and inclined to an open rupture with the Queen of -England. -</p> - -<p> -Philip, however, wished to be quite sure that -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P186"></a>186}</span> -James was really to be a Catholic before helping -him to the succession of the English crown. -Father Persons and five or six Jesuits were busy -in Scotland with Spanish money plotting for the -restoration of the Catholic religion, and the young -King himself told them, "that though for certain -reasons it was advisable for him to appear publicly -in favour of the French, he in his heart would rather -be Spanish." Even thus early James' duplicity -was the subject of wonder to those who surrounded -him; and in January, 1582, Mary wrote rather -doubtfully about his religion to Mendoza, the -Spanish ambassador in England. "The poor -child," she said, "was so surrounded by heretics -that she had only been able to obtain the assurance -that he would listen to the priests she sent him." But -she assures the Spaniard that she will bind -herself and her son exclusively to Philip in future, -and begs that the Scottish courtiers should be -bribed in his interest. The Catholic revival in -Scotland was being vigorously worked by the -Jesuits and the nobles, and it soon became evident -to them also that James was too slippery to be -depended upon. So they sent Father Holt to -London in February with some important proposals. -The rank and file of the Jesuits had no idea that -their Catholic propaganda in Scotland had been -contrived and paid for by Spain with a political -object, and Holt was astounded when the person -to whom he was directed in London took him to -Mendoza. His message was that the Scottish -nobles had decided, as a last resource, if James -continued obstinate, to depose him, and either -convey him abroad or hold him a prisoner until -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P187"></a>187}</span> -his mother arrived in Scotland. They besought -the guidance of the King of Spain in the matter, -and begged that 2,000 foreign troops might be sent -to them to carry out their plans. This message -was repeated in a softened form to Mary Stuart in -her English prison, and Mendoza urged his master -to send the troops requested, "with the support -of whom the Scots might encounter Elizabeth, and -the whole of the English north country would be -disturbed, the Catholics there being in a majority; -and the opportunity would be taken for the Catholics -in the other parts of the country to rise, when they -knew they had on their side the forces of a more -powerful prince than the King of Scotland." -</p> - -<p> -Philip was on the Portuguese frontier at the time, -and affairs in Madrid were being managed by the -aged Cardinal de Granvelle, who sent to the King -notes and recommendations on all letters received. -</p> - -<p> -He warmly seconded Mendoza's recommendations -that the troops requested by the Scots nobles should -be sent, and says: "The affair is so important -both for the sake of religion, and to bridle England, -that no other can equal it; <i>because by keeping the -Queen of England busy we shall be ensured against -her helping Alençon or daring to obstruct us in any -other way.</i>" Somewhat later Granvelle repeats the -same note. Speaking of the fear of the Scots -nobles that the landing of a large foreign force -might threaten their liberties, he says: "This is not -what his Majesty wants, nor do I approve of it, but -that we should loyally help the King of Scots and -his mother to maintain their rights; and by -promoting armed disturbance keep the Queen of -England and the French busy, at a comparatively -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P188"></a>188}</span> -small cost to ourselves, and so enable us to settle -our own affairs better. If it had no other result -than this it would suffice, but very much more when -we consider that it may lead to the re-establishment -of the Catholic religion in those parts. It is very -advantageous that the matter should be taken in -hand by the Duke of Guise, as it will ensure us -from French obstruction. <i>Since we cannot hope to -hold the island for ourselves, Guise will not try to -hand it over to the King of France to the detriment -of his near kinswoman.</i>" He also speaks of the -probability of Elizabeth's coming to terms with -Spain on being secured to the throne during her -life, and the re-establishment of the old alliance -between the two countries. -</p> - -<p> -Thus far, then, the aims of Spain were legitimate -and honest under the circumstances; and Philip -had no avowed intention, or thought, of the -conquest of England for himself. We shall see how -he was gradually forced by circumstances and the -jealousy between the English and Scottish Catholics -to adopt a different attitude. -</p> - -<p> -So long as Mary and Mendoza kept the direction -of the conspiracy in their own hands all was done -wisely and prudently, but as soon as Lennox and -the Jesuits had a hand in it a complete muddle was -the result. Tassis, the Spanish Ambassador in -France, and Guise had been quite outside the -new proposition of the Scots nobles, but in March, -1582, Lennox wrote a foolish letter to Tassis, which -he sent by Creighton to Paris, laying bare the plan -and giving his adhesion to it, but making all -manner of inflated and exaggerated demands. -</p> - -<p> -Creighton had promised him, he said, 15,000 -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P189"></a>189}</span> -foreign troops, of which he was to have command, -and he asked in addition for a vast sum of money -and a personal guarantee against loss of fortune in -any event. Creighton also went to Guise and -brought him into the business, and Jesuit emissaries -were to go to Rome and Madrid to crave aid from -the Pope and Philip. Mary and Mendoza were -furious at the ineptitude of Lennox and the priests, -and Mary particularly that her name should be used -by them as being the head of the conspiracy. -Creighton had no authority whatever to promise -15,000 men, and the idea that Lennox was to have -command was absurd from a Spanish point of view. -Philip was alarmed too at the large number of -persons who were now concerned in the affair, and -directed that no further steps should be taken. -The inclusion of Guise in the project soon -produced its result. He wanted naturally to take a -large and prominent part, and travelled to Paris to -meet Tassis secretly at Beaton's house. He was -full of far-reaching, ill-digested plans; but his main -desire evidently was to prevent Spanish troops -from being sent to Scotland, for fear, he said, of the -jealousy of the French. His idea was that a large -mixed force should be sent from Italy under the -papal flag, whilst he made a descent with Frenchmen -on the coast of Sussex. But all these fine -plans were soon frozen under the cold criticism of -Philip and de Granvelle. Philip, it is true, did not -yet think of conquering England for himself, but -Mary and James must owe the English crown to -him alone, and be bound to restore the close -alliance between England and Spain, or the change -would be of no use to him: and this could hardly -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P190"></a>190}</span> -be hoped for if there were too many French and -Italian troops concerned in the business, or if Guise -had the main direction of the enterprise. -</p> - -<p> -Sir Francis Englefield was in Madrid as Philip's -adviser on English affairs, and both he and the -numerous English Catholic refugees in France, -Flanders, and Spain soon made it clear that their -national distrust and enmity of the French was -as keen as ever, whilst they looked sourly upon -any project which should make the Frenchified -Scots paramount over England. This feeling they -were careful to urge upon the Spaniards upon -every occasion, and it is not surprising that Philip -at last came to believe their assurances that all -England would welcome a Catholic restoration if -it came from their old friends the Spaniards, and -not from their old enemies the French. -</p> - -<p> -From that time a change was apparent in Philip's -policy. When he heard of the Raid of Ruthven -and the flight of Lennox he saw that English -Protestant intrigue had conquered, and that the -Scottish-Catholic enterprise was at an end for a -time. Guise was to be flattered and conciliated, -but it is clear that henceforward Philip wished to -confine his (Guise's) attention to France. He was -told how dangerous it would be for him to leave -France with his enemies, the Huguenots, in -possession, and was emphatically assured of Spanish -support in his own ambitious plans at home. -</p> - -<p> -Guise was flattered, but he could hardly be -expected to look upon Scottish affairs from Philip's -point of view. So he got one of his adherents, -young de Maineville, sent to Scotland to revive -the idea of the landing of foreign troops there. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P191"></a>191}</span> -Beaton, who was thoroughly French, was just as -anxious to keep the matter afoot in Paris, but -Philip had lost faith in the enterprise, and only kept -up an appearance of negotiation in order to -maintain his hold upon the Guises and prevent them -from undertaking anything except under his patronage. -De Maineville soon got on intimate terms -with James, but the Protestant lords were holding -him at the time, and Guise was informed by his -agent that the time was not now propitious for a -Catholic descent upon Scotland. -</p> - -<p> -Guise thereupon came to the Spaniards in May, -1583, with a fresh plan. He had decided, he -said, to begin with the English Catholics. -Elizabeth was first to be murdered and the country -raised, whilst he landed on the coast, but Philip -and the Pope must provide 100,000 crowns to -pay for it. His plans, as usual, however, were -vague and incomplete, and the English Catholics, -as well as Philip, looked coldly upon them. -Father Allen and the English exiles were in -deadly earnest, "and thought all this talk and -intricacy were mere buckler-play." Mendoza in -Paris reports to Philip that "they suspected a -tendency on the part of the Scots to claim a -controlling influence in the new empire, and as the -Scots are naturally inclined to the French, they -would rather the affair were carried through with -but few Spaniards, whilst the English hate this -idea, as their country is the principal one ... and -they think it should not lose its predominance." -</p> - -<p> -The English Catholics had a plan of their own -which they urged upon Philip. The English North -Country was to be raised simultaneously with the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P192"></a>192}</span> -landing of a Spanish force in Yorkshire, -accompanied by the Earl of Westmoreland, Lord Dacre, -and other nobles, with Allen as Nuncio and Bishop -of Durham, and some of the extreme Catholic -party, even in Scotland, distrusting the French, -favoured some such plan as this under purely -Spanish auspices. -</p> - -<p> -Guise appears finally to have adopted a -combination of this plan and his own. The Spanish -forces were to land at Fouldrey, Dalton-in-Furness, -Lancashire, whilst the English North Country was -to be raised, and the Catholic Scots on the border -were to co-operate with the Spaniards. Guise at -the same time was to land in the south of England -with about 5,000 men. James VI., who had thrown -himself into Falkland and had assumed the reins -of government, was in complete accord with Guise -about it, but the latter, as usual, was for pushing -matters on far too rapidly to please Philip. He -(Guise) took upon himself to send a priest named -Melino to the Pope to ask him to furnish some -funds for the expedition and to explain the whole of -the particulars, and this deeply offended the King of -Spain, who had no idea of having matters arranged -over his head by such a bungler as Guise. The -latter also sent Charles Paget in disguise to -England in August, 1583, to inquire as to the amount -of support he might expect when he landed on the -south coast, and when Philip in due course saw the -instructions taken by Paget, it became clear to him -that he must somehow eliminate Guise from the -project. On the margin of the instructions Philip -scribbled sarcastic remarks as to the futility of -Guise's projecting a landing and sending full -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P193"></a>193}</span> -particulars of his plans to the Pope <i>before</i> he had -ascertained what support he could depend upon -when he <i>did</i> land. What opened Philip's eyes -more than anything else was that the English -"were to be assured on the faith and honour of -Guise that the enterprise is being undertaken with -no other object or intention than to re-establish -the Catholic religion in England and to place the -Queen of Scotland peacefully on the throne of -England, which rightly belongs to her. When -this is effected the foreigners will immediately retire -from the country, and if any one attempts to frustrate -this intention <i>Guise promises that he and his -forces will join the people of the country to compel -the foreigners to withdraw.</i>" -</p> - -<p> -Well might Philip underline this and scatter notes -of exclamation around it, for it marked the parting -of the ways, and showed that Guise was more -anxious for his family aggrandisement and personal -ambition in placing his kin upon the English throne -than to serve the interests of Spain by securing a -close union between the two countries to the -exclusion of France, which was Philip's main object. -</p> - -<p> -Guise was therefore told that he must not be -precipitate, and the matter was kept in suspense; -but from that moment Philip decided to undertake -the matter alone. Allen and the English Catholics -had never ceased to urge upon him that his troops -should be landed first in England, and not in -Scotland; and this now obviously suited Philip best, as -he was growing more and more doubtful about -James' religious sincerity. Another fact must have -also influenced him greatly in the same direction. -His great admiral, Santa Cruz, had just brilliantly -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P194"></a>194}</span> -routed the French mercenary fleet in the service of -the Portuguese pretender at the Azores, and in the -flush of victory had written to Philip begging to -be allowed to direct his conquering fleet against -England. "Do not miss the opportunity, sire," he -wrote, "and believe me I have the will to make you -king of that country and others besides." The -grand old sailor made light of the difficulties, and -besought the King to let him go and conquer -England in the name of God and Spain. But -Philip was not ready for that yet, and the idea -was only now being forced by events into his slow -mind that perhaps he might be obliged, after all, -to claim England for his own, since the English -Catholics were for ever saying they wanted no -French or Scotsmen; and not a single English -pretender was otherwise than Protestant. So Santa -Cruz was told that the King would consider the -matter, and in the meanwhile provide for eventualities -by ordering large supplies of biscuits, and by -gradually sending men to Flanders. At the same -time he wrote to his ambassador in Paris, telling -him in confidence that he intended in due time to -invade England from Flanders, but no one was to -learn this until the preparations had advanced too -far to be concealed; "and even then they (the -French) must be told in such terms as may not -make them suspect an intention of excluding the -French from the enterprise." -</p> - -<p> -But what is of more importance still, Philip gave -directions in the same letter to Tassis in November, -1583, that his own claim to the English crown as a -descendant of Edward III. should be cautiously -broached. If England was to remain in close -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P195"></a>195}</span> -alliance with Spain, it is difficult to see what other -course Philip could have taken. James as a -successor to his mother was now out of the question, -so far as Spanish interests were concerned, for he -was playing false all round. No sooner did the -Scots Catholics gain the upper hand than he -intrigued with Elizabeth and the Protestants for -their overthrow, and immediately the English and -Protestant faction became paramount he wrote -beseeching letters for aid to Guise and the Pope. -All this, of course, Philip knew, for he knew -everything, and although he intended to put Mary Stuart -on the throne, from this time he was determined -that her son should not succeed her. -</p> - -<p> -The discovery of the Throgmorton plot and -Guise's wild plans in connection therewith threw -the whole project into the background for a time, -and confirmed stealthy Philip in the idea that in -future he must manage matters himself. When -Tassis, his ambassador in Paris, was withdrawn -from his post, in the spring of 1584, he wrote an -important memorandum to his master setting forth -at length the arguments on both sides for and -against a landing in England or Scotland, by which -it is clear that the English and Scottish Catholic -factions in France were now bitterly at issue on the -subject. As the English plan had gained ground, -James had once more considered it advisable to -feign a desire to become a Catholic; and Guise had -again urged the adoption of the plan of a landing -in Scotland, with the invasion of England over the -Scots border, James himself being the figurehead. -Tassis says that such is the jealousy of the Scots -in England that if an army crossed the Border the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P196"></a>196}</span> -English Catholics themselves might resist it. "The -English," he says, "would not like to be dominated -by Scotsmen, and if the crown of Scotland is to be -joined to theirs, they still wish to be cocks-of-the-walk, -as their kingdom is the larger and more -important one. On the other hand the Scots may -be unduly inflated with the opposite idea, so that -imperfections may exist on both sides." As Mary -Stuart had drawn closer to Spain she had grown -distrustful of Beaton and Tassis, whom she -considered too much wedded to French ideas; but -withal Tassis in this document very emphatically -leans to the English view, which he knew was that -now held by his master. The full plan for a great -armada was evidently slowly germinating in Philip's -mind, but the vast expense had first to be provided -for. When Guise's envoy, Melino, had gone on -his meddling mission to the Pope his Holiness had -offered to subsidise the expedition to a moderate -amount, and in answer to the second appeal from -James VI. himself he had said that he would stand -by his previous promise. But this did not suit -Philip, and he let the Pope know promptly that -he was willing to undertake the great task for the -glory of God and the advance of the Church, but -that the Pope must subscribe very largely indeed, -"and must find ways and means through his -holy zeal to do much more than has yet been -imagined." He was also warned that Guise ought -not to be allowed to leave France, where he might -serve the Catholic cause so much more effectively -than elsewhere. And so Guise and the Scotsmen -are pushed further and further into the background, -Philip's aim being evidently to raise civil -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P197"></a>197}</span> -commotion in France, which was always easy enough -to do, and so to paralyse Henry III. and the -Huguenots from helping Elizabeth, whilst Guise -would be powerless to promote the interest in -England of his kinsman James. -</p> - -<p> -When it became apparent that the Pope was to -have a large share in the business the intrigue was -transferred from Paris to Rome. Sixtus himself was -wise, frugal, and moderate, and had no great desire to -serve Philip's political aims, but only to signalise his -own pontificate by the restoration of England to the -Church; but he was surrounded by cardinals who -represented the different interests. Medici, D'Este, -Gonzaga, Rusticucci, Santorio, and others -represented the French view, which was in favour of -an arrangement with Elizabeth and James, and -desired to exclude Spanish influence from England. -Sanzio watched Guise's interests, whilst the -Secretary of State Caraffa, Sirleto, Como, Allen, and -the Spanish ambassador, Olivares, craftily forwarded -Philip's wishes, the Pope himself being carefully -kept in the dark as to the ultimate object in view. -The cause of religion was invoked all through as -being Philip's only motive; inconvenient points -were left indefinite, with the certainty that Caraffa -would interpret them favourably to Spanish designs; -and by the most extraordinary cajolery the Pope -was induced to promise a million gold crowns to -the enterprise. He was not brought to this -without much haggling and misgiving on his part, and -was very cautiously treated with regard to Philip's -intention to claim the English crown. "His Holiness," -writes Olivares, "is quite convinced that your -Majesty is not thinking of the crown of England -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P198"></a>198}</span> -for yourself, and told Cardinal D'Este so. I did -not say anything to the contrary. He is very far -from thinking your Majesty has any such views, -and when the matter is broached to him he will be -much surprised. However deeply he is pledged to -abide by your Majesty's opinion, I quite expect he -will raise some difficulty." Philip's constant orders -were that the Pope should be plied with arguments -as to the inadvisibility of the heretic James being -allowed to succeed, and the need for choosing some -good Catholic to succeed Mary. The person that -Philip had decided to make sovereign of England -was his favourite daughter, Isabel Clara Eugenia, -but this was not to be mentioned to the Pope. -"But if at any time the Pope moved by his zeal -should talk about any other successor, you will -remind him, before he gets wedded to his new -idea, that he is pledged to agree to my choice in -the matter." -</p> - -<p> -In the meanwhile Allen, Persons, and the other -English Catholics, were ceaseless in their steady -propagation of the idea of Philip's own right to the -crown, in consequence of the heresy of James, and -the same view was forced upon Mary Stuart by -Mendoza and her English confidants in Paris, all of -whom were pensioners of Spain. At length Mary -was convinced, and wrote to Mendoza at the end of -June, 1586, saying she had disinherited her son in -favour of Philip. -</p> - -<p> -The full plan of the Armada had now assumed -definite form. The King was in possession of -Santa Cruz's marvellously complete estimate of -cost and requirements of all sorts—a perfect -monument of technical knowledge and forethought; the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P199"></a>199}</span> -Pope was pledged to find about a third of the -necessary funds, and to leave Philip a free hand -with regard to the English succession and the time -for the carrying out of the enterprise; whilst -Philip's position with regard to his claim to the -English crown was regularised by Mary's will in -his favour. -</p> - -<p> -Guise, Beaton, and the Scots had thus been -routed all along the line, but it was not to be -supposed that they would accept their defeat without a -struggle. Their next move was within an ace of -being successful, and nearly changed the whole plan -of the Armada. In July, 1586, Guise wrote to -Mendoza that a plan he had long been concocting -had at last been brought to a head, and Beaton was -commissioned to tell Mendoza what the scheme -was. A Scottish gentleman named Robert Bruce -had been sent to France with three blank sheets, -signed respectively by Lords Huntly, Morton, and -Claude Hamilton, which Guise was to fill up over -the signatures with letters to Philip, appealing to -him to aid the Scots Catholics. They asked for -6,000 foreign troops for one year and 150,000 -crowns to equip their own men, and in return -promised to restore Catholicism, release James and -his mother, compel the former to become a Catholic, -and, most tempting of all, to deliver to Philip one -or two good ports near the English Border to be -used against the Queen of England. Bruce went -to Madrid to lay the Scots' appeal before the King, -but when he arrived the failure of the Babington -plot and the collapse of the Catholic party in -England was known to Philip, and he had lost hope of -effecting the "enterprise" except with -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P200"></a>200}</span> -overwhelming forces of his own. He did not wish, moreover, -for Guise's interference, and was coolly sympathetic -and no more. And yet, in the face of Santa Cruz's -advice that he should secure some ports of refuge -for the Armada in the North Sea, the offer of the -Scots lords to give him two good Scotch harbours -was one not to be lightly refused, so whilst he sent -Bruce back with vague promises, he instructed -Parma and Mendoza to report fully on the scheme. -Parma was cold and irresponsive. He would give -no decided opinion until he knew what Philip's -intentions were. He was apparently jealous that -he was not taken fully into his uncle's confidence, -and perhaps angry that his son's claims to the -English crown, which were better than those of -Philip and his daughter, were being ignored. But -Mendoza, an old soldier, the last pupil of Alba, as -he called himself, was indignant at Parma's doubts, -and wrote to Philip an extremely able paper -strongly advising the invasion of England through -Scotland, instead of risking everything in a vast -fleet, to which one disaster would cripple Spain for -ever. In prophetic words he foretold the -possibility of the very catastrophe which subsequently -happened, and prayed Philip, ere it was too late, -to close with the Scots lords' offer. But Philip and -Parma were slow and wanted all sorts of assurances; -so Bruce was kept in France and Flanders -for many months, whilst his principals lost hope -and heart. At last, when they were on the point -of going over to the Protestant side, on a promise -of toleration for their religion, Bruce was tardily -sent back with 10,000 crowns to freight a number -of small boats at Leith to send over to Dunkirk for -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P201"></a>201}</span> -Parma's troops, and the 150,000 crowns demanded -by the lords were promised when they rose. -</p> - -<p> -During all this time the juggle in Rome was going -on. Gradually Sixtus was familiarised with the idea -that Philip could not go to war for the sake of putting -heretic James on the throne; then Allen took care -that he saw the genealogical tree showing Philip's -claim, and at last, in the summer of 1587, it was -cautiously hinted to him that, though Philip would -not add England to his dominions, he might -perhaps appoint his daughter to the throne. Sanzio, -Mendovi and the French cardinals were straining -every nerve to persuade the Pope that the King of -Scots might be converted, and the Capuchin monk -Bishop of Dunblane, amongst others, went to -Scotland for the purpose of forwarding this view. -</p> - -<p> -The result of Bruce's appeal at Madrid was -concealed from Guise, but of course he learnt it -indirectly, and was greatly indignant at his -exclusion from a project of which he was the originator. -It was really no secret, however, for in July, 1587, -Father Creighton, sent by Guise, arrived in Rome -full of it; he, like other Scotsmen, being in favour -of James' conversion and his acceptance by Spain -as King of England. But Allen, Persons, and the -rest of them, soon silenced Creighton, with threats, -cajolery, and money. -</p> - -<p> -When Catharine de Medici got wind of the -business she seems to have thought it a good -opportunity for getting rid of Guise and -checkmating Philip at the same time, and urged him -(Guise) to go himself to aid his kinsman James to -the crown, in which case she would largely subsidise -him; and Guise himself was so incensed at the way -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P202"></a>202}</span> -Philip had treated him that he threatened to divulge -the whole of Bruce's plot to James, and very -probably did so. Elizabeth, too, sent young Gary to -warn James of what was going on, so that when -Bruce arrived in Scotland the King was fully -prepared for him; and although he appeared to -acquiesce in the hint from Bruce that the Spaniards -would aid him to avenge his mother, he was now -surrounded by ministers favourable to the Protestant -interest, who saw that James had more to hope for -from Elizabeth than from Philip, and the matter was -deferred indefinitely. It was late in autumn when -Bruce arrived in Scotland, too late in the season to -freight ships, and he suggested that in the following -summer ships for the transport of Parma's 6,000 -men to Leith should be freighted in Flanders. -This was impossible—in fact, the long delay whilst -Philip and Parma were hesitating had ruined the -project, which was now public and consequently -impracticable, though Bruce and the Scottish lords -continued to clamour for Spanish men and money -until the Armada appeared. And so again Philip's -want of promptness lost this chance, which might -have saved the Armada. -</p> - -<p> -By this time, late in the year 1587, the final plan -of the Armada had been settled. Parma had received -his full instructions from Philip some months before; -all Spain and Catholic Christendom were ringing -with preparations for the fray, and the great -fleet—or what Drake had left intact of it on his summer -trip to Cadiz—was mustering at Lisbon under gallant -old Santa Cruz, who was already dying broken-hearted -at the neglect of his wise precautions, at -the confusion, waste, and ineptitude which -foreboded the crowning disaster. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P203"></a>203}</span> -</p> - -<p> -With the subsequent mishaps and catastrophe this -study is not concerned. My object has been to -show how circumstances drove Philip to adopt the -course he did, both with regard to the invasion itself -and his claim to the English crown; and to demonstrate -that the ostensible prime object of the Armada, -the conversion of England to Catholicism, although -undoubtedly desired by Philip, was mainly used as -a means to his real end—namely, a close political -alliance with England, without which Spain was -inevitably doomed to the impotence which -eventually fell upon her. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-203"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-203.jpg" alt="Tailpiece" /> -<br /> -Tailpiece -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap05"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P205"></a>205}</span></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<i>A FIGHT AGAINST FINERY.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P207"></a>207}</span></p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-207"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-207.jpg" alt="Headpiece" /> -<br /> -Headpiece -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<h3> -<i>A FIGHT AGAINST FINERY.</i> -</h3> - -<p class="t3"> -(A HISTORY OF THE SUMPTUARY LAWS IN SPAIN.) -</p> - -<p> -It is a curious reflection that whilst all the serious -acts and surroundings of civilised life have been -rendered amenable to the law, whilst the very -instincts inherent in the nature of mankind have -been dominated and regulated by authority, utter -failure has attended the persistent efforts of rulers -to cope with the trivial follies of fashion, or to limit -the vanity and extravagance of personal adornment. -For long ages men, and particularly women, have -insisted upon making themselves absurd and -uncomfortable, at great cost and in an infinite variety -of ways, in obedience to dictates or impulses springing -from nobody knows where, and have only consented -to forego each succeeding caprice when the taste for -it has worn itself out and has given place to another, -perhaps still more preposterous than its predecessor. -</p> - -<p> -It has been from no fault of the rulers that they have -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P208"></a>208}</span> -been beaten in their fight with fashion, for they have -tried their hardest for centuries. Our Plantagenet -and Tudor sovereigns made many attempts to -regulate the dress and adornment of their subjects, but -the motive which mainly prompted them was the -desire to differentiate the classes and prevent the -humbler citizens from emulating, in appearance at -least, their social superiors. In a state of society -which depended upon the subjection of the majority -by the privileged classes, this motive was perfectly -reasonable; as was also the alternative one of -protecting a particular national industry, which, in Tudor -times especially, often furnished a reason for the -imposition of sumptuary enactments; but both of -these motives, from their very nature, were necessarily -more or less ephemeral and artificial, because, -on the one hand, the continual social development, -the growing wealth of the traders and the emancipation -of the labourers made the classes interdependent; -and, on the other, the extended seaboard of -England and the maritime enterprise of the inhabitants -made the protection of a particular industry -by prohibiting foreign competition impossible for -any great length of time. The attempted interference, -therefore, of English sovereigns with the -dress of their lieges was intermittent and spasmodic, -and was, at a comparatively early period, admitted -to be useless. -</p> - -<p> -Such, however, from various reasons was not the -case in Spain. There the fight against finery was -kept up persistently for nearly six centuries, -and hardly a decade passed during that time -without one or more petty and ridiculous attempts -being made to interfere with the dress, food, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P209"></a>209}</span> -personal habits, and surroundings of the people. -The ostensible motives were usually different from -those which operated in England. The separation -of the classes has never been so complete in Spain -as elsewhere in Europe, owing to the fact that from -a very early period in the history of the country all -Christians were banded together and dependent upon -one another for protection against the common enemy, -the infidel. Manual industry, moreover, was never -a strong point with Spanish Christians, and the main -reason for the various attempts to exclude foreign -goods was the dread that Spanish gold would be -sent out to pay for them. Nothing is more striking, -indeed, than the absolutely murderous effect upon -Spanish industry exerted by most of the paternal -attempts at interference with trade, but political -economy was even more of a dead letter amongst -that nation of warriors than with our own ancestors. -The earliest object of the great mass of sumptuary laws -in Spain was to restrict the dreaded taste for luxury -and splendour which was felt to be a characteristic -of the hated Moor, who had been conquered bit by -bit by people who were content to live roughly, feed -frugally, and dress plainly. But with victory came -wealth, with peace came intermixture, and the subtle, -refined, Oriental blood, with its love of pomp and -brilliancy, gradually permeated the rough -Gothic-Iberians, until its manifestations alarmed rulers -whose power still largely depended upon the -self-sacrificing frugality and hardy endurance of their -subjects. Thus it was that the attempt was made -to keep people frugal and homely whilst they were -growing rich, and the tendency continued during all -the centuries that the struggle against Spanish luxury -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P210"></a>210}</span> -went on, although during the last three centuries of -the period the original motive had disappeared, and -the usual excuse for the interference of the King -with the dress of his subjects was the desire to -prevent them from spending so much money upon -themselves, in order that they might spend more -upon him. -</p> - -<p> -But, whatever the motives may have been, the -fight against extravagance was carried on as -persistently as fruitlessly until quite recent times, and -there exists a mass of information with regard to the -dress and manners of the people in the Spanish -sumptuary enactments unequalled elsewhere. The -decrees usually took the form of a representation -from the Cortes to the sovereign, setting forth in -a preamble the particular abuses to be remedied, -and then proposing a remedy which the sovereign -usually confirmed by what was called his "pragmatic -sanction," and the decree was then proclaimed and -had the force of law. A large number of these -decrees or "pragmatics" of the highest interest -will be found in the British Museum manuscripts -(MSS. Add. 9933 and 9934), and many more are -set forth in Sempere's "Historia de las leyes -suntuarias" (Madrid, 1788), whilst the familiar and -festive traditions of old Madrid teem with quaint -stories of ingenious evasions and jovial defiance -of the laws under the very noses of the sable-clad -Acaldes and Alguaciles, whose grave and solemn -duty it was to clip lovelocks and measure frills -and furbelows. -</p> - -<p> -The first vicious extravagance which seizes upon -a hardy, simple people who find themselves safe -after a period of struggle is naturally that of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P211"></a>211}</span> -gluttony; and the earliest sumptuary decrees of -the Castilian kings were directed against this -particular excess. -</p> - -<p> -In point of date the first decree extant in Spain -of a sumptuary character was that issued by Don -Jaime (El Conquistador) of Aragon in 1234. He -was extremely devout and ascetic himself, and was -shocked at the growing extravagance of his subjects, -who having in his remote mountain kingdom finally -expelled the Moors, turned their attention to tourneys, -shows, and mimic warfare, at which great sums were -spent both in feasting and adornment. The Jews -too, who at the time nearly monopolised Spanish -trade, encouraged the growing taste for the fine stuffs -and precious ornaments, from the sale of which they -derived so large a profit. So in 1234 Don Jaime -decreed from his capital of Zaragoza that no subject -of his should sit down to a meal of more than one -dish of stewed, and one of roast meat, unless it were -dried and salted. As much game as they pleased -might be eaten, on condition that it had been hunted -by the eater, but otherwise only one dish of game -might be served. No jongleur or minstrel might eat -with ladies and gentlemen, and no striped or bordered -stuffs were to be worn. Gold and silver, as well as -tinsel, were prohibited, and ermine and other furs -were only to be used as a trimming to hoods and -hanging sleeves. Jaime since his childhood had -been trying to crush the rising power of his feudal -nobles, and had already embarked on that long career -of conquest by which he subdued the Moorish kingdoms -of Majorca and Valencia, so that, although he -himself was now safe in his mountain realm from -invasion, his decree was as much prompted by his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P212"></a>212}</span> -dread of the softening effect of luxury upon his -subjects as by his own rough, simple tastes. -</p> - -<p> -His kinsman of Castile was in worse case, for his -dominions were more open to the Moor. Saint -Ferdinand conquered the splendid Moorish city of -Seville in 1248, where he died four years later, -leaving his son, Alonso the Wise, to succeed him -as King of Castile. Oriental luxury surrounded -the frugal Castilians on all hands. The wealth of -plundered cities, the spoils of Moslem palaces were -to be had for the grasping, so that it was natural -that extravagance in attire and eating should soon -threaten to soften the Christian conquerors dwelling -in the midst of the gentler, vanquished Moor. -Alonso the Wise, in 1256, therefore issued in -Seville his first great sumptuary enactment. By -it no saddles were allowed to be covered or -trimmed with plush. No gold or silver tinsel -was to adorn them, excepting as a border of three -inches wide, the saddle itself being of uncovered -leather. Gold and silver might be used on caps, -girdles, quilted doublets, saddle-cloths or -table-covers, but not for draping shields or cuirasses. -No jingling bells were to be used as trimmings, -except on the saddle-cloths at the cane-throwing -tourneys, but even then no device was to be -embroidered on the cloths. Bosses upon the -shields were not to be allowed, but the latter -might be adorned with a painted or gilded-copper -device. No milled cloth was to be worn, nor were -the garments to be cut and pinked in fanciful shapes, -or trimmed with ribbons or silk cords; the penalty -for infringing any of these regulations being the loss -of one or both thumbs by the offender, which of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P213"></a>213}</span> -course meant his disgrace and ruin in the career -of arms. Women were allowed a little more -latitude, but not much. They might wear ermine -and otter fur to any extent, but they were forbidden -to adorn their girdles with beads or seed-pearls, or -to border their kirtles or wimples with gold or silver -thread, or to wear them of any other colour than -white. -</p> - -<p> -With regard to eating, Alonso the Wise held -similar notions to those of his neighbour Don -Jaime, and ordered that his lieges should not have -upon their tables more than two dishes of meat and -one of bought game, and on fast days not more than -two kinds of fish. As if recognising the difficulty -of enforcing this, the King solemnly undertook to -comply with his own regulations. Great extravagance -had arisen in wedding feasts, which were said (as in -Oriental countries they do to-day) to often ruin the -contracting families, and Alonso made strict rules to -limit the excess in this direction. No presents of -breeches were to be given, and the entire cost of a -wedding outfit was not to exceed 60 maravedis, -whilst not more than five men and as many women -might be invited to the wedding banquet by each -of the contracting parties. The money spent upon -marriage rejoicings, indeed, had become so great that -Alonso made this reform a great point in his decree, -and provided against evasion by strictly limiting the -time during which the feast might continue and -wedding presents be given. Moors were said to -be dressing like Christians, and this was rigidly -forbidden. They were to wear no red or green -clothes, and no white or gold shoes, and their hair -was to be parted plainly in the middle of the head, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P214"></a>214}</span> -with no topknot, whilst they were enjoined to wear -their full beard, which made the distinction between -them and the shaven-chinned Christians the more -marked. The penalties imposed for disobeying this -decree of 1256 were savage in the extreme, varying -from loss of a thumb and a fine for the first -offence, to death for the third; but savage as they -were, they can hardly have been effectual, except -perhaps in Seville, for only two years later, in -1258, Alonso came out with a perfect code of -conduct for his subjects, far too minute to even -summarise here, but of which some specimens may -be given, as they served as a model for subsequent -decrees for many years afterwards. Alonso had -apparently got tired of his self-denying ordinance -and says the King may eat and dress as he -pleases, but agrees to limit his daily table -expenditure to 150 maravedis a day, which in spending -power would represent about £40 at the present -time at least. But he orders his "ricoshomes," -ruling men, to eat more sparingly and to spend -less money. None of the members of the royal -household, squires, scribes, falconers, or porters, -except the head of each department, were allowed -to wear white fur or trimmings, or to use gilt or plated -saddles or spurs. They were forbidden to indulge -in breeches of scarlet cloth, gilt shoes, and hats of -gold or silver tissue. Priests, it appears, had been -reducing the size of their tonsures and ruffling in -fine colours, so as to be undistinguishable from -laymen, and they are sternly ordered to have their -tonsures the full size of their heads, gird themselves -with a rope, and eschew red, green, and pink -garments. The old regulations about eating were -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P215"></a>215}</span> -repeated with the addition of one plate of meat -for supper, and the prohibition of fish on meat -days. No man, however rich, was to buy more -than four suits of clothes in a year, and no ermine, -silk, gold or silver tissue, no slashes, trimmings, or -pinked cloth might be worn by men. Two fur -mantles in a year, and one rain-cape in two years -was the limit of extravagance allowed to a man in -this direction; and the King alone was to wear a red -rain-cape. Lawn and silk for outer garments were -confined to royalty, but the "ricoshomes" might -employ them as linings. No crystal or silver -buttons were to be allowed, nor was shaving or -other signs of mourning permitted, except to vassals -who had lost their overlord and to widows. Jews -and Moors are cruelly treated in this decree, and -their offences and those of the poorer classes are -to be punished by torture or death, whilst those -of the "ricoshomes" are left to the King's -discretion. Ermine, vair, and otter furs would appear -to have been amongst the principal articles of luxury, -as the wearing of them is very strictly regulated, and -white furs seem to come next in estimation after them. -</p> - -<p> -For ninety years these laws of Alonso the Wise -were repeated and reimposed with slight variations, -but apparently ineffectually; since in 1348 the Cortes -of Alcalá made a presentment to Alonso XI. of -Castile bewailing the luxury and extravagance of the -age, and proposing a new code of sumptuary rules, -which in due course the King confirmed. These -rules are very interesting because they demonstrate -the great strides which had been made in luxury, -refinement, and civilisation since the issue of the decrees -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P216"></a>216}</span> -of Alonso the Wise nearly a century before. No gold -ornaments, no ermine or grebe-neck trimmings, no -seed-pearl embroidery, gold or silver buttons or wire, -and no enamels were to be worn except by nobles. -No gold tissue or silk was allowed except for linings, -and no man below the rank of a knight might wear -vair fur or gilt shoes. Even the princes of the blood -were strictly limited in their dress, and were ordered -to use tapestry cloth or silk, but without gold or -trimming of any sort. The Spartan wedding regulations -of Alonso the Wise had now become obsolete with -the advance of wealth, but the new rules, although -wider, were to be enforced with equal or greater -severity. No gentleman was to give his bride -within four months after marriage more than three -suits of clothes, one of which might be of gold tissue, -and one embroidered with seed-pearls to the value -of 4,000 maravedis, an enormous sum when we -consider that ninety years before 150 maravedis were -the limit of the monarch's daily expenditure, and -that at this date, 1348, the value of a sheep was -only eight maravedis. The bride's trousseau is -regulated down to the smallest details, and the -penalty for exceeding them is the loss of one-quarter -of his land by the too-generous gentleman who does -so. The decree sets forth that some women are -wearing trains, "which are both costly and useless," -but in future they are to be confined to those ladies -who are travelling in a litter—a privilege limited to -nobles. All other women are to wear pelisses without -trains, just reaching the ground, "or at least not -to drag more than two inches upon it." Ladies -who broke this rule were to be fined 500 maravedis. -Great stress is again laid upon the limitation -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P217"></a>217}</span> -of extravagance in wedding feasts, and burials, -but the cost still allowed shows to what an excess -luxury had been carried. The bride's wedding -clothes might cost 4,000 maravedis and the groom's -outfit 2,000; and thirty-two people were now allowed -at the wedding feast. Much more latitude was -permitted in the use of seed-pearls, gold, and silver, -to people above the rank of knights, but the principal -point to be noted in these decrees of Alonso XI. is -the incidence of the penalty. In the decrees of -Alonso the Wise, as has been shown, the most -savage penalties were imposed upon the poorer -classes, whilst the punishment of the nobles was left -to the King's discretion. But much more even -justice is dealt out by Alonso XI. The nobles who -break the law are to lose one-quarter of their land, -the knights one-third, the citizens 500 maravedis, -whilst the poorer classes for slight offences against -the sumptuary rules are condemned to lose the -offending garment and its cost in money. -</p> - -<p> -But whatever the penalty might be, extravagance, -checked in one direction, broke out in another, and -Peter the Cruel, the son of Alfonso XI., only a few -years after the date of the decree just mentioned, -issued a complete sumptuary code in which the -punishments were positively ferocious. Fines, -scourging, mutilation, and banishment for first and -second offences, and death for the third, were -imposed for the smallest infraction. Peter was -particularly hard on priests, who were said to be -swaggering about with women, tricked out in gay -finery, and they were ordered in future to be sober -and frugal, wearing no ornaments of any kind, and -only sad-coloured garb. Workmen, too, were to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P218"></a>218}</span> -labour from sunrise to sunset for a fixed wage on -pain of punishment as severe as those imposed by -our own labour laws. The King, moreover, fixed -stringently the cost which was to be incurred by -cities and towns in entertaining him when he visited -them. The dietary scale appears a pretty generous -one from the point of view of to-day, consisting as -it does of 45 sheep at 8 maravedis each, 22 dozen of -dry fish at 12 maravedis a dozen, 90 maravedis worth -of fresh fish, with pork, grain, wine, &c.; the total -value of the feast being limited to 1,850 maravedis. -Villages and nobles were not to spend more than -800 maravedis on a similar occasion. -</p> - -<p> -In 1384 Peter the Cruel's nephew, John I. of -Castile, was well beaten by the Portuguese at the -battle of Aljubarrota, and marked his sorrow by -issuing a decree prohibiting the use in any form of -dress of silk, gold, silver, seed-pearls, precious stones, -or ornaments of any kind, and everybody was ordered -to don a simple mourning garb. When, four years -after this, John of Gaunt's daughter Catharine came -to marry the heir to the crown of Castile, she brought -something else with her besides the wide, pointed -coif which Spanish widows wore for the next three -hundred years. Part of her dower consisted of -great herds of merino sheep, which crossed and -thrived so well in Spain that the coarse duffel, which -had been the only native cloth, gave place in a few -years to beautiful fine woollen textures which could -vie with those of England and Flanders. -</p> - -<p> -Intercourse between nations, the growth of wealth, -the spread of learning, and the advance of civilisation -were moving with giant strides. The soft arts of peace -were practised with greater success than ever, now -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P219"></a>219}</span> -that the Moslem and the Christian were fast merging -into one people in Seville and Toledo, and the -refinement of the one was strengthened by the -energy of the other. Beautiful stuffs, stiff with gold -and gems, gauzy silk, soft cloths, and fine linens, -had no longer to be brought from the Moors or the -kingdoms across the sea. Seville, Toledo, and -Cordova could produce everything that the most -luxurious extravagance could desire, and the -sumptuary laws for a time were forgotten. -</p> - -<p> -In 1452 the Cortes of Palenzuela presented a -petition to John II. asking that the stringent -sumptuary code of Alonso XI. should be -re-enforced. The King, in reply, admitted that the -law was a dead letter, and that the extravagance -in dress was greater than ever. He says that -gold tissue and silks are now ordinary wear, and -that gold trimmings and marten-fur linings are used -even by people of low estate. "Actually working -women," he says, "now wear clothes that are only -fit for fine ladies; and people of all ranks sell -everything they possess in order to adorn their -persons." Still the remedy proposed to him of a revival of the -stern code of a hundred years before he saw was an -impossible one, and the matter was held in suspense. -He died soon afterwards, and his feeble successor, -Henry IV., was equally powerless to stem the rising -tide of industry and wealth with their natural consequences. -</p> - -<p> -In 1469, during the interregnum which followed -the deposition of Henry, the Master of Santiago -issued a proclamation deploring the growing -extravagance of the age, and enjoining more -moderation. Amongst other similar things it says, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P220"></a>220}</span> -"Such is the pomp and vanity now general, even -amongst labourers and poor people in their dress -and that of their wives, that in appearance they seek -to vie with persons of rank, whereby they not only -squander their own estates but bring great poverty -and want to all classes." But it was useless: and -luxury went unchecked until Ferdinand and Isabel -the Catholic were firmly seated on the twin throne -of a united Spain and the last Moslem stronghold -had fallen. Then, in 1495, a "pragmatic" was -issued which superseded all previous obsolete -sumptuary codes and established a new one, which formed -the model for similar decrees for the next two -centuries. Probably a more economically unwise decree -under the circumstances was never penned. All -other previous pragmatics had forbidden the -wearing of extravagant apparel, and this did the same, -especially severely as regarded the precious metals; -but it did more than this. It absolutely forbade the -introduction and sale of every sort of gold and silver -tissue, and rendered criminal the exercise in Spain -of the industry of embroidering or weaving gold, -silver, and every other metal. The Christianised -populations of the south of Spain were greatly -excelling already in this industry. Their gold -embroideries on velvet were in great demand for church -vestments and royal trappings all over Europe. The -taste for chivalrous splendour was not confined to -Spain, and the beautiful half-Oriental tissues of -Andalusia were eagerly sought for in every Court; -gold was just beginning to find its way direct to -Spain from the new-found Indies, and if the industry -had remained untrammelled there was no reason -why the country should not have provided the world -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P221"></a>221}</span> -with textile splendours to its own great advantage. -The ingenious, industrious people—for they were -industrious until the strangling of their handicrafts -made them idle—did their best to avert ruin. In -1498, only three years afterwards, the Cortes made -a presentment to the Queen saying that things were -worse than ever. It was true that gold brocade was -no longer made and the wicked waste of the precious -metal was thus avoided, but all sorts of strange -devices and novelties were being introduced in the -manufacture of silks, whereby the people were -tempted to squander their money on useless finery. -The Spanish silk factories were then the finest in -Europe, and great quantities of raw silk were raised -in the south-east of the Peninsula: and yet a -"pragmatic" was issued the next year, 1499, stringently -forbidding the manufacture, sale, or use of silk, -except for lining. It was a staggering blow to a -flourishing industry, and in order to prevent total -ruin a decree was given that no raw silk from -abroad was to be introduced into the country, and -only Spanish-grown silk used. But this was not -enough, and some of the silk-making provinces, -reduced to desperation, petitioned for the relaxation -of the law. Their prayer was granted, as if in -irony, to the extent of allowing them to wear silk -against the law. But they did not want to wear -silk, but to make it for other people to wear, and -their industry languished, never entirely to recover. -</p> - -<p> -By the time Isabel the Catholic had died the -Spanish silk industry was nearly at an end, and the -skittish young Bearnaise princess, Germaine de Foix, -who succeeded her as old Fernando's wife, came -too late to do it much good. It is true she snapped -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P222"></a>222}</span> -her slender fingers and threw up her pretty chin at -the straitlaced sumptuary laws, and surrounded -herself with silks and velvets, gold brocade and gems, -wherever she went; but unfortunately they mostly -came from the looms and workshops of Southern -France, and gave no work to Spanish hands. -Money, of course, had to be sent out of Spain to -pay for the finery, and in 1515 the Cortes of Burgos -complained of this to Jane the Mad, Isabel's -nominal successor, who thereupon issued a decree -entirely forbidding brocades and gold or silver -embroidery and trimmings to be worn at all, and -strictly limiting the wearing of silk in any form to -people of rank. -</p> - -<p> -But Jane's power was the merest shadow; Spain -was in the throes of a great struggle for its -democratic institutions, which it lost, and no notice -was taken of poor Crazy Jane's decree. If she -understood it she probably had as little sympathy -with it as her young stepmother, for she had -lived for years with her handsome husband Philip -as head of the most pompous and splendid Court in -Europe, in busy Flanders, surrounded by all the -traditional magnificence of the house of Burgundy, -and her young son, the coming Emperor Chares V., -Fleming as he was by birth and instinct, was even -less likely than she to revert willingly to the simple, -democratic, and patriarchal traditions of the Spanish -Court. -</p> - -<p> -He came to his new country with a whole -host of Burgundian, Flemish, and German nobles, -whose taste for finery had never been checked; and -whatever decrees Charles might issue for the dress -of his people, he and his Court were the first to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P223"></a>223}</span> -disregard the letter and spirit of his precepts. It is -not to be wondered at, therefore, that they were not -obeyed for long together by any one else. The -initiative, moreover, did not come from the King or -his courtiers, but from the Cortes of Castile, who -were naturally swayed entirely by Spanish ideas, -of which Charles had at this time, boy as he was, -but little knowledge or sympathy. This was so -clearly recognised that when he was about to leave -Corunna in 1520 to assume the imperial crown, the -Cortes held there petitioned him at least to order -that the sumptuary laws with regard to silks, -brocades, gold embroideries, and gold and silver lace, -should be strictly enforced during his absence from -Spain, since they saw that, with such a Court as his, -they would not be enforced in his presence. But -the example of the Court had struck too deeply, and -the fury for splendour had now really taken hold of -the Spaniards, who in their ages of struggle had -been so simple and homely. -</p> - -<p> -In the pragmatic of 1537 it is said that during -the Emperor's absence the use of brocades, silks, -and precious embroideries had increased more -than ever, and they are absolutely prohibited, -and the rigid law of 1498 again repeated. The -preamble of the decree of 1537 says that this -law against gold embroidery was generally evaded -by making the gold lace and devices separately -and then stitching them on to the cloth, which -cost much more even than embroidery would have -done; and the making of such adornments was -consequently prohibited altogether. Only nine years -afterwards, in 1548, the Cortes of Valladolid made -a presentment to the Emperor saying that things -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P224"></a>224}</span> -were worse than ever, and the cost of clothes had -been increased instead of decreased by the ingenuity -of tailors, who had taken to the plan of cutting out -the most elaborate patterns of coloured cloth with -fine scissors and sewing them on to the cloth -garments, almost covering the latter with delicate -lace-like snippet work of applied cloth. In face of this -abuse the Cortes prayed the Emperor to forbid the -use of any and every sort of trimming, lace, or -adornment on the garments, both of men and women, -which might give an excuse for the wicked tailors -to charge extravagant prices. Charles V. thought -this too sweeping, but in 1552 he issued a -"pragmatic" prohibiting the applied snippet work, and -also the use or manufacture of gold and silver lace -and ornaments, the wearing and making of velvets, -silks, and satins being also rigidly limited. Spain, -flooded with the precious metals from the Indies, -richer perhaps in actual bullion than ever a country -was before or since, with home-grown silk in -abundance, and the most deft and tasteful weavers in the -civilised world, was therefore obliged to import its -manufactured gold and fine stuffs from abroad, -whilst its own humbler citizens languished amidst -the wealth they were not allowed to earn. No -decrees could prevent rich people from squandering -their money on dress, least of all when the Emperor -and his Court were in a constant blaze of magnificence. -</p> - -<p> -Philip II., who in his later years usually wore black -velvet trimmed with jet or bugles, with the simple -chain of the Golden Fleece about his neck, was in -his youth as splendid as his father; and the preparations -for his voyage to England to marry Mary -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P225"></a>225}</span> -Tudor in 1554 included the making of more solid -magnificence in the way of dress than probably was -ever made for one event in modern history. His -son's valet[<a id="chap05fn1text"></a><a href="#chap05fn1">1</a>] was of a literary turn of mind, and has -left us a precise description of the dresses and -trappings made for Philip and his army of courtiers—the -flower of Spain—in which the language of extravagance -is exhausted. Horse furniture, bed-hangings, -canopies, quilts, and upholstery, as well as dress, -were all of satin or velvet covered with gold -embroidery and seed-pearls. There were twenty great -nobles, Spaniards, Flemings, and Italians, each with -scores of followers, all dressed in silks and satins -with gold chains. Philip's German bodyguard, even, -of 100 troopers, wore facings of silk on the gaudy -red and yellow uniform of Aragon, and the common -sailors of the fleet had crimson silk caps with white -plumes. Some few amongst Philip's numerous suits -may be mentioned as an example of the dresses -then in vogue, although many of his nobles appear -to have fully rivalled him in splendour. For some -years, as has been shown, gold-embroidered dresses -had been strictly prohibited; and Muñoz, in his -description of the sartorial wonders prepared for the -wedding, mentions the revival of gold embroidery -as a novelty. Prince Philip had one suit consisting -of surcoat, doublet, trunk-hose, and jacket of crimson -velvet covered with little lozenges formed of twisted -gold chains, the interstices being filled with a -running sprig of silver braid, the leaves formed of silver -filigree. The surcoat was lined with silver cloth of -satin, embroidered in the same way. Another surcoat -was of grey satin covered with alternate stripes -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P226"></a>226}</span> -of applied gold chains and silver bugles. It was -lined with stamped cloth of silver, and the doublet, -trunks, and jacket were of white satin ornamented -in the same way. Another "pretty suit," we are -told, consisted of a French surcoat of black velvet -embroidered all over with gold and silver bugles, -the trunks and jacket being of crimson velvet, and -the doublet of crimson satin with the same -embroidery. One of his dresses consisted entirely of -white silk velvet covered with a costly embroidery -of gold filigree; and another had a surcoat of black -velvet with a border of gold bugles and heavy -twisted silver cords, the garment itself being almost -hidden under a closely embroidered running sprig -in gold, the leaves being filled in with silver filigree, -and in the spaces between the sprigs were slashes -of white satin. With this gorgeous coat went a suit -of white velvet and gold. Precious stones were -worn at the neck and wrists, and gold chains and -gems were looped around the hat. Heavy gold -chains rested on the shoulders, and arms and housings -flashed with riches inestimable, the spoils of the -two Indies. -</p> - -<p> -This will give some faint idea of the fashions of -a time when the rulers were fruitlessly trying to -repress extravagance in dress amongst their -subjects. Most of this finery was prepared in the city -of Valladolid, whence Philip left on his journey, -and it is not entirely surprising that in the following -year 1555, the Cortes of Castile, sitting in that -place, boldly presented a petition asking that the -sumptuary laws should be done away with -altogether. They say that they are entirely a dead -letter, and are consequently a scandal, as well as -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P227"></a>227}</span> -being useless and vexatious. Their petition was -not granted, for Philip and his father still thought -that all the growing wealth of the country should -come to them, instead of being used for decking the -undistinguished persons of private citizens. -</p> - -<p> -There had been no finer flax than that of Galicia, -and no better linens than those made from it, but the -trade had been crippled by the sumptuary restrictions, -and the business had already fallen into the hands -of Flemings and Frenchmen, who got paid for their -stuffs with Spanish gold. The wool industry was -still more cruelly treated. Thanks to the merino -stock, the manufactory of fine cloths, serges, and -friezes had been very prosperous, and Spain could, -and did, export these textiles largely; but in 1552 -the export of such goods was strictly prohibited, -and even wool in the fleece might not be sent out -of the country except on condition that for every -twelve sacks exported two pieces of foreign cloth -and one bale of foreign linen should be introduced -to prevent the export of gold. -</p> - -<p> -The silk growers of Valencia and elsewhere had -been ruined, but the looms remained, and the -weavers attempted to obtain raw silk from Italy -and France. The introduction of raw silk was -thereupon forbidden, and most of the weavers went -the way of the growers, to idleness and ruin, or -across the seas to the Indies. The Cortes of 1555 -saw the evil that was being done and, as usual, -made a presentment on the subject. They pointed -out the paralysis of Spanish industry and the large -sums of coin sent out of the country to pay for -French and Flemish linens, and ascribed the evil -to its secondary and not its primary reason. They -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P228"></a>228}</span> -say flax-growing is neglected and decayed, and -suggest that public lands, where suitable, should be -cultivated, and every landowner forced to plant a -certain proportion of flax on his estate. It was -useless and absurd, of course, as the sumptuary -laws limiting the making or wearing of lawns and -fine linens had killed the industry, and the coarse -linens were still spun and woven at home; so -nothing came of it. -</p> - -<p> -But the acme of absurdity and political perverseness -was reached in the Cortes of 1552, which -presented a petition begging that the export of -manufactured goods of all sorts to the new Spanish -empire in America should be strictly prohibited. -They say that the people there are getting their -money so easily and becoming so rapidly rich, that -they buy such great quantities of Spanish goods as -to raise the prices in the Peninsula, "<i>whereby we -who work here cannot live.</i>" -</p> - -<p> -The Cortes of 1560 reported that the nation was -fast being ruined by extravagance in dress, and -begged that a "pragmatic" should be issued -forbidding every sort of ornament or tissue in which -metal entered, and strictly limiting the trimming of -garments to a plain piping round the edge. This -pragmatic was duly granted, but during the next -few years a considerable change was seen. Philip -had married the beautiful young French Princess -Elizabeth of Valois, who had been brought up with -Mary Stuart in that light-hearted court that -Brantome described so well. She had no patience with -the rigid puritanism and peddling interference of -stern authority with beauty's armoury, and French -fashions for ladies became general. A "pragmatic" -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P229"></a>229}</span> -was published in 1563, ostensibly re-enforcing that -of 1537 (which, as has been shown, prohibited the -use of gold lace or embroidery in any form), but -really relaxing the regulations greatly, for the -benefit of the ladies. They might in future wear -sleeves of point lace in gold or silver, gold or silver -gauze, or silk shot with gold, and their jackets -might be made of similar stuffs, whilst they might -deck their coifs, wimples, stomachers, and -under-linen with as much gold as they pleased. Gold, -silver, or crystal buttons could now be worn, but -not on the skirt, and only on the head, bosom, -bodice, and sleeves; whilst the hat might be -trimmed with gold gimp. Some concessions were -made to their spouses as well, for they were -permitted to clothe their nether limbs in silk hose, and -their trunks might be slashed and trimmed with -silk, and, generally speaking, the wearing of silk -was greatly extended. -</p> - -<p> -Contemporary writers are full of the great -extravagance in dress which followed this period. -Moncada says that it was not uncommon for a -man's dress to cost 300 ducats a suit, whilst the -abuse of precious stones, both by men and women, -was carried to a ridiculous excess. Contemporary -portraits show that things were bad enough in this -respect in England at the time, but they were much -worse in Spain. -</p> - -<p> -Only one year after the proclamation of the -pragmatic just mentioned, namely, in December, -1564, another elaborate decree was issued, on the -pretext that the previous one had left several points -in doubt, and the authorities had consequently been -lax in enforcing it. The decree of 1563 had said that -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P230"></a>230}</span> -one year's grace was to be given for garments already -made, and this concession had served as a loophole -for the evading the regulations altogether. The -authorities are therefore ordered strictly to enforce -the decree; but the opportunity is taken of elucidating -doubtful points and still further modifying the severity -of the orders. It is now explained that the prohibition -of gold, silver, and silk stitching, gimp, or trimming -of any sort on the garments, referred only to applied -trimmings, and was not meant to include the -weaving of gold or silk threads or stripes in the -textures, or even the sewing of stripes of silk or -leather on to the garment, which stripes might be -bordered by a piping and held by two rows of -ornamental backstitch on each side, provided that -no other sort of adornment is used. Silk gimp -even may be applied on garments for indoor wear, -whilst silk frogs may be sewn on to overcoats and -travelling cloaks. Fringes were also allowed on -horse furniture and harness now, and swordbelts -and baldricks might be worn as rich as the taste -and extravagance of the owners cared to make -them. Some doubt is said to exist as to the -legality of stuffing the trunk-hose with baize to -extend them, and whether the slashes might be -lined with baize for the same purpose, and these -practices are strictly forbidden, "nor may piping -be inserted like farthingales, nor may threads, nor -wires, nor gummed silk be employed to extend the -trunks unduly, as we are informed has fraudulently -been done." The previous pragmatic had imposed -the same penalties for infraction of the decree by -people in their own houses as in public, which -appears to have caused much vexation by the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P231"></a>231}</span> -invasion of domiciles by inferior officers, on pretext -of searching for forbidden garments, and the right -of search was now abolished. -</p> - -<p> -An attempt to shame ladies into obeying the law -was made for the first time, of many, in these -pragmatics of 1563-4 by giving to women of bad -character the right to deck themselves in -prohibited finery in their own houses. But Madrid -was already commencing upon the downward -career which made it for more than a century -the most dissolute place in Europe, and women -of rank even were proud of their effrontery, so -that no attempts to induce them to obey the law -by appeals to their modesty ever succeeded. The -brazen-faced impudence of the Madrileñas, which so -shocked foreigners in the seventeenth century, still -remains as a cherished tradition of the -fast-disappearing race of <i>majas</i> and <i>manolas</i> of Lavapies -and other low neighbourhoods of the capital, and -is encouraged in them as a national trait by their -social betters. -</p> - -<p> -In 1568 Philip lost both his beautiful young -wife and his only son. Defeat and disappointment -met him on all sides, and his gloom, -deepened by fanaticism, became heavier as the -years rolled on. Henceforward he and his Court -dressed in black, and the fashions of his people -followed him, to the extent of relinquishing almost -entirely the use of gold tissues and embroidery on -their garments. But poor as was the King's -exchequer, and in despite of Drake and the buccaneers, -gold still poured into Spain from the Indies, and -luxury, if checked in one direction, was certain to -break out in another. Coaches had been brought -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P232"></a>232}</span> -by Charles from Flanders when he came to Spain, -and by the end of the sixteenth century a perfect -rage for coaches had seized upon the people of the -capital—a form of extravagance which for the next -century at least was carried to a ridiculous excess, -and even now remains the principal foible of the -Madrileños. The new taste was supposed to -threaten the art of horsemanship and the breed of -horses; so for some years pragmatics were issued -ordering that no coach or wheeled litter or chariot -was to be drawn by less than four horses. To -encourage men to ride on horseback, doctors, -lawyers, and licentiates of universities were -authorised in 1584 to use long housings to their -steeds, and whilst mules were still to be housed -with plain harness, horses might be decked with -velvet saddles, gold and silver fringes, gimp and -nails, and made as smart as possible, in order to -encourage their use. -</p> - -<p> -In 1593 Camillo Borghese was sent to Madrid -by the Pope, and has left behind him for our -enlightenment a minute account of the fashions of his -day,[<a id="chap05fn2text"></a><a href="#chap05fn2">2</a>] by which we may see the effects that had been -produced by the "pragmatics" we have described. -"The dress of this country," he says, "is as follows. -The men wear long breeches, with a surcoat and -hat, or else a cloak and cap, as it would be a great -breach of decorum with them to wear a hat and -cloak together. This costume would certainly be -very pretty if the breeches were not cut so long as -to be disproportionate. Some men have taken to -wearing hose in the Seville style, which they call -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P233"></a>233}</span> -galligaskins, and with these it is proper to wear a -cloak and hat instead of a cap. The ladies, like -the men, usually dress in black, and have a veil -round their faces like nuns, their heads being -enveloped by their mantillas in such a way that their -faces are hardly visible. Indeed if it were not for -the pragmatic issued by the King on the subject -they would still cover their faces completely, as -they used to do a few years ago. When they do -not wear these veils over their faces, they have -on collars with enormous ruff pleats. They are -naturally dark-skinned, but the use of paints is so -common that they all look fair, and though -small in stature their high pattens make them look -tall, so that it may be truly said that all Spanish -ladies turn themselves from little and dusky to big -and bright. The main street of Madrid would be -fine if it were not unutterably filthy and almost -impassable on foot, and the better class of ladies -are always in carriages or litters, whilst the humbler -ones ride on donkey-back or pick their way through -the mire. They (the ladies) are naturally impudent, -presumptuous, and off-handed, and even in the -street go up and talk with men whom they do not -know, looking upon it as a kind of heresy to be -introduced properly. They admit all sorts of men -to their conversation and are not a bit scandalised -at the most improper proposals being made to them. -</p> - -<p> -"The gentlemen now rarely ride on horseback -but often go in carriages. They are preceded in -the streets by a group of pages and a couple of -servants they call lacqueys, the pragmatic not -allowing them more, although the grandees may be -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P234"></a>234}</span> -attended by four. The pragmatics only allow -saddle cloths to be worn from October to March, -but for the rest of the year velvet saddles may be -used. The one pastime of these people is to drive -up and down the Calle Mayor (High Street) from -midday to midnight." -</p> - -<p> -The good churchman was much shocked at -the effrontery of the people and their filthy habits, -but this branch of the subject is foreign to the -present article. Rough magnificence, side by side -with boorish rusticity, seems to have been the -characteristic of the Spain of Philip II. In the -same year that Borghese wrote, a very severe -pragmatic had been issued prohibiting the use of -silver ornaments on household furniture, which, it -says, had reached a pitch of extravagance which -could no longer be endured. Decrees were issued -in 1586, 1590, and 1594, which are interesting as -showing that the inevitable extravagance of dress -had now turned into the direction of the starched -ruff. "No man," says the last-named pragmatic, -"may wear either at his neck or wrists on any sort -of ruff or frill, fixed or loose, any trimming, fringe -ravelling, or netting, starch, rice, gums, rods, wires, -gold or silver threads, or any 'alchemy' or -anything else to extend or support them, but only a -plain Holland or linen ruff with one or two little -pleats, on pain of forfeiture of shirt and ruff and a -fine of 50 ducats." Great resistance was offered to -this, and it was found, somehow or other, whether -by "alchemy" or what not, the "lettuce-frill" ruffs -still stood stiffly from the neck, and the Council of -State gravely considered the matter, with the result -that the decree of 1594 insists upon the law being -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P235"></a>235}</span> -enforced, the ruffs to be as described, and not more -than three inches wide from the band to the hem, -the colour to be pure white. The penalties for -infraction were tremendous—for a first offence, -20,000 maravedis fine, for the second, 40,000, and -for the third, 80,000 and a year's banishment. -</p> - -<p> -This was not by any means the only sumptuary -law promulgated in this year of 1594; a much -relaxed code of dress was issued with regard to -gold and fancy silk textures, of which the universal -use of unadorned black for so many years had -greatly decreased the manufacture in Spain. -Women were now allowed to wear fine cloth or -silk jackets, and cover the seams thereof with gold -or silver braid or scrolls, whilst their dresses and -mantles might be trimmed as profusely as they -pleased with the same ornaments. Doublets, -jackets, and waistcoats were now allowed to be of -quilted silk, satin, or taffety; whilst the trunk hose -of the men might be slashed, and double-stitched -at the edge of the slashings. The said breeches, -moreover, might be stiffened by a single thickness -of baize and all the fine stuffs used for gentlemen's -garments could now, for the first time for many -years, be stamped with patterns. New and more -severe measures were adopted at the same time to -keep up the breed of horses, which animals were -thought to be almost in danger of extinction, as -horsemanship was less than ever indulged in, and -mules were preferred for drawing the coaches. -</p> - -<p> -In the same year, 1594, a curious pragmatic -was proclaimed dealing with the extravagant abuse -of honorific titles. It commences in the King's -name by saying that, although it is unnecessary to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P236"></a>236}</span> -make rules for himself or his family, he will begin -at the top for regularity's sake. The King must -be addressed in writing simply as "Sir" at the -head of the letter, which must end with "God -guard the Catholic person of your Majesty," at the -bottom. The heir to the crown was to be addressed -in the same way, but with "Highness" substituted -for "Majesty," the Princes of the blood being given -the style of Highness, but "his Highness" alone -standing for the heir to the crown. The rest of the -Princes were to be addressed on the outside of a -letter, "To his Highness the Infante Don -So-and-so." The titles "Excellency" and "Illustrious -Sir," which had become very general forms of -courtesy, were forbidden, and "Most Reverend -Sir" was only to be applied to Cardinals and the -Primate of Spain, the Archbishop of Toledo. The -highest grandees, bishops, and members of the -Council of State were in future to be addressed by -the inferior title of "Señoria," or Lordship, whilst, -out of courtesy and at the option of the person -speaking or writing, the same title could be given -alone to Marquises, Counts, Presidents of Councils, -and Grand Commanders. All letters of every kind -were ordered to begin at the top with a cross, and -then to state the business without any address or -name, ending with "God guard your lordship"—or -other title—and the date, place, and signature of -the writer. Absolutely no further compliment was -to be permitted, no matter what the relationship or -rank of the parties. As a further attempt to enforce -simplicity, the same pragmatic provides that in -future, on pain of a fine of 10,000 maravedis, no -coronet may surmount any coat of arms, except -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P237"></a>237}</span> -such as are borne by Dukes, Marquises, and Counts. -</p> - -<p> -The proclamation of this pragmatic caused a -dreadful fluttering of the dovecotes of the Calle -Mayor. "Liars' parade" (the raised terrace before -the church of St. Philip), the favourite lounge of -the gilded youth, rose in revolt, the cadets of the -Cordobas, the Mendozas, the Maquedas, the Leivas, -the Manriques, and the rest of them, who had been -called "Excellencies" and "Lordships" from their -cradles, turned like the worm at last. Dress -without gold they might, but they, the sons of Dukes, -to be addressed with no more ceremony than -dustmen—perish the thought! that they would not -stand. So they and the rest of the rufflers, led -captains, kept poets, bullies, and blacklegs, swept -down the Calle Mayor carrying the grave Alcalde -and all before them. Shops were shut, water was -boiled to throw out upon the base "Corchetes," -who dared to call such gallants plain "Mister," and -the gloomy recluse in the Alcazar at the end of the -street himself heard the row. When he was told -the cause of it, he only remarked, so the chronicles -say: "Bah! what does it matter to me what they -are called? Let them be Lordships, or what they -will, so long as they serve me well." And the -pragmatic thus died on the day it was born, for no -attempt was ever made to enforce it, and "Señorias" -in the Calle Mayor remained as plentiful as -blackberries in an English hedgerow. -</p> - -<p> -The isolation of Philip II. in his gloomy old age, -together with the relaxation of the enactments -already mentioned against the use of gold and -silver tissues, had allowed luxury in dress -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P238"></a>238}</span> -practically to go unchecked during the last years of the -sixteenth century, and when the King died, in 1598, -he left Spain, and particularly the capital, in a -perfect frenzy of prodigality. The most brazen -dissoluteness accompanied the blindest religious -fanaticism; the exchequer was bankrupt, the fields -untilled, the aforetime busy workshops of the south -silent and abandoned, the people starving or -flocking across the seas in search of the easily won -gold that was ruining them; and when the coveted -gold came to the few who survived the pursuit, it -was lavished in insensate waste on the adornment -of their outer persons—for they always fed frugally -in that lean land—and most of the wealth left the -country as fast as it entered it, the idleness it -engendered being its net result to the country that -won it. -</p> - -<p> -For the next hundred years the same -process went on. The monarch of Spain and the -Indies was reduced to beg his subjects in the name -of charity to provide food for himself and his family, -whilst the mines of Peru and Mexico were sending -millions. The splendour of the polished Court of -Philip IV. was only rivalled by that of his nephew, -the Grand Monarque, but it was soaked to the core -in sloth and squalor, whilst the humbler people -found the purchasing power of gold grow less and -less as the metal poured in and the workers, dazzled -by wealth so lightly won, ceased to produce -commodities for consumption. Philip III. was a narrow -bigot without his father's industry or intellect, but -he was well-meaning and sorely beset, and was -unequal to the propping up of the great empire into -which his father's narrow and halting policy had -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P239"></a>239}</span> -introduced the dry rot. The regulation of dress, -however, and the repression of profane extravagance -was just the task which appealed to his tastes -and sympathies, and he set about it as soon as he -mounted the throne. -</p> - -<p> -His pragmatic of 1600 was a new departure in -many things and was the pattern of all similar -enactments for the next hundred years. It is very -minute, but a few of its provisions are worth -preserving, as they throw much light on the tastes -of the time. The King in his preamble sets forth -that he is informed that the sumptuary pragmatics -are quite disregarded, and seeing that the great -excess and extravagance in dress constitutes a -national scandal which must be moderated, he has -conferred with his wisest councillors and has -decided to issue a new pragmatic which shall -supersede all previous ones. -</p> - -<p> -To begin with, the following sweeping order -is given: No one of whatever rank, except the -King and his children, shall wear any sort -of brocade or cloth of gold or silver, or stuff -shot with gold or silver, or silk in which metal is -woven. No cord, gimp, ornamental stitching or -quilting, either of silk or metal, is to be permitted, -excepting on religious vestments and uniforms, and -no precious stones or pearls are to be worn on -housings or accoutrements in any shape. There is -an absolute prohibition of the employment of lute-string, -twist, ruchings, flat braid, cording, chainlets, -crewels, cross-stitching, through-stitching, tangle -trimming, puffs, and any sort of bead or steel -trimmings; and the following dress is alone -prescribed: The cape or other over-garment may be -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P240"></a>240}</span> -of any sort of silk with stripes, on each edge of -which may be an ornamental stitching. Surcoats -and ropillas (a sort of half-tight over-jacket with -double sleeves, the outer ones hanging loose from -the shoulder) may be also of silk and trimmed in -the same way, and, if desired, a piping of another -sort of silk, but not the same, may be put between -the stripes. The inside of the capes may have -similar stripes of silk, satin, or taffety, but not -velvet. Shoulder capes may be made of velvet, -and the hoods of riding-cloaks or rain-capes may be -lined with the same. Silk gimp and frogs may be -sewn on to duffel cloaks, &c. The trunks may be -worn of any kind of silk, and each slashing may be -edged with a velvet or silk piping and an "eyelash" -border. If the slashing is a wide one this edging -may be worn on both sides of it, but if otherwise -only on one side. The slashings may be lined with -taffety. Silk gimp or braid of any sort may be -worn on the trunks excepting lutestrings or crewels. -Galligaskins may also be made of silk, but with no -trimming but a row of gimp on each side and at the -opening. Dressing-gowns for women and men -may be of any material or fashion, so long as gold -or silver is not used. Doublets, ropillas, or trunks -made of satin may be ornamented by silk stitching -of any colour, but on no account may the stuff be -pinked, ravelled, or fringed. The rules generally -apply to women as well as men, but the former are -allowed to wear jackets of light cloth of gold or -silver, which may be trimmed with a braid of the -same over the seams, and the whole jacket may be -covered with "whirligigs" or scrolls of gold or -silver, so long as there is no working in the stuff -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P241"></a>241}</span> -itself. The frills and flounces of these garments -may also be ornamented in the same fashion. -Hats, belts, baldricks, &c., were all treated in the -same way; gold or silver gimp, braid, and lace were -allowed to be sewn on, but not embroidered or -woven in, the texture. -</p> - -<p> -A rather curious point in this decree of 1600 is the -distinction in it of different classes of citizens. Thus -women of known evil life were allowed to wear what -they liked inside the houses, but were to conform -to the law in the streets; pages might dress in silk -jackets, coats, trunks, and caps, but their capes were -to be of cloth or frieze; no lackeys were to have -silken clothes or velvet scabbards, but they were -allowed to wear taffety caps. The punishments for -the breaking the orders seem severe but unequal. -Offending wearers were to lose the peccant garment -and pay a sum equal to its value for pious uses, but -tradesmen who made or sold the goods were to be -condemned to four years' exile and a fine of twenty -maravedis for a first offence, double the punishment -for a second, and the pillory and ten years' exile -from Spain for a third. All this sounds very severe, -but there were plenty of ways out of it. For -instance, garments already made might be worn for -four years by men and six by women, although they -were not in accordance with the law. This -pragmatic was proclaimed with the usual ceremony by -one of the Alcaldes de Casa y Corte with the sound -of drum and trumpet in the High Street of Madrid -on the 8th of June, 1600. The month must have -been a busy one for the dignified officials in question; -for during the first fortnight of it decrees regulating -almost every conceivable subject were issued. The -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P242"></a>242}</span> -rigid and unpopular decree about courtesy titles was -superseded, and nearly everybody of position might -now be called Señoria. No gold or silver in any -form was to be used in furniture or household -decoration, "as the King is shocked at the waste -of the estates of his subjects in such superfluities, -and considers it high time that the money were -employed in useful and necessary things." Velvet -or silk might be employed in upholstery, but no -gold or silver except a gold fringe on the edges. -The same rule applied to the lining of carriages and -litters, but no silk was to be used on the outside of -vehicles. -</p> - -<p> -The regulation of jewellery was just as minute -and severe, and to judge from that which was -in future to be allowed, the excess in this -respect must have been very great, since after -pages of prohibitions with regard to the fashions -of jewellery, and the limitation of enamels and -precious stones, men were still allowed to wear as -many rings as they liked, chains and girdles of gold -pieces, sets of cameos mounted in gold, and strings -of pearls in their caps. The use of silver plate is -also much limited, but still side-saddles might be -made of silver, if plain, and the harness and -horse-cloths covered with the same metal. Here, again, -the same loophole for evasion was given; for all -things already made were exempt if registered -within six months. -</p> - -<p> -Attempts were made at the same time, as on -many subsequent occasions, to suppress the -ostentatious promenading up and down the Calle -Mayor, which grew more scandalous as the years -went on, until it reached its apogee in the reign -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P243"></a>243}</span> -of Philip IV., and for which the taste has never -yet quite died out. No women of loose life were -to promenade in coaches, nor might coaches be -hired for the purpose on pain of confiscation. No -person but a grandee might have more than two -torches carried before him under penalty of one -hundred ducats fine, and if any person hired a -lackey by the day, or for less than a month, he -was to be put in the pillory and exiled for four -years. The reasons for these regulations will be -well understood by those who have studied the -characteristic picaresque novels of the period, and -have smiled at the amusing subterfuges adopted by -impecunious scamps to pass themselves off as noble -hidalgos, the better to prey upon their -fellow-creatures. -</p> - -<p> -Amongst other things Philip III. in his youthful -zeal tried to deal with the vexed subject of ruffs. -He made no attempt to stand against starch any -longer—indeed, to judge from his portraits, no one -ever wore such stiff or extensive ruffs as he did -himself, but he sternly draws the line at trimming. -There must be no lace edges or ravellings; they -must be pure white, with two little pleats only, and -not more than 4½ inches wide, half as wide again -as had been allowed by his father. For the next -few years pragmatics positively rained in Madrid, -altering, restricting, relaxing this or the other detail -of the various decrees; but all to no purpose -apparently, for in 1611 Philip came out with -another long proclamation, saying that the -extravagant abuse of dress being worse than ever, he -has consulted discreet experts and has decided to -alter the rules. The use of gold and silver thread -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P244"></a>244}</span> -and foil, and of coloured silks, is more restricted -than ever, the only exceptions being for church -vestments and the dresses of officers actually -engaged in war. In other respects, however, the -trimmings allowed appear to be exceedingly elaborate, -and in the pragmatic of 1611 about a dozen -different specimen trimmings of trunks alone are -described with all the finnicking minuteness of -a modern Court dressmaker's bill; the sum total -of it all being that the employment of silk, velvet, -and other fine stuffs, stamped and plain, was now -almost unrestricted, whilst bullion was more severely -forbidden than before, except for ladies' jackets and -a few of their trimmings. -</p> - -<p> -Another desperate attempt was made in the -same year to restrict the unprofitable idling in -the streets with carriages and an order was issued -that no new coaches were to be made without a -license from the President of the Council, and -no man was to ride in a coach without leave, -"as the King is informed that gentlemen are -forgetting how to ride." Women also are to refrain -from covering up their heads and faces, in order -that they may be seen and recognised, and they -may only be accompanied by their husbands, -fathers, sons, or grandfathers. The girls of a -family may ride in a coach without the mistress -of it, and the owners of coaches may be accompanied -by a friend, but with this exception no -coach is to go out without its owner, and may not -be lent, exchanged, or sold without special license. -</p> - -<p> -Ruffs had now apparently become general with all -classes, as a pragmatic was issued in 1611, saying -that, notwithstanding the former prohibition of the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P245"></a>245}</span> -use of long-lawn and muslin for ruffs, frills, and -collars, poor people would insist upon wearing -them, and they consequently might now be made of -those cheaper materials as well as of fine linen. -</p> - -<p> -In March, 1621, Philip III. died, leaving luxury -and extravagance in his capital more rampant than -ever, and Philip IV., a mere boy, at once set to -work to grapple the evil with as much confidence -as if he were the first to attempt it. If economy -had ever been needed it was so now, for the public -treasury was empty, the people ruined with oppressive -taxation, ecclesiastical extortion and official -peculation, and the country was rapidly becoming -depopulated. A curious pamphlet is still in -existence which contains a series of exhortations -addressed to the King in the year of his accession -by a noble member of the Cortes of Castile, setting -forth the various evils from which the country -was suffering, and proposing remedies for -them.[<a id="chap05fn3text"></a><a href="#chap05fn3">3</a>] There is much plain speaking and boldness on -many matters therein, and, amongst others, on the -eternal question of sumptuary extravagance. The -representation on this subject has so direct a bearing -upon what has already been said as to the inoperativeness -of the pragmatics, that some of it is worth -transcribing. -</p> - -<p> -"Your subjects spend and waste great sums in -their abuse of costly garb with so many varieties of -trimmings that the making costs more than the -garments themselves, and as soon as they are -made there is a change of fashion and the money -has to be spent over again. When they marry, the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P246"></a>246}</span> -vast wealth they squander on dress alone ruins them, -and they are in debt for the rest of their lives; and -although this expenditure may be voluntary, it has -become, so to speak, obligatory, and such is the -excess that the wife of an artisan nowadays needs -as much finery as a lady, even though she and her -husband have to get the money for it by dishonest -means, to the offence of God. Many weddings, -indeed, are prevented by the excessive cost and the -vassals are therefore unable to serve your Majesty -as they ought. They are unable to pay their debts, -the costs incurred in the recovery of which still -further reduce their fortunes.... As for collars -also, the disorder in their use is very great, for a -single one of linen, with its making and ravelling, -will cost over 200 reals, and six reals every -time it is goffered, which at the end of the year -doubles the cost of them and much money is thus -wasted. Besides this, many strong young men are -employed in goffering them, who might be better -employed in work necessary for the commonwealth -or in tilling the soil. The servants, too, have to be -paid higher wages in respect of the money they -have to spend in collars, which consumes most of -what they earn, and a great quantity of wheat is -wasted in starch, which is wanted for food. In -addition to this, the fine linens to make these collars -are brought from abroad, and money has to be sent -out of the country to pay for them. With respect -to coaches, great evil is caused and offence given to -God, seeing the disquiet they bring to the women -who own them, as they never stay at home but -leave their children and servants to run riot with -the bad example of the mistress being always -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P247"></a>247}</span> -abroad. The praiseworthy and necessary art of -horsemanship too is dying out, and those who -ought to be mounted crowd, six or eight of them -together in a carriage, talking to wenches rather -than learning how to ride. It must be evident how -different gentlemen must grow up who have all their -lives been rolling about in coaches instead of riding, -besides which the breed of horses is deteriorating -and money is being squandered by the keeping of -coaches often by people of moderate means who -can ill afford it but who are over-persuaded by their -wives, who say that because So-and-so, who is no -better off than they, have a coach they must have -one as well, and so the bad example spreads." -</p> - -<p> -Don Mateo proposed some very drastic remedies, -and, whether in consequence of this or not, the King -and his favourite, the masterful Count-Duke of -Olivares, put their heads together during the first -few weeks of the reign, and came out with tremendous -series of pragmatics repeating the most stringent -provisions of the decree of 1611 with regard to the -use of gold or silver, either in dress, furniture, -saddlery, or upholstery. No trimmings were to be -allowed of any sort, and no silk capes, cloaks, or -overalls were to be worn, cloth, frieze, and duffel -being substituted in those garments. Above all -Don Mateo's suggestion about the ruffs was adopted. -No person was permitted, on pain of the pillory and -exile, to pleat or goffer linen in any shape. Starch -was placed in the <i>index expurgatoris</i> again, and ruffs -were to be for ever suppressed in favour of the large, -square, flat Walloon collar, which fell over the -shoulders and breast like a bib. -</p> - -<p> -The expenses of the palace were cut down to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P248"></a>248}</span> -a minimum, and Philip himself, the most prodigal -and lavish of men in after years, went on short -commons. Amongst other efforts at economy -made by him one originated a fashion which -became deeply rooted in the Spanish character, -and which the Italian minister of another -Philip—the Frenchman—a hundred years afterwards, -said had a large share in making Spaniards -the leisurely and dignified people they were. The -wide, falling Walloon collar, with little or no -stiffening,—as will be seen in portraits of the time—was -apt to wrinkle round the neck and very soon became -dirty; so an ingenious tailor in the Calle Mayor -submitted to the young King and his brother Carlos -a new device, consisting of a high square collar of -cardboard covered with light-coloured silk inside -and with the same stuff as the doublet outside. By -means of heated rollers and shellac the cardboard -was permanently moulded into a graceful curve -which bent outwards at the height of the -chin.[<a id="chap05fn4text"></a><a href="#chap05fn4">4</a>] Philip was pleased with the novelty and ordered -some of the new "golillas," as they were called, for -himself and his brother. The tailor, in high glee, -went to his shop to make them, but alas! heated -rollers turned with handles and smoking pots of -shellac were suspicious things in those days, and the -spies of the Council promptly haled the tailor and -his uncanny instruments before the President, who -sagely decided that there was some devilish witchcraft -behind it all; and if not—well, the accursed -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P249"></a>249}</span> -things he was making were lined with light blue -silk in violation of the pragmatic, so he must be -punished anyhow. A bonfire was made of the poor -man's stock before his door and he was put under -lock and key; but when Olivares heard of it he was -furious. He and the Duke of Infantado sent for the -President and rated him soundly as a meddling old -fool for burning the King's new collars. The -President declared his ignorance that they were for the -King, but pointed out how outrageous they were in -shape, and how they sinned against the pragmatic; -but he was soon silenced by the Count-Duke, who -told him they were the best and most economical -things ever invented, as they did away with the -need for constant washing of collars, and would last -ten years without further expense or trouble. -</p> - -<p> -The golilla "caught on" with high and low. -It is true that heads had to be carried stiffly and -turned slowly, but Spanish heads were intended -so to be used and no complaint was made. No -more pragmatics against ruffs, moreover, were -ever needed again, and the costly, cumbrous -fashion went out for good. This was in 1623, -the same year as Charles Stuart went on his -hairbrained trip to Madrid, and during his stay -all the pragmatics were suspended, in order that -he might see how splendid the Madrileños could -be if left to themselves. They did their best to -sustain their reputation and the poverty-stricken -country was again plunged into the maddest vortex -of prodigality that even dissolute Madrid had ever -seen, and flaunting Buckingham himself was outshone -in brilliancy and lavishness by the nobles of Philip's -Court. The strict law of Charles V. limiting the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P250"></a>250}</span> -wearing of jewellery and precious stones had been -re-imposed, but the list of gems displayed, given, and -received as presents during Charles' visit, and the -sumptuous dresses worn, has been left on record, -down to the smallest detail, by one of the King's -attendants;[<a id="chap05fn5text"></a><a href="#chap05fn5">5</a>] and shows an inconceivable lavishness -which naturally would, and did, make it difficult to -revert in Madrid to the severe orders of the -pragmatics again. -</p> - -<p> -The tendency of the time, however, was against -barbaric splendour, and gradually the taste for -gold and silver tissues and embroideries in civil -costume was modifying itself, but new extravagancies -sprang up as old ones languished. Philip's -sister Anna had married Louis XIII. of France in -1615 with great pomp, and all the Spanish Court -had assembled on the historic ford of the Bidasoa -which marked the French frontier. They brought -back some new fashions with them, caught from the -Parisians. Since Charles V., for good reasons, was -obliged to have his curls cropped at Barcelona, -Spaniards of all classes had worn the hair short, and -parted as it is in England at present. The French -wore it longer and the Spaniards now followed their -lead. But not all at once. They first adopted the -mode of having two ugly locks like long, limp -Newgate-knockers, called "guedejas," hanging -before the ears, the back of the head being cropped -and the top surmounted by a twist or curl called a -"copete." In the early portraits of Philip IV. this -style of headdress may be seen. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P251"></a>251}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Another fashion brought from France was much -more objectionable, but took a stronger hold in -Spain than elsewhere. Round hoop-skirts or -farthingales had been common in most parts of -Europe for over fifty years before, but the new -refinement, called a "guarda-infante," was a very large, -farthingale flattened back and front so as to stick -out inordinately at the sides, particularly at the hips. -The jaunty Madrileñas added to it a new feature, -which made it worse than ever, namely, a metal -section or facing to the bottom hoop which resounded -against a similar plate on the heels of their clogs, or -clanked upon the ground, so that a musical clickety-click -accompanied them wherever they went; even -as it did that aged equestrienne of Banbury famed -in English nursery lore. As the bold wenches -minced along they prided themselves upon the -eccentric or rhythmical effects they produced. They -would be neither shamed, coerced, nor persuaded to -abandon the foolish caprice until they tired of it -themselves, but Don Philip did his best by -pragmatics to suppress it. In 1639 the famous -fulmination against female extravagance in dress was -issued, part of which ran as follows: -</p> - -<p> -"His Majesty orders that no woman, whatever -her quality, shall wear a guarda-infante; which is a -costly, superfluous, painful, ugly, disproportionate, -lascivious, indecent article of dress, giving rise to -sin on the part of the wearers and on that of men -for their sakes. The only exception to this rule -shall be public prostitutes. -</p> - -<p> -"No skirts shall consist of more than eight yards -of silk or a proportionate quantity of other stuff, nor -shall they measure more than four yards round; the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P252"></a>252}</span> -same rule shall apply to polonaises, over-skirts, -hen-coop skirts and petticoats. -</p> - -<p> -"No woman wearing shoes shall have a bottom -hoop, farthingale, or anything else in the skirt for -the purpose of making a noise, and bottom hoops or -farthingales shall not be worn except with pattens -at least five inches high. -</p> - -<p> -"No woman shall wear low-cut bodices except -women of known evil life. Any person guilty of -infraction of this pragmatic shall lose the offending -article of dress and pay a fine of 20,000 maravedis -for the first offence, and for the second double that -amount, with exile from the Court." -</p> - -<p> -The unfortunate dressmakers who made the -garments were to be much more severely punished -than the fair wearers, and four years' penal servitude -was their sentence for a second offence. -</p> - -<p> -The offended Madrileñas did not put up tamely -with such tyranny, and, led by three frisky damsels, -the daughters of a famous judge, they came out the -day after the pragmatic was proclaimed, swaggering -and jingling up and down the Prado in the widest -guarda-infantes, the most outrageous farthingales, -and the noisiest of hoops; and dared the scandalised -alguaciles to touch them, since they could hardly -arrest all the rank and beauty of the Court; and the -fair ones practically had their own way, for Philip -only issued a grave and sorrowful remonstrance -against the indelicacy and expense of their -constantly changing caprices, and begging them to -conform to their duty. But they pleased themselves -as usual, although it is said that their three -fair ringleaders did no go quite scot-free, as their -father the judge, scandalised that his own daughters -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P253"></a>253}</span> -should be the first to break the law, condemned -them to dress in nun's garb of the coarsest frieze. -Nothing daunted, the recalcitrant "Gilimonas,"[<a id="chap05fn6text"></a><a href="#chap05fn6">6</a>] as -they were called, managed, with nods and winks -and frisking skirts, to look more deliciously -provocative than ever in their penitential garb, and their -pastors and masters were glad enough to get them -back again into their clicking farthingales to avoid -the scandal. -</p> - -<p> -Nor were the gallants of the other sex more -submissive about their lovelocks. An order was -proclaimed at the same time, saying, "His Majesty -orders that no man shall wear a topknot, or -lovelock before the ears, or any curls upon his -head—and barbers who dress the hair in this fashion -shall be fined 200 maravedis and be imprisoned for -10 days." Men who wore the offending curls were -to be excluded from Court and all public offices. -"Liars' Parade" was as much upset about this as -about titles, and made a desperate attempt to resist. -It was in the very heyday of poetry in -Spain—Calderon, Lope de Vega, Quevedo, and a host of -others were for ever firing off poetical squibs and -satires at the foibles of the age, the "Liars' Parade" -being the central exchange for the "good things" -of poets, big and little, from the monarch -downwards. A cloud of barbed poetical arrows from -scores of poetical bows were consequently shot at the -royal decree against topknots and guedejas; and -ridicule and satire were poured out unsparingly -upon those who were responsible for it. But to be -shut out from the presence of king and ministers, -to have the public service closed against them, was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P254"></a>254}</span> -too hard to be borne by the noble swaggerers and -kept poets of the Calle Mayor, so they gave way -and took to the long, lank, straight hair all round, -which Philip himself wore for the rest of his life, -though others, particularly away from the Court, -still clung to the guedejas and short backhair. -</p> - -<p> -When Philip IV. had been gathered to his -fathers in the jasper vault of the Escorial, and his -sickly son had married a French princess, Spain -began to conform its fashions to those which ruled -in the Court of the Roi-soleil, but somehow the -three-cornered plumed hat, so general in France -and England, never became popular in Spain. The -large flap-brimmed hat with feathers still lingered -when the Queen Regent Mariana, during her -rivalry with her bold step-son, Don Juan José of -Austria, raised a regiment of Swiss and German -mercenaries. These soldiers wore a very -broad-brimmed hat, flat all round, and slightly turned up -at the edge, much like the wideawakes of to-day. -This hat caught the fancy of the Spaniards, who -dubbed it "Chambergo," a Spanish variant of -"Schomberg," after whom the regiment was -called, and this hat has to this day never lost its -hold upon the Spanish populace, although they -had to raise a revolution to keep it, as will be -related presently. -</p> - -<p> -A very absurd craze at the end of the seventeenth -century, which official remonstrance was powerless -to put down, was the universal wearing of great -horn-rimmed spectacles, such as may be seen in -the portrait of Quevedo, facing page 256; men and -women of fashion insisted upon wearing these ugly -appendages, whether they needed them or not, and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P255"></a>255}</span> -literary fashion though it was in a literary age, much -sport was given to the poetasters in attacking it. -</p> - -<p> -By the time Charles the Bewitched had grown up, -French fashion ruled in Madrid, with the sole -exceptions of the golilla (somewhat changed in shape to -suit the long backhair) and the round-brimmed hat, -which resisted all attempts to displace them; but -the old vice of extravagance still continued in spite -of changed fashions, and in 1674 a pragmatic was -issued deploring again the costly excess in dress, -the abuse of adornment of equipages, and the idle -luxury of the time. The severe decrees of Philip -IV. are re-enacted, and a code of permissible dress -laid down, in which velvets, silks, satins, taffeties, -of all colours, stamped and plain, are allowed, but -foreign textures are to be equal in weight and -fineness to Spanish goods. -</p> - -<p> -The pragmatics now, however, had altered their -tone. They were exhortatory rather than comminatory -during the last years of the House of Austria. -A change came with the advent of the first Bourbon -Philip V. The Spaniards were sensitive, and resented -the inferiority implied by the adoption by the Court -and society of the French fashions, high heels, -wide-skirted coats, full-bottomed wigs, and the rest; so -the mass of the people clung to their cropped -back-hair, their broad-brimmed hats, long cloaks, and -above all their stately stiffened "golillas." Philip -was too wise to run atilt against the golilla at first, -and indeed adopted it himself, as may be seen in his -portrait as a youth in the Louvre. But he wrote -an anonymous pamphlet against it, and lost no -opportunity of pointing out its unfitness for working -people and soldiers. Alberoni, with his caustic -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P256"></a>256}</span> -Italian wit, was for ever sneering at it, so that when -Philip abandoned it and took to a collar and white lace -cravat public opinion was prepared for the change and -the golilla fell, after a reign of a hundred years. -</p> - -<p> -When Philip was firm upon his throne after his -long struggle, he issued a pragmatic, in 1723, -once more trying to stem the tide of extravagance, -precisely as if it had never been tried and failed -before. No gold or silver either in texture or -trimming was to be worn. No gold, glass, pearl, -or steel buttons were to be allowed. No precious -stones, real or false, might be used in trimming or -fastenings, there were to be no foreign ornaments, -and sham gems and jewellery were strictly prohibited. -No silk might be worn but such as was of Spanish -manufacture. Servants were to be clothed in plain -cloth and woollen stockings, and no person but a -grandee was allowed to keep more than two -lackeys; and no silk was to be used on harness or -the outside of coaches. No person might drive -more than four horses in the capital, and no lawyer, -notary, or tradesman was permitted to keep a coach. -Doctors and priests alone might ride a pacing mule, -all other men were bidden to mount horses only. -Artisans and workmen were to dress exclusively in -baize, serge, or frieze; their cuffs alone might be of -silk. The pains and penalties in this great -pragmatic were many and severe, but the decree aimed -at doing too much. So many fine and delicate -doubtful points arose with regard to its provisions, -that for years after fresh proclamations were -constantly being made to elucidate this pragmatic of -1723; and through the many loopholes offenders -escaped, and the act became a dead letter. -</p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-256"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-256.jpg" alt="FRANCISCO DE QUEVEDO VILLEGAS from the collection of his Grace the Duke of Wellington." /> -<br /> -FRANCISCO DE QUEVEDO VILLEGAS <br /> -<i>from the collection of his Grace the Duke of Wellington.</i> -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P257"></a>257}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Indeed, sumptuary laws were already growing -out of date, even in Spain; the courtiers copied -the latest fashions from Paris, and the common -people, more out of patriotism and mute resentment -than anything else, made their cloaks longer and -longer and their hats wider and wider. The long -ends of the cloaks had to be put out of the way -somehow, so they were thrown across the face to -the opposite shoulder, and, what with the broadbrim -over the brow and the cloak over the mouth, -none of the face was seen but the eyes. -</p> - -<p> -Spain during the greater part of the eighteenth -century had the ill-fortune to be governed by foreign -ministers, mostly Italians, and one after the other -they tried to cut stubborn Spain to the same pattern -as the rest of the world. The more they tried the -more sulky and determined became the people, and -it resolved itself into a national article of faith to -resist all change; things Spanish being better than -things elsewhere. When Philip's younger son, -Charles III., came from Naples to rule them he -brought with him his Neapolitan ministers. -Grimaldi said that the Spaniards all looked like -conspirators slinking about in the darkness with their -covered faces. An attempt was made to light the -streets with oil-lamps, but the people resented such -a foolish foreign fad, and smashed the lamps as fast -as they were put up. The offenders could not be -identified with their covered faces and slouch hats, -so the King was persuaded by the Marquis of Squillaci -(Esquilache, as the Spaniards called him) to -issue a new pragmatic. Its tone was more one of -sorrow than of anger. The King was shocked for -foreigners to see such a boorish fashion in his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P258"></a>258}</span> -capital, and had determined that in future no long -cloaks or round-brimmed hats were to be worn. -Either a short cape or a skirted coat was allowed, -and men might wear either their own hair or a wig, -but they must cover it with a three-cornered hat -and not a Chambergo, and the face must not be -hidden in any way. -</p> - -<p> -This order was proclaimed on the 4th of March, -1766, and police were posted in the principal -places with shears to curtail cloaks and lop -hat-brims. It happened that a man pursued by -alguaciles for wearing the forbidden garments took -refuge in the precincts of the church of the Trinity, -where he was followed by the officers and beaten, -in defiance of sanctuary. An infuriated crowd -collected and overpowered the authorities, who -were dismayed at the feeling evinced, and withdrew -their men. For the next few days men all over -Madrid ostentatiously flaunted their cloaks and -broad-brims before the barracks and police posts, -and there is no doubt that the feeling was taken -advantage by politicians for their own ends to goad -the people to fury against the Italian ministers. -Matters came to a head on the 23rd of March, -when a soldier attempted to seize a man with his -face covered. A crowd, ready for mischief, collected -immediately, and the authorities were overpowered. -The mob swept up the Calle de Leon across the -Calle de Alcalá to Squillaci's house (the famous -"house with the seven chimneys") which they -wrecked, although the minister had fled. With -broad-brimmed hats on the top of poles they scoured -the streets, making all men they met uncock their -hats. Overpowering all resistance, they assembled -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P259"></a>259}</span> -before the palace. The guards used force in vain, -and that night the capital was in the hands of the -mob. The gaols were opened, houses wrecked, -foreigners assailed and killed, the King's Walloon -Guard especially being singled out for vengeance. -Squillaci and Grimaldi had fled, and the Spanish -ministers, either out of timidity or sympathy, -practically sided with the rioters. The rising spread -rapidly to the provinces, old grievances were raked -up again, and a dangerous revolution was in -progress, when the King surrendered unconditionally. -People were to wear what they pleased, food and -oil were to be reduced in price, and the Italian -ministers were smuggled away, never to return. -</p> - -<p> -That practically ended the fight for sumptuary -control. Finery was triumphant in the long -struggle, and the strong arm of authority was -obliged to confess itself powerless to dictate on the -question of personal adornment. Half-hearted -attempts were made after this to interfere in -sumptuary matters by Spanish sovereigns, but the effects -of their decrees were hardly felt outside their own -households. In 1780, for instance, a pragmatic as -severe in form as ever was issued, minutely -regulating the wearing of mourning and prohibiting -mourning coaches, but little notice was taken of it -after the first few weeks; and later still a curious -mild little decree was issued by Charles IV. limiting -the number of dishes which, according to -custom, many officials were entitled to receive daily -from the royal kitchens. It is a long drop from -Alfonso the Wise to the silly dodderer who handed -over his kingdom to Napoleon because his son had -offended him; but the same feeling, almost the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P260"></a>260}</span> -same phraseology, pervades the first pragmatic we -have quoted and the last. Both deplore the lavishness -and luxury of the people, and exhort them to -correct the excess and superfluity which characterises -their tables; and in both of them the King -promises that he himself will rigidly conform to his -own decree and reform the extravagance of his -private repasts. -</p> - -<p> -Custom, taste, and perhaps necessity, have done -what five hundred years of "pragmatics" failed to -do. The Spaniards are the most sober and -frugal-feeding nation in Europe, and certainly do not -exceed in the matter of gaudy or ostentatious -raiment. The only traits left to them perhaps by -the extravagant old fashions we have described, -are their consuming love for driving about the -streets in a fine carriage, however much they may -stint in all else; and the grave stiff-necked dignity -which a century of the golilla left behind it. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn1text">1</a>] Andres Muñoz' MSS., National Library, Madrid. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn2text">2</a>] "L'Espagne au 16me et 17me siècles," par Morel Fatio. -Paris, 1878. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn3text">3</a>] "Discursos y apuntamientos de Don Mateo de Lison y -Biedma." Secretly printed in 1622. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn4text">4</a>] As first invented, the golilla opened in front, as shown -in the portrait of Quevedo, facing page 256, but later, -when the hair was worn long, it was made square in front -and was fastened behind, as shown in the portrait of Charles -the Bewitched. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn5text">5</a>] Manuscript of Don Diego de Soto y Aguilar in the Royal -Academy of History in Madrid, transcript in the author's -possession. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap05fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap05fn6text">6</a>] Their father's name was Gil Imon de la Mota. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-260"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-260.jpg" alt="Tailpiece" /> -<br /> -Tailpiece -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap06"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P261"></a>261}</span></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<i>A PALACE IN THE STRAND.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P263"></a>263}</span></p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-263"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-263.jpg" alt="Headpiece" /> -<br /> -Headpiece -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<h3> -<i>A PALACE IN THE STRAND.</i>[<a id="chap06fn1text"></a><a href="#chap06fn1">1</a>] -</h3> - -<p> -Probably not one person out of a thousand of those -who hurry along the busiest part of the Strand -notices even the existence of a closed iron gate by -the side of a public-house opposite the Vaudeville -Theatre. If you peer through the grating you will -only see a dark, narrow court, now blocked up by the -building operations connected with the Hotel Cecil, -and you will have no difficulty in coming to the -conclusion that this avenue, which has been -gradually going down in the world for the last two -centuries, is destined before very long to be blotted -out altogether. For this was an important thoroughfare -once, called Ivy Lane, one of the three public -roadways by which access was obtained from the -Strand to the river and the boats, the other two -being Milford Lane and Strand Lane, the entrance -to which latter still exists, a mere passage between -two shops opposite Catherine Street. Down the -centre of Ivy Lane ran a brook, over which the -roadway of the Strand was carried by a bridge -called Ivy Bridge. This lane, which separates the -liberty of the Duchy of Lancaster from the city of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P264"></a>264}</span> -Westminster, ran sloping down to the river between -the garden walls of two of the great Strand palaces -which, erected, as they all were at first, by bishops, -were subsequently grabbed by kings and courtiers -for their own use. To the east stood, on the Savoy -demesne, the house of the Bishop of Carlisle, which -was granted to the Elizabethan Earl of Bedford, -and subsequently came into the possession, by -exchange, of Robert Cecil, afterwards the first Earl -of Salisbury, second son of the great Burleigh, -whose own house stood nearly opposite, on the site -of Exeter Hall; and on the west, covering all the -space now occupied by the Adelphi as far as Coutts' -bank, there rose the ancient mansion which for -centuries was the town palace of the prince-bishops -of Durham, known to history as Durham Place. -</p> - -<p> -In the lawless times, when these mansions were -first founded, it would have been dangerous for any -but ecclesiastics to have resided outside of the -protection afforded by the City boundaries, and so -it came about that all the way from the Temple to -Whitehall, along the banks of the silent highway, -which then was the principal thoroughfare of -London, there ran a string of bishops' palaces and -religious foundations. Their outhouses and stable -gates opened on to the rough country road we still call -the Strand—a road which even in the time of Mary, -we are told, was filthy and unseemly, and remained -so, indeed, until the great nobles made these palaces -their homes. Many books have been written about -the Aldelphi and its site, and Durham Place, which -was by far the most important of the Strand palaces -until the Protector built Somerset House, has come -in for its own full share of notice, but the writers -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P265"></a>265}</span> -upon the subject have copied each other with -slavish fidelity, errors and all. The same set of -facts and assumptions has invariably done duty in -all descriptions of Durham Place. I wish in the -present article to break new ground, and relate -some hitherto unnoticed episodes in its history. -</p> - -<p> -Stow has not much to tell of Durham Place, except -of the great festival of 1540, when the future rivals, -Dudley and Seymour, with Poynings, Carew, Kingston, -and Richard Cromwell, challenged all Europe -to a tourney, and held open house with regal -lavishness for a week at Durham Place, lent to them for -the purpose by the King, who rewarded each of -them, moreover, with an income for ever of a -hundred marks a year and a house out of the -plunder of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. -The State Papers now and again give us a ray of -side-light on the history of Durham Place. We -know how Somerset granted it to Elizabeth for her -life after he had beheaded his brother, who there -had coined the doubloons with which he thought to -bribe his way to the throne. We know on Somerset's -fall how jealous Northumberland gave to the -Princess the great unfinished palace of the dead -Protector, and took for his own town house Durham -Place, in which, although it was nominally hers, she -had never lived. We know something, but not -much, of the fastuous splendour of Dudley's life -during the three years he lived here, of Jane Grey's -ill-starred wedding in the house, of the plotting of -her father-in-law, verily a lath painted like a sword, -and the weaker time-servers around him, to -perpetuate their rule and confirm them in their -ill-gotten gains, of the pitiably crumbling down of the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P266"></a>266}</span> -house of cards when the supreme moment came; -and how Northumberland went forth from the -Tower to the scaffold, never to see Durham Place -again, hoping in his craven soul, till the axe fell, -that his abject recantation would purchase his -worthless life. -</p> - -<p> -The Egerton Papers (Camden Society) tell -us somewhat in detail of the arbitrary expulsion -of Raleigh from Durham Place, where, by the -grace of his mistress, he had lived happily and -splendidly for nearly twenty years. These facts -and some others in the subsequent history of the -house are recited by every writer who has touched -upon the subject, and I have no desire to repeat at -length incidents which are already well known. -One error into which most writers have fallen has -been to jump at the conclusion that whenever -recorded history is silent on the subject of Durham -Place, the house reverted to the possession of the -See of Durham. Such does not appear to me to -have been the case. It is usually asserted that -Henry VIII. first took possession of the house by -forcing the Bishop, Cuthbert Tunstal, to exchange -his palace for some other property. This is founded -on Stow's statement that Cold Harbour, in Thames -Street, was granted to the Bishop because of "his -house near Charing Cross being taken into the -King's hands, Cuthbert Tunstal was lodged in this -Cold Harbour." It is certain, however, that -Katherine of Aragon lived here during her widowhood, -before Henry VIII. came to the throne, as many of -her letters to her father in Spain are in existence -dated from this house, ranging over several years -prior to her marriage with Henry in 1509. On the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P267"></a>267}</span> -very year of Mary's death Cuthbert Tunstal wrote -a letter[<a id="chap06fn2text"></a><a href="#chap06fn2">2</a>] to Cardinal Pole thanking him for obtaining -for him the <i>reversion</i> of the house;[<a id="chap06fn2text"></a><a href="#chap06fn2">2</a>] and it is -usually assumed from this that he actually entered -into possession of it. But he did not; and it is the -story of Durham Place during this time, namely, -the last years of Mary and the first few years of -Elizabeth, that I wish to tell. -</p> - -<p> -The historians of the house generally make short -work of the matter by saying, "When Elizabeth -came to the throne Tunstal was again driven from -this house, and about 1583 Elizabeth granted it to -its greatest tenant, the glorious Raleigh."[<a id="chap06fn3text"></a><a href="#chap06fn3">3</a>] In all -probability Tunstal only lived in the house a short -time if at all. He was appointed to the See in 1530, -and in 1540, as we know by Stow's description of -the already-mentioned festival, Durham Place was -a royal house, and so it remained until 1603, when -Lord Salisbury used Toby Matthew, Bishop of -Durham, as his catspaw to claim it, in order that he -might filch the best part of it—the Strand frontage—for -himself, which he did to his own great profit. -In any case, it is certain that Tunstal never got the -house back again from Mary or Cardinal Pole, -whatever promises may have been made to him. -</p> - -<p> -Of the few Spanish nobles of high rank who -stayed with Philip II. during the whole of his -residence in England after his marriage with Queen -Mary, one was Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, Count -de Feria, a prime favourite and close friend of -Philip. This nobleman had fallen deeply in love -with Miss Jane Dormer, one of Mary's maids of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P268"></a>268}</span> -honour, and married her, and although the secret of -the union had been well kept, circumstances made it -necessary to openly avow it before the King and -his suite left London for Flanders in September, -1555. Feria was again in London with the King in -March, 1557, for a few months, but in January, -1558, he came back in another capacity. The war -was going badly for Philip and England. The -French had taken Calais, and Guines was on the -point of falling; if the contest was to be carried -on at all more money and more men must be -squeezed out of unwilling England, or otherwise -peace must be made, with England for a scapegoat. -Philip could not come himself, so he sent his -haughty, overbearing favourite Feria as his ambassador -to bully and bribe the English courtiers and -coerce the sorely beset Queen. He came with a -large train of servants and with great magnificence; -his English wife, a country knight's daughter only -as she was, as proud as himself; and he was granted -the use of Durham Place, furnished from the Queen's -own house, as other great ambassadors had been -granted it before him. Egmont had been lodged -there with his splendid train in January, 1554, when -he had come to offer Philip's hand to Mary. -Chatillon, the French ambassador, too, had been -given the use of the house during his short embassy -in 1550, so that there was nothing extraordinary in -the granting of the house to Feria. Only that -former ambassadors had stayed for a few weeks, -whereas Feria and his successor remained in possession -for five years and a half, and made of Durham -Place a trysting-place for treason during the most of -that time. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P269"></a>269}</span> -</p> - -<p> -Whilst Elizabeth was striving against terrible -odds with all her subtle statecraft to lay the -foundation of a united nation on the broken -elements of civil and religious discord, her task was -hourly rendered more difficult by the plots hatched -in her own house at Durham Place. All the -disaffected and discontented found a welcome there; -emissaries from Shan O'Neil flitted backwards and -forwards at night by the river gate. Stukeley -whispered here his willingness to desert with the -Queen's ships to the King of Spain, and here -Hawkins himself humbly begged to be bought. Lady -Sidney, Robert Dudley's sister, Dudley himself, -Arundel, Lumley, Montague, and Winchester found -in the secret rooms at Durham Place open but -discreet ears to listen to their plans for preventing the -establishment of Protestantism in England, and for -bringing the country again under the sway of the -Pope. Madcap Arthur Pole appealed first to -Durham Place when he wanted aid for his silly plot in -favour of Mary Stuart, and long-headed Lethington -came at dead of night by the silent river on a -similar but far more serious errand. The publication -of the correspondence of the Spanish ambassadors -in England during the reign of Elizabeth -(Rolls Series) adds many interesting pages to the -history of Durham Place, and renders the memories -of the house more important than ever to the -students of the Reformation period in England. -</p> - -<p> -Feria arrived in London and took up his -residence at Durham Place on the 26th of January, -1558, having, as he says, lingered on the way in -order not to bring the unwelcome news of the -surrender of Guines by the English, which news -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P270"></a>270}</span> -had crossed the Channel with him. In addition to -Durham Place, where he and his household were -lodged, he had the same privileges as to an -apartment in the Queen's palace as those which -appertained to an English Privy Councillor—privileges -which he tried hard to have confirmed to him by -the new Queen when Mary died, in order, as he -says, that he might keep his foot in the place and -spy out what was going on. But Elizabeth and -Cecil knew full well what his object was, and were -quite shocked at the idea of the representative of a -possible suitor for her hand sleeping under the same -roof as the maiden Queen, so Feria had to depend -upon his paid agents in the palace, and even in the -Council itself, to bring him news to Durham Place -of what was going on. -</p> - -<p> -With the evidence now before us we can -form an approximate idea of the appearance of -Durham Place at the time. The Strand was -a rough, unpaved road, with a fringe of shops and -taverns on the northern side, whilst on the -south side were the back walls and outer courts -of the riverine mansions. The principal land -gateway of Durham Place stood exactly opposite the -spot now occupied by the Adelphi Theatre. The -English custodian or porter, who was in the pay of -the Queen, had his dwelling just inside the gate, -where he could spy those who went in and out on -the land side. On each side of the gate in the -outer courtyard were stables and outhouses, and in -and around the gateway in the street were benches -where idlers and hangers-on sat and lounged through -the day gossiping, in various tongues, and boasting -of the prowess of their respective countrymen. On -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P271"></a>271}</span> -the other side of the street, nearly opposite, was a -tavern called the "Chequers,"[<a id="chap06fn4text"></a><a href="#chap06fn4">4</a>] which drove a roaring -trade with the men-at-arms, Court-danglers, and -serving-men who were constantly passing to and from -Whitehall and St. James'. Opposite the gateway, -across the large outer courtyard, was the door of the -great hall, generally standing open for the -neighbours to pass through[<a id="chap06fn5text"></a><a href="#chap06fn5">5</a>] it to the inner or smaller -courtyard, in which stood a water conduit fed by -a "spring of fairwater in Covent Garden."[<a id="chap06fn6text"></a><a href="#chap06fn6">6</a>] Beyond -this inner courtyard stood the house itself at -the bottom of the slope on the bank of the river -at the spot now occupied by the arches that support -Adelphi Terrace. It was a castellated structure, -with its water-gate placed in the middle of the -curtain between two turrets, and leading not, as -usually was the case, through a garden, but straight -from the steps into the house itself by an enclosed -pent-house doorway. The domestic offices, and -probably the chapel, were on the ground floor, but -the principal dwelling-rooms were all upstairs and in -the turrets. Aubrey, in his letters (vol. iii. 573), -thus speaks of Raleigh's occupancy of one of these -turrets: "Durham House was a noble palace. After -he came to his greatness, he lived there or in some -apartment of it. I well remember his study, which -was on a little turret that looked into and over the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P272"></a>272}</span> -Thames, and had a prospect which is as pleasant as -any in the world." -</p> - -<p> -The water-gate of the house was not the only -approach to the river, as there was a space with -trees on each side of the house, with a dwarf wall -fronting the water, and a descent on one side by -which the neighbours were allowed to get water -from the stream for washing and similar purposes. -It will thus be seen that the only really private part -was the house itself between the inner courtyard and -the river; the great hall and both courtyards being -practically open to the public under the supervision -of the custodian at the outer gate, who was responsible -only to the Queen, and was a constant source -of friction with the foreign occupants of the house. -</p> - -<p> -Feria stayed at Durham Place until August, 1558, -taking an active part in the distracted Councils of -the Queen; and then, having found that Mary's -hopes of an heir were again fallacious, and having -bullied and frightened the Queen and Council into -raising all the money they could beg or borrow for -Philip's service, he went back to Flanders, leaving -his English wife in London, with a Flemish and a -Spanish ambassador of lower rank than himself to -represent his master. But when Mary was known -to be dying, he posted back again to be on the spot -when the great change took place, and Durham -Place was avoided like a plague-spot thenceforward -for many days by the courtiers and time-servers who -wished to stand well with the new Queen. -</p> - -<p> -The proud Spaniard repaid distrust by bitter -resentment, and soon found that his arrogance made -him unfit instrument for cajolery. So he sent for -a softer spoken diplomatist to act as his "tender," -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P273"></a>273}</span> -and the wily, silken Bishop of Aquila became his -guest at Durham Place. Feria could not for long -brook the need of paying supple court to the people -over whom he had ridden roughshod, and an excuse -was soon found by which he might be withdrawn -without an open confession of his unfitness, and in -May, 1559, he left Durham Place for good, leaving -his English Countess and the Bishop of Aquila in -possession. -</p> - -<p> -At Dover he met Baron Ravenstein, who was -coming from the Emperor to offer the hand -of the Archduke Charles to Elizabeth, and as -such a match would only have subserved Spanish -interests if it had been effected by the aid of -Spanish diplomacy, Feria asked the German to -become his guest at Durham Place, which he did, -and was made much of by the Countess and the -Bishop. But he wore out his welcome very soon, -particularly with the latter, a portion of whose -apartments he occupied, and the Bishop sneers at -him for his constant attendance at Mass. "He is -quite a good fellow," he says, "but surely this must -be the first negotiation he ever conducted in his -life." The Countess soon came to high words with the -new Queen, and in a month or so left Durham Place -in a dudgeon to join her husband in Flanders, -thenceforward to see England no more. With -her went, in addition to her escort, Don Juan de -Ayala, her grandmother, Lady Dormer, and that -Mistress Susan Clarencis who was Queen Mary's -most devoted attendant. From that time, namely, -July, 1559, the Bishop was temporary master of -Durham Place by favour of the Queen, against whom -he never ceased to intrigue as far as he dared. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P274"></a>274}</span> -</p> - -<p> -We have already glanced at the structure of the -house itself; it may be now interesting to give some -account of the household of the Bishop, which may -probably be considered a typical one. First there -was a chaplain at three crowns a month and his -board, a chief secretary at twelve crowns a month, -a chamberlain, two or three gentlemen-in-waiting, a -groom-of-the-chambers, and six pages—all without -any fixed wage, but who lived on promises, -perquisites, and what they could pick up, eating, -however, at the Bishop's expense, and mostly clothed -by him. Then there were two couriers at three -shillings a month, which they rarely got; a cook, a -buyer, a butler, and a pantryman, at a crown a -month each; two cantineers, two "lacqueys," two -Irish grooms, and two washerwomen at nominal -wages of from three to five shillings a month when -they could get them, which was very uncertain. -Small as the wages seem to us, the expense of the -establishment was very great, as these people and a -host of friends and hangers-on were fed roughly but -abundantly at the Bishop's cost, the humbler sort -eating in the great hall and the gentlemen of the -household in the upper chambers. -</p> - -<p> -The Bishop had hardly been in possession of -the house for a year when Challoner, the English -Ambassador in Spain, warned Cecil that the "crafty -old fox" was getting to know too much about what -went on at Court, and that some decent excuse -should be sought for turning him out from so -advantageous a coign of vantage as Durham Place, with -its water-gate and its close proximity to the palace, -whence spies and courtiers might come and go -secretly, as we now know they did, at all hours for -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P275"></a>275}</span> -the information of the King of Spain's Ambassador. -We may be sure that the hint was not lost on Cecil, -but the Bishop was cunning, and to turn him out -without good ostensible cause would have been too -risky at a time when Philip's future action was still -uncertain. So the Queen's porter in charge of the -house was told to take careful note of those who -went in and out by the Strand gate, and particularly -those who attended Mass in the Ambassador's -chapel. But still the weak point in the position -was the water-gate, the key of which always -remained in the possession of the Bishop or his -major-domo. Various stratagems were resorted to -by the English porter to obtain possession of it, -but in vain, and more decided measures had at last -to be taken. The Bishop's confidential secretary, -an Italian named Borghese, was bribed by Cecil -to tell all he knew of his master's practices, and -great promises of high position and a rich marriage -in England were held out to him as a further reward -for his treachery. This made him arrogant and -boastful, and led to a slashing match with the -Bishop's Italian gentleman-in-waiting, whom -Borghese nearly killed. He boasted that he had -friends at Court, snapped his fingers at the officers -of the law and at the Bishop's cajolery and threats, -made a clean breast of it to Cecil, and things began -to look bad for his late master. Dr. Wotton, a -member of the Privy Council, went to Durham -Place, and gravely formulated a series of complaints -founded on the secretary's information. Most of -these complaints were trivial, being to the effect -that the Bishop had said and written various -depreciatory things against the Queen: but one -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P276"></a>276}</span> -accusation was serious, namely, than Shan O'Neil had -taken the Sacrament at Durham Place, which was -true, although the ecclesiastical diplomatist solemnly -denied it. -</p> - -<p> -The Bishop was nearly beside himself with rage -and chagrin, and begged plaintively to be relieved -from his irksome post among heretics such as these. -But all in vain. It did not suit the Queen and Cecil -for the moment to perpetrate the last indignity of -turning him out of the house, but after this they -kept a closer watch upon him than ever and bode -their time. They had not to wait long. There -were four French hostages in London, held in -pledge for the due fulfilment of the Treaty of -Château Cambresis, and very troublesome guests -they were. -</p> - -<p> -The most turbulent of them was a certain -Nantouillet, Provost of Paris, a fanatical Catholic and -partisan of the Guises. He had for some reason -or another conceived a grudge against a mercenary -captain called Masino, who was in the pay of the -Vidame de Chartres, a Huguenot nobleman. So, -in the manner of the times, he sought to have him -killed, and, seeking for an instrument, he came -across a young lad of bad character called Andrea, -who was a servant of a lute player at Court, Alfonso -the Bolognese. To this lad the Provost gave a -dagger and a coat of mail, and promised a reward -of a hundred crowns if he killed Masino. Andrea -left his musical master and hung about the Strand -door of Durham Place for several days at the -beginning of January, 1563. At meal times he -went into the great hall as others did and ate his -fill, and then lounged outside on the benches again. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P277"></a>277}</span> -</p> - -<p> -At last, in the dusk of the afternoon of the 3rd -of January, 1563, Captain Masino came swaggering -up the Strand on his way to Whitehall, and Andrea -fired at him point blank, at a foot distance, with a -harquebuss. But the captain's swagger saved his -life, for the bullet passed between his left arm and -his body, making a hole through his swinging cape -and burning his doublet, and then glanced off into -a shop on the other side of the way, "and came -near killing an honest Englishman therein." Out -came the swashbuckler's long rapier, and off ran -the assassin into the outer courtyard of Durham -Place, shrieking for mercy, followed by the captain -and the English neighbours. The Bishop's household -in the great courtyard seized their arms, and -slammed the doors in the faces of the pursuers, -whilst the terrified assassin fled through the great -hall, through the inner courtyard and pell-mell -up the stair leading to the Bishop's apartment. -</p> - -<p> -Quite by chance, of course, the Provost of Paris -happened to be playing at cards with the Bishop -and the French Ambassador, whilst Luis de Paz -and other friends looked on. The banging of the -crowd at the closed door of the great hall, the -terror-stricken cries of the criminal, and the tramping of -the servants on the stair, brought out the Bishop -and his friends to ask indignantly the cause of the -uproar. Andrea on his knees at the door begged -for protection and mercy. Captain Masino had -beaten him, he said, some days ago, and he had -fired a shot at him and missed him, so no harm -was done, but still the captain wanted to kill him. -Calming the clamour, the Bishop asked whether -the shot had been fired inside or outside of Durham -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P278"></a>278}</span> -Place. "At the gate!" they said, and the boy had -only entered when pursued, to save his life. "Then," -said the Bishop to Bernabe Mata, his majordomo, -"turn him out by the water-gate." By mere chance -again a boat was in waiting, hired by the Provost -of Paris, who slipped outside himself to see the -assassin safely off, gave him ten crowns, and whilst -the crowd still battered and stormed at the door of -the great hall, Andrea was carried to Gravesend as -fast as strong oars could propel him. But he was -captured next day, and under torture told the whole -story. The Provost himself was closely imprisoned -in Alderman Chester's house, whence he carried on -for weeks an interesting correspondence with his -friends outside, written with onion juice on the -inside lining of the breeches of a servant. -</p> - -<p> -This attempted murder was the opportunity for -which Cecil had long been waiting. Strong hints -about treachery founded on the secretary's information, -galling interference with attendance at Mass, -flouts and insults, had been more or less patiently -borne by the Bishop at his master's behest, but -harbouring a criminal was an infraction of the -ordinary law of the land, and if it could be brought -home to the Ambassador the Queen would have a -good excuse for taking her house away from a -tenant who put it to so bad a use. The news was -not long travelling from the Strand to Whitehall; -Cobham and a posse of the Queen's guard came -straight to Durham Place, and in the name of the -law demanded the surrender of the criminal. They -were told he was not there, but had left by the -water-gate, and, this reply being unsatisfactory, they -came back again directly with the Queen's command -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P279"></a>279}</span> -that the keys of the water-gate, as well as those of -the Strand entrance, should be given up to the -English custodian, in order that he might render -an account of all those who went in and out. The -Bishop writes to Philip:— -</p> - -<p> -"This custodian is a very great heretic, who for -three years past has been in this house with no -other duty than to spy out those who come to see -me, for the purpose of accusing me. I have put -up with it for all this time, although at great -inconvenience to myself, so as to avoid having disputes -with them on a matter of this description. When -the Marshal made this demand, however, I answered -him that for twenty years the Ambassadors here -had been allowed to reside in the royal houses, -nearly all those sent by your Majesty and the -Emperor having done so, and they had invariably -been accustomed to hold the keys of the houses -wherein they lived. I said that it was not right -that an innovation should be made in my case after -my four years' residence here, especially on so slight -a pretext as this matter, in which I was not at all -to blame, and considering that this is the first case -of the sort that has happened since I have been -here, it cannot be said that my house is an habitual -refuge for criminals. I would, however, go and -give the Queen an account of the matter, which I -endeavoured to do." -</p> - -<p> -But the Queen would not see him either that day -or the next. She was too busy she said; and on -the following day, which was Twelfth Day, just as -people were coming to Mass, some locksmiths came -in a boat to the water-gate and put a new lock on, -notwithstanding the protest of the Bishop's -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P280"></a>280}</span> -household, and the keys of all the gates were now held -by the Queen's officers. The Bishop was in a -towering rage, and said, that as the Queen -imprisoned him in his own house, and made a goal -of it, he demanded the keys back, or else that she -should find him another residence where he might -be free. A long account of the solemn conference -between the Bishop and the Council is given in the -Calendar of State Papers (Foreign), the 7th of -January, 1563, and the Bishop's version is now -published in the Spanish State Papers of Elizabeth, -vol. i. According to both accounts, the Bishop got -decidedly the worst of it. Cecil was the spokesman, -and, instead of taking up a defensive position -about the keys, he turned the tables by piling up all -the complaints which his spies had accumulated for -the last two years, and the poor Bishop found himself -the accused rather than the injured party. The -escape of the criminal by the water-gate was made -the most of—such a thing in law-abiding England -had never been heard of before—but after all this -was a bagatelle to the other charges. -</p> - -<p> -The neighbours had complained over and over -again, Cecil said, of the quarrels and fights of the -Bishop's dependants, and had asked for his removal -from the house. There had been a squabble, one -of many, between the English porter and the -Bishop's scullions about the water, which, after -serving the conduit in the inner courtyard, ran -down to the basement kitchen of the house itself. -The Bishop's servants kept their tap running in the -kitchen out of malice, in order to deprive the upper -conduit of water, and when the English porter -complained, they shut the door of the great hall, so -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P281"></a>281}</span> -that neither he nor the neighbours could get to the -conduit at all. Then the porter said he would cut -the pipe and stop their supply, and at this threat -they went to his house with weapons in their hands -and said they would kill him if he did so; and he -was the Queen's servant! But, worst of all, Cecil -accused the Bishop of plotting with Shan O'Neil -and Arthur Pole, and said that since the house had -been in the Bishop's occupation it had become sadly -dilapidated and damaged as regarded the lead, glass -doors, and so on, and that the Queen had decided to -put it into proper repair and find another fitting -residence for him. The Bishop retorted by denying all -the charges, and saying that as the house was -low-lying and damp and he was old and ailing, he would -be glad to leave it. But soft spoken as he was to -the Council, he was burning with rage, and wrote -to Granvelle in a very different tone. -</p> - -<p> -It was some months yet, however, before he -moved from Durham Place, and during that time the -Queen's Marshal again descended upon the house -one morning of a Catholic feast-day, and haled all -those who were attending Mass to the Marshalsea. -The guard had, it appears, concealed themselves -betimes in the porter's house, and Cecil had given -them orders that if any resistance whatever was -offered they were to attack the house in force and -capture all the inmates at any cost. But at last the -poor old Bishop, heart-broken at having to suffer -so much indignity, was got rid of and lodged -elsewhere. Deeply in debt and penniless, he went in -the summer of 1563 to Langley, Bucks, where he -died in August, some say of poison, some of -plague, and some of grief. Then Durham Place, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P282"></a>282}</span> -refurbished and repaired, again became a royal -guest-house. -</p> - -<p> -On the 16th of July, 1565, the Queen lent -Durham Place to Sir Ambrose Cave, one of her -Privy Council, for the celebration of his daughter's -wedding with the son of Sir Francis Knollys, the -Vice-Chamberlain, and the new Spanish Ambassador, -Canon Guzman de Silva, was invited to the -supper in the evening, at which the Queen had -promised to be present. By mutual consent it had -been arranged that the French and Spanish -Ambassadors should never meet at Court, or where the -vexed question of precedence might arise; but the -two diplomatists, wily Churchmen both, were for -ever on the look out for a chance of scoring off each -other. No doubt Ambrose Cave thought he had -cleverly evaded the difficulty by asking the French -Ambassador to the more important meal, namely, -the eleven o'clock dinner, and the Spanish Ambassador -to the supper in the evening, at which the -Queen was to be present. But when De Foix -learnt at the hospitable feast at Durham Place that -the Queen was coming later, he announced his -intention of staying to supper as well. If Guzman -did not like it, he said, he might stay away, and -poor Cave, foreseeing an unseemly squabble in the -Queen's presence, rushed off in despair to the -Spanish Ambassador to beg of him not to come. -But this was too much for the Toledan pride of the -Canon, and he told Cave that he had not sought an -invitation to the feast, but since it had been given -and accepted he was not going to stay away for the -French Ambassador or any one else. As for -precedence, his master was the greatest King on earth, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P283"></a>283}</span> -and if the worst came to the worst he would fight -out the question. In vain Cave protested that the -Queen would not come if there was to be any -quarrelling, and he would be ruined at Court. He -could not, he said, get rid of the Frenchman, who -flatly refused to go, and he could hardly throw him -out of the window. Guzman said if there was much -ado about it he would throw him out of window -himself, and sent off Cave in a huff. Then Guzman -hurried to Whitehall in order to catch the Queen -before she started for Durham Place. He waited -for some time, he says, in the privy garden by -which she would have to pass to her barge; and -after she had vainly attempted to smooth matters -over, and said she herself must refrain from going if -there was to be any disturbance, she pretended to -fly into a rage at Cave's management of the affair, -and sent Cecil and Throgmorton off to Durham -Place to get rid of the French Ambassador -somehow. What arguments they used Guzman neither -knew nor cared, but when he arrived with the -Queen the rival Ambassador was gone, and he was -the principal guest next to the sovereign. "The -Queen stayed through the entertainment, and the -Emperor's Ambassador and I supped with her in -company with the bride and some of the principal -ladies and the gentlemen who came with the -Emperor's Ambassador. After supper there was a -ball, a tourney, and two masques, and the feast -ended at half-past one in the morning." -</p> - -<p> -In September, 1565, Durham Place received a -royal guest in the person of Cecilia, Princess of -Sweden, Margravine of Baden, who came principally -to spy how the land lay with regard to the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P284"></a>284}</span> -oft-repeated suit for Elizabeth's hand made by her -brother Eric XIV. The English queen, as was -her wont, made much of her at first; but she, too, -wore out her welcome during the months she -stayed, for, as we have seen, the housekeeping of -great folk in those days was far from economical, -and when the Swedish princess ran short of money -and wanted pecuniary help, as she soon did, frugal -Elizabeth's friendship began to cool, and it ended -in the poor Princess having to pledge even her -clothes to satisfy her more pressing creditors before -they would let her go; and her husband, a ruling -prince, was put into gaol at Rochester by the irate -tradesmen who had trusted his wife. But all this -was at the end of her visit; the beginning was -certainly brilliant and auspicious. -</p> - -<p> -The Princess arrived at Dover in the Queen's -ships, and was there received by Lord Cobham and -his wife, the Mistress of the Robes, and a knot of -courtiers sent by the Queen from Windsor. They -rode as usual through Kent to Gravesend, where -the Queen's barges awaited them, and the Queen's -cousin, Lord Hunsdon, and six pages in royal livery -received the Princess, who was thus carried up the -river with all pomp and circumstance to the -water-gate of Durham Place. Her dress on the occasion -attracted attention in London by its strangeness. -She was attired, we are told, in a long black velvet -robe, with a mantle of cloth of silver and black, and -on her fair hair she wore a golden crown. At the -top of the water-stairs at Durham Place she was -received by the Countess of Sussex, Lady Bacon, -and Cecil, and installed in the house with all -honour. A day or two afterwards the Queen came -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P285"></a>285}</span> -from Windsor to visit her. "She received her -Majesty at the door, where she embraced her -warmly, and both went up to her apartments. -After the Queen had passed some time with her -in great enjoyment she returned home, and the -next night, the 15th, the Princess was delivered of -a son." In due time the young Prince of Baden -was christened with great pomp, and Durham Place -was a scene of festivity on that and many other -occasions whilst the Swedish Princess resided there. -We have rather a full account of one of Queen -Elizabeth's visits to the Princess at Durham Place, -as Guzman, the Spanish Ambassador, happened to -be at Whitehall when her Majesty was starting, -and, at her invitation, accompanied her thither in -her barge. He says he was with her alone for -some time in the cabin of the barge, until, probably, -her Majesty becoming tired of a <i>tête-à-tête</i> with an -elderly clergyman, called her new pet Heneage to -her, and began to whisper and flirt with him. The -Princess awaited the Queen at the water-gate as -usual, and led her to the principal apartments -upstairs, although neither royal lady would consent -to be seated until a stool was brought for Guzman, -who relates the incident. The Queen came by -water, and returned in a coach by way of the -Strand. When she was seated in the carriage with -Lady Cobham, her maiden Majesty could not resist -the opportunity afforded by the condition of her -companion to make rather a risky joke to the -Ambassador, who, ecclesiastic though he was, retorted -fully in the same vein, and carefully repeated the -conversation in a letter to his royal master the next -day. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P286"></a>286}</span> -</p> - -<p> -For the next few years Durham Place gave -shelter to many courtiers, ambassadors, and honoured -guests of the Queen, and was occasionally lent, as -we have seen, for parties and merrymakings, its -large size and easy access by land and water -making it peculiarly appropriate for such uses. But -the elder Earl of Essex, Walter Devereux, made a -somewhat longer stay in some of its apartments. -It was here, probably enough in the turret-rooms -which were Raleigh's favourite abiding-place, that -Essex planned that expedition to Ireland with -which his name was destined for all time to be -linked. From here he started in August, 1573, -and, with the exception of one flying visit in 1575, -never saw Durham Place again. -</p> - -<p> -In 1583 the Queen granted the house to Raleigh. -It was in a dilapidated condition, and he spent, as -he says, £2,000 in repairing it; certain it is that -during twenty years that Raleigh lived there Durham -Place reached its apogee of splendour. The Strand -had greatly altered for the better since the time -when Feria lived at Durham Place. The Bishop of -Carlisle's house, on the other side of Ivy Lane, had -disappeared, and Robert Cecil had built a splendid -house for himself on its site. His father and elder -brother, too, across the Strand had another palace, -and between them they had paved and made up -the roadway for a considerable distance before -their properties. But slowly, too, the Strand was -becoming a great fashionable thoroughfare, and -long-headed Robert Cecil knew well that as shops -grew up along its line the street frontage would -increase in value. So he cast covetous eyes across -his own boundary at Ivy Lane on to the great -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P287"></a>287}</span> -ramshackle congeries of stables and outhouses -which fronted the Strand at Durham Place. As -long as his mistress lived he dared not disturb -Raleigh, but no sooner had the great Queen -passed away than Raleigh was turned out with -every circumstance of harshness and insult, and -Lord Salisbury got his street frontage, upon which -he built Britain's Burse, which was to be a rival to -the Royal Exchange. -</p> - -<p> -Thenceforward Durham Place went down in the -world. A sort of square, with entrance by what is -now called Durham Street, was built on a portion -of the garden and great courtyard, but the hall and -mansion themselves were left intact, and the latter -was still used for the lodging of ambassadors and -others, and the Bishops of Durham appear to -have had lodgings in what formerly was their own -palace. Lord Keeper Coventry lived, or at all -events wrote, his letters here, and Lord Keeper -Finch died at Durham Place in 1640. Lord Pembroke -bought the whole site soon after, intending to -build himself a house there, but although the plans -were made the project fell through. The -Commonwealth soldiers were quartered in the house for -nearly two years, and Lord Pembroke had to find -himself a house elsewhere, for which the Parliament -voted him £200. -</p> - -<p> -The Strand front became more and more valuable, -and by and by another exchange was built -on the rest of the frontage, whilst the property -in the rear continued to get more squalid as the -time went on. In the middle of the last century -the exchanges were pulled down and a fine row -of shops built on the site, whilst projects for -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P288"></a>288}</span> -dealing with the space still occupied by the old -palace were busying many men's minds. At last -came the brothers Adam and made a clean sweep -of it all, back and front, and built the Adelphi as we -see it to-day. The wide expanse of mud which at -low tide formerly spread from the walls of the -old palace is now replaced by the waving trees of a -public garden. Great railway stations, gigantic -hotels, towering masses of "flats" and "mansion" -rear their high heads all round the site of old -Durham Place. The wealth and power have passed -from the hands of the few to the hands of the many, -and instead of one man living in squalid splendour -in the comfortless palace surrounded by hosts of -unproductive hinds, hundreds live in comfort, -usefulness, and self-respect upon the spot. There is -probably more money spent in a week by working -people in the garish music-hall that occupies the -Strand front than would have sufficed to keep -Durham Place in full swing for a year during the -time of its greatest grandeur. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn1text">1</a>] <i>The Fortnightly Review</i>, September, 1893. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn2text">2</a>] Calendar of State Papers, 1547-1580, p. 105. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn3text">3</a>] "The Adelphi and its Site," by H. B. Wheatley, F.S.A. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn4text">4</a>] It was afterwards called the "Queen's Head," and here Old -Parr lodged when he came to London. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn5text">5</a>] In the next century, when the Strand front was built over, -the parishioners wanted this hall for a church for St. Martin's -parish, the hall, they said, being only used as a passage. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap06fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap06fn6text">6</a>] A century later the water of this spring was found to be -foul, and, as its source had been forgotten, an examination -was made. The spring was rediscovered under a cellar of a -house in Covent Garden. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-288"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-288.jpg" alt="Tailpiece" /> -<br /> -Tailpiece -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap07"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P289"></a>289}</span></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<i>THE EXORCISM OF CHARLES THE BEWITCHED.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-290"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-290.jpg" alt="CHARLES II. OF SPAIN, "The Bewitched." (From a painting by Claudio Coelle.)" /> -<br /> -CHARLES II. OF SPAIN, "The Bewitched." <br /> -(<i>From a painting by Claudio Coelle.</i>) -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P291"></a>291}</span> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-291"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-291.jpg" alt="Headpiece" /> -<br /> -Headpiece -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<h3> -<i>THE EXORCISM OF CHARLES THE BEWITCHED.</i>[<a id="chap07fn1text"></a><a href="#chap07fn1">1</a>] -</h3> - -<p> -The pallid little milksop in black velvet, with his -lank, tow-coloured hair and his great underhung -chin, who will simper for ever on the canvas of -Carreño, had grown to be a man—a poor feeble -anæmic old man of thirty-seven,[<a id="chap07fn2text"></a><a href="#chap07fn2">2</a>] the last of his -race, to whom fastings and feastings, the ceremonies -of the Church, and the nostrums of the empirics had -been equally powerless in providing a successor -for the crumbling empire of his fathers. The -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P292"></a>292}</span> -strong spirits upon whom he had leant in his youth -and early manhood had passed away. His imperious -mother, who reigned so long and unworthily -in his name, had died of cancer only a year or two -ago. His virile brother, Don Juan José of Austria, -in whom the worn-out blood of the imperial race had -been quickened by the brighter but baser blood of -his actress mother, had been poisoned. His beloved -first wife, the beautiful Marie Louise of Orleans, -had faded away in the sepulchral gloom of that -dreary Court, and his new German wife, Marie Anne -of Neuberg, with her imperious violence, frightened -him out of what little wit he had left by her -advocacy of new ideas. For new ideas to that poor -brain were the inventions of the very Devil himself. -He had been drilled for years into the knowledge -that the claims of his French kinsmen to his -inheritance were just; and, though for years past all -the diplomatists of Europe had been plotting and -planning for one or the other claimant with varying -success, all that poor Charles the Bewitched himself -wanted was to be left alone in peace whilst he lived, -and that one of his French cousins should succeed -him when he died. There was not much chance -of either wish being fulfilled from the time that -England and the Austrian faction juggled Marie -Anne of Neuberg into the palace as Charles' second -wife. She made short work of all the courtiers and -ministers who favoured the French succession—they -had one after the other either to come round -to her side or go. Most of the best of them—not -that any of them were very good—sulked in their -own provinces awaiting events, whilst others still -plotted in the capital. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P293"></a>293}</span> -</p> - -<p> -In the meantime the Queen and her camarilla -were all-powerful. After various weak and futile -explosions, the smashing of crockery and breaking -of furniture and the like, the poor King, for the -sake of peace, let her have her own way, and -ostensibly favoured the claims of the Austrian -Archduke to his inheritance. But like most -semi-idiots he could not relax his grasp on an -idea of which he had once become possessed, and -though he was surrounded day and night by the -Queen's creatures, and was content that they should -have their way whilst he was well, he no sooner -fell into one of his periodical fits of deadly sickness -than, with all the terror and dread of death, and -constant fear of poison and witchcraft upon him, -he yearned for the presence of those who had been -with him in earlier and happier days, before the -German Queen and her base blood-suckers had -come to disturb his tranquillity. -</p> - -<p> -The story of the strange and obscure Court -intrigue which resulted in the gaining by the -French faction of the upper hand in the palace -during the critical time preceding Charles's death, -has often and variously been told, mostly with -an ignorant or wilful distortion of events. -M. Morel-Fatio has shown how Victor Hugo has -deliberately falsified the character of the Queen -Marie Anne of Neuberg, in order that he might -make use of the local colour furnished by the -Countess d'Aulnoy's letters written from Spain -fifteen years before the period represented by the -dramatist;[<a id="chap07fn3text"></a><a href="#chap07fn3">3</a>] and many other writers, French and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P294"></a>294}</span> -English, who have been attracted by the romantic -elements of the witchcraft story, have surrounded -it with a cloud of fictitious persons and incidents -which makes it difficult now to distinguish between -history and romance. Every writer on the subject, -so far as I know, moreover, has stopped short at -the story of the exorcism itself, whereas it really -developed into a great struggle of many years' -duration between the Grand Inquisitor on the -one hand and the Council of Inquisitors on -the other, in which, curiously enough, the latter -body championed the cause of legal process as -against the arbitrary power assumed by its own chief. -</p> - -<p> -There is in the British Museum[<a id="chap07fn4text"></a><a href="#chap07fn4">4</a>] a full -manuscript account from day to day of the whole -transaction from beginning to end, written at the -time by one of the clerks or secretaries in the -Inquisition, who, although he avows himself a -partisan of the French faction and of the King's -confessor, Froilan Diaz, around whom all the storm -raged, declares that he has set down the unvarnished -truth of the whole complicated business, in order -that people may know after his death what really -happened, and how much they "owe to his Sacred -Majesty Philip V. for preserving the privileges of -the holy tribunal of the Inquisition, or, what is -the same, our holy faith." By the aid of this -set of documents, and another set in the Museum -(part of which has been published in Spanish), -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P295"></a>295}</span> -the story, which is well worth preserving, may -be reconstructed, and the hitherto unrelated -particulars of the actual exorcism rescued from -oblivion. -</p> - -<p> -The most powerful person at Court next to the -Queen was Father Matilla, the King's confessor, -whose hand was everywhere, and who said on -one occasion that he would much rather make -bishops than be one. Then came the other members -of the Queen's camarilla, an obscure country -lawyer who had been created Count Adanero, and -Minister of Finance and the Indies, who provided -the crew with money to their hearts' content, and -squandered and muddled away the national -resources, whilst all Spain was groaning under -impossible imposts; Madame Berlips, a German -woman who had an extraordinary influence over -the Queen, and an insatiable greed; two Italian -monks, and a mutilated musician of the Royal -Chapel. There were two great nobles also who, -after several periods of disgrace and hesitation, -had at last thrown themselves on to the Queen's -side—the Admiral of Castile and Count Oropesa, the -ostensibly responsible ministers; but these -practically only carried out the designs of the Queen's -camarilla, and were content with the appearance -and profits of power without its exercise. The -populace, as may be imagined, were in deadly -opposition to the Queen and her foreign -surroundings, and were strongly in favour of one of -the younger French princes whom they might adopt -and make a Spaniard of, as they never could hope -to do with a German archduke, and thus, as they -thought, avoid the threatened partition of their -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P296"></a>296}</span> -country.[<a id="chap07fn5text"></a><a href="#chap07fn5">5</a>] This was the position of things in March, -1698, when the King, who had partly recovered -from his previous attack eighteen months before, -was again taken ill.[<a id="chap07fn6text"></a><a href="#chap07fn6">6</a>] He was dragged out by the -Queen to totter and stagger in religious processions, -was made to go through the ceremonial forms of -his position, nodding and babbling incoherently to -ministers and ambassadors whom he was obliged -to receive, and at last, weary and sick to death, -haunted by an unquiet conscience and with the -appalling fear of hourly poison, he sent word by -a trusty messenger to the wise, crafty old minister -of his mother, Cardinal Portocarrero, who had been -banished from the Court by the Queen, that he -wished to see him. -</p> - -<p> -The Cardinal needed no two invitations, but -posted off to the palace. He had still plenty of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P297"></a>297}</span> -friends of various ranks, notwithstanding the -Queen, and amongst them was Count de Benavente, -the Gentleman of the Bedchamber. By him he -was conducted at night to the King's bed-side, -after the Queen had retired, and heard the -heart-broken recital of the monarch's troubles. The -King told him he was ill and unhappy and in -trouble about his soul's health. He was conscious -of a struggle going on within him between his -knowledge of the right thing to do and his incapacity to -do it, and this left him no peace or happiness. The -people who surrounded him were distasteful to him, -his confessor, Matilla, gave him no real consolation, -and he ascribed much of his own illness and misery -to the bad management and ceaseless worry he -had to endure from those who had the direction -of affairs. The King unburdened himself to -the Cardinal in his lisping, mumbling fashion, -his utterance broken with sobs and tears, but -sufficiently plainly for Portocarrero to see that if -he and his friends acted boldly, swiftly, and secretly -they might again become predominant and dispose -of the splendid inheritance of Spain and the Indies. -He said some consoling, soothing words to the -King, and promised him that steps should be -taken to insure him tranquillity, and then he took -his leave. The interview took place in the ancient -Alcazar, which stood on the site of the present -royal palace in Madrid, for poor Carlos had no -spirits for the new Buen Retiro Palace, where his -father had been so gay and splendid. It was nearly -eleven o'clock at night, but as soon as the Cardinal -got back to his own house he summoned his friends -to a private conference. They were all of them -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P298"></a>298}</span> -courtiers in disgrace with the Queen, and most of -them extremely popular with the mob in Madrid. -There was Count Monterey, mild and temporising, -with his hesitating speech and his irritating "hems -and hahs"; there was the Marquis of Leganes, -a hot-headed soldier, rash and pugnacious; Don -Francisco Ronquillo, ambitious, intriguing, and -bold, who, with his brother, was the idol of the -"chulos" of the capital; Don Juan Antonio Urraca, -honest, uncouth, and boorish; and, above all, quiet, -wise, and prudent Don Sebastian de Cotes, a close -friend of the Cardinal's. First, Monterey was -invited to give his opinion as to what should be done, -but he dwelt mainly upon the danger to them all -presented from the King's infirmity of purpose; -and how one minister after the other who had for -a moment succeeded in persuading him to make -a stand, had been disgraced and banished the -moment the Queen got access to her husband and -twisted him round her finger, as she could. He -had no desire to take risks, apparently, and could -recommend nothing but that the Cardinal Archbishop -should keep his footing in the palace, and -gradually work upon the King's mind. Leganes -scoffed at such timid counsels; where the disease -was so violent as this a strong remedy must be -adopted. This should be the immediate banishment, -and, if necessary, the imprisonment of the -Admiral of Castile, the principal minister. He -(Leganes) had plenty of arms at home, and had -hundreds of men in Madrid who would serve him, -with experienced officers to command them, and -could soon make short work of the Admiral and -his train of poets and buffoons. Ronquillo went -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P299"></a>299}</span> -further still. He said that was all very well, but -at the same time they must seize the Queen and -shut her up at the Huelgas de Burgos. Monterey -called him a fool, and said such an act would be -the death of the King and would ruin them all -before he could alter his will; and the two nobles -rushed at each other to fight out the question on the -spot before the Archbishop himself. When they -were separated the Cardinal no doubt thought it -was time to do something practical, and asked his -friend Cotes his opinion. Cotes was prosy enough, -but practical. He said of course Portocarrero could -easily get the King to sign any decree he liked, but -the Queen could more easily still get him to revoke -it; and, although it would be well to strike at the -Queen herself, he did not know who would dare -to do it. But after all she could only influence -him by mundane means; the confessor, Matilla, -whom the King hated and feared, and flouted only -yesterday, must be got rid of, and the Queen would -lose her principal instrument. This was approved -of, but no one could suggest a fitting successor -except Ronquillo—who, of course, had a nominee -of his own!—who was promptly vetoed. Each of -the others doubtless had one too, but thought best -to press his claims privately. So it was left to -the Archbishop to choose a new successor and -gain the King's consent to his appointment. The -choice fell upon a certain Froilan Diaz, professor of -theology at the University of Alcalá. One of his -recommendations was that he was near enough to -the capital to be brought thither quickly, before the -affair got wind, and no sooner did the Ronquillos -learn that Cotes had recommended him to the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P300"></a>300}</span> -Archbishop than they sent a mounted messenger -post-haste to Alcalá to inform Father Froilan of -his coming greatness, and claim for themselves -the credit of his appointment. -</p> - -<p> -A few days afterwards, in the afternoon, the King -lay in bed languidly listening to the music which was -being played in the outer chamber, with which his -own room communicated by an open door. The -outer room, as usual, was crowded with courtiers, and -in the deep recess of a window stood the confessor, -Matilla, chatting with a friend, alert and watchful -of all that passed. Suddenly Count de Benavente -entered with a stout, fresh-coloured ecclesiastic, -quiet and modest of mien and unknown to all. -They walked across the presence chamber without -announcement, and entered the King's chamber, -shutting the door behind them. Matilla's face grew -longer and his eyes wider as he saw this, and he -knew instinctively that his day was over. Turning -to his friend, he said, "Good-bye; this is beginning -where it ought to have left off," and with that he -left the palace, and went with the conviction of -disaster to his monastery of the Rosario. They -had all known for some days that something had -been brewing. Spies had dogged every footstep -of the Archbishop and those who attended the -midnight meeting at his house, but they had left -out of account the King's own Gentleman of the -Bedchamber, Count de Benavente, who had arranged -the whole affair. It is true that when the Queen -had, as usual, entered the King's bedroom that day, -at eleven o'clock, to see him dine, he had told her -in a whisper, unable to retain his secret, that he -had changed his confessor. She, astounded and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P301"></a>301}</span> -disconcerted at the news, pretended to approve -of the change—anything, she said, to give -tranquillity to her dear Carlos. But when she could -leave, she flew with all speed to her room, -summoned the Admiral and the camarilla, and told -them they were undone. Panic reigned supreme, -the general idea being that Matilla himself had -betrayed them. In any case they saw that he was -past praying for, so they threw him overboard, and -decided to try to save themselves, and see if, in -time, they could not buy over the new confessor. -</p> - -<p> -The only man of them who kept his head was -a great ecclesiastic, a brother of the Admiral of -Aragon, and of a member of the Council of the -Inquisition, one Folch de Cardona, Commissary-General -of the Order of San Francisco, who was -subsequently to play an important part in the -tragi-comedy. When Matilla learnt that the Queen and -her friends had known of the change an hour or two -before it happened he broke down. "Oh, for that -hour!" he exclaimed; "in it I would have set it all -right." Divested of all his offices, dismissed from -his inquisitorship, with a pension of 2,000 ducats, -he died within a week of poison or a broken heart, -and he disappears from the scene. -</p> - -<p> -In his place stands Froilan Diaz, a simple-minded -tool of the courtiers who had appointed -him. He did not look very terrible, even to the -panic-stricken Queen and her friends, and they -decided to make the best of him, and try to -confine the changes to the confessorship. -Henceforward Froilan Diaz was a man to be courted -and flattered. Honours and wealth were lavished -on him, and for a year no great change was -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P302"></a>302}</span> -made in the palace or outside; but under the -surface intrigue was busy, both at the King's -bedside and in the haunts of the Madrid mob. At -the end of a year the latter element made short -work of the ministers and the Queen's gang and -drove the lot of them out, to be replaced by Arias, -the Ronquillos, and the French party; but with -this revolt the present study has nothing to do. -</p> - -<p> -The King's extreme decrepitude for a young man -had several years before given rise to rumours -amongst the vulgar that he was bewitched, and the -assertion had been made the subject of grave -consideration by the Grand Inquisitor of the time, who -reported that he could find no evidence to act upon. -At the time of the first serious illness of the King, -in 1697, he had of his own action sent to the new -Grand Inquisitor a terrible and austere Dominican -monk called Rocaberti, and had confessed to him -his conviction that his illness was not natural but -the result of some maleficent charm, and besought -him earnestly to have an exhaustive inquiry made. -The Inquisitor told him that he would, if he pleased, -have inquiry made, but saw no possible result could -come of it, unless the King could point out some -person whom he suspected or some plausible -evidence to go upon. And so the matter remained -until some weeks after Father Froilan had become -confessor. As may be supposed, Froilan Diaz's -elevation had reminded all his old friends of his -existence, and, amongst others, an old fellow-student -visited him, with whom he fell into talk about past -days and former acquaintances. "And how is -Father Argüelles getting on?" said the confessor. -"Ah, poor fellow!" was the reply; "he is confessor -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P303"></a>303}</span> -at a convent at Cangas, terribly ill, but in no-wise -cast down, for the Devil himself has assured him in -person that God is preserving him for a great work -yet that shall resound through the world." The -King's confessor pricked up his ears at this, and -wanted further particulars. It appeared, according -to the friend, that Argüelles had had much trouble -with two nuns of his convent, who were possessed, -and in the course of his exorcisms had become quite -on intimate terms with his Satanic Majesty. Froilan -thought this was too important to be neglected, so -he consulted the Grand Inquisitor, the Dominican -Rocaberti. The grim monk did not, apparently, -much like the business, but consented to a letter -being written to the Bishop of Oviedo, the superior -of Argüelles, asking him to question his subordinate -as to the truth of the assertion that the King was -suffering from diabolical charms. The Bishop, -determined that he would not be made the channel -for such nonsense, wrote a sensible answer back, -saying that he did not believe in the witchcraft -story. All that ailed the King was a weakness of the -heart and a too ready acquiescence in the Queen's -wishes, so he would have nothing to do with it. -</p> - -<p> -Then Froilan sent direct to Argüelles, who -himself was afraid of the business unless he was -secured from harm, and refused to put any questions -to the Devil unless he had the warrant of the Grand -Inquisitor. A letter was therefore written by the -latter on June 18, 1698, ordering him to write the -names of the King and Queen on a sheet of -paper, and, without uttering them, to place the -paper on his breast, summon the Devil, and ask -him whether the persons whose names were so -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P304"></a>304}</span> -written were suffering from witchcraft. Froilan -sent the letter in a long one of his own to his old -friend Argüelles with an elaborate cipher and other -devices for secrecy in subsequent communications. -No names henceforward were to be written. -The vicar, Argüelles, replied, expressing no -surprise at so strange a request, but said the Devil had -previously told him that he was reserved for great -things, but had not given particulars, only that he -should receive an order from a superior. Then he -tells the result obtained by his first effort. He says -he placed the hands of the possessed nun upon the -altar, and by the power of his incantations -commanded the Devil to answer the question put to him. -The Devil was not at all shy, but "swore by God -Almighty that it was the truth that the King was -bewitched," "et hoc ad destruendam materiam -generationis in Rege et eum incapacem ponendum ad -regnum administrandum." He said the charm had -been administered by moonlight when the King was -fourteen years of age. -</p> - -<p> -So far the Devil. Then the vicar, as an expert, -gives some advice of his own. He says the -King should be given half a pint of oil to drink, -fasting, with the benediction, and the ceremony -of exorcism which the Church prescribes.[<a id="chap07fn7text"></a><a href="#chap07fn7">7</a>] He -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P305"></a>305}</span> -must not eat anything for some time afterwards, -and everything he eats and drinks must -be blessed. The case is a very bad one, he -says, and a miracle will be performed. If the -King can bear it he should be given, in addition, -the charm prescribed by the Church, but not -otherwise. -</p> - -<p> -He gives the not improbable opinion that as the -King will vomit dreadfully he must be held in the -arms of the "master," by which name it was agreed -that the Grand Inquisitor should be referred to in -the correspondence. But he says not an hour is -to be lost, and the master himself must administer -the draught. -</p> - -<p> -But this remedy was too strong, and Froilan -and the Inquisitor, or the friend and the master, -as they are called henceforward, write to say -that, although they are much obliged to the Devil -and the vicar, such a draught as that -recommended would certainly kill the King, and they -beg the exorciser to ask the Devil again for a more -practical and a safer remedy. "How much and in -what form is the Church charm to be given; at what -hour; on what parts of the body?" And so -on—queer questions indeed to be addressed by two -pillars of the Church to the Devil. But this is not -all. They draw up a series of questions that would -do honour to a cross-examining barrister. "What -is the proof of witchcraft? In what way does -it act so as to make the King do things contrary -to his own will? How are the organs affected -cleansed by the charm? What compact was made -with the Devil when the witchery was effected? -Was it administered internally, or externally? -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P306"></a>306}</span> -Who administered it? Has it been repeated? Is -the Queen included in its operation?" And other -questions of a similar sort. The vicar is rather -shocked at their inquisitiveness, and refuses to put -such questions. How can he ask the Devil anything -that the Church does not deal with in its -exorcising ceremonies? -</p> - -<p> -Another letter is sent asking him to consult the -Devil as to whether it will be well to take the King -to Toledo, to which the vicar replies somewhat -evasively, reproaching his associates. What is the -good, he says, of all their professed desire to heal -the King whilst they refuse to carry out the -directions sent them? A change of place is useless if -he takes the malady with him, and until they follow -out the instructions already given it is no good for -him to consult the Devil again. "Besides," he -says, getting into dangerously deep water for a -country vicar, "how can you expect the King to -be well? Justice is not done, the churches are -starved, hospitals are despoiled and closed, and -souls are allowed to suffer in purgatory because -money is begrudged for Masses, and above all, the -King does not administer justice after swearing -on the cross that he would do so. The Divine -message has already been delivered to you. I have -told you all it is fitting for you to know and how to -cure the patient, and you do nothing but ask a lot -more questions. I tell ye, then, that you will find no -excuse for this at the supreme judgment, and the -death of the King will be laid at your door, since -you could cure him and will not." This was almost -too bold to be borne, and the Inquisitor's secretary -writes back in grave condemnation. He again -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P307"></a>307}</span> -insists upon the questions being put to the Devil. -"You are presumptuous to dare to suppose that you -know better than the friend and the master, and -that you can command in this way whilst refusing to -obey. You want to get out of it now by attributing -the King's illness to other causes. The 'friend -and the master' are deeply offended, and if you do -not do as you are commanded all will be frustrated, -and we distressed to feel that, just as God had -begun to open the door of knowledge to us, all is -spoilt by your presumption and obstinacy." -</p> - -<p> -After a good deal more of mutual recrimination -the vicar gave way, and on September 9, 1698, -he wrote that he had sworn the Devil on the holy -sacrament, and he had declared that the charm had -been administered to the King in a cup of chocolate -on April 3, 1673. "I asked," he writes, "what the -charm was made of, and he said three parts of a -dead man." "What parts?" "Brain to take away -his will, intestines to spoil his health, and kidney to -ruin his virility." "Can we burn any sign to restore -him?" "No, by the God that made you and me." "Was -it a man or a woman who administered the -charm?" "A woman; and she has already been -judged." "Why did she do it?" "In order to -reign." "When?" "In the day of Don Juan of -Austria, whom she killed with a similar charm, only -stronger." -</p> - -<p> -This of course was directed against the late -Queen-mother—a dangerous line to take, considering -that the Cardinal Archbishop Portocarrero, -whose creature Froilan was, had been her friend -and minister. Lucifer continued, that the remedies -were those that the Church prescribed. First, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P308"></a>308}</span> -drinking of blessed oil fasting; secondly, anointing -the whole body with the oil; next, strong purges -and absolute isolation of the King even from the -sight of the Queen. Then the Devil got sulky, -said he was tired and knew no more, and refused to -say another word. The adoption of such a course -as that prescribed, with a man who was dying -already of exhaustion would have been murder; -and of course the associates again hesitated, writing -to the vicar directing him to inquire of the Devil -if any witchery has been practised since the first, -and why the King cannot do right when he wishes -to, instead of being, as he complains, impelled to act -wrongly against his will. It seems impossible that -this can be the result of the original charm, -particularly as the person who gave it is dead. Has -anything been given since? "Yes," says the Devil, -"in 1694, only four years ago, on September 24th, -a similar charm was given in food and left no -outward sign," and this the Devil swears by God and -the Holy Trinity. Then Lucifer, tired of answering -questions, apparently gives a bit of advice. He -says they are thwarting Providence by their delay, -and if they do not hurry up the King will be past help. -</p> - -<p> -But again the friend and the master want more -information, and on October 22nd write to say that -it is of the highest importance that they should know -the name and residence of the witch; who ordered -her to act, and why. This the Devil absolutely refuses -to answer; but as his past proceedings proved him -to be a demon somewhat infirm of purpose, they do -not seem to have been at all discouraged, but a -week or so afterwards return to the charge with a -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P309"></a>309}</span> -perfect catechism, which they order the vicar to -put to his diabolical interlocutor. "Who was the -witch? What was her name, condition, and -residence? Who ordered the charm, and why? Who -got the corpse and prepared the conjuration? Who -handed the chocolate to the King? Had the witch -any children?" And so on at great length. The -answer came from the vicar on October 7th, in -which the Devil seems to have made quite a clean -breast of it. The Queen-mother, he said, had -ordered the first charm; the first witch was a woman -named Casilda, married, with two sons, who lived -away from her. The go-between was Valenzuela -(the Queen-mother's favourite), and the witch had -no accomplice but the Devil. She sought the -corpse and prepared the charm, and handed it to -Valenzuela. The second charm, in 1694, was -administered by one who wishes for the <i>fleur-de-lis</i> in -Spain; one who is a great adulator of the King, -but hates him bitterly. The Devil could not -mention names, he said, but they knew the person -well. This witch was a famous one named Maria, -living in the Calle Mayor; but he could not give -the number of the house or her surname. -</p> - -<p> -The Grand Inquisitor's secretary wrote in answer -to this, thanking him, but regretting that his -information was so limited. The street mentioned as -the residence of the first witch, namely, the Calle de -Herreros, did not exist in Madrid, and the friend -and the master beg the vicar to ask his friend the -Devil for more information as to the houses and -husbands of both witches, "as to seek a Maria in -the High Street of Madrid was like looking for a -needle in a haystack." They want also the name -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P310"></a>310}</span> -of the person who ordered the second charm, and -the secretary ends his letter with an astounding -invocation of the Devil's aid. He is conjured in -the names of God, of His holy Mother, and of -St. Simeon of Jerusalem, the King's patron saint, to -intercede with God, "who, the lessons tell us, is -a relative," to aid in the King's recovery. No reply -appears to have been received to this letter, but it -was soon followed by another, saying that the friend -and the master have administered the charm -recommended by the Devil, and the King is better; but -they urgently beg for further aid from the same -quarter, and more charms if possible. This letter -was written on November 5, 1698, and produced -two replies from the vicar, who said that he had -been conjuring all the afternoon fruitlessly, and at -last the Devil burst out in a rage, "Go away! don't -bother me." In fact, it is quite clear at this point -that the vicar, having got himself into a perfect net -of confusion and contradiction, was getting very -frightened indeed; and his next letter said the -Devil was sulky, and would only reply to all his -conjurations that he, the Devil, had been telling -him a lot of lies and would say no more. All -would be known by and by, but not yet. The -vicar added to this a remark to the effect that -all the King's doctors were false and disloyal, -and should be dismissed; the doctor to be -appointed in their place was to be chosen more for -his attachment to the old Church than for his -medical science, and, in the meanwhile, the King's -abode and garments were to be changed and the -exorcisms continued. -</p> - -<p> -The vicar was thereupon again gravely rebuked -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P311"></a>311}</span> -for daring to say that the King's physicians are -disloyal, but they, the friend and the master, will -refrain from employing them. A further letter of -November 26th urges the vicar not to stand any -more of the Devil's nonsense. Tell him he <i>must</i> -give the names and addresses, as the friend and the -master are put to great trouble seeking them, and -he is exhorted to be diligent in completing the good -work he has begun, as the King is much better for -the exorcisms administered to him. The doctors -were, of course, nominees of the new dominant -French party, and the friend and master did not -like their loyalty to be called into question; but the -vicar was firm, so they were changed, and the poor -King was taken on his journey to Toledo and -Alcalá. He certainly had got much better, and -Stanhope ascribes his improvement to the plasters -of his new Aragonese doctor, or "rather," he says, -"what I believe has done more is that he has of -late drunk two or three glasses of pure wine at -every meal, whereas he has never taken anything -before in all his life but water boiled with a little -cinnamon." -</p> - -<p> -As soon as the King was well enough, the -intrigue that had been brewing since the new -confessor had got a footing was completed, and the -third claimant to the succession, the young Prince -of Bavaria, was solemnly adopted as heir to the -crown. This, of course, offended most of the great -Powers of Europe, but it had the effect of -reconciling with each other the Spanish courtiers who had -espoused either the French or the Austrian cause, -and for a few months, until the new heir died, the -Court quarrels were patched up. Still the inquiries -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P312"></a>312}</span> -of the Devil went on, and the vicar stumbled and -blundered deeper into the mire. He tried to -correct his mistake about the street where the first -witch lived by saying that the street called Herreros -was now the Cerrajeros, and the surname of the -witch was Perez, the commonest name in Spain. -The secretary wrote to say that the friend and the -master could not make head or tail of it all, and -begged the Devil to be more explicit—first he said -the witch was alive, and then dead. The King -was much better. -</p> - -<p> -By this time, the beginning of the year 1699, -the vicar evidently thought that, as he had so far -come out of the affair with flying colours, he -ought to be brought to the capital and placed on -the main road of promotion, instead of being kept -in a remote village: and he wrote that the Devil -had declared that the whole truth could only be -divulged in the church of the Virgin of Atocha -in Madrid, and that as he, vicar, had begun it, so -he must conduct the affair to the end. A week -or two later he wrote, again pressing to be allowed -to carry on the rest of the conjuration at the Atocha, -in order, as he says, to reanimate the devotion -to the image, which he thought was cooling. He -gives the name of the second witch as Maria Diez, -another extremely common name, and then falls ill, -sulks, and refuses to invoke the Devil again except -at the Atocha. Still his correspondents continue to -press him for fresh signs and information, without -result except to produce fresh demands that he should -be brought to Madrid. The confederates, however, -deemed this too dangerous, and the correspondence -with Argüelles closes in the month of May, 1699. -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P313"></a>313}</span> -</p> - -<p> -About this time the Queen's suspicions were -aroused by a hint dropped by the King, and -she at once set spies around those who had -access to the monarch's room, particularly Froilan -Diaz. She soon learnt something of what was -going on, and, as the chronicler says, "roared -from very rage." She called her friends together, -and in a tearing passion told them what she had -discovered, demanding immediate vengeance on -the King's confessor. Some of her friends, -particularly Folch de Cardona, were cooler-headed than -she was, and pointed out that as the Grand Inquisitor -was mixed up in the business, it would be imprudent -to take any steps until it was seen how far the holy -tribunal itself was implicated, and that in any case -the Queen's vengeance should be wreaked on -Froilan by the action of the Inquisition if possible, -so that she might avoid the unpopularity of -appearing in the matter herself. -</p> - -<p> -The next day Folch de Cardona sounded his -inquisitor brother, and found that the Council of -the Holy Office knew nothing of what was going -on, and when the Inquisitor was informed and asked -whether the tribunal would consider Froilan guilty if -the facts were proved, he cautiously answered his -brother that he would not venture of himself to -decide, but personally he considered so much hobnobbing -with the Devil both delicate and dangerous. In -June the Grand Inquisitor Rocaberti died suddenly, -probably of poison, and left Froilan to face the matter -alone; and a few days afterwards a report was sent -from Germany, having been transmitted to the -Emperor by the Bishop of Vienna, containing a -declaration, said to have been made by the Devil to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P314"></a>314}</span> -an exorciser in the church of St. Sophia, to the -effect that Charles II. was bewitched by a certain -woman called Isabel living in the Calle de Silva, -in Madrid, and that if search were made the -instruments of her incantations would be found -beneath the threshold of her house. The Queen -thought to prove that this was another of Froilan's -tricks, and had the whole matter discussed by the -Inquisition, who, however, could find nothing to -connect him with it, but proceeded to excavate the -spot indicated in the Calle de Silva, and there found -sundry dolls and figures dressed in uniforms, which -dolls were borne in solemn procession and burnt -with all the ceremonies of the Church at the end of -July. All this was of course conveyed to the King -by Froilan, and it, together with the positive -assurance that he was bewitched given to him by a -German exorciser named Mauro Tenda, who had -been secretly summoned to Spain, threw the poor -creature into such an agony of terror that his state -became more and more pitiable. -</p> - -<p> -In September a mad woman in a state of frenzy -presented herself at the palace and demanded -audience. She was refused admittance, and -thereupon began to scream and struggle in a way that -attracted the attention of the King, who told his -attendants to admit her. She burst in foaming -and shrieking with a crucifix in her hand, cursing -and blaspheming at the poor trembling King, -and she had to be borne out again on the -shoulders of the guards, the King nearly dying of -fright on the spot. The maniac was followed, -and it was found that she lived with two other -demoniacs, one of whom was under the impression -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P315"></a>315}</span> -that they were keeping the King subject in -their room. This nonsense was also conveyed to -the monarch, who was now thoroughly persuaded -that he was under the influence of sorcery, and he -ordered that all three of the women should be -exorcised by the German monk. This was done, -Froilan standing by and dictating the questions that -were to be asked of the Devil by the exorciser. -Unfortunately for the confessor, the questions he -asked were rather leading ones, in which his desire -to injure the Queen was evident. "Who was it," -he asked, "that had caused the King's malady?" The -answer given was that it was a beautiful -woman. "Was it the Queen?" was next -demanded, to which the reply was somewhat -confusing, as it was merely the name of an unknown -man, "Don Juan Palia." "Is he a relative of the -Queen? What countryman is he?" received no -reply; but when the Devil was asked in what form -the charm had been administered he said, "In -snuff." "Any of it left?" "Yes, in the desk." "What -queen was it that caused the malady?" was -again asked. "The dead one," said the Devil. -"Is there any other charm?" "Yes." "Who -gave it?" "Maria de la Presentacion." "Who -ordered it?" "Don Antonio de la Paz." "When -was it given?" No answer. "Of what was it -made?" "Of a dog's bone." "Why did you send -the woman to frighten the King?" No answer. -Other questions and answers were given of the -same sort, the latter mentioning at random the -names of unknown people, and in some cases -libelling the Queen and the ministers—all of it -obviously the babble of a mad woman. Secret -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P316"></a>316}</span> -though the exorcism was, the Queen had a full -report of it, and was of course furious with rage at -the open attempt to cast upon her the blame of the -witchcraft. -</p> - -<p> -The first step towards her revenge was to get -a new Grand Inquisitor in her interest, and -she pressed the King to appoint her friend Folch -de Cardona. He refused, no doubt prompted by -his confessor Froilan, and, notwithstanding the -Queen's passionate protests, appointed a second son -of one of the noblest houses in Spain, Cardinal -Cordoba, to whom the King unburdened himself -completely, and Froilan told the whole story of the -exorcism from beginning to end. From these -confabulations a most extraordinary resolution was -arrived at. Probably the Queen herself was too -high game to fly at, so the new Grand Inquisitor -and his friends decided that the Devil and the -Admiral of Castile, the late Prime Minister, were -at the bottom of all the King's trouble, and they -ordered the Admiral with his papers to be secretly -seized and imprisoned by the Inquisition of Granada, -whilst all his household were incarcerated in another -prison. They had no doubt, they said, that he -would confess all, even if his papers did not -incriminate him. No action, however, could be taken until -the new Grand Inquisitor's appointment was ratified -by the Pope; but on the very day the bull of -ratification arrived the Cardinal Grand Inquisitor died -of poison, and the Queen once again urged her -nominee for the place, but without success as before. -She then cast about for an ambitious man who was -unobjectionable to her opponents, but who might -nevertheless be bought over by her. She found -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P317"></a>317}</span> -him in the person of Mendoza, Bishop of Segovia, -to whom she promised her support and a cardinal's -hat if he would serve her. He was appointed -Grand Inquisitor, and the Queen had now the -whip-hand of her enemy, the confessor. First the -German monk was netted, and under torture by -the Inquisition made a clean breast of his exorcism -in the Calle del Olmo, when Froilan was present. -Then a monk of the Atocha, who had been sent by -the Provincial to investigate the strange doings of -Friar Argüelles at Cangas, produced the letters -from the "friend and the master," and told the -story of the conjurations. This was quite enough -evidence to ruin Froilan, and he was apprehended. -He refused to answer any questions, as all he had -done had been by the King's own orders, and as -the confessor of his Majesty his mouth was closed. -He was at once dismissed from his offices, and the -Grand Inquisitor appealed to the King to allow all -privileges to be waived, and his confessor punished. -Poor Charles the Bewitched was dying in good -earnest now, and could only mumble out that they -might do justice. But Froilan had powerful friends -both at Court and in the Council of the Inquisition, -and before the blow fell he retired, ostensibly to his -monastery, but thence fled to the coast, and so to -Rome. But he was not safe even there, for the -Grand Inquisitor had him seized for heresy by the -Papal officers and brought back to Spain. Then -came the long struggle between the Inquisition and -its head. First, Froilan's case was submitted to the -theological committee of the Holy Office, who -unanimously absolved him. On June 23, 1700, he was -fully acquitted by the General Council of the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P318"></a>318}</span> -Inquisition, the Grand Inquisitor alone voting for -his secret imprisonment without further trial. -</p> - -<p> -At the next meeting of the full Council, to the -intense surprise of the members, a decree for the -secret imprisonment of Froilan was placed before -them for signature. They unanimously refused to -sign it, and came to high words—almost blows—with -their chief, who threatened them all with dire -consequences for their obstinacy, and, to show that -he was in earnest, there and then sent five of them -down to their dungeons on his own responsibility. -This was too high-handed even for the meekest of -the Inquisitors, and the Council broke up in confusion. -The Council of Castile, the supreme advisers of the -Crown, appealed at once to the King against the -imprisonment of the Inquisitors; but the King was -helpless now, for the Queen and a new confessor -were at his bedside, bound to stand by the Grand -Inquisitor through thick and thin. They got the -dying King to sign a decree appointing new -Inquisitors enough to swamp the votes of those -left, but lo and behold! they turned against their -own creator at the very first meeting, and refused -to endorse the Grand Inquisitor's action, either as -to the imprisonment of Froilan or that of the -Inquisitors. The strong man who led the revolt -was Lorenzo Folch de Cardona, the brother of the -Queen's old friend, now Bishop of Valencia, and -it was decided that he must be silenced somehow. -They offered him a bishopric, which he refused. -They threatened him with prison and banishment, -and he told them that they dared not touch him; -and he was right, for all Madrid was looking on. -Then the Inquisitor-General sent the case to be -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P319"></a>319}</span> -judged by a provincial council of the Inquisition at -Murcia, which was subservient to him, but the -General Council at Madrid told them they would -be acting illegally if they decided against the -verdict already given by the Committee of -Theologians and the General Council, and even they did -not dare to find Froilan guilty. In the meanwhile, -guilty or not guilty, the poor man was kept a close -prisoner in a dark cell of a monastery of the -Dominican Order, to which he belonged. -</p> - -<p> -In November, 1700, the King died, and the Grand -Inquisitor was one of the regents, making himself -remarkable for his splendour and ostentation during -the short period of uncertainty after the King's -death. But the arrival of the French King, Philip -V., put an end to the Queen's hopes, and the Grand -Inquisitor was sent off in disgrace to his diocese. -As soon as his back was turned the General -Council of the Inquisition, with Folch de Cardona -in the chair, demanded of Prior of the Atocha -by what right he still kept Froilan in prison. His -answer was that he did so on the warrant of the -Grand Inquisitor. An appeal was made to the -King, but the fortune of war kept Philip for ever -on the move, and for years no decision was given. -In the meanwhile the Pope espoused the cause of -the Inquisitor-General, and protested against his -deprivation. The King appointed a new Inquisitor-General, -and the Pope vetoed the appointment. Then -the Pope sent special power to the old Grand Inquisitor -to sentence Froilan to whatever punishment he -liked without more ado, and the Council of the -Inquisition and Folch de Cardona protested to the King -against the attempt of the Pope to override the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P320"></a>320}</span> -law of Spain; and at last Philip V. put his foot -down once for all—dismissed the Inquisitor-General, -reappointed the old Council, and authorised them -to release Froilan in the King's name. They found -him, after five years' close confinement, nearly blind -in the dungeons of the monastery of the Atochu, -and brought him out in triumph to be appointed -Bishop of Avila. In vain the Pope protested and -the dismissed Grand Inquisitor fumed. Philip the -Magnanimous was a very different monarch from -Charles the Bewitched. The black bigotry of the -House of Austria was gone, and thenceforward, -though the Holy Office existed in the land for a -century longer, the arbitrary power of the Inquisition -to override the law of the land was gone with it. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn1text">1</a>] <i>The Gentleman's Magazine</i>, November, 1893. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn2text">2</a>] Stanhope, the English minister in Madrid, writes to the -Duke of Shrewsbury, September, 1696: "They cut off his -hair in this sickness, which the decay of nature had almost -done before, all his crown being bald. He has a ravenous -stomach, and swallows all he eats whole, for his nether jaw -stands out so much that his two rows of teeth cannot meet, -so that a gizzard or a liver of a hen passes down whole, and -his weak stomach not being able to digest it he void it in -the same manner." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn3"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn3text">3</a>] "L'Histoire dans Ruy Blas" in "Études sur l'Espagne," -by A. Morel-Fatio, Paris. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn4"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn4text">4</a>] Add. MS. 10241, British Museum. See also "Proceso -criminal fulminado contra el Rmo. P.M. Fray Froylan Diax, -de la sagrada religion de predicadores, Confesor del Rey -N.S.D. Carlos II.: Madrid, 1787." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn5"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn5text">5</a>] Stanhope to his son, March 14, 1698: "Our Court is in great -disorder: the grandees all dog and cat, Turk and Moor. The -King is in a languishing condition, so weak and spent as to his -principles of life that there is only hope of preserving him for a -few weeks.... The general inclination is altogether French -to the succession, their aversion to the Queen having set them -against all her countrymen, and if the French King will -content himself that one of his younger grandchildren be King -of Spain, he will find no opposition either from grandees or -common people. The King is not in a condition to give -audience, speaking very little and that not much to the -purpose. The terms in which they express it to me is that he -is <i>embelecado</i>, <i>atolondrado</i>, <i>and dementado</i>. He fancies the -devils are very busy in tempting him." -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn6"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn6text">6</a>] "The King is so very weak he can scarcely lift his hand to -his head to feed himself, and so extremely melancholy that -neither his buffoons, dwarfs, nor puppet shows, all of which -show their abilities before him, can in the least divert him -from fancying everything that is said or done to be a temptation -of the Devil, and never thinking himself safe with out his -confessor and two friars by his side, whom he makes lie in -his chamber every night" (Stanhope to the Earl of Portland. -March 14, 1698). -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap07fn7"></a> -[<a href="#chap07fn7text">7</a>] How fit the King was to undergo such a regime as this -may be judged by Stanhope's letter to his son, dated Madrid, -June 15, 1698: "Our gazettes here tells us every week that -his Catholic Majesty is in perfect health, and it is the general -answer to all inquiries. It is true that he is abroad every day -but <i>hærct lateri lethalis arundo</i>; his ankles and knees swell -again, his eyes bag, the lids red as scarlet, and the rest of his -face a greenish yellow. His tongue is <i>trabada</i>, as they -express it; that is, he has such a fumbling in his speech, those -near him hardly understand him, at which he sometimes -grows angry, asks if they all be deaf." -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-320"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-320.jpg" alt="Tailpiece" /> -<br /> -Tailpiece -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap08"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P321"></a>321}</span></p> - -<p class="t3"> -A SPRIG OF THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-322"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-322.jpg" alt="PHILIP IV. OF SPAIN. (After the painting by Velasquez." /> -<br /> -PHILIP IV. OF SPAIN. <br /> -(<i>After the painting by Velasquez.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P323"></a>323}</span> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-323"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-323.jpg" alt="Headpiece" /> -<br /> -Headpiece -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<h3> -<i>A SPRIG OF THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA.</i>[<a id="chap08fn1text"></a><a href="#chap08fn1">1</a>] -</h3> - -<p> -No dead and gone human visage looms so clearly -through the mist of ages as that strange lymphatic -face of Philip IV., which the genius of Velazquez -delighted to portray from youth to age. The -smooth-faced stripling in hunting dress, with his -fair pink and white complexion, his lank yellow -hair, and his great mumbling Austrian mouth, -shows more plainly on canvas than he could have -done whilst alive how weak of will and how -potent of passion he was, how easily he would -be led by the overbearing Count-Duke of Olivares -to sacrifice all else for splendid shows and sensuous -indulgence; how his vanity would be flattered by -poets, painters, and players, whilst the world-wide -empire of his fathers was crumbling to nothingness -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P324"></a>324}</span> -beneath his sway, and his vassals were being robbed -of their last maravedi to pay for the frenzy of waste -and prodigality with which Charles Stuart was -entertained or a royal wedding celebrated. -Thenceforward, through his fastuous prime, stately and -splendid in his black satin and gold, to the time -when, old and disappointed, with forty years of -disastrous domination, the rheumy eyes drawn and -haggard, but the head still erect, haughty and -unapproachable in its reserve, the great painter tells -the King's story better than any pen could write it. -There is something not unlovable in the shy, weak, -poetic face, and one can pity the lad with such a -countenance who found himself the greatest king -on earth at the age of sixteen, surrounded by -fawning flatterers and greedy bloodsuckers who -plunged him into a vortex of dissipation before his -father's body was cold in the marble sarcophagus at -the Escurial. The old man's face, too, cold and -repellent as it is, shocking as are the ravages that -time and self-indulgence have stamped upon it, has -yet in it an almost plaintive despair that explains -those terrible broken-hearted letters in which the -King, icy and undemonstrative as he was, poured -out his agony and sorrow undisguised for years to -the only person in the wide world he trusted, the -nun Maria de Agreda. -</p> - -<p> -His long reign, which saw the ruin of the -Spanish power, witnessed also the most splendid -epoch of Spanish art and literature, the golden -age of the Spanish stage, and a wasteful -prodigality of magnificence in the Court such as, with -the exception of that displayed by Philip's -son-in-law, the Roi-soleil, the world has never seen -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P325"></a>325}</span> -equalled. The Elizabethan age in England may -have approached it in literary strength, although -even that cannot show such a galaxy as Lope -de Vega, Calderon, Velazquez, Murillo, Tirso de -Molina, Moreto, Quevedo, Guevara, Montalvan, -and their host of imitators. The history of the -reign has never yet been adequately or even fairly -written. Isolated portions and detached incidents -or personalities have been dealt with, and stray -fragments now and again bring vivid pictures of -the sumptuous Court before us. Spanish writers, of -late years particularly, are fond of dwelling with -microscopic minuteness on the incidents and adventures -of the time that happened at particular spots -in the capital; but the topographical-historical -style, first introduced by Mesonero Romanes, and -now so popular, pleasant reading as it is, does not -attempt to do more than amuse by presenting -romantic and detached pictures of a bygone age, -and all that can be claimed by the writers is that -materials are gradually being collected and brought -to light by them from contemporary sources which -will be invaluable to the future serious historian of -the reign. -</p> - -<p> -The British Museum contains many hundreds -of unpublished manuscripts bearing upon the -subject—copies of official documents, letters, and -"relations" from Philip's Court, petitions and -statements of grievance addressed to the King, -and vast collections of miscellaneous papers in -Spanish, Portuguese, and French, most of which -have not yet been consulted for historical purposes. -Amongst a great mass of rather dry official documents -of the period, most of them copies, I recently -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P326"></a>326}</span> -came across a small, compact group of papers, all -originals, telling a curious, plaintive little story, -nakedly enough, it is true, but not without a pathos -of its own. There is nothing historically important -in it, or in the fact that it discloses probably for the -first time since it happened, but a quaint side-light -is thrown by some of the documents on the way -in which Court intrigue was conducted, and also, -curiously enough, on the opinion of the highest -authorities of those times as to the best way of -bringing up a child, by which it will be seen that, -allowing for difference of climate and national -habits, no great change has taken place in this -respect in the two centuries and a half that have -passed since the papers were penned. -</p> - -<p> -Philip had succeeded to the throne on the death -of his father in March, 1621. He was only -sixteen, and Olivares at once plunged him into such -distractions as the then most dissolute capital in -Europe could afford. By a strange coincidence -the paper in the Museum (Egerton MSS., 329) -which precedes the group of which I wish to speak -is a lengthy and solemn letter, dated only a few -weeks after the young King's accession, addressed -to the Count-Duke by the Archbishop of Granada, -remonstrating with the all-powerful favourite for -taking the boy-king out in the street at night. -"People," he says, "are gossiping about it all over -Madrid, and things are being said which add little -to the sovereign's credit or dignity." Madrid even -now is fond of scandal, but in the beginning of the -seventeenth century, isolated from the world as was -the capital of the Spains, its one absorbing pursuit -from morn till night was tittle-tattle, and the long -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P327"></a>327}</span> -raised walk by the side wall of the church of -St. Philip, fronting the Onate palace in the Calle -Mayor, was a recognised exchange for the -scandal-mongers. The Archbishop says, in his bold and -outspoken letter, that not only have these people -begun to whisper things that were better unsaid, -but the example shown by the King and his -minister in scouring the streets in search of -adventure is a bad one for the people at large, and he -reminds Olivares of the anxiety of the late King -on this very account, and his dread that his heir was -already before his death being inducted into dissipation. -The answer to the bold prelate's remonstrance -is just such as might be expected from the insolent -favourite. He tells him in effect that he is an -impertinent meddler, and ought to be ashamed, -with his rank, and at his age, to trouble him with -the vulgar gossip of the street. The King, he tells -him, is sixteen and he (Olivares) is thirty-four, and -it is not to be expected that they are to be kept in -darkness as to what is done in the world. It is -good that the King should see all phases of life, -bad as well as good. He (Olivares) never trusts -the King with any one else; and the favourite -finishes his answer by a scarcely veiled threat that -if the Archbishop does not mind his own business -worse may befall him. No doubt the prelate took -the warning, for Olivares was not scrupulous, and -had a short and secret way with those who incurred -his displeasure. -</p> - -<p> -The small group of original papers coming after -this begins with a memorandum unsigned, but -evidently written by Olivares to the King some -nine years subsequently, namely, early in the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P328"></a>328}</span> -summer of 1630. It says that it is high time that -measures should be taken at once to put a boy, -whose name is not given, out of the way, as he -is now four years old, and it is of great importance -that he should be concealed, and all communication -broken off between him and the people with whom -he has been. The writer goes on to say that he -has considered deeply how this is to be done, and -that there are objections to be found in every -solution that presents itself, but he thinks on the -whole the best way will be to entrust him secretly -to the care of a gentleman of his acquaintance -named Don Juan Isassi Ydiaquez, who lives at -Salamanca. He is a person of education, has -travelled all over Europe, and could bring the lad -up as his own. It will be necessary to see this -gentleman first, and the writer proposes to summon -him to Court without telling him the reason, so that -"Your Majesty" may see him and then decide for -the best. Across this document is written in -Philip's uncertain, poetic hand: "It appears very -necessary that something should be done in this -matter and I approve of what you suggest.—P." -</p> - -<p> -Presumably Ydiaquez was sent for and approved -of, as the next document in the series is of a much -more formal character, being a notarial deed drawn -up by the Secretary of State, Geronimo de Villanueva -as prothonotary of the kingdom, who was, -with the exception of Olivares, the principal -confidant of Philip's intrigues.[<a id="chap08fn2text"></a><a href="#chap08fn2">2</a>] This deed, dated -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P329"></a>329}</span> -June 1, 1631, recites that his Excellency Don -Caspar de Guzman, Count of Olivares, Duke of -San Lucar, Grand Councillor of the Indies, Councillor -of State, and Master of the Horse, delivers -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P330"></a>330}</span> -a boy named Francisco Fernando, aged over four -years to Don Juan Isassi Ydiaquez, this boy being -the person referred to but not named in his -Majesty's warrant, under his sign manual, addressed -to Don Juan Isassi, and countersigned and delivered -to him by the Secretary of State. The deed directs -that Don Juan is to bring up the boy and educate -him in conformity with the instructions to be given -to him by the Count-Duke, by his Majesty's orders, -and Don Juan himself undertakes in the deed to -deliver up the person of the said Don Francisco -Fernando when required, and to obey implicitly -in all things the directions of the Count-Duke with -regard to him. He promises to bring him up and -rear him as he is ordered to do in the royal -warrant. The deed is signed by the Count-Duke, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P331"></a>331}</span> -Isassi, the King's secretary Carnero, and two -servants, and is attested in notarial form by -Villanueva, as prothonotary of the kingdom. -</p> - -<p> -Then comes the King's warrant, under Philip's -own sign manual, in the fine old Spanish form:— -</p> - -<p> -"The King—Don Juan Isassi Ydiaquez. The -Count-Duke will deliver to you a boy in whose -education and virtuous bringing up you will serve -me well and with absolute secrecy, following therein -all the orders given to you by the Count-Duke. -I, the King." -</p> - -<p> -It is clear that this Don Francisco Fernando -was no ordinary babe of four to require the personal -attention of all these high and mighty gentlemen -in sending him to school. Philip had one child -by his wife at this time, the chubby youngster Don -Baltasar, who for all time will prance on his stout -bay cob on the canvas of Velazquez, and only the -year previous, in 1629, there had been born to the -King, by the beautiful actress, Maria Calderon, the -idol of the Spanish stage, a boy who in the fulness -of time was to become that second great Don -John of Austria, the last virile man of his race; -but Don Francisco Fernando was the first-born, -and apparently his mother was of far superior social -rank to the jaunty "Calderona," so that he was no -doubt, baby as he was, destined for great things. -The instructions given by the Count-Duke to Don -Juan Isassi with regard to the care of his charge -are minute to the last degree, and reflect in every -line the great importance that is attached to the -identification of the child. The long document -begins by saying that the boy delivered to Don -Juan is the illegitimate son of the King by the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P332"></a>332}</span> -daughter of a gentleman, and was born in the -house of his grandparents, between eleven and -twelve at night, on May 15, 1626. Don Francisco -Eraso, Count of Humanes, took the midwife, and -was present at the birth; conveying the infant as -soon as it was born to the house of Don Baltasar -de Alamos y Barrientos, Councillor of the Treasury, -where a nurse was awaiting him, and the child -had there remained until its delivery to Don Juan. -After impressing upon Don Juan the need for the -most exquisite care to be taken of the child's life -and health, and arranging for the nurses and -doctor who have had the care of him to accompany -him to Salamanca for the first few months of the -change, the Count-Duke instructs Don Juan to -seek a good doctor to be kept at hand permanently, -who is not to be told who the boy is unless his -services are required, and in the meanwhile is -to receive a good salary. "His Majesty," says -Olivares, "has confided this care to me, and I -depend upon you to carry out the task." -</p> - -<p> -First of all the child was to be well taught in -religion and morality; secondly, on no account was -he to learn who he was, and if his attendants have -already told him incautiously he is to be allowed -to forget it, and "neither by word nor behaviour -is he to be made to think that he is not an ordinary -person;" thirdly, he is to be taught polite learning -and languages, particularly Italian and French, to -dance, fence, and play tennis, and, when he is a -little older, to ride. He is to be treated familiarly -and without ceremony, and, "in short, to be -educated and brought up with the virtues and -nobleness of royalty, and the study, modesty, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P333"></a>333}</span> -knowledge, and temperance of a private person." Don -Juan is to send a weekly report to the Count-Duke -through his secretary Carreras, but to take care -that this is done with the utmost secrecy, and on -no account is the child to be shown to any one -without a written order. As secrecy is of the -first importance 500 (ducats) a month only are -ordered to be paid, besides the doctor's fees, and -Don Juan is to devise some means for the secret -payment of this sum. A coach is to be secretly got -ready to meet the Count-Duke and the child on the -night and at the place which may be appointed for -the delivery; and then, after another urgent -injunction of secrecy and care of the child's religious -instruction, and a fervent prayer that God will give -to the little one "all the happiness, spiritual and -temporal, which He will see is necessary and good -for the realm," the proud favourite signs himself -simply Caspar de Guzman. -</p> - -<p> -The hidalgo of Salamanca appears to have been -quite overwhelmed at the honour done him by the -charge of so important a person, and his ceremonious -and verbose letter of thanks to the Count-Duke -needed hardly to be prefaced by the prayer that his -patron will not attribute his laconic speech to the -proverbial taciturnity of his countrymen, but rather -to his confusion at the greatness of the honour done -him by his Majesty, for which words are inadequate -to express his gratitude. His only thanks can be -his faithful fulfilment of orders. He begs that the -doctor who has had the care of the little one may -be sent to Salamanca with him in order to consult -with Don Juan's doctor, and ascertain whether he -is fit to undertake so important a charge, and if -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P334"></a>334}</span> -not he will approach cautiously a doctor in Vitoria, -named Trevino, of whom he hears good accounts. -The woman who accompanies the child shall stay -with him some short time, although the good -hidalgo is evidently rather doubtful of this arrangement, -as he adds that if she should find the horizon -of their dull country life too confined for her after -Madrid, or begins to kick against the discipline, -other arrangements will have to be made. All -care shall be taken to prevent the boy from learning -who he is, and if it should get wind efforts shall be -made to silence it, but the task will be a difficult -one. The child shall be so reared, please God, -that he shall not become abject or servile (which is -most important to a royal personage), or licentious -and headstrong; and the good hidalgo thereupon -breaks out into a mild pedantic little joke by -quoting a Latin proverb, to the effect that, to attain -so great an object as this, one must be prepared -to eat salt and acrid food, which, he says, will be -easy for him to do, "as we all live on salt bacon -and hung beef in my province." This does not -sound very promising, nor does his description of -the water they have to drink, which he says is bad -to drink raw, particularly in the summer, and needs -cinnamon or other spice to correct it. The doctor, -he says, will advise whether they had better boil it -with mastic or some other drug. The correspondence -shall be sent weekly through "my nephew, -Don Alonso Ibarra Isassi, the eldest of the lads I -took to Madrid with me. He is a good, prudent, -and modest lad, and a correspondence between us -as uncle and nephew will arouse no suspicion." As -for the 500 ducats a month payment, the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P335"></a>335}</span> -good hidalgo says his cheeks burn with shame as -he writes or even thinks about them; "but if your -Excellency should deign to order them to be paid -to me they might be sent without attracting notice -through the treasury at Vitoria or Burgos." -</p> - -<p> -So the little child is sent to Salamanca, and with -him goes the ponderously learned Dr. Cristobal -Nuñez, who wraps up the simplest facts in the most -complicated and pedantic technical phraseology, and, -what is far more troublesome for the present purpose, -writes a shockingly bad hand. His first document -is a microscopic report of the constitution and -temperament of the child, and the simple history of -his baby ailments. The description is most curious; -and, if any doubt existed as to his paternity, every -trait indicates the character and appearance of a son -of the sovereign race of Austria. "He is," says the -learned doctor, "of melancholic, choleric temperament, -wilful and passionate, but playful when he -is pleased, and respectful to those he thinks his -superiors. He is of sound constitution, being -the offspring of young and healthy parents; possesses -superior intelligence for his age; a wonderful -memory, which gives great hope if he be well -trained. He is slow of speech, and expresses himself -with great difficulty, stuttering and lisping; and -is so backward on his feet that he has only just -learnt to walk. His person is so perfect and beautiful, -that the mind of a sculptor never imagined anything -better; he has a lovely, fair, red and white -complexion, and full grey eyes. He is grave and -thoughtful—not dull or sad, but full of childish -humour; quick to laugh and quick to cry. He is," -says the doctor, "high of spirit, courageous, and -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P336"></a>336}</span> -pugnacious, impatient of contradiction; and, if his -speech be not at once understood, he flies into such -ungovernable rage as to make it dangerous to thwart -him, and he should rather be coaxed to obedience -than forced." -</p> - -<p> -Like all his forbears, he is described as a great -eater, and very fond of sweets; and it is not -surprising to learn that he has all his short life suffered -from over-eating and indigestion, and for long past -has had quartan ague. The drastic remedies of the -times were endured by the child, the doctor says, -"without weeping, as if he knew they were for his -good"; but the learned medico confesses that all his -own prescriptions had done the babe less good -than what he describes as an old wife's remedy -of anointing the stomach and spine with ointment -and saffron. -</p> - -<p> -The child's usual mode of life is carefully -described. Between eight and nine in the morning he -had a fowl's liver and a little loaf, or else some -bread or cake sopped in broth, or bread and jam -and a cup of water. At twelve o'clock broth with -sippets of bread or half of the breast of a fowl, or -sometimes some forcemeat balls, as he likes a -change, and demands it. When he gets tired of -this he may have a little loin of mutton or the leg -of a fowl. He is also very fond of a piece of bacon -between two slices of bread, and of quince marmalade, -jams, and sweets. At five o'clock he "packs -his wallet," as the doctor calls it, by a meal of bread -and jam, and a cup of water. He is put to bed at -nine o'clock, and sleeps with his nurse. The learned -Don Cristobal then enters into a most verbose -disquisition as to the fitness of the locality chosen for -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P337"></a>337}</span> -the temperament of the child, and arrives at the -conclusion that the choice has been a wise one, -although the roundabout method of argument -founded on wise talk about blood and humours and -vapours and the like seems rather beside the mark -to a modern reader. The sum of it all is, however, -that Don Juan de Isassi's house stands healthily, if -somewhat bleakly, on high ground about three -bow-shots from the town, and joining the great convent -of the Suceso, the house itself being a good one, -surrounded by its own grounds. -</p> - -<p> -Thus far the doctor has only spoken of the -constitution and past management of his late charge; -but the next document, which bears the same date -as the preceding one (June 18, 1630), lays down an -elaborate plan for the future rearing of the child. -He recommends that he should be allowed to play -after his early supper, and not be sent to sleep -before nine at night, unless he feels sleepy. He is -to be woke at eight, if he is not already awake, and -is to be given his light breakfast of a fowl's liver and -cake, a rasher of bacon and bread and broth, or a -roasted egg. At eleven or twelve he is to dine on -forcemeat balls, made of two parts chicken, one part -mutton, and one part bacon, with a little pie or -broth with sippets. Sometimes, instead of force-meat -balls, he may have the leg of a fowl, which, -if he likes it, will be enough for him, with a little -bread soaked in broth, or he may have a mouthful -of mutton with chicken broth. It will be well, says -the courtly doctor, that the gentleman himself should -be consulted occasionally as to whether he preferred -the fowl or the sausages, or roast or boiled food. -He is to sleep about an hour and a half after dinner, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P338"></a>338}</span> -and play in the afternoon; but great care must be -taken to keep him out of the sun, and his early -supper may be as heretofore, only somewhat later; -a biscuit or two with jam, a small egg, such as the -fowls of the province lay, or sippets in broth. A -curious and somewhat elaborate little dish is -recommended for occasional breakfast or supper. "Take," -says the doctor, "a half-dozen almonds or melon -seeds, and press the juice from them, which mix -with a little barley-cream and some good broth. -This must be boiled, and sugar and sponge-cake -worked into it until it is a smooth paste, which may -be served with half a beaten egg over it, and will -make a nice light supper." It will be good to -excite the appetite by variety, and as the child gets -older he may sometimes be given coarser food, and -trout or other fresh fish. He must drink fresh -spring water boiled with viper-grass, or mixed with -cinnamon, according to the weather. He is always -to have some fruit for dessert, unless it disagrees with -him; but much care must be taken to guard him -from excess; and he is to be specially sparing in -drinking. Full common-sense directions are given -with regard to his dress, and if he needs medicine -his food must be reduced by one half, and a decoction -of mallow and camomile, honey and oil administered. -Red Alexandria honey is also recommended, -quinces, oil of wormwood, and a variety of other -remedies for simple ailments. -</p> - -<p> -There is yet another document from the doctor -giving some further rules, apparently in answer to -special questions. In it he again learnedly describes -the child's constitution, his weak stomach and aptness -to catch cold, inherited from his parents, his -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P339"></a>339}</span> -tendency to hydrocephalus, and his almost continuous -series of ailments since he was born, which, -says the medico, would have killed him but for his -strong constitution. From seven years old he was -to eat fish and other Lenten fare, and at twelve years -must be taught to fast. Above all, he is not to be -brought up delicately or coddled, but encouraged to -run and romp. Great care must be taken that he -is not exposed to the cold, but he must be well -wrapped up even in summer. Drugs are to be -given sparingly, if at all: mallow, camomile, sweet -almonds, black sugar or honey if wanted; but he is -not to be constantly dosed with red honey and other -things as children usually are, and if he is really ill -he is not to be lowered or bled much; by which it -will be seen that Dr. Cristobal Nuñez, pedantic as -he was, differed somewhat from the usual type of -sangrados of the time. All this was between the -1st and 18th of June, 1630, and it is to be supposed -that the poor babe of the house of Austria lived his -little life in and around the "Casa Solariega" of the -Salamancan hidalgo for the next few years, although -no record remains of it here. -</p> - -<p> -The next document of the series is a letter, -elated nearly four years afterwards, March 17, -1634, from the Secretary of State, Geronimo -Villanueva, to Don Juan Isassi Ydiaquez, saying -that his Majesty had received with the deepest -grief the news of the death of Don Francisco -Fernando, who showed such bright promise for -his tender years, and his Majesty highly -appreciates all the care that has been taken of his -education. The body is to be brought with the -utmost secrecy in a coach to the royal monastery of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P340"></a>340}</span> -St. Lorenzo (the Escurial), where it is to be buried, -and advice is to be sent by confidential special -messenger to Madrid when the corpse should -arrive, in order that one of the King's stewards -may be there to receive it. All the other arrangements -for the burial are made. The four years had -apparently not been unprofitable ones to the hidalgo, -as the next time his name appears he is a knight of -Santiago and lord of the town of Ameyo, as well as -of the castles of Isassi and Orbea. The date of the -document is April 15, 1634, and again it is a -notarial deed attested by the prothonotary of the -kingdom, Don Geronimo Villanueva, setting forth -that Don Juan Isassi Ydiaquez delivered the body -of Don Francisco Fernando, son of his Catholic -Majesty Philip IV., whom God had taken to himself, -to the Marquis of Torres, the Bishop of Avila, -and other nobles appointed by the King to receive -it. The delivery was made in the porch of the -cathedral, and we are told that the corpse was -dressed in a red gown, bordered with gold, and lay -in a coffin of black velvet. The coffin, which had -been borne by Don Juan Isassi and his servant to -the porch, was thence carried to the great hall of -the monastery by certain of the King's -gentlemen-in-waiting, and after the religious ceremonies had -been performed, was taken to the vault by the -monks of the Order and laid to rest. And so ended -a little life which, like that of his half-brother -Baltasar, if it had been spared, might have stayed -the decay of the Spanish branch of the House of -Austria. It is true that Don John of Austria -survived, and for a short time snatched his poor -brother, Charles the Bewitched, from the clutches of -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P341"></a>341}</span> -his foolish mother and her low-born favourite, -Valenzuela, but who knows whether the strong, masterful -spirit of the baby of four whom it was dangerous to -thwart might not, if he had grown to manhood, -have done more than his younger brother to keep -the reins of power when once he grasped them. -Poor trembling, white-faced Charles the Bewitched, -with his leaden eyes and monstrous projecting jaw, -a senile dodderer at thirty, wanted a strong, -masterful spirit like this to hold him up and shield him -from the vultures that fought over the carcase -before the poor creature was dead. -</p> - -<p> -But it was not to be, and the forgotten babe -of the sovereign house was put with so many -other princely corpses in that horrible "rotting -place of princes," off the black marble stair -of the regal pantheon of the Escurial, where, -not so very many years ago, I saw a ghastly -heap of princely and semi-princely skulls and -leg-bones gathered up as they had fallen from the -rotting coffins to the floor. There, all undistinguished -from the others, probably enough rests still, -his very name never published, and his short -existence hardly known till now, Don Francis Ferdinand -of Austria, one of the last male members of the -Spanish branch of the sovereign house, which in -four generations descended from the highest pinnacle -of human greatness to contempt, disgrace, decrepitude -and decay. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn1text">1</a>] <i>The Gentleman's Magazine</i>, September, 1892. -</p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap08fn2"></a> -[<a href="#chap08fn2text">2</a>] He was with difficulty rescued from the direst vengeance -of the Inquisition a few years afterwards in consequence of -his too ready co-operation in the King's amorous tendencies. -Don Geronimo was patron of the convent of San Placido, -next door to his own house in the Calle de la Madera in -Madrid, and had inflamed the King's mind with stories of a -very beautiful nun who was an inmate of the convent. Philip -and his favourite, the Count-Duke, insisted upon seeing this -paragon of loveliness, and Don Geronimo, exerting his -authority as patron, procured them entrance in disguise to -the parlour, where, as was to be expected, his Catholic -Majesty fell violently in love with the beautiful nun. The -interviews in the parlour were constant but, with the grating -between the King and his flame, unsatisfactory, and, by dint -of bribes and threats, Don Geronimo managed to break a -passage from the cellars of his own house into the vaults of -the convent, by means of which, notwithstanding the prayers, -the entreaties, and appeals of the abbess, the King was -introduced into the cell of the unfortunate nun of whom he was -enamoured. He found her laid out as if she were a corpse, -surrounded with lighted tapers, with a great crucifix by her -side, but not even this availed, and the sacrilegious amours -continued so long that the news reached the ever-open ears -of the Holy Office. The Grand Inquisitor, a Dominican friar -called Antonio de Sotomayor, Archbishop of Damascus, -privately took the King to task, and obtained a promise that -the offence should cease. Don Geronimo was seized by the -officers of the Inquisition (August 30, 1644), and taken to -Toledo, where he was accused of sacrilege and other heinous -crimes against the faith. The evidence was full and conclusive, -and Don Geronimo's life was trembling in the balance, -when the Count-Duke boldly went to the Grand Inquisitor -one night with two signed royal decrees in his hands, one -giving the Archbishop 12,000 ducats a year for life on -condition of his resignation of the Grand Inquisitorship, and -the other depriving him of all his temporalities, and banishing -him for ever from all the dominions of his Catholic Majesty. -The Grand Inquisitor naturally chose the former, and resigned -next morning. Pressure was put on Pope Urban VIII. by -the Spanish Ambassador, and very shortly an order arrived -from Rome that the whole of the documents and evidence -in the case were to be sealed up and sent in a box by a -messenger of the Holy Office to his Holiness himself for -decision. The messenger chosen was one of the Inquisition -notaries called Alfonso Paredes. The Count-Duke, under -various pretexts, delayed this man's departure for some -weeks, and in the meanwhile had good portraits of him -painted and sent by special messengers to all the ports in -Italy where he was likely to land, and orders were sent to -the Spanish agents to capture him at all risks. On the night -of his arrival at Genoa, by the connivance of the authorities, -he was seized, gagged, and carried off to Naples, where he -was imprisoned for the rest of his life, condemned to -perpetual silence on pain of instant death. The box of papers -that he bore was sent privately to the King, who, with -Olivares, burnt the contents without even opening the packet. -The new Grand Inquisitor, who was a creature of the Queen, -a Benedictine monk named Diego de Arce, was not to be -entirely balked, and although no evidence now existed, he -had the prothonotary Don Geronimo Villanueva brought -from his prison in Toledo, where he had languished for two -years, and placed before the tribunal of the Inquisition. He -was stripped of his arms, accoutrements, insignia of rank and -outer clothing, and sat upon a plain low wooden stool, and -then, without any evidence being given or statement of -specific offence, was condemned for irreligion, sacrilege, -superstition, and other enormities, and, by the mercy of the -Holy Office, was absolved from all this on condition that he -fasted every Friday for a year, never again entered the -convent, and gave 2,000 ducats to the poor through the -monks of Atocha. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="chap09"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P343"></a>343}</span></p> - -<p class="t3"> -<i>THE JOURNAL OF RICHARD BERE.</i> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P345"></a>345}</span> -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-345"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-345.jpg" alt="Headpiece" /> -<br /> -Headpiece -</p> - -<p><br /></p> - -<h3> -<i>THE JOURNAL OF RICHARD BERE.</i>[<a id="chap09fn1text"></a><a href="#chap09fn1">1</a>] -</h3> - -<p> -In the course of a recent search amongst the Sloane -MSS. at the British Museum for a document of -an entirely different character I chanced upon a -manuscript which, so far as I have been able to -discover, has never yet been described in print or -received the attention it appears to deserve. It is -a long, narrow book like an account book, in the -Sloane binding, containing 244 pages of cramped -and crowded little writing in faded ink on rough -paper, recording the daily—almost hourly—movements -of a man for eleven years, from the 1st of -January, 1692-3, to the middle of April, 1704. It -is written in Spanish—Englishman's Spanish, full of -solecisms and English idioms, but fair and fluent -Castilian for all that, and the diarist, thinking no -doubt his secrets were safe in a language comparatively -little known at the time, has set down for his -own satisfaction alone, and often in words that no -amount of editing would render fit for publication, -the daily life of one of the dissolute men about -town, who roistered and ruffled in the coffee-houses -and taverns of London at the end of the seventeenth -century. Few men could hope to possess the keen -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P346"></a>346}</span> -observation and diverting style of Samuel Pepys, or -the sober judgment and foresight of stately John -Evelyn, and this last contemporary diarist of theirs -certainly cannot lay claim to any such qualities. -He rarely records an impression or an opinion, and -as a rule confines himself to a bald statement of his -own movements and the people he meets day by -day; but still, even such as it is, the diary is full of -quaint and curious suggestions of the intimate life -of a London widely different from ours. The -familiar names of the streets, nay, the very signs -of the taverns, are the same now as then, but in -every line of the fading brown ink may be gathered -hints of the vast chasm that separates the busy -crowded life of to-day from the loitering deliberation -with which these beaux in swords and high-piled -periwigs sauntered through their tavern-haunting -existence. It strikes the imagination, -too, to think that the man who thus sets down -so coarsely and frankly the acts of his life must -have listened, with however little appreciation, to -the luminous talk of wondrous John Dryden at -Will's coffee-house, most certainly knew the rising -Mr. Addison, and probably met Matthew Prior at -his old home at the "Rummer" tavern, which the -diarist frequented. -</p> - -<p> -There is nothing in the manuscript directly to -identify the writer, and probably the indirect clues -furnished by references to his relatives have never -before been followed up to prove exactly who the -author was. The task has not been an easy one, -and has started me on more than one false scent -ending in a check, but at last I stumbled on -evidence that not only absolutely identified the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P347"></a>347}</span> -diarist, but also explained many obscure passages -in the manuscript. -</p> - -<p> -From the first page to the last the writer refers -to Danes Court, near Deal, as the home of his -brother, and he himself passes the intervals of his -dissolute life in London in visits to his Kentish -kinsman. Now Danes Court had been for centuries -in the possession of the ancient family of -Fogge, and I at once concluded that the writer -of my diary was a younger member of the house. -Indeed, encouraged therein by Hasted, the great -authority on Kentish history, I went so far as to -establish to my own entire satisfaction that the -diarist was a certain Captain Christopher Fogge, -R.N., who died in 1708, and was buried in -Rochester Cathedral, and I was confirmed in this -belief by the fact that the wind and weather of each -day is carefully recorded as in a sailor's log-book. -But somehow it did not fit in. Constant reference -is made to a brother Francis, and no amount of -patient investigation in county genealogies and -baptismal certificates could unearth any one named -Francis Fogge. So I had to hark back and try -another clue. Brother Francis was evidently a -clergyman and a graduate of King's College, -Cambridge, and towards the end of the diary -the author visits him at the village of Prescot, near -Liverpool. -</p> - -<p> -Sure enough the rich living of Prescot was in the -gift of King's College, Cambridge, and further -inquiry soon showed that a certain Francis Bere, -M.A., was rector from 1700 until his death in 1722. -This of itself was not much, but it led to further -clues which proved the monumental Hasted -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P348"></a>348}</span> -("History of Kent") to be hopelessly wrong about the -Fogge pedigree and the ownership of Danes Court -at the time, and the whole question was settled -more completely than I could have hoped by the -discovery, in the "Transactions of the Kent -Archæological Society for 1863," of a copy of the -copious memoranda in the old family Bible, written -by the stout cavalier, Richard Fogge, and his son -John, with the notes attached thereto by Warren, -the Kentish antiquary in 1711, in which the family -history is made clear. This was good as far as it -went, and proved the surname and parentage of the -author of the diary, but did not identify him -personally. Certain references in the manuscript, -however, sent me searching amongst the Treasury -Papers in the Record Office, and there I found a set -of papers written in the same cramped, finnicking -hand as the diary, which set my mind at rest, and -proved beyond doubt or question who was the -methodical rake that indiscreetly confided the secret -of his "goings on" to the incomplete oblivion of -the Spanish tongue. -</p> - -<p> -The writer of the diary was one Richard -Bere, whose father was rector of Ickenham, near -Uxbridge, and who was born at Cowley, near -there, on the 28th of August, 1653. His sister -Elizabeth had married in 1679 John Fogge, -who subsequently succeeded to the Danes Court -Estate, and, on the fly-leaf of the Fogge family -Bible referred to, John Fogge, who was evidently -proud of the connection, sets forth that his wife's -grandfather had been "Receiver General of ye -Low Countries; her uncles, one of them was in a -noble imploy in ye C Clarke's office, ye other being -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P349"></a>349}</span> -one of ye clarkes of ye signet to King Charles -II., a man acquainted with all Xtian languages. -Ye other now alive is rector of Bendropp in -Gloucestershire, who has an Estate. Her mother -was one of ye family of Bland, of London, eminent -merchants at Home and Abroad." Richard Bere -was born only a year after his sister, so that the -statement as to her relatives will hold good for him -also. He had been Collector of Customs at Carlisle, -but apparently had allowed his Jacobite leanings to -be too evident, and had been dismissed from his -office a short time before he began the diary, -leaving his accounts at Carlisle still unbalanced and -in arrear. How he learnt Spanish I do not know, -but he had evidently been in Spain before his -appointment to Carlisle, probably in the navy, or -in some way connected with shipping, as, in addition -to the careful noting of the wind and weather -all through the diary, he shows great interest in the -naval events of his time. His uncle's remarkable -proficiency in "all Xtian tongues" may also -perhaps partly explain his own knowledge of the -Spanish language. His family in old times had -been a wealthy and powerful one, seated at -Gravesend, Dartford, and Greenhithe in Kent, -but had lost its county importance long before the -date of the diary. The widow of one of his uncles, -however, still lived at Gravesend at the time he -wrote, and one of his father's sisters, who had -married a man named Childs, also lived in the -neighbourhood, and on her husband's death went -to live with her niece at Danes Court. -</p> - -<p> -The diary commences on the 1st of January, -1692-3, when Bere was living at Mr. Downe's in -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P350"></a>350}</span> -London, but the detailed entries begin on the 9th -of the month, when he went by tilboat from -Billingsgate to Gravesend. Here, after visiting -his aunt Bere and his kinsman Childs at Northfleet, -he slept at the inn, and started the next morning in -a coach to Canterbury. The next day he continued -his journey to Danes Court on a hired mare, and -then after a few days rest, "without seeing -anybody," begins a round of visits and carouses with -the neighbouring gentry. All the squires and their -families for miles round march through the pages -of the diary. Mr. Paramour, of Stratenborough; -Mr. Boys, of Betshanger, "my uncle Boys," who -was probably Christopher Boys, of Updowne, uncle -by marriage to John Fogge; "my uncle Pewry," -who was rector of Knowlton, but whose relationship -with the diarist is not clearly discoverable; -Mr. Burville, rector of the Fogge Church of Tilmanston, -and a host of other neighbours come and go, dine -and drink, often staying the night, and in a day or -two entertain John Fogge and his brother-in-law in -return. The latter records the fact, but unfortunately -does no more, and little is gathered of the -manner of their lives at this period of the diary, -except that they did a prodigious deal of visiting -and dining at each others' houses. One of the most -constant visitors to Danes Court is the aged Lady -Monins, of Waldershare Park, the widow of the -last baronet of the name, and Richard Bere appears -to be as often her guest at Waldershare. The -round of dining and visiting is broken in upon by -a visit on horseback with brother John Fogge to -the assizes at Maidstone, where the latter has a -lawsuit which he loses, and Richard returns to -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P351"></a>351}</span> -Danes Court alone, leaving his defeated brother -at Canterbury. On the 12th of April the diarist -records that he first saw the swallows, and on the -20th, as instancing the uneventful life in this remote -part of the country, it is considered worth while to -register the fact that "whilst I was digging in the -garden with Carlton a man passed on horseback." A -few days afterwards neighbour Carlton's daughter -is married, and then "my nephew Richard was first -sent to school at Sandwich, Timothy Thomas being -master." Richard, the heir of Danes Court, was -about twelve years old at the time, and, as we shall -see later on, turned out badly and completed the -ruin of the fine old family, of which he was the last -male representative in the direct line. Timothy -Thomas, who was a distinguished scholar and -M.A. of Sidney-Sussex College, Cambridge, was -headmaster of the Sandwich Free School and brother -to the rector of St. Paul and St. Mary, Sandwich. -He seems to have been always ready for a carouse -at the hostelry of the "Three Kings" at Sandwich -or elsewhere with the father or uncle of his pupil. -</p> - -<p> -On the 28th of April "the fleet entered the -Downs, the wind blowing a gale at the time. A -ship called the <i>Windsor</i> was lost. I went to Deal -to see the ships, and saw five ensigns." Small -details of ablutions—rare enough they seem -nowadays—bed-warming, and quaint remedies for trifling -ailments sound queerly enough to us coming faintly -across the gloom of two centuries, but in the midst -of the chronicles of this small beer of visits paid -and received, of the stomach-ache, and so on, brother -John receives a writ, and we feel that we are -witnesses of the process by which all this feasting -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P352"></a>352}</span> -and revelry is completing the ruin of the ancient -family that once owned broad lands and far manors -all over Kent, which founded hospitals and colleges, -and was closely allied to the regal Plantagenets, but -whose possessions had even now shrunken to one -poor mansion house of Danes Court and the few -farms around it. John Fogge's father, Richard, -whose pompous Latin epitaph is still in Tilmanston -Church, written by his eldest son, Edward, and -scoffed at in the family Bible by the degenerate -John, had been true to the King's side during the -civil war. His near neighbour, Sir John Boys of -Betshanger, had hunted and harried the cavalier -and sacked his house after the mad Kentish rising -in 1648, and had frightened his favourite child to -death, and for the whole of the Commonwealth -period poor Richard had been plundered and -well-nigh ruined. His sons Edward and John had been -captured at sea by the Dutch, and Christopher had -been taken prisoner by the Turks, and all three -had had to be bought off with ransom. Stout old -Richard Fogge therefore had left Danes Court -sadly embarrassed at his death in 1680. His eldest -son, Edward, died soon after, and John Fogge, the -brother-in-law of our diarist, was rapidly continuing -the ruin at the date of the diary. By the 30th of -May Richard Bere had had enough of Danes Court, -and started to Canterbury "with my brother's horse -and servant, and so to Northfleet, where I visited -my kinsman Childs." He mounted his horse at -five o'clock in the morning and arrived at Northfleet -at five in the evening, staying on the way only -a short time at Canterbury to rest and drink with -friend Best, at whose house he always alights when -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P353"></a>353}</span> -he passes through the ancient city. The distance -by road is a good fifty-five miles, so Richard no -doubt thought he had earned his night's rest at -Uncle Childs' before starting, as he did next day, -by tilboat to London. The first thing he did when -he arrived was to "drink with Higgs" and send -for Benson to meet him at Phillips' mug-house. -Benson appears to have been a humble friend or -foster-brother, as Bere calls Benson's father "my -father Benson," who went on all his errands, -pawned his valuables, and faced his creditors. -When Benson came they started out together and -took a room, where they both slept, "at the sign -of the 'Crown,' an inn in Holborne," and the record -thereafter for some time consists mainly of such -entries as "Dined with Sindry at the 'Crown,' and -drank with him all the afternoon and evening at -Phillips'. Slept at Mrs. Ward's;" "Dined with -Dr. Stockton, Haddock, and Simpson at the -'Pindar of Wakefield';" "Dined at the sign of -the 'Castle,' a tavern in Wood Street, with many -friends from the North; drank there all the -afternoon, and all night drinking with usual friends at -Phillips'," only that these daily entries usually wind -up with the record of a debauch which need not be -described, but which Richard does not hesitate to -set down in such cold blood as his orgy has left him. -</p> - -<p> -He appears to have had as a friend one Westmacott, -who was a prison official, and a standing -amusement was apparently to go and see the -prisoners, who sometimes fall foul of Westmacott -and his friend and abuse them. Richard also has -a quaint way of drawing a miniature gallows in -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P354"></a>354}</span> -the margin of his manuscript on the days that he -records the execution of malefactors. On the 15th -of June, for instance, after giving his usual list of -friends and taverns, he writes: "Seven men hanged -to-day; fine and warm. Drinking at Phillips' at -night; Westmacott there again." A day or two -afterwards the bailiffs walk in during his dinner at -the tavern and hale his boon companion, Pearce, -off to jail; but Richard thinks little of it, for he -goes off to drink straightway with Colonel Legge, -and then passes a merry evening with Dr. Stockton -and Mr. Rolfe at the sign of the "Ship," near -Charing Cross. -</p> - -<p> -On the 29th of June "a new sword-belt, some -woollen hose, and a rosette for my hat," were -bought; and soon after he leaves his lodgings at -Mrs. Ward's, and thenceforward seems to sleep in -taverns or inns for some time, very often winding -up the entries in the diary by confessing that he -was "drunk" or "very drunk." -</p> - -<p> -On the 18th of July, 1693, he visits "the house of -the Princess of Denmark with Mr. Wooton," and -thence goes to see a fashionable friend of his called -Captain Orfeur, who had a fine house at Spring -Gardens, where he meets his brother, and they all -make a night of it at the "Ship." By the beginning -of August it is not surprising that he is ill, and -decides to visit his brother Francis in the country. -On the 3rd he takes horse to Biggleswade and -thence to Oundle, "where I met my brother and -Mr. Rosewell" (he was a fellow of "King's," and -apparently a great friend of Francis Bere's). -"Dined at Caldwell's, and slept at the sign of the -'Dog.'" -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P355"></a>355}</span> -</p> - -<p> -He stays at the "Dog" at Oundle for some days, -still ill, and visits Northampton, where he is struck -with the curious church, town-hall, prison, and -courts of justice, and slept at the "George." From -there he rides to the "Angel" at Wellingboro', and -so home to London by Dunstable, where he stays -at the "Saracen's Head," Watford, Rickmansworth, -and Uxbridge, where he puts up at the "Swan." Being -now well again, he recommences the old -round of the "Horns," the "Red Cow," the -"Mermaid," the "Crown," and so on, usually -winding up with a roaring carouse at Phillips', and -occasionally relieved by trips to Islington-wells to -walk in the fields with friend Stourton, who lives -near there, and who later on becomes his -inseparable companion. To illustrate the methodical -character of this roistering blade, it is curious to -note that, as he could not well carry his cumbrous -diary with him on his journey to Oundle, he has -made his daily entries on a small loose leaf and has -afterwards carefully transcribed them in the book, -the loose leaf, however, being also bound up with -the rest. On the reverse side, in English, Richard -has copied the following couplet of Lord Thomond's, -which seems to have struck him:— -</p> - -<p class="poem"> - "Whatever Traveller doth wicked ways intend,<br /> - The Devill entertains him at his journey's end,"<br /> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"> -and to this he adds several little remedies which -some travelling companion seems to have told him -on the road. He scrupulously records the fact that -the day is his birthday on each succeeding 28th of -August, and the occasion appears to be an excuse -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P356"></a>356}</span> -for a burst of deeper drinking than ever, but on this -first birthday mentioned in the diary, 1693, he is -evidently getting hard up. He lodges with a man -named Nelson, who ceaselessly duns him for his -rent, and we soon learn that the faithful Benson -has pawned his two rings for eighteen shillings. -On the 27th of September his friend Dr. Stockton -tells him "that Mr. Addison told him that I lost -my place because I was against the Government, -and was foolish enough to talk about it, which," -says indignant Richard, "is a lie." -</p> - -<p> -It sounds curious nowadays to read that he and -his friends, Westmacott and others, sometimes walk -out in the fields to shoot with bows and arrows, and -usually return thence to the "Hole-in-the-Wall" to -pass the evening. -</p> - -<p> -As a specimen of the entries at this period, I -transcribe that for the 30th of September, 1693, at -least so much of it as can well be published. -"With Metham and Stourton to the City, and -dined at the 'Ship' in Birchin Lane. Vickers -there, and we went together to the Exchange and -met Mr. Howard; with him to the 'Fountain,' -Mr. Coxum there. At five o'clock went to Sir James -Edwards', and drank there two flasks of wine. -Then to the 'King's Head,' where I left them and -went to Mr. Pearce's house and received ten pounds. -Found Stourton very drunk. Went and paid Jackson -and Squires. Slept at Pearce's—drunk myself." With -the ten pounds received from Mr. Pearce -Richard seems to have set about renewing his -wardrobe, and duly records the days upon which -his various new garments are worn. On the 26th -of October "Aspin, the tailor, brought my new -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P357"></a>357}</span> -white breeches in the morning, and we went out -to drink at the 'Bull's Head' in Mart Lane." On -the second of November he recites the names of -six taverns at which he drank during the day, -namely, the "Bull's Head," the "Red Cow," the -"Ship," the "Horns," the "Cheshire Cheese," and -the "Crown," and on the 7th of the same month a -dreadful thing happens to him. The constables -walk off his dulcinea, Miss Nichols, to jail, and -Richard is left to seek such consolation as he can -find at the "Chequers," the "Three Cranes," and -the "Sugar Loaf." The next day he seeks out his -friend Westmacott at the "King's Head," and is -taken to the prison to see the incarcerated fair one. -Whilst there he "meets the man who has done the -mischief." But he winds up at the "Sugar Loaf" -in Whitefriars, and Phillips' mug-house, and is -carried home thence in a coach too much overcome -by his grief and potations to walk. On the -14th, after several more visits to the prison, he -bewails that he can do nothing for Nichols, and on -visiting a Mrs. Hill, that kind matron tells him that -his great friend, Dr. Stockton, had told her that "I -had squandered all I had over a worthless wench, -and thought now to live at the expense of my -friends," but the entry, unfortunately, winds up with -the words: "Borrowed two pounds of Simons on -my watch." -</p> - -<p> -After this Richard thinks that quiet Danes -Court might suit him for a time, and starts the -next day, the 15th of November, as before to -Gravesend by the tilboat, and, after a duty visit to -his relatives, stays two nights at the sign of the -"Flushing," and dines there merrily with "a -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P358"></a>358}</span> -clergyman named Sell and another good fellow from the -North." The same companions and others go with -him in the coach to Canterbury, where he stays at -the "Fleece," gets gloriously drunk, and is cheated -out of half-a-crown, and lies in bed until mid-day -next morning, his niece, Jane Fogge, who lived -with the Bests at Canterbury, coming to visit him -before he was up. In the afternoon he continues -his road more soberly to Danes Court on a hired -horse, and the old round of visiting and feasting -begins afresh. On the first of December he meets -Parson Burville, of Tilmanston, and drinks Canary -wine till he is drunk. On the 12th Captain -Christopher Fogge meets his brother John at a -friend's house and they quarrel; Uncle Childs dies, -the cat is drowned in the well, three East Indiamen -captains dine at Danes Court, Ruggles' wife is -confined, and the daily small events of a remote -village happen and are recorded much as they -might happen to-day. Uncle Boys had a kinsman, -presumably a brother, Captain Boys, R.N., who -was Constable of Walmer Castle, where he lived. -and Richard and his friends often go there to dine -and visit the ships in the Downs. On the 26th of -February, 1694, they all go to dinner on board the -<i>Cornwall</i>, and "they gave us a salute of seven -guns." They all went back to the castle to sleep, -and John Fogge made a bargain with his weak-witted -younger brother William about Danes Court, -presumably with regard to his reversionary interest -or charge upon the property. But whatever it was -it did not matter much, for William Fogge died -soon after. On the 25th of March, after going to -Betsanger church and to the rectory to see Thomas -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P359"></a>359}</span> -Boys, "Ruggles threw a poor boy out of the cart -and seriously injured him," and on the next day a -curt entry says: "The poor lad died at nine o'clock -this morning, and was buried in the evening," but -not a word about any enquiry or the punishment -of the offending Ruggles. -</p> - -<p> -But after five months Richard sighs again for the -taverns of Fleet Street, and on the 4th of April, -1694, returns to London by the usual road by -Canterbury and Gravesend, and again haunts the -taverns and night-houses of the metropolis. He -tries hard to borrow money from his friends, and is -evidently getting anxious about his Customs accounts -left in arrear at Carlisle. He is a pretty constant -visitor to Whitehall about a certain petition of his, -which petition, although he often mentions it in his -diary, he of course does not describe or explain in a -document written for his own eye alone. I have, -however, been fortunate enough to find the actual -document itself in the Treasury Papers at the -Record Office, with all the voluminous reports and -consultations founded upon it during the seven -years it lingered in the Government offices. It -appears that in August, 1689, the Earl of Shrewsbury, -Secretary of State, had addressed a letter (the -original of which is attached to Richard Bere's -petition) to the Mayor or Collector of Customs of -Carlisle, directing them to provide for the maintenance -of certain "papist Irish soldier prisoners" who -were to be kept in the castle there. The mayor -refused to find the money, and Richard Bere, as -Collector of Customs, had to do so, expecting to be -reimbursed out of the Secret Service Fund, as -provided by the Secretary of State. The prisoners -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P360"></a>360}</span> -were kept at Carlisle until December, 1690, and -Richard spent £74 4s. on their maintenance. He -was soon after suddenly dismissed from his post, -and was unable to balance his accounts for want of -this money, and shortly before beginning the diary -had presented his petition to the Lords of the -Treasury for the reimbursement of the sum, or at -least that it should be handed to the Receiver-General -of Customs on his account. But whilst -the petition was lying in the pigeon-holes in one -office, another office was only conscious that -Richard was behindhand in his accounts, and on -the 11th of May, 1694, there is an entry as follows -in the diary: "Alone to dine at the 'Spotted -Bull.' Then to Phillips', where one Petitt told me about -the tolls of Carlisle, and said that the bailiffs from -Appleby had a warrant to arrest me." Richard did -not wait long for the bailiffs, and in less than a -week had signed and sealed a bond, apparently for -borrowed money to settle his toll accounts, bought -a horse and a Bible, had gone to Westminster Hall -"about his brother's affairs," and started off for -Carlisle. He rode through Oundle, where the -Rev. Francis Bere appeared still to be living, and so by -Stamford, Grantham, Newark, Doncaster, Ferrybridge, -and Appleby to Carlisle. Two days before -he arrived at the city some choice spirits came out -to meet him, and a host of friends received him -with open arms after his ten days' ride. He dines -fourteen times with Dick Jackson, drinks often and -deeply with the Mayor of Carlisle, collects money -owing to him, buys a fine new periwig of Ned -Haines, and a new sword, settles up his accounts -of tolls, and begs a holiday for the schoolboys, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P361"></a>361}</span> -whom he treats all round, and winds up in a burst -of jubilation by receiving a present of two kegs of -brandy from his friend Bell, which had not paid -much to the King probably, and of which, no doubt, -the late Collector and his jovial companions gave a -very good account. And then, after a six weeks' -stay at Carlisle, he wends his way back to London -again by the same road, his horse falling lame at -Stamford, and the rider having to post from -Grantham to Ware, and thence to London by coach. -He alights at the "Bell," in Bishopsgate Street, -where Benson soon seeks him with fresh clothes -and a sedan chair, and takes him to his old quarter -of London again. -</p> - -<p> -But poor Richard's prosperity is of short duration. -The borrowed money soon comes to an end, with -the able and constant assistance of a certain Catherine -Wilson, who has now supplanted the vanished -Nichols, and by the beginning of September, 1694, -Benson is taking one article after the other to the -pawnshop, and bringing back sums which Richard -regards as very unsatisfactory in amount. On the -6th of that month he attends what must have been -rather a curious marriage at the church of -St. George's, Bloomsbury, where one of Catherine -Wilson's companions, named Early, was married -"to a young man named James Carlile, between -nine and ten in the morning." The whole of the -party adjourn to the fields, and at one o'clock return -to drink at the "Feathers" in Holborn, "but the -knavish constables disturbed us and we went to -Whitefriars; at two I went to seek Benson, but he -could only bring me 5s. on my pistols." With this -sum Richard finds his way back to Whitefriars, where -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P362"></a>362}</span> -he remained drinking till evening with the "newly -married pair, Catherine Wilson, a gentleman and -his wife, and a marine." He then attends a -coffee-house, and winds up with a carouse at the "Rising -Sun." The unfortunate bridegroom soon disappears -from the diary, but the "bride" takes part in the -drinking bouts for some time to come. By the -middle of October Richard has apparently come to -the end of his tether, and, after borrowing a -halfcrown on his knives, quarrels with and separates for -a time from Catherine Wilson; but brother Francis -and sister Fogge are appealed to for money, and -when it arrives Catherine is to the fore again. A -great scheme is hatched about this time with a -Captain Sales and Mr. Butler, apparently relating -to the tobacco duties, and the Commissioners of -Customs and other officials are being constantly -petitioned and visited. Sometimes the tobacco -business is considered hopeful, and sometimes the -contrary, but on the 7th of January, 1695, it looks -very bright when the Lords of the Treasury and -the Commissioners of Customs sitting together at -Whitehall receive Richard and his two friends, who -lay the case before them, but "Mr. Culliford spoke -against us," and nothing was decided, so the trio -and others who joined them go to the "Rummer" -tavern at Charing Cross, and drink confusion to -Mr. Culliford. A day or two days after this "a -knave came to betray me to the bailiffs," and poor -Richard and his friend Sales seek the shady retreat -of a tavern in Fulwood's Rents. For the next few -days he dodges the bailiffs from tavern to tavern, -and sleeps at Bell Court, Whitefriars, and -elsewhere. The "knavish" bailiffs even follow friend -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P363"></a>363}</span> -Sales in the hope of tracking Richard. On the -14th of January the faithful Benson brings his -clothes to the new lodging in Whitefriars, and -Richard ventures out "to the 'Anchor' in Coleman -Street, about the business of Andrew Lloyd and -the widow. Then the 'St. John the Baptist's -Head' in Milk Street, where I found Butler meeting -the citizens about the tobacco business." A -few days after, the business of "Andrew Lloyd and -the widow" is settled somehow at the "Mermaid" -in Ram Alley, and on the 26th Benson pawns all -Richard's silver for £5 7s., and Richard slips out of -Whitefriars at night, sleeps at the "Star," and -escapes to the quiet of Danes Court, where the -bailiffs cease from troubling and the spendthrift is -at rest. -</p> - -<p> -On the 2nd of February, 1695, scapegrace little -nephew Dick Fogge comes home with a story that -the small-pox had appeared at the school at Sandwich, -"but it is all a lie," and the youngster is led -back ignominiously the next day by his father and -Tim Thomas the schoolmaster, and when John -Fogge returns to Danes Court he brings news that -the French are capturing English boats in the -Channel. Richard is still uneasy in his mind, for -on the 15th of February he dreams that the bailiffs -have caught him at last, and soon afterwards begins -seriously to put his Customs accounts in order. -Then early in April he starts for London again, but -as soon as he was on board the tilboat at Gravesend -he caught sight of a bailiff ashore seeking him. -It takes four hours to reach London, and the city is -in a turmoil, for during the night "the mob knocked -down a house in Holborn." He takes a room at -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P364"></a>364}</span> -the "Green Dragon" for a day or two, and the -next night the mob burn down two houses in the -Coal Yard, Drury Lane. A false friend named -Fowler accompanies him in his search for lodgings, -which he eventually takes at the house of a -cheese-monger named Tilley in Fetter Lane, and also -goes with him to the Custom House "about my -accounts," and then on the 13th of April, after -carousing with him half the day, "the hound -betrayed me to the bailiffs," and poor Richard is -caught at last. He is at once haled off to a -spunging-house, called the "King's Head," in Wood -Street, and the first thing the prisoner does is, of -course, to send for Benson, who comes with Sales -and other friends, and they have a jovial dinner of -veal with the keeper. The next day Benson brings -some money, and Richard holds a perfect levee of -friends. Some of them go off to soften the creditors, -in which they fail, and other to apply for a writ of -<i>habeas corpus</i>. A good deal of dining goes on at -the spunging-house, but on the 16th the carouse is -cut short by the removal of Richard to the Fleet. -He has a good deal of liberty, however, for he still -occasionally haunts the taverns in Fleet Street, -probably within the "rules" of the prison or under -the ward of a keeper. Brother Francis is appealed to -daily by letter, and pending his reply all the old boon -companions come in and out of the prison, dine there, -drink there, and get drunk in the vaults, Benson and -Catherine Wilson coming every day with clothes, -books, and comfort. At the end of the month of -May the parson brother, Francis, arrives, and after -a month of negotiation at the Custom House and -the law courts, and much drinking and dining as -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P365"></a>365}</span> -usual, a bond is signed and sealed at the "Three -Tuns" tavern, "Sales standing my friend," and -Richard Bere is free again. -</p> - -<p> -But imprudent Richard, after a sharp fit of the -gout, soon falls into his old habits again, and on -the 6th of September confesses that he got into a -row at the "Dog" Tavern in Drury Lane "about -drinking the Prince of Wales' health," an indiscreet -thing enough considering that his Custom House -accounts were still unsettled, and his own petition -to the Treasury unanswered. On the 1st of July, -whilst he and his friend Sales are dining at the -"Crown," the constables walk Sales off to prison, -"and then go to the 'Globe' Tavern and arrest his -landlady, and Andrew Lloyd the author." And so -the diary goes on; his accounts still unpaid, but -Richard full of the tobacco business, with petitions -to the King and interviews with Treasury officials. -Then there is some great Irish wool scheme, which -necessitates much dancing attendance on the Duke -of Ormond, but does not seem to result in much. -His boon companions evidently do not think much -of his chance of recovering anything from the -Treasury, for "they made me promise B. Skynner -a new wig if ever I received my £74 4s. on the -King's order." -</p> - -<p> -However much Richard may drink, he is frugal -enough in his eating, for from this period to the end -of the diary he constantly records that for days -together he has eaten nothing but a little bread and -cheese, and the "one poor halfpennyworth of bread -to all this intolerable amount of sack" is as -applicable to Richard Bere as it was to the fat knight. -And he needs to be sparing in his expenditure, for -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P366"></a>366}</span> -he is poor enough just now, notwithstanding his -drinkings with the Duke of Richmond's steward, -with Stourton at the "Rose" in Pall Mall, and his -visits to Lord James Howard in Oxenden Street, -for he is reduced to pawning his new lace ruffles for -six shillings, and Benson could borrow nothing on -his new wig, for which he had just paid (or not -paid) thirty-five shillings to Rolfe, the barber. But -Benson pawns his linen for ten shillings and brother -Francis sends funds, so after borrowing nine shillings -and sixpence on "my Bezoar stone," and going to -the Temple to receive "my pension" Richard starts -on the 1st of September, 1696, by hoy for Sandwich. -The voyage is long and tedious, the weather -being bad, but after a day and a night at sea they -drop anchor, and Richard solaces himself with punch -and good fellowship at the "Three Kings" at -Sandwich. -</p> - -<p> -On his arrival at Danes Court "John gives me a -bad account of my nephew Richard, who went back -to school to-day." But John certainly does not set -his son a good example, for he soon breaks out -himself, and on the 21st of October, "after dining -with my aunt," threatens to cut his wife's throat. -For months after this the diary constantly records -that "John came home raving drunk"; "John -from Sandwich to-day, very violent"; "John -mad drunk all day"; "to Tilmaston Church -twice, John there reiving drunk," and so on. On -Christmas Day, 1696, Richard, who as befits a -parson's son, is all through an indefatigable -church-goer, takes the Sacrament at Tilmanston Church, -as he generally does on special days, John through -all the Christmastide remaining drunk as usual. On -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P367"></a>367}</span> -the 18th of January, 1697, he gives his wife a black -eye, and the next day it is Richard's turn, and he -goes on a great drinking bout with Captain Whiston, -and "got drunk and lost my white mare," whereupon -the immaculate "John is very angry with me." On -the 10th of February nephew Richard runs -away from school again, and gets soundly whipped -by his father, who remains drunk all the month. -On the 15th of March tidings comes to Danes -Court that the master has been lodged in Dover -jail, and his wife and her brother start off next -morning to find him. He has escaped somehow, -and gets back to Danes Court mad drunk just as -his household are returning from afternoon service -at Tilmanston Church. This goes on all March, -and on the 26th John borrows money from an -attorney named Lynch, and seals a bond at Danes -Court conveying all his goods to the lender as -security, "being rabid drunk at the time." A few -days afterwards "the bailiffs nearly took John, but -he escaped by the quickness of his mare." Echoes -of more important events occasionally reach Danes -Court. On the 6th of April, 1697, news comes that -the French have taken Jamaica, and that they have -captured a merchant fleet and convoys off Bilbao. -Soon after we hear of "French pirates infesting the -Downs, and they had taken two of our ships," but -the domestic troubles of the old Kentish manor -house occupy most of the diary at this period; -incorrigible young Richard runs away from school -again and cannot be found for days; with some -difficulty drunken John's accounts with Hill and -Dilnot, of Sandwich, are arranged, but on the 24th -of April he is lodged in jail at Canterbury on -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P368"></a>368}</span> -another suit, and is only released by more -borrowing from Lynch, and at once goes back to his -drunken career again. An entry on the 29th of -April, 1697, gives another inkling of Richard's -Jacobite leanings. "Walking to Eythorne I met -Petitt the parson and Captain March. We drank -together and went to Walker's, where a Mr. Kelly -defended the bad opinion that it was lawful for -people to rise against the King if he violated his -coronation oath." -</p> - -<p> -All through May John Fogge continued drunk, -and one day falling foul of his brother-in-law, -calls him a scurvy knave, and threatens to kick -him out of his house. So Richard, having worn -out his welcome at Danes Court, starts for town -again, taking with him nephew Dick, who has -just run away from school once more for the last -time. -</p> - -<p> -He lodges henceforward at Stokes' in Short's -Gardens, and pays ten shillings a month for his -room. Every morning two or three taverns are -visited with Stourton, Churchill, and others, where -unfortunately they are sometimes imprudent enough -to drink deep to the health of King James. -Metheglin and mum are occasional drinks, but -brandy the most usual, and black puddings seem -a favourite dish for dinner. On the 19th of October, -1697, peace is proclaimed with France, and on the -16th of the following month the King enters the -City in state, and on the 2nd of December the peace -rejoicings were crowned by a great display of -fire-works, and a banquet given by the Earl of Romney -to the King. Richard's petition after five years' -waiting is favourably reported upon by the -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P369"></a>369}</span> -Commissioners of Customs, and during all the winter he -haunts Whitehall and the ante-room of Lord -Coningsby to get the recommendation carried out -by the Treasury. But one obstacle after the other -is raised, the papers are sent backwards and -forwards, and it is fully two years longer before -Richard at last receives his money. On the 2nd -of December, 1697, he records the consecration of -St. Paul's, and on the 15th of February, 1698, he -attends his first service in the Cathedral, "from -thence to the Temple Church, and so to the -'Trumpet,' where I supped on black puddings and -cheese. Home at eight, when my landlady besought -me to pay the rent." On the 18th of April he sees -Prince George, and on the 16th of May visits the -ship <i>Providence</i> from New England, and thence to -the "Dolphin" tavern until three in the morning. -On the 9th of June, apparently fired by the example -of some of the wits he meets in the coffee-houses -of Covent Garden, or in his favourite promenade at -Gray's Inn Gardens, he records the fact that he -wrote some satirical verses. The next day a fine -new suit of clothes comes home, and he dons them -with great pride. But alas! a sad thing happens. -Drinking at the "Sun" with his friends, some of -the latter "threw some beer over my fine garments," -much to Richard's disgust. The quaint little -gallowses on the margin are pretty frequent now, -and the names of the wretches who are hanged are -often given. On the 29th of June, 1698, Richard -visits the Duke of Norfolk at St. James's House -with his friends Stourton and Orfeur. "Thence to -St. James's Park, to see a race between youths, -where I met Churchill." -</p> - -<p> -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P370"></a>370}</span> -Richard becomes certainly more respectable as -he gets older, and beyond a slight flirtation with -his landlady, Mrs. Stokes, of Short's Gardens, we -hear little of his gallantries henceforward. He is -certainly more prosperous, too, in some mysterious -way, owing to a voyage he makes, apparently in -an official capacity, from Gosport to Flanders, for -which a sum of ninety-five guineas is handed to -him. He says nothing of his adventures in Flanders, -where, however, he only lands at Ostend for a few -days from his ship the <i>Good Hope</i>. The voyage, -however, is evidently an important one for him, as -he has spoken of it on and off for many months, -and takes a special journey to Cambridge to see -brother Francis before setting out. On the 19th -of October, 1698, he anchors in Dover Roads on -his return, and goes thence to Danes Court, where -he stays over Christmas, and returns to London in -January, 1699. His friend Churchill has now taken -the Treasury matter in hand, and after many months -of hope deferred Richard Bere gets his £74 4s. at -last in October. But Churchill wanted paying, and -on the morrow of the payment "Churchill came to -me drunk, and quarrelled with me because I would -not give him the money he wanted." I suspect the -money was all spent long ago, for Richard has often -enough gone into the City to borrow five or ten -pounds "on the King's order." He is very -methodical about money matters, too, for all his -apparent improvidence. He has a boon companion -named Henry Johnson, who during the autumn -and winter of 1699 drank mainly at his expense. -Every penny thus spent is noted against the date -in the diary, and a neat account of the whole. -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P371"></a>371}</span> -headed "Expenditure on account of Henry Johnson," -is bound up with the diary. From this it -appears that Johnson consumed over seven pounds' -worth of brandy at various taverns with Richard in -about five months. On the 27th of January, 1700, -Richard again visits the Duke of Norfolk; but it -is rather a falling off to be told that he goes straight -from the Duke's to eat black puddings at Smith's. -In July of the same year he goes to see a witch -called Anna Wilkes, a prisoner in the Marshalsea, -and the same day he learns in the Tilt Yard that -his boon companion Stourton is made Deputy-Governor -of Windsor. On the 30th of July the -young Duke of Gloucester dies, and one day next -week Richard, after drinking punch with -Mr. Van Dyk, tries to see the body of the young -prince at the lying-in-state, but fails. His brother -Francis is in town about the firstfruits and fees -of his new fat living of Prescot, and Richard -is his surety for £48 1s. 5d. to the King, and -when Francis has got comfortably settled in his -new rectory in July, 1701, Richard takes the ship -<i>Providence</i> for Liverpool to visit him. They take -a fortnight to get there; and when he arrives -a gentleman comes on board and announces -that brother Francis has married his (the gentleman's) -sister, whereupon Richard is much surprised, -and promptly borrows some money from his new -connection. There are high jinks at Prescot, and -Richard is in his element. He dines and carouses -with everybody, from his brother's glebe-tenants to -the Earl of Derby at Knowsley, gets drunk -constantly, breaks his nose, loses his horse and money, -quarrels in his cups with a good many of his friends, -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P372"></a>372}</span> -toasts King James III., and enjoys himself greatly. -It is to be noted that his brother's curate generally -shaved him during his stay. On the 13th of June -1702, King William's death is recorded, and soon -after the diarist returns to London by road, taking -up his quarters at Stokes', Short's Gardens, again. -In the autumn he goes to Danes Court, where John -Fogge is still usually drunk; and in October of -that year a most important thing happens to Richard -Bere. On the 23rd of that month he visits the aged -Lady Monins at Waldershare, the next mansion to -Danes Court. His sister, Mrs. Fogge, is with him; -and staying with Lady Monins is a certain Lucy -Boys, presumably a daughter of Captain Boys, the -Constable of Walmer Castle. After dinner Richard, -who was then forty-nine years of age, whispered -soft words of love to this young lady, and the next -day he records the fact that he sent her a tender -love letter. The maiden, nothing loath, sends him -an answer next day, and a few days afterwards -comes herself to visit Mrs. Fogge at Danes Court. -Of course Richard improves the occasion, and, as -he says, "makes love again." For the next week a -lively interchange of notes takes place between -Danes Court and Waldershare; and on the 8th of -November Lucy Boys thinks it time to go home to -Walmer Castle. It is not quite in the direct road, -but she called to say good-bye to Mrs. Fogge at -Danes Court, and, of course, Mr. Richard Bere -thought well to go in the coach with her to Walmer. -"We pledged," he says, "to marry each other, and -solemnly promised to marry no one else." On the -16th of December he again goes to Waldershare, -and they again renew their pledge, and Lady Monins -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P373"></a>373}</span> -promised all her influence with her grandson-in-law, -the great Earl Poulet, to forward Richard's fortunes. -Early in January, 1703, Richard speeds to London -with a letter from Lucy Boys to Lord Poulet in his -pocket. The peer welcomes him warmly, promises -him great things at the Treasury and elsewhere, -and loving letters still speed backward and forward -between London and Walmer. Richard is constant -at Lord Poulet's levees, and at last, on the 25th of -March, 1703, Richard is introduced to the all-powerful -Lord Godolphin, who promises him a good office, -upon strength of which he "borrows another £5 -of Gawler." -</p> - -<p> -But Richard complains of lameness on the -very day that he saw Godolphin, and the next -entry in the diary is carefully traced with a -trembling hand at the bottom of the page nearly -three months afterwards. Richard had fallen ill of -gout, fever, and rheumatism, and had not left the -room for ten weeks, "attended by Mr. Sheppery of -Drury Lane, my surgeon Mr. Williams, and my -housekeeper Mrs. Cockman." In July he was well -enough to go to Danes Court, and on the 11th of -August visited Waldershare with his sister. There, -walking in the grotto, he again pledged his troth -to Lucy Boys. On the 2nd of September Lucy -Boys came to dine at Danes Court, and the vows -were repeated. On this occasion Miss Boys -showed her sincerity by handing to Richard "95 -guineas, one pistole, and six shillings in silver," -presumably for investment or expenditure on fitting up -a home. Soon afterwards Lord Poulet came and -took his wife's grandmother away on a visit to -Hinton, where she died in six weeks. Richard -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P374"></a>374}</span> -Bere returns to London a happy man, but in a few -weeks his lady love herself comes on a visit to -Lord Poulet, and then, on the 20th of November, -a great change comes over the tone of the entries. -"The strumpet Boys came to London. I saw her -at Lord Poulet's and gave her five guineas, besides -five guineas I gave her on the 26th to go to the -Exchange, five guineas more I paid on her account -at Mr. Stow's, and another ten pounds on account -of the slut." Another entry on the 30th is still -more disheartening. "I went to see the slut Boys -at Lord Poulet's, and the baggage denied ever -having promised to marry me at all, and now she -has gone and married a stuttering parson called -Woodward." Then Lord Poulet said he had never -promised to do anything for him, and "treated me -vilely," and the whole romance was ended. -</p> - -<p> -At this time there are two entries in English as -follows: "November 27, 1703. From 12 o'clock -in ye morning till 7 was ye most violent storm of -wind y<sup>t</sup> ever was known in England, and ye damage -done at land and sea not to be estimated." -</p> - -<p> -"On ye 15th, 16th, and 17th of January, 1703-4, -was a very violent storm, which forced back ye fleet -bound to Lisbon w<sup>th</sup> ye Archduke Charles, under -Rooke, separating them, and did a great deale of -damage." -</p> - -<p> -In March, 1704, Richard is evidently making -great preparations for another sea voyage. He -often visits Bear Quay, and is much in the City. -Trunks and new clothes seem to be brought now -without much difficulty, and Benson's services are -not apparently so needful for raising the wind. -Richard's friend, old Mrs. Feltham, who keeps a -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P375"></a>375}</span> -shop in the Exchange, invites him to come and -see her and drink-mum, in order to ask him about -making her son purser. Richard seems also to -have quite a friendly correspondence with the -"stuttering parson Woodward," and one is tempted -to believe that Lord Poulet may after all have done -something for the jilted lover. Richard's -circumstances must be a good deal changed, for he can -afford to leave twenty guineas with T. Bell to keep -for him when he departs for Danes Court, after a -merry dinner at the "Blue Posts" in the Haymarket -(which he quaintly translates as "los Postes ceruleos -en la Feria de feno") with Churchill and others. On -the 23rd of March, 1704, he starts for Danes Court, -and there the usual life of visiting and feasting is -recommenced. On the 11th of April, 1704, there -is an entry to the effect that he went to visit Lady -Barret, and wrote to Mr. Woodward, and then the -curtain drops and all is darkness, which swallows up -Richard Bere and all his friends for ever. Where -he went and what became of him I have been -unable to discover, and the transient gleam thrown -across his trivial history by his own folly, in writing -down his most secret actions in a language known -to many, will in all probability be the only light ever -thrown upon his life. John Fogge died soon after, -but his widow, Richard Bere's sister, lived at Danes -Court in straitened circumstances for many years -after. Warren, the antiquary, writing in 1711 -(Fausett MS. Kent Archæological Society), -deplores that the once fine estate was reduced even -then to about fifty pounds a year only, and says that -it was uncertain whether any male heir was living—thus -soon had scapegrace nephew Dick drifted away -<span class="pagenum">{<a id="P376"></a>376}</span> -from his friends. Warren says that he had been -last heard of at Lisbon some years before, but on -his mother's death he turned up a common sailor, -sold Danes Court to the Harveys in 1724, married -a certain Elizabeth Rickasie, a sister of St. Bartholomew's -Hospital at Sandwich, and died on board the -fleet at Gibraltar in 1740, leaving, says Hasted, an -only daughter, married to a poor shepherd named -Cock, and living in a lowly hovel near the manor -house of which her ancestors had for centuries been -masters. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="footnote"> -<a id="chap09fn1"></a> -[<a href="#chap09fn1text">1</a>] <i>The Gentleman's Magazine</i>, November, 1891. -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-376"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-376.jpg" alt="Tailpiece" /> -<br /> -Tailpiece -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - -<p><a id="index"></a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{<a id="P377"></a>377}</span></p> - -<h3> -INDEX. -</h3> - -<pre class="index"> - A. - - Acevedo, Diego de, <a href="#P149">149</a>, <a href="#P155">155</a>. - Adanero, Count de, <a href="#P295">295</a>. - Addison, Mr., <a href="#P346">346</a>, <a href="#P350">350</a>. - Adelphi, the, <a href="#P264">264</a>, <a href="#P288">288</a>. - Aguilar, Marquis de, <a href="#P140">140</a>, <a href="#P155">155</a>. - Alarcon, Captain, <a href="#P46">46</a>, <a href="#P55">55</a>, <a href="#P59">59</a>. - Alba, Duchess of, her reception by Queen Mary, <a href="#P163">163-4</a>, <a href="#P167">167</a>, <a href="#P170">170</a>. - Alba, Duke of, in Portugal, <a href="#P13">13</a>. - Alba, Duke of, <a href="#P76">76</a>; sent to crush the Netherlands, <a href="#P93">93</a>; his seizure - of Egmont, <a href="#P94">94</a>; his failure, <a href="#P98">98</a>; renewed severity, <a href="#P99">99-104</a>; his - praise of Romero, <a href="#P106">106</a>; retires from the Netherlands, <a href="#P106">106-7</a>. - Alba, Duke of, <a href="#P140">140</a>, <a href="#P149">149</a>, <a href="#P153">153</a>, <a href="#P155">155</a>. - Alba, Duke of, urges Philip II. to action against England, <a href="#P183">183</a>. - Alberoni, Cardinal, <a href="#P255">255</a>. - Albert, Archduke, in command at Lisbon, <a href="#P42">42</a>, <a href="#P48">48</a>, <a href="#P50">50-1</a>, <a href="#P53">53</a>, <a href="#P56">56</a>, <a href="#P63">63</a>, <a href="#P67">67</a>. - Alburquerque, 3rd Duke of, with Henry VIII. before Boulogne, <a href="#P80">80</a>. - Alburquerque, 4th Duke of, <a href="#P93">93</a>. - Alburquerque, Matias de, commands the galleys in the Tagus, <a href="#P50">50</a>. - Alencastro, Luis, Don, Grand Master of the Order of Christ, <a href="#P46">46</a>. - Aljubarrota, Portuguese victory over Castile, <a href="#P218">218</a>. - Allen, Father, <a href="#P191">191</a>, <a href="#P193">193</a>, <a href="#P197">197</a>, <a href="#P198">198</a>, <a href="#P201">201</a>. - Alonso the Wise of Castile, his decree against extravagance in - attire and food, <a href="#P212">212-13</a>. - Alonso XI. of Castile, decrees against extravagance, <a href="#P213">213</a>. - Altamira, Count de, raises an army to relieve Corunna, <a href="#P38">38</a>. - Alvaro, Souza, Portuguese captain, <a href="#P65">65-6</a>. - Alvelade, near Lisbon, <a href="#P56">56-7</a>. - Andrada, Count de, attempts to relieve Corunna, <a href="#P37">37</a>, <a href="#P39">39</a>. - Antonio, Dom, the Portuguese Pretender, <a href="#P13">13</a>; flies to England, - <a href="#P14">14</a>; his treatment by Elizabeth, <a href="#P14">14</a>; flies to France, <a href="#P15">15-16</a>; - attacks the Azores, <a href="#P16">16</a>; again appeals to Elizabeth, <a href="#P17">17</a>; his - concessions to Elizabeth, <a href="#P18">18-23</a>; accompanies the expedition, - <a href="#P29">29</a>; lands at Peniche, <a href="#P43">43-5</a>; arrives at Torres Vedras, <a href="#P55">55</a>; - at the gates of Lisbon, <a href="#P56">56-9</a>, <a href="#P64">64</a>, <a href="#P67">67</a>; leaves with the English, <a href="#P64">64</a>, - <a href="#P68">68</a>; returns to England, <a href="#P71">71-2</a>. - Antwerp, sack of, in the Spanish Fury, <a href="#P117">117-20</a>. - Araujo, Captain, surrenders Peniche, <a href="#P42">42</a>. - Argüelles, Father, an exorciser, <a href="#P303">303</a>; his communications with - the devil, <a href="#P304">304</a>, <i>passim</i>. - Armada, defeat of, <a href="#P3">3-5</a>; cause of its defeat, <a href="#P3">3-4</a>; the disaster to - foretold by Mendoza, <a href="#P200">200</a>. - Arundel, Earl of, <a href="#P149">149</a>, <a href="#P153">153</a>, <a href="#P154">154</a>, <a href="#P155">155</a>, <a href="#P162">162</a>. - Arundel, Earl of, at Durham Place, <a href="#P269">269</a>. - Arundell's rising suppressed by the aid of Spanish mercenaries, <a href="#P77">77</a>. - Astorga, Philip II. at, <a href="#P142">142</a>. - Austria, decline of the house of, in Spain, <a href="#P340">340-1</a>. - Authorities with regard to the wedding of Philip and Mary, <a href="#P125">125-7</a>, - <a href="#P131">131-6</a>. - Azores, attacks upon, in the interest of Dom Antonio, <a href="#P14">14-16</a>; - to be attacked by the English expedition, <a href="#P22">22</a>, <a href="#P71">71</a>; - plan abandoned, <a href="#P71">71</a>, <a href="#P72">72</a>. - - - - B. - - Bacon, Lady, <a href="#P284">284</a>. - Baden, Margrave of, imprisoned for debt at Rochester, <a href="#P284">284</a>. - Baoardo, the Venetian, his account of the marriage of Philip and - Mary, <a href="#P126">126-7</a>. - Barlemont, Count, to betray Brussels, <a href="#P115">115</a>. - Basing House, Philip and Mary at, <a href="#P166">166</a>. - Bazan, Alvaro de, <a href="#P66">66</a>. - Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow, his plans against Elizabeth, - <a href="#P184">184</a> <i>passim</i>. - Beauvoir, de, <a href="#P108">108</a>. - Bedford's, Earl of, visit to Spain to ratify the marriage contract, - <a href="#P128">128</a>, <a href="#P137">137</a>, <a href="#P142">142-3</a>; Philip's gift to, <a href="#P143">143-4</a>; chooses the ship to - carry Philip to England, <a href="#P145">145</a>; in England, <a href="#P153">153</a>. - Bedford, Earl of, his house in the Strand, <a href="#P264">264</a>. - Benavente, Philip II. at, <a href="#P141">141-2</a>. - Benavente, Count de, entertains Philip II., <a href="#P141">141</a>. - Benavente, Count de, Chamberlain to Charles II., <a href="#P297">297</a>, <a href="#P300">300</a>. - Bere, Francis, Rev., rector of Prescot, <a href="#P347">347</a>, <a href="#P360">360</a>, <a href="#P371">371</a>. - Bere, Richard, his parentage, <a href="#P348">348</a>; his adventures, <a href="#P348">348</a> <i>passim</i>. - Bergues, Marquis of, <a href="#P149">149</a>. - Berlips, Madame, <a href="#P295">295</a>. - Bertondona, Martin de, Spanish naval commander, <a href="#P145">145</a>. - Bossu, Count, <a href="#P102">102</a>, <a href="#P105">105</a>. - Boulogne besieged by the English, <a href="#P79">79-81</a>. - Boys, Captain, R.N., Constable of Walmer Castle, <a href="#P358">358</a>. - Boys, Christopher, of Updowne, <a href="#P350">350</a>. - Boys, Mr., of Betshanger, <a href="#P350">350</a>. - Boys, Lucy, her love passages with Richard Bere, <a href="#P372">372-5</a>. - Boys, Sir John, of Betshanger, <a href="#P352">352</a>. - Braganza, Duke of, <a href="#P68">68</a>. - Brazil, offered to Catharine de Medici in return for aid to Dom - Antonio, <a href="#P18">18</a>. - Brett, Colonel, at Corunna, <a href="#P33">33</a>; killed at Lisbon, <a href="#P60">60</a>. - Britain's Burse, Strand, <a href="#P287">287</a>. - Browne, Sir Anthony, master of the horse to King Philip, <a href="#P151">151</a>. - Bruce, Robert, envoy of the Scottish Catholics to Philip II., - <a href="#P199">199-202</a>. - Butler, Sir Philip, a friend of Essex, <a href="#P41">41</a>. - Burleigh, Lord, his house in the Strand, <a href="#P264">264</a>. - Burville, Mr., Rector of Tilmanston, <a href="#P350">350</a>, <a href="#P358">358</a>. - - - - C. - - Cadiz, Drake's attack upon, <a href="#P8">8</a>. - Calais, the Armada in, <a href="#P3">3</a>. - Calderon, <a href="#P253">253</a>. - Caraffa, Cardinal, <a href="#P197">197</a>. - Cardenas, surrenders Cascaes to Drake, <a href="#P62">62</a>; beheaded by the - Spaniards, <a href="#P63">63</a>. - Carew, at Durham Place, <a href="#P265">265</a>. - Carillo, <a href="#P155">155</a>. - Carlisle House, Strand, <a href="#P264">264</a>, <a href="#P286">286</a>. - Carlos, Don (son of Philip II.), <a href="#P137">137</a>, <a href="#P141">141</a>. - Carr, Captain, killed at Lisbon, <a href="#P60">60</a>. - Carsey, Captain, killed at Lisbon, <a href="#P60">60</a>. - Cary, Robert, sent by Elizabeth to warn James of the Catholic plot, - <a href="#P202">202</a>. - Cascaes at the mouth of the Tagus, Drake at, <a href="#P62">62-3</a>, <a href="#P64">64</a>, <a href="#P66">66</a>, <a href="#P68">68</a>. - Castile, Admiral of, Prime Minister of Spain, <a href="#P295">295-8</a>. - Castro, Fernando de, <a href="#P56">56</a>. - Catharine de Medici, aids Dom Antonio, <a href="#P16">16</a>, <a href="#P18">18</a>. - Catharine of Lancaster, bride of the Prince of Castile, <a href="#P218">218</a>. - Cave, Sir Ambrose, gives a wedding feast at Durham Place, <a href="#P282">282-3</a>. - Cecil, Robert, first Earl of Salisbury, his house in the Strand, - <a href="#P264">264</a>; obtains Strand frontage of Durham Place, <a href="#P267">267</a>, <a href="#P286">286-7</a>. - Cecilia of Sweden, Margravine of Baden, at Durham Place, <a href="#P283">283-4</a>. - Cerralba, Marquis of, defends Corunna, <a href="#P31">31</a>. - Cervantes' burial-place, <a href="#P75">75-6</a>. - Challoner, Sir Thomas, English ambassador in Spain, <a href="#P274">274</a>. - Chambergo bat, <a href="#P254">254</a>. - Chapin-Vitelli, at Mons, <a href="#P99">99</a>. - Charles V., Emperor, his decrees against extravagance in dress, <a href="#P223">223-4</a>. - Charles II. of Spain (the Bewitched), his appearance, <a href="#P291">291</a>, <a href="#P296">296</a>; - his distress, <a href="#P297">297</a>; the exorcism, <a href="#P303">303</a> <i>passim</i>; death, <a href="#P319">319</a>. - Charles II. of Spain, his sumptuary decrees, <a href="#P255">255</a>. - Charles III. of Spain, his sumptuary decrees, <a href="#P257">257-9</a>. - Charles IV. of Spain, his sumptuary decrees, <a href="#P259">259-60</a>. - Charles Stuart's visit to Madrid, <a href="#P249">249-50</a>. - Chartres, Vidame de, <a href="#P276">276</a>. - Chatillon, French ambassador, at Durham Place, <a href="#P268">268</a>. - Chinchon, Count de, <a href="#P155">155</a>. - Churchill (1697), <a href="#P368">368-9</a>, <a href="#P370">370</a>. - Coaches, abuse in the use of, <a href="#P231">231-2</a>, <a href="#P242">242-3</a>, <a href="#P244">244</a>, <a href="#P256">256</a>. - Cobham, Lord, <a href="#P153">153</a>, <a href="#P284">284</a>. - Cobham, Lady, <a href="#P284">284-5</a> - Como, Cardinal, <a href="#P197">197</a>. - Copetes (topknots), decree against, <a href="#P253">253</a>. - Cordoba, Don Antonio de, mobbed in London, <a href="#P170">170</a>. - Cordoba, Cardinal, Inquisitor-General (Charles II.), <a href="#P316">316</a>; - poisoned, <a href="#P316">316</a>. - Cordoba, Pedro de, Chamberlain of Philip II., <a href="#P149">149</a>; mobbed in - London, <a href="#P170">170</a>. - Corunna, English attack upon, <a href="#P31">31-40</a>, <a href="#P45">45</a>. - Corunna, Philip II. at, <a href="#P144">144</a>; the Spanish fleet at, <a href="#P145">145-6</a>; Philip - II., departure from, to marry Mary, <a href="#P147">147</a>. - Cotes, Sebastian de, a conspirator against the Queen Marie Anne - of Neuberg, <a href="#P298">298</a>, - Coventry, Lord Keeper, at Durham Place, <a href="#P287">287</a>. - Clanking farthingales, <a href="#P251">251</a>, <a href="#P252">252</a>. - Clarencis, Mistress Susan, <a href="#P273">273</a>. - Clinton, Lord, <a href="#P153">153</a>. - Cloth manufactory in Spain, <a href="#P218">218</a>, <a href="#P224">224</a>, <a href="#P227">227</a>. - Creighton the Jesuit, his action in the plot against England, <a href="#P188">188</a>, - <a href="#P189">189</a>, <a href="#P201">201</a>. - Crisp, Provost-Marshal, <a href="#P51">51</a>. - Cromwell, Richard, at Durham Place, <a href="#P265">265</a>. - - - - D. - - Danes Court, Tilmanston, Kent, <a href="#P347">347</a> <i>passim</i>. - Darcy, Lord, <a href="#P153">153</a>. - D'Aubigny, Duke of Lennox, joins in the plot against England, - <a href="#P185">185</a>, <a href="#P188">188</a>, <a href="#P190">190</a>. - Derby, Earl of, <a href="#P149">149</a>, <a href="#P153">153</a>, <a href="#P160">160</a>, <a href="#P164">164</a>. - Derby, Earl of (1700), <a href="#P371">371</a>. - D'Este, Cardinal, <a href="#P197">197</a>. - Devereux, Walter (Essex's brother), <a href="#P41">41</a>. - Diaz, Cristobal, a Spanish captain in the English service, <a href="#P85">85</a>, <a href="#P90">90</a>. - Diaz, Froilan, the new confessor of Charles II., <a href="#P299">299</a>; his - participation in the exorcism, <a href="#P303">303</a> <i>passim</i>; confesses, <a href="#P316">316</a>; - arrested and escapes, <a href="#P317">317</a>; re-captured and imprisoned by the - Inquisitor-General, <a href="#P318">318-19</a>; released and made Bishop of Avila, <a href="#P320">320</a>. - Diaz de Lobo, Ruy, beheaded in Lisbon, <a href="#P57">57</a>. - Dormer, Jane, Countess of Feria, <a href="#P158">158</a>; at Durham Place <a href="#P268">268</a>, <a href="#P273">273</a>. - Drake, Sir Francis, commands the expedition against Portugal, <a href="#P9">9</a>, - <a href="#P23">23</a>, <a href="#P25">25</a>, <a href="#P26">26</a>, <a href="#P28">28</a>, <a href="#P29">29</a>, <a href="#P30">30</a>, <a href="#P31">31</a>, <a href="#P35">35</a>, <a href="#P39">39-43</a>, <a href="#P45">45-6</a>, <a href="#P62">62-3</a>, <a href="#P64">64</a>, <a href="#P66">66</a>, <a href="#P69">69</a>, <a href="#P71">71</a>. - Dryden, John, <a href="#P346">346</a>. - Dudley, Earl of Warwick and Duke of Northumberland, <a href="#P82">82</a>, <a href="#P91">91</a>, <a href="#P265">265-6</a>. - Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, at Durham Place, <a href="#P269">269</a>. - Dumblain, Bishop of, <a href="#P201">201</a>. - Durham Place, description of, in - Tudor times, <a href="#P270">270-2</a>. - - - - E. - - Ecclesiastical palaces in the Strand, <a href="#P264">264</a>. - Egmont's visit to Madrid, <a href="#P93">93</a>; his arrest and execution, <a href="#P94">94-5</a>. - Egmont, Count, at Durham Place, <a href="#P268">268</a>. - Egmont's visit to London to ratify Philip and Mary's marriage - contract, <a href="#P137">137</a>, <a href="#P139">139</a>; with Philip, <a href="#P140">140</a>, <a href="#P149">149</a>, <a href="#P155">155</a>. - Elder, John, his account of Philip and Mary's entrance into - London, <a href="#P125">125</a>. - Elizabeth's attitude towards Spain, <a href="#P179">179-80</a>. - Elizabeth of Valois, Queen of Spain, <a href="#P228">228</a>, <a href="#P231">231</a>. - Englefield, Sir Francis, English adviser of Philip II., <a href="#P190">190</a>. - English Catholic feeling against the Scots, <a href="#P190">190-1</a>, <a href="#P195">195-6</a>, <a href="#P198">198</a>. - English Catholics favour a purely Spanish attack on England, <a href="#P192">192</a>, <a href="#P193">193</a>. - English aggression against Spain, <a href="#P8">8</a>, <a href="#P182">182-3</a>. - English fashions, Spanish opinion of, <a href="#P157">157-8</a>, <a href="#P165">165-7</a>, <a href="#P171">171</a>. - English feeling after the Armada, <a href="#P7">7-8</a>. - English feeling against Philip's marriage with Mary, <a href="#P137">137</a>, <a href="#P169">169-74</a>. - English food, abundance of, <a href="#P167">167</a>. - English ladies, Spanish opinion of, <a href="#P157">157-8</a>, <a href="#P166">166</a>. - Enriquez, Pedro, his account of the marriage of Philip and - Mary, <a href="#P134">134-5</a> <i>passim</i>. - Essex, Earl of (Walter Devereux), at Durham Place, <a href="#P286">286</a>. - Essex, Robert, Earl of, flight from Court to join the Portuguese - expedition, <a href="#P27">27</a>; embarks on the <i>Swiftsure</i> and escapes, <a href="#P28">28-9</a>; the - Queen's rage thereat, <a href="#P28">28</a>, <a href="#P35">35</a>; joins the expedition at sea, <a href="#P41">41</a>; - lands at Peniche, <a href="#P43">43</a>; leads the vanguard, <a href="#P51">51-2</a>; at Lisbon, <a href="#P56">56</a>, - <a href="#P60">60</a>, <a href="#P64">64</a>; his humanity, <a href="#P66">66</a>; sends a challenge to the Spaniards, <a href="#P67">67-8</a>. - Ethrington, Captain, at Puente de Burgos, <a href="#P38">38</a>. - Expedition against Portugal: authorities hitherto known - respecting it, <a href="#P10">10</a>; new authorities now quoted, <a href="#P10">10</a>, <a href="#P11">11</a>, <a href="#P12">12</a>; its - constitution as a joint-stock enterprise, <a href="#P9">9</a>, <a href="#P18">18</a>, <a href="#P22">22-8</a>; its - strength, <a href="#P24">24-6</a>; difficulties, <a href="#P24">24-8</a>; finally sails, <a href="#P29">29</a>; attacks - Corunna, <a href="#P31">31-40</a>; alarm in Spain, <a href="#P30">30-3</a>, <a href="#P39">39-40</a>; the sacking of - Corunna, <a href="#P33">33-5</a>; arrival at Peniche, <a href="#P43">43-7</a>, <a href="#P51">51</a>; attack on Lisbon, - <a href="#P60">60-6</a>; withdrawal, <a href="#P63">63-8</a>; sails from Cascaes, <a href="#P70">70</a>; return to - England, <a href="#P71">71</a>; reasons for its failure, <a href="#P72">72</a>. - - - - F. - - Fadrique de Toledo, <a href="#P98">98</a>, <a href="#P100">100</a>, <a href="#P101">101</a>, <a href="#P103">103-4</a>. - Fashion in hair-dressing, <a href="#P250">250</a>, <a href="#P253">253-4</a>. - Fashion of dress in Spain in time of Philip II., <a href="#P230">230-4</a>; in the - time of Philip III., <a href="#P238">238-9</a>; in the time of Philip IV., <a href="#P247">247-54</a>. - Female extravagance in dress, Philip IV.'s fulmination against, - <a href="#P251">251-3</a>. - Fenner, Captain, with the English at Corunna, <a href="#P32">32</a>. - Ferdinand and Isabel, their decrees against gold and silver - tissues, <a href="#P220">220</a>; limiting the use of silk, <a href="#P221">221</a>. - Fernando de Toledo, prior, commands the Spanish army to - relieve Lisbon, <a href="#P30">30</a>, <a href="#P39">39</a>, <a href="#P61">61</a>. - Fernihurst (Gray, Laird of), <a href="#P185">185</a>. - Feria, Count de, <a href="#P140">140</a>, <a href="#P149">149</a>, <a href="#P155">155</a>; marries Jane Dormer, <a href="#P158">158</a>; - urges Philip to attack England, <a href="#P180">180</a>; at Durham Place, <a href="#P267">267-8</a>, - <a href="#P269">269</a>, <a href="#P272">272</a>, <a href="#P273">273</a>. - Feria, Countess de. <i>See</i> Dormer. - Figueroa, Spanish special envoy, <a href="#P149">149</a>. - Finch, Lord Keeper, at Durham Place, <a href="#P287">287</a>. - Fitzwalter, Lord, accompanies Bedford to Spain, <a href="#P137">137</a>, <a href="#P142">142</a>, <a href="#P143">143</a>; - in England, <a href="#P153">153</a>. - Fogge family of Danes Court, <a href="#P347">347</a> <i>passim</i>. - Fogge, Captain Christopher, <a href="#P347">347</a>. - Fogge, Edward, <a href="#P352">352</a>. - Fogge, John, of Danes Court, <a href="#P348">348</a>, <a href="#P352">352</a>, <a href="#P366">366-7</a>, <a href="#P368">368</a>, <a href="#P372">372</a>, <a href="#P375">375</a>. - Fogge, Richard, Cavalier, <a href="#P348">348</a>, <a href="#P352">352</a>. - Fogge, Richard, heir of Danes Court, <a href="#P351">351</a>, <a href="#P363">363</a>, <a href="#P366">366</a>, <a href="#P367">367</a>, <a href="#P375">375-6</a>. - Folch de Cardona, Antonio, a member of the Queen's party, - <a href="#P301">301</a>, <a href="#P313">313</a>, <a href="#P316">316</a>, <a href="#P318">318</a>. - Folch de Cardona, Lorenzo, Member of the Council of the - Inquisition, <a href="#P301">301</a>, <a href="#P313">313</a>, <a href="#P318">318-19</a>. - Fouldrey, Dalton-in-Furness, proposed place of landing for the - Spanish invasion, <a href="#P192">192</a>. - Francisco Fernando, the illegitimate son of Philip IV., <a href="#P328">328-41</a>. - French ambassador de Foix at Durham Place, <a href="#P282">282</a>. - French fashions, revolt against, in Spain, <a href="#P255">255</a>. - Froude's account of the marriage of Philip and Mary, <a href="#P126">126</a>, <a href="#P130">130</a>, - <a href="#P131">131</a> <i>passim</i>. - Fuentes, Count de, commands the Spaniards in Lisbon, <a href="#P55">55-6</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a>, - <a href="#P67">67</a>, <a href="#P72">72</a>. - Fulford, Captain, at Puente de Burgos, <a href="#P38">38</a>. - - - - G. - - Gafas (horn spectacles), <a href="#P254">254</a>. - Gage, Sir John, <a href="#P154">154</a>. - Gamboa, Sir Peter, a Spanish captain, murdered in London, - <a href="#P77">77</a>; enters the English service, <a href="#P82">82-3</a>; pensioned by Henry - VIII., <a href="#P86">86</a>; his treachery to Romero, <a href="#P88">88-9</a>; his brilliant - charge at Pinkie, <a href="#P90">90</a>. - Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#P155">155</a>, <a href="#P161">161</a>, <a href="#P174">174</a>. - Garter, the investure of Philip with, <a href="#P149">149</a>, <a href="#P150">150</a>. - Genlis' troops massacred at Mons, <a href="#P99">99</a>. - Germaine de Foix, Queen of Aragon, <a href="#P221">221</a>. - Gilimonas, the, leaders of the ladies' revolt against the - sumptuary decrees, <a href="#P252">252-3</a>. - Glimes, de, Flemish captain in the Spanish service, killed, <a href="#P109">109</a>. - Godolphin, Lord, <a href="#P373">373</a>. - Golilla, invention of the, <a href="#P248">248</a>, <a href="#P249">249</a>, <a href="#P255">255</a>, <a href="#P260">260</a>. - Gomez, Ruy, Philip II.'s favourite, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P149">149</a>. - Gonsalves de Ateide, commands the Spaniards at Peniche, <a href="#P42">42-3</a>. - Gonzaga, Cardinal, <a href="#P197">197</a>. - Goodwin, Captain, wounded at Corunna, <a href="#P35">35</a>. - Granada, Archbishop of, protests against Olivares leading Philip - IV. into dissipation, <a href="#P326">326-7</a>. - Granvelle, Cardinal de, his attitude towards the plot against - England, <a href="#P187">187</a>, <a href="#P189">189</a>. - Grey, Lady Jane, married at Durham Place, <a href="#P265">265</a>. - Grey, Lord, in command at Boulogne, <a href="#P81">81</a>. - Guaras, Antonio de, <a href="#P77">77</a>, <a href="#P88">88</a>. - Guarda-Infante (flattened farthingales), decrees against, <a href="#P251">251-3</a>. - Guedejas (side locks), <a href="#P250">250</a>; decrees against, <a href="#P253">253-4</a>. - Guevara, Captain, hanged for murder at Smithfield, <a href="#P77">77</a>. - Guise, Duke of, his plans against England, <a href="#P184">184</a> <i>passim</i>. - Gutierre, Lope de Padilla, sent to receive the English envoys, - <a href="#P139">139</a>, <a href="#P149">149</a>. - Guzman, Captain, at Torres Vedras, <a href="#P47">47</a>, <a href="#P51">51</a>, <a href="#P55">55</a>, <a href="#P70">70</a>. - Guzman, Diego de, Spanish ambassador in England, <a href="#P182">182</a>; at - Durham House, <a href="#P282">282</a>, <a href="#P285">285</a>. - - - H. - - Haarlem, siege of, <a href="#P102">102-4</a>. - Haddington, siege of, <a href="#P90">90</a>. - Hamilton, Lord Claude, appeals to Philip II., <a href="#P199">199</a>. - Haro, Juan de, a Spanish captain in the English service, <a href="#P78">78</a>, <a href="#P82">82</a>. - Hawkins, John, at Durham Place, <a href="#P269">269</a>. - Heneage, Sir Thomas, <a href="#P285">285</a>. - Henry, King-Cardinal of Portugal, <a href="#P12">12</a>, <a href="#P13">13</a>. - Henry IV. of Castile, <a href="#P219">219</a>. - Henry VIII. attacks Boulogne, <a href="#P79">79-81</a>; his death, <a href="#P90">90</a>. - Hinder, Captain, at Puente de Burgos, <a href="#P38">38</a>. - Holt, Father, the Jesuit, his action in the plot against England, <a href="#P186">186</a>. - Horn, Count, with Philip II. in England, <a href="#P149">149</a>, <a href="#P155">155</a>; his arrest - and execution, <a href="#P94">94-5</a>. - Hostages, French, in England, <a href="#P276">276</a>. - Household of an ambassador at Durham Place, <a href="#P274">274</a>. - Howard, Lord Admiral, with Philip and Mary, <a href="#P155">155</a>; proposes an - expedition to Portugal, <a href="#P9">9</a>. - Howard, Lord James (1696), <a href="#P366">366</a>. - Hugo's, Victor, distortion of history, <a href="#P294">294</a>. - Huntingdon, Earl of, sent by the Queen to seek Essex, <a href="#P28">28</a>. - Huntly, Colonel, at Corunna, <a href="#P33">33-4</a>. - Huntly, Earl of, appeals to Philip II., <a href="#P199">199</a>. - Hunsdon, Lord, <a href="#P284">284</a>. - - - - I. - - Infantado, Duke of, <a href="#P249">249</a>. - Ireland, the Armada on the coast of, <a href="#P5">5</a>. - Isassi Ydiaquez, Juan de, takes charge of the child of Philip - IV. (Francisco Fernando), <a href="#P328">328</a> <i>passim</i>. - Ivy Lane, Strand, <a href="#P263">263</a>, <a href="#P286">286</a>. - - - - J. - - Jaime I. of Aragon, his enactment against extravagance, <a href="#P211">211</a>. - James VI. of Scotland, plan to carry him to Spain, <a href="#P185">185</a>; his - duplicity, <a href="#P186">186</a>; his religion, <a href="#P186">186</a>, <a href="#P192">192</a>, <a href="#P193">193-5</a>, <a href="#P197">197</a>, <a href="#P201">201</a>. - Jara, near Lisbon, <a href="#P55">55</a>. - Jewels brought to England by Dom Antonio, <a href="#P14">14-17</a>. - John I. of Castile, his sumptuary decrees, <a href="#P218">218</a>. - John II. of Castile, <a href="#P219">219</a>. - Juana la Loca, Queen, <a href="#P141">141</a>; her sumptuary decree, <a href="#P222">222</a>. - Juan, Don, of Austria, <a href="#P114">114</a>, <a href="#P120">120</a>; seizes Namur, <a href="#P120">120</a>. - Juan Jos20160806500003farjeon, Don, of Austria, <a href="#P254">254</a>, <a href="#P292">292</a>, <a href="#P307">307</a>, <a href="#P340">340</a>. - Juan of Portugal, Philip's brother-in-law, death of, <a href="#P138">138</a>. - Julian, Captain. <i>See</i> Romero. - - - - K. - - Katharine of Aragon at Durham Place, <a href="#P266">266</a>. - Kett's rising, suppressed by the aid of Spanish mercenaries, <a href="#P77">77</a>. - Kildare, Earl of, <a href="#P164">164</a>. - Kingston, at Durham Place, <a href="#P265">265</a>. - Knollys, Francis, sent by the Queen to seek for Essex, <a href="#P27">27</a>. - - - - L. - - Lane, Colonel, at Lisbon, <a href="#P60">60</a>. - Leganes, Marquis de, a conspirator against the Queen Marie Anne - of Neuberg, <a href="#P298">298</a>. - Leicester, Earl of, and Dom Antonio's jewels, <a href="#P14">14</a>. <i>See also</i> - Dudley, Robert. - Lethington (William Maitland, Laird of), at Durham Place, <a href="#P269">269</a>. - Linen, manufacture of, in Spain, <a href="#P227">227</a>. - Lisbon, English attack on, <a href="#P45">45-6</a>; Spanish force fall back, <a href="#P47">47</a>; - terror in the city, <a href="#P47">47-50</a>, <a href="#P54">54-5</a>; attempts to betray the city, <a href="#P57">57-8</a>; - night attack on the English, <a href="#P60">60-61</a>; withdrawal of the - English, <a href="#P63">63-66</a>; distrust of the Spaniards, <a href="#P65">65</a>. - Lloyd, Andrew, "the author," <a href="#P363">363</a>, <a href="#P365">365</a>. - Lope de Vega, <a href="#P253">253</a>. - Lopez, Dr. Ruy, <a href="#P15">15</a>, <a href="#P17">17</a>. - Louvres, near Lisbon, <a href="#P55">55</a>. - Lumay, Count de la Mark, <a href="#P103">103</a>. - Lumley, Lord, at Durham Place, <a href="#P269">269</a>. - - - - M. - - Madrid in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, <a href="#P231">231-44</a>, - <a href="#P242">242-3</a>, <a href="#P251">251-5</a>. - Maineville, de, sent by Guise to Scotland, <a href="#P190">190-1</a>. - Margaret of Parma, <a href="#P93">93</a>. - Mariana, Queen Regent of Spain, <a href="#P254">254</a>, <a href="#P292">292</a>, <a href="#P307">307</a>. - Marie Anne of Neuberg, Queen of Spain, <a href="#P292">292</a>, <a href="#P295">295</a>, <a href="#P300">300</a>, <a href="#P301">301</a>; - discovers the exorcism, <a href="#P313">313-16</a>. - Marie Louise of Orleans, Queen of Spain, <a href="#P292">292</a>. - Marriage of Philip and Mary, feeling against it in England, <a href="#P137">137</a>, - <a href="#P167">167-74</a>; hard conditions imposed by the English, <a href="#P138">138</a>; great - preparations in Spain, <a href="#P140">140-1</a>; voyage of Philip, <a href="#P147">147-53</a>; his - first interview with Mary, <a href="#P154">154-7</a>; the ceremony at Winchester, <a href="#P160">160</a>; - the banquet, <a href="#P161">161-3</a>; after the marriage, <a href="#P164">164-74</a>. - Mary, Queen, her first present to Philip, <a href="#P139">139</a>; at Winchester, - <a href="#P152">152</a>; her presents to Philip, <a href="#P152">152-3</a>; her first interview with - Philip, <a href="#P154">154-7</a>; her appearance, <a href="#P156">156-7</a>; her splendour at the - marriage ceremony, <a href="#P160">160</a>; at the banquet, <a href="#P161">161-3</a>; her reception - of the Duchess of Alba, <a href="#P164">164</a>. - Mary Stuart, proposal to marry her to Don Carlos, <a href="#P181">181</a>; her - adhesion to Spain, <a href="#P184">184-5</a>, <a href="#P188">188-9</a>, <a href="#P196">196</a>, <a href="#P198">198</a>. - Mason, Sir John, <a href="#P91">91</a>. - Massino, Captain, attempt to murder him in the Strand, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P277">277</a>. - Master of Santiago, Regent of Castile, his denunciation of - extravagance in attire, <a href="#P220">220</a>. - Matilla, confessor to Charles II. of Spain, <a href="#P295">295</a>; his fall and - death, <a href="#P300">300-1</a>. - Matthew, Toby, Bishop of Durham, at Durham Place, <a href="#P267">267</a>. - Medici, Cardinal de, <a href="#P197">197</a>. - Medici, Pietro de, ordered to raise mercenaries for the Spanish - service, <a href="#P39">39</a>. - Medina Celi, Duke of, <a href="#P140">140</a>, <a href="#P155">155</a>; sent to replace Alba in the - Netherlands, <a href="#P98">98</a>. - Medina Sidonia, Duke of, his return to Spain from the Armada, <a href="#P5">5</a>. - Medkirk, Colonel, at Lisbon, <a href="#P60">60</a>. - Melino, Guise's envoy to the Pope, <a href="#P192">192</a>, <a href="#P196">196</a>. - Mendovi, Cardinal, <a href="#P201">201</a>. - Mendoza, Bishop of Segovia, Inquisitor-General (Charles II.), - <a href="#P317">317</a>; contest with the Inquisition, <a href="#P318">318-19</a>; dismissed, <a href="#P319">319</a>. - Mendoza, Bernardino de, Spanish ambassador in England and - France, <a href="#P14">14</a>, <a href="#P105">105</a>, <a href="#P186">186-9</a>, <a href="#P198">198-99</a>, <a href="#P200">200</a>. - Mendoza, Iñigo de, <a href="#P155">155</a>, <a href="#P162">162</a>. - Merino sheep introduced into Spain by Catharine of Lancaster, <a href="#P218">218</a>. - Middleburg besieged by the Gueux, <a href="#P107">107</a>; Romero's attempt - to relieve, <a href="#P107">107-10</a>. - Middleton, Captain, at Puente de Burgos, <a href="#P38">38</a>. - Milford Lane, Strand, <a href="#P263">263</a>. - Mondragon, Spanish commander in Middleburg, <a href="#P107">107-8</a>, <a href="#P119">119</a>. - Monins, Lady, of Waldeshare, <a href="#P350">350</a>, <a href="#P372">372-3</a>. - Montague, Viscount (Browne), at Durham Place, <a href="#P269">269</a>. - Monterey, Count, conspirator against the Queen Marie Anne - of Neuberg, <a href="#P298">298</a>. - Montigny, at Madrid, <a href="#P94">94</a>. - Montreuil, besieged by the English, <a href="#P79">79</a>, <a href="#P80">80</a>, <a href="#P81">81</a>; Romero's - duel at, <a href="#P83">83-6</a>. - Mora, Cristobal, deserts from the English service, <a href="#P82">82</a>; challenges - Gamboa, <a href="#P83">83</a>; his duel with Romero, <a href="#P83">83-6</a>. - Moors, sumptuary rules for, <a href="#P213">213</a>. - Morton, Earl of, <a href="#P185">185</a>. - Morton, Earl of (the younger), appeals to Philip II., <a href="#P199">199</a>. - Murder attempted from Durham Place, <a href="#P276">276-7</a>; escape of the - criminal by the water-gate, <a href="#P278">278</a>. - - - - N. - - Naarden, the massacre at, <a href="#P100">100-1</a>. - Nantouillet, Provost of Paris, a hostage in England, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P278">278</a>. - Navas, Marquis de, sent to England with Philip's first present - to Mary, <a href="#P139">139</a>, <a href="#P146">146</a>, <a href="#P148">148</a>, <a href="#P164">164</a>. - Negro, Sir Pero, a Spanish captain in England, <a href="#P78">78</a>, <a href="#P90">90</a>. - Noailles, de, French ambassador, his account of the marriage of - Philip and Mary, <a href="#P128">128-31</a>; his efforts against the match, <a href="#P130">130</a>, <a href="#P137">137</a>. - Norfolk, Duke of, besieges Montreuil, (1544) <a href="#P79">79-80</a>. - Norfolk, Duke of (1698), <a href="#P369">369</a>, <a href="#P371">371</a>. - Norris, Sir Edward, at Corunna, <a href="#P34">34</a>; wounded, <a href="#P38">38</a>. - Norris, Sir John, commands the land forces of the expedition - against Portugal, <a href="#P9">9</a>, <a href="#P23">23</a>, <a href="#P25">25</a>, <a href="#P26">26</a>, <a href="#P35">35-6</a>, <a href="#P41">41-3</a>, <a href="#P45">45-6</a>, <a href="#P51">51</a>, <a href="#P55">55</a>, - <a href="#P58">58</a>, <a href="#P62">62</a>; withdrawn from Lisbon, <a href="#P64">64-6</a>; arrival at Cascaes, <a href="#P66">66</a>. - North, Lord, <a href="#P153">153</a>. - Northumberland, Duke of, makes use of the Spaniards to overawe - Somerset, <a href="#P91">91</a>; dismisses them, <a href="#P91">91</a>. <i>See also</i> Dudley. - Nuñez, Cristobal, Dr., his orders for the rearing of a child - (Francisco Fernando), <a href="#P335">335-9</a>. - - - - O. - - Odonte, Francisco de, letter from Lisbon, <a href="#P58">58-9</a>. - Olivares, Chamberlain of Philip II., <a href="#P149">149</a>. - Olivares (the Count-Duke), Minister of Philip IV., <a href="#P247">247</a>, <a href="#P249">249</a>, <a href="#P326">326-7</a>; - his orders for the rearing of Philip's child, <a href="#P330">330-3</a>. - Olivares, Count de, Spanish ambassador in Rome, <a href="#P197">197</a>. - O'Neil, Shan, at Durham Place, <a href="#P269">269</a>, <a href="#P276">276</a>, <a href="#P281">281</a>. - Orange, Prince of, <a href="#P98">98</a>, <a href="#P105">105</a>, <a href="#P114">114</a>. - Orfeur, Captain (1698), <a href="#P354">354</a>, <a href="#P369">369</a>. - Oropesa, Count de, Spanish Minister, <a href="#P295">295</a>. - Osorio, Captain, <a href="#P109">109</a>. - Oviedo, Bishop of, refuses to participate in the exorcism, <a href="#P303">303</a>. - - - - P. - - Pacheco, Don Juan, <a href="#P165">165</a>. - Paget, Charles, Guise's envoy to England, <a href="#P192">192</a>. - Paramour, Mr., of Stratenborough, <a href="#P350">350</a>. - Parma, Duke of, his share in the defeat of the Armada, <a href="#P5">5</a>; his - negotiation with the Scotch Catholics, <a href="#P200">200</a>. - Pembroke, Earl of, <a href="#P152">152-3</a>, <a href="#P161">161</a>, <a href="#P164">164</a>; buys Durham Place (1640), <a href="#P287">287</a>. - Penalties for infraction of the sumptuary laws, <a href="#P214">214</a>, <a href="#P216">216-17</a>, - <a href="#P218">218</a>, <a href="#P241">241</a>, <a href="#P247">247</a>, <a href="#P256">256</a>. - Peniche, the English at, <a href="#P43">43-7</a>, <a href="#P51">51</a>. - Perez, Ensign, deserts to the Scots, <a href="#P90">90</a>. - Persons, Father Robert, the Jesuit, his action in the plot against - England, <a href="#P186">186</a>, <a href="#P198">198</a>, <a href="#P201">201</a>. - Pescara, Marquis de, <a href="#P140">140</a>, <a href="#P149">149</a>, <a href="#P155">155</a>. - Peter the Cruel of Castile, his sumptuary decrees, <a href="#P217">217-18</a>. - Pewry, rector of Knowlton, <a href="#P350">350</a>. - Philip II. accepts the match with Mary at his father's bidding, - <a href="#P138">138-9</a>; his journey to Valladolid, <a href="#P138">138</a>; splendour of his outfit, - <a href="#P140">140</a>; his reception of the English envoys, <a href="#P142">142-3</a>; splendid - departure from Corunna, <a href="#P144">144-7</a>; voyage and arrival in England, - <a href="#P147">147-9</a>; his gracious manner, <a href="#P148">148</a>; at Southampton, <a href="#P149">149-52</a>; - journey and arrival at Winchester, <a href="#P152">152-4</a>; his first interview - with the Queen, <a href="#P154">154-7</a>; his splendour at the wedding, <a href="#P160">160</a>; - at the marriage banquet, <a href="#P161">161-3</a>; his attention to Mary, <a href="#P166">166</a>; - his departure from England, <a href="#P174">174</a>. - Philip II., his reception of the news of the disaster of the - Armada, <a href="#P6">6</a>; his action on the news of the English expedition, <a href="#P30">30</a>, <a href="#P44">44</a>. - Philip II. and the Flemish nobles, <a href="#P93">93-4</a>. - Philip II. and the Portuguese succession, <a href="#P13">13</a>. - Philip II., his character, <a href="#P177">177</a>. - Philip II., his attitude towards England, <a href="#P8">8-9</a>, <a href="#P178">178-83</a>, <a href="#P184">184</a>, <a href="#P188">188</a>, - <a href="#P190">190-5</a>, <a href="#P197">197-8</a>, <a href="#P202">202</a>. - Philip II., his splendour in apparel, <a href="#P225">225-6</a>; his sumptuary - decrees, <a href="#P228">228</a>, <a href="#P229">229</a>, <a href="#P230">230</a>, <a href="#P234">234-5</a>. - Philip III., his sumptuary decrees, <a href="#P238">238-44</a>. - Philip IV., his appearance and character, <a href="#P323">323</a>; Spain under his - rule, <a href="#P234">234-5</a>; his youthful dissipation, <a href="#P326">326-7</a>; adventure in the - convent of San Placido, <a href="#P328">328</a>. - Philip IV., decrees against extravagances in apparel, <a href="#P247">247-54</a>. - Philip V. of Spain, his sumptuary decrees, <a href="#P255">255-6</a>. - Pole, Arthur, at Durham Place, <a href="#P269">269</a>, <a href="#P281">281</a>. - Pole, Cardinal, <a href="#P267">267</a>. - Portocarrero, Cardinal, forwards the intrigue against the Queen - Marie Anne of Neuberg, <a href="#P297">297</a> <i>passim</i>. - Portuguese succession, claimants to, <a href="#P12">12</a>, <a href="#P13">13</a>, <a href="#P14">14</a>. - Portuguese feeling towards the English expedition, <a href="#P43">43</a>, <a href="#P47">47-50</a>, <a href="#P53">53-5</a>. - Poulet, Earl (1700), <a href="#P373">373-5</a>. - Poynings, at Durham Place, <a href="#P265">265</a>. - Prior, Matthew, <a href="#P346">346</a>. - Puente de Burgos, fight at, <a href="#P38">38</a>. - - - - Q. - - Quadra, Bishop, urges Philip to make war on England, <a href="#P180">180</a>. - Quadra (Bishop of Aquila, Spanish ambassador) at Durham Place, - <a href="#P273">273</a>; complaints of his conduct, <a href="#P275">275</a>; facilitates the escape of a - criminal, <a href="#P277">277-8</a>; Cecil's attempt to dislodge him, <a href="#P278">278-9</a>; his - defence of his conduct, <a href="#P280">280-1</a>; expelled from Durham Place, <a href="#P281">281</a>. - Quevedo, <a href="#P253">253</a>. - - - - R. - - Raleigh, Sir Walter, <a href="#P28">28</a>, <a href="#P35">35</a>; at Durham Place, <a href="#P266">266</a>, <a href="#P267">267</a>, <a href="#P271">271</a>, <a href="#P286">286</a>. - Ravenstein, Austrian envoy, at Durham Place, <a href="#P273">273</a>. - Redondo, Count de, beheaded in Lisbon, <a href="#P67">67</a>. - Relations between England and Spain. <i>See</i> Spain. - Renard and the marriage of Philip and Mary, <a href="#P137">137</a>, <a href="#P148">148</a>; his plan to - marry Elizabeth to the Duke of Savoy, <a href="#P178">178</a>. - Requesens, Grand Commander, Alba's successor in the Netherlands, - <a href="#P107">107-10</a>, <a href="#P111">111</a>, <a href="#P114">114</a>. - Richmond, Philip and Mary at, <a href="#P166">166</a>. - Riots in Madrid against the sumptuary decrees, <a href="#P237">237</a>, <a href="#P252">252</a>, <a href="#P257">257-9</a>. - Rivalry between Spanish and French ambassadors, <a href="#P282">282-3</a>. - Robles, Gaspar de, his account of the siege of Haarlem, <a href="#P104">104</a>. - Rocaberti, Inquisitor-General (Charles II.), <a href="#P302">302</a>; his share in - the exorcism, <a href="#P303">303</a> <i>passim</i>; death, <a href="#P313">313</a>. - Rodas, Jerome, Spanish member of the Flemish Council, <a href="#P115">115</a>, - <a href="#P119">119</a>; his head demanded by the Flemings, <a href="#P120">120</a>. - Rome, intrigues in, respecting the invasion of England, <a href="#P197">197-201</a>. - Romero, Julian, his origin, <a href="#P78">78-9:</a> enters the English service, <a href="#P82">82</a>; - sent to Scotland, <a href="#P82">82</a>; at Calais, <a href="#P83">83</a>; accepts Mora's challenge to - Gamboa, <a href="#P83">83</a>; the duel, <a href="#P83">83-6</a>; rewarded by the kings of France - and England, <a href="#P86">86</a>; in London, <a href="#P87">87</a>; arrested for debt, <a href="#P87">87-8</a>; - accused of treason, <a href="#P88">88-9</a>; at Pinkie and Leith, <a href="#P90">90</a>; dismissed - the English service, <a href="#P91">91</a>; surrenders Dinant to the French, - <a href="#P92">92</a>; bravery at St. Quintin, <a href="#P92">92</a>; in Italy, <a href="#P93">93</a>; sent to Flanders, - <a href="#P93">93</a>; aids in the arrest of Egmont, <a href="#P94">94-5</a>; his severity, - <a href="#P95">95-6</a>; returns to Spain, <a href="#P95">95-6</a>; rumoured intention of attacking - England, <a href="#P97">97</a>; again sent to Flanders, <a href="#P98">98</a>; at Mons, <a href="#P98">98-9</a>; - his account of affairs in the Netherlands, <a href="#P99">99</a>; his cruelty at - Naarden, <a href="#P100">100-1</a>; his behaviour at Haarlem, <a href="#P102">102-4</a>; his march - of vengeance through Holland, <a href="#P105">105</a>; begs for leave to return - home, <a href="#P106">106</a>, <a href="#P111">111</a>; his unsuccessful attempt to relieve Middleburg, - <a href="#P107">107-10</a>; his letter to Requesens, <a href="#P112">112-13</a>; again in the Netherlands, - <a href="#P114">114</a>; sent by the Flemish Council to pacify the mutinous - Spaniards, <a href="#P115">115</a>; his share in the "Spanish Fury," <a href="#P116">116-20</a>; his - head demanded by the Flemings, <a href="#P120">120</a>; marches out of Flanders, <a href="#P120">120</a>; - to return from Italy in command, <a href="#P120">120</a>; dies on the way, <a href="#P120">120</a>. - Romney, Earl of (1697), <a href="#P368">368</a>. - Ronquillo, Francisco, a conspirator against the Queen Marie Anne - of Neuberg, <a href="#P298">298</a>, <a href="#P302">302</a>. - Ruffs, decrees against, <a href="#P243">243-5</a>. - Rusticucci, Cardinal, <a href="#P197">197</a>. - Ruthven, Raid of, <a href="#P190">190</a>. - Rutland, Earl of, <a href="#P153">153</a>. - - - - S. - - Saint Ferdinand, King, in Seville, <a href="#P212">212</a>. - Salablanca, a Spanish captain at Boulogne, <a href="#P81">81</a>. - Sampson, Captain, at Corunna, <a href="#P33">33</a>. - San Anton, gate of, Lisbon, <a href="#P60">60</a>. - Sancho de Avila, Spanish commander in Flanders, <a href="#P76">76</a>; at Egmont's - arrest, <a href="#P94">94</a>; in the Spanish fury, <a href="#P116">116-20</a>; his head demanded - by the Flemings, <a href="#P120">120</a>. - Sancho Bravo, Spanish officer in Lisbon, <a href="#P59">59-60</a>, <a href="#P65">65</a>. - <i>San Felipe</i>, galleon captured by Drake, <a href="#P8">8-9</a>. - San Roque, monastery, Lisbon, <a href="#P60">60</a>. - Santa Cruz defeats Strozzi at the Azores, <a href="#P16">16</a>, <a href="#P18">18</a>; offers to invade - England, <a href="#P194">194</a>, <a href="#P200">200</a>, <a href="#P202">202</a>. - Santa Catalina, gate of, Lisbon, <a href="#P60">60</a>. - Santander, arrival of the Armada in, <a href="#P5">5</a>. - Santiago, Philip's reception at, <a href="#P142">142-3</a>. - Santorio, Cardinal, <a href="#P197">197</a>. - Sanzio, Cardinal, <a href="#P197">197</a>, <a href="#P201">201</a>. - Savoy, the, Strand, <a href="#P264">264</a>. - Scottish Catholics appeal to Philip, <a href="#P186">186-9</a>, <a href="#P199">199</a>; proposal to invade - England in the interest of Spain, <a href="#P199">199-200</a>. - Sebastian, King of Portugal, <a href="#P12">12</a>. - Seymour, at Durham Place, <a href="#P265">265</a>; grants Durham Place to Elizabeth, - <a href="#P265">265</a>. <i>See also</i> Somerset. - Shrewsbury, Earl of (1689), <a href="#P359">359</a>. - Sidney, Colonel, at Puente de Burgos, <a href="#P38">38</a>. - Sidney, Lady, at Durham Place, <a href="#P269">269</a>. - Silk manufactory in Spain, <a href="#P220">220-1</a>, <a href="#P224">224</a>, <a href="#P227">227</a>. - Sirleto, Cardinal, <a href="#P197">197</a>. - Sixtus V., Pope, subsidises the Armada, <a href="#P5">5</a>; joins in the plot - against England, <a href="#P196">196-203</a>. - Somerset, Protector, <a href="#P90">90-1</a>. - Sotomayor, Inquisitor-General, rebukes Philip IV. for his - sacreligious amour, <a href="#P329">329</a>. - Southampton, the landing of Philip II. at, <a href="#P149">149</a>. - Spain, relations with England, <a href="#P177">177</a> <i>passim</i>. - Spaniards, their discontent at their position in England with Philip - II., <a href="#P153">153</a>, <a href="#P161">161</a>, <a href="#P164">164-7</a>, <a href="#P168">168</a>, <a href="#P169">169</a>, <a href="#P170">170</a>, <a href="#P171">171-4</a>. - Spanish accounts of the coming of Philip to England, <a href="#P132">132-7</a>. - Spanish extravagance in dress, <a href="#P223">223-4</a>, <a href="#P229">229</a>, <a href="#P245">245</a>, <a href="#P249">249</a>. - Spanish Fury, the, <a href="#P115">115-20</a>. - Spanish mercenaries in the English service, <a href="#P77">77-8</a>; at Boulogne, - <a href="#P80">80-4</a>; fresh bodies recruited, <a href="#P82">82</a>; sent to Scotland, <a href="#P82">82-3</a>; at - Boulogne and Calais, <a href="#P83">83-4</a>; sent to Scotland, <a href="#P89">89-90</a>. - Spanish nation clamours for revenge for the defeat of the - Armada, <a href="#P6">6-7</a>. - Spanish troops in Flanders mutiny for pay, <a href="#P114">114-15</a>; plot to seize - Brussels, <a href="#P115">115</a>; massacres at Alost, &c., <a href="#P115">115-16</a>; the Spanish - Fury, <a href="#P117">117-20</a>; marched out of Flanders, <a href="#P120">120</a>. - Spanish succession, intrigues respecting, <a href="#P292">292-4</a>. - Spencer, Master of the Ordnance at Corunna, <a href="#P34">34</a>. - Spes, Guerau de, Spanish ambassador, <a href="#P182">182</a>. - Squillaci, Marquis de (Esquilache), his attempt to suppress the - Chambergo and cloak, <a href="#P257">257-9</a>. - Stanhope, his letters from Spain about Charles the Bewitched, - <a href="#P291">291</a>, <a href="#P296">296</a>, <a href="#P304">304</a>. - Stourton, Deputy-Governor of Windsor (1700), <a href="#P368">368-9</a>, <a href="#P371">371</a>. - Strand, the, in Tudor times, <a href="#P264">264</a>, <a href="#P270">270-1</a>. - Strand Lane, <a href="#P263">263</a>. - Strange, Lord, <a href="#P153">153</a>, <a href="#P161">161</a>. - Stukeley, Thomas, his proposed invasion of Ireland, <a href="#P96">96-7</a>; at - Durham Place, <a href="#P269">269</a>. - Suffolk, Duke of (Brandon), <a href="#P80">80</a>. - Sumptuary enactments in England, <a href="#P208">208</a>. - Sumptuary enactments in Spain, <a href="#P208">208</a> <i>passim</i>. - Surrey, Earl of, <a href="#P153">153</a>. - Sussex, Countess of, <a href="#P284">284</a>. - <i>Swiftsure</i>, the, sails surreptitiously with Essex on board, <a href="#P28">28</a>, - <a href="#P35">35</a>, <a href="#P41">41</a>. - Sydenham, Captain, sad death of, at Corunna, <a href="#P37">37</a>. - - - - T. - - Talbot, Lord, <a href="#P153">153</a>. - Tassis, J. B., Spanish ambassador in France, <a href="#P185">185</a>, <a href="#P188">188</a>, <a href="#P194">194-5</a>. - Taverns in London (1693), <a href="#P353">353-5</a>, <a href="#P356">356-7</a>, <a href="#P360">360</a> - Thomas, Timothy, M.A., headmaster of Sandwich School, <a href="#P351">351</a>. - Throgmorton's plot, discovery of, <a href="#P195">195</a>. - Titles, decree of Philip II. against, <a href="#P236">236-7</a>, <a href="#P242">242</a>. - Torres Vedras, on the road to Lisbon, <a href="#P51">51-2</a>. - Trains, decree against, <a href="#P216">216</a>. - Treason against Elizabeth at Durham Place, <a href="#P269">269</a>, <a href="#P273">273</a>. - Tunstal, Bishop of Durham, at Durham Place, <a href="#P266">266-7</a>. - - - - U. - - Umpton, Colonel, at Corunna, <a href="#P33">33</a>. - Underhyll, Edward, the hot-gospeller, at Queen Mary's wedding, - <a href="#P126">126</a>, <a href="#P161">161-2</a>. - Urraca, Juan Antonio, a conspirator against the Queen Marie - Anne of Neuberg, <a href="#P298">298</a>. - - - - V. - - Valenzuela, favourite of Mariana, Queen Regent of Spain, <a href="#P309">309</a>. - Valladolid, rejoicing and mourning at, <a href="#P138">138</a>; Philip's departure - from, <a href="#P141">141</a>. - Van Dyk, Mr. (1700), <a href="#P371">371</a>. - Vargas, Alonso de, Spanish commander in Flanders, <a href="#P115">115-16</a>, <a href="#P117">117</a>. - Vigo burnt by the English, <a href="#P70">70</a>. - Vina Dorta, Count de, pursues the English, <a href="#P65">65-6</a>. - Villanueva Geronimo, Minister of Philip IV., <a href="#P328">328</a>; punished by - the Inquisition for sacrilege, <a href="#P329">329</a>, <a href="#P339">339</a>. - Villa Sirga, Sir Alonso, a Spanish captain murdered in London, - <a href="#P77">77</a>, <a href="#P90">90</a>. - - - - W. - - Waldershare Park, <a href="#P350">350</a>, <a href="#P372">372-3</a>. - Walloon collars, <a href="#P247">247-8</a>. - Walsingham, Secretary, <a href="#P9">9</a>, <a href="#P15">15</a>, <a href="#P35">35</a>, <a href="#P97">97</a>. - Wedding feasts, decrees against extravagance at, <a href="#P213">213</a>, <a href="#P216">216</a>. - William III., death of, <a href="#P372">372</a>. - Williams, Sir Roger, aids Essex to escape, <a href="#P28">28</a>, <a href="#P35">35</a>, <a href="#P41">41</a>; takes - part in the attack on Lisbon, <a href="#P42">42</a>, <a href="#P51">51-2</a>, <a href="#P56">56-8</a>, <a href="#P64">64</a>, <a href="#P68">68</a>. - Williams of Thame, Sir John, <a href="#P149">149</a>. - Willoughby, Lord, <a href="#P153">153</a>. - Winchester, Marquis of, <a href="#P153">153</a>, <a href="#P162">162</a>; at Durham Place, <a href="#P269">269</a>. - Windebank, Captain, <a href="#P107">107</a>. - Wingfield's account of the Portuguese expedition, <a href="#P10">10</a> <i>passim</i>. - Wingfield, Anthony, at Puente de Burgos, <a href="#P38">38</a>. - Wingfield, Sir Edward, <a href="#P41">41</a>. - Wingfield, Captain Richard, <a href="#P33">33</a>. - Woodward, Parson (1700), <a href="#P375">375</a>. - Worcester, Earl of, <a href="#P153">153</a>. - Wotton, Dr., <a href="#P92">92</a>. - Wyatt's rebellion, <a href="#P128">128</a>, <a href="#P137">137</a>. - - - - Y. - - Yorke, Colonel, at Corunna, <a href="#P37">37</a>; at Lisbon, <a href="#P55">55</a>, <a href="#P60">60</a>. - - - Z. - - Zeeland lost to Spain, <a href="#P110">110</a>. -</pre> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="capcenter"> -<a id="img-388"></a> -<img class="imgcenter" src="images/img-388.jpg" alt="Tailpiece" /> -<br /> -Tailpiece -</p> - -<p><br /><br /></p> - -<p class="t4"> - UNWIN BROTHERS, THE GRESHAM PRESS, WOKING AND LONDON.<br /> -</p> - -<p><br /><br /><br /></p> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The Year after the Armada, by Martin A. 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