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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6b740df --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #53526 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/53526) diff --git a/old/53526-8.txt b/old/53526-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 0702c14..0000000 --- a/old/53526-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,6848 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Cardinal Wolsey, by Mandell Creighton - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Cardinal Wolsey - -Author: Mandell Creighton - -Release Date: November 14, 2016 [EBook #53526] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CARDINAL WOLSEY *** - - - - -Produced by Cathy Maxam, Chris Pinfield and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - -Transcriber's Note. - -Apparent typographical errors have been corrected. The use of hyphens -and of accents has been rationalised. - -Italics are indicated by _underscores_ and black letter font by =equal -signs=. Small capitals have been replaced by full capitals. An "oe" -ligature has been removed. - - - - - =Twelve English Statesmen= - - CARDINAL WOLSEY - - [Illustration: Publisher's Mark] - - - - - CARDINAL WOLSEY - BY - MANDELL CREIGHTON - - BISHOP OF LONDON - M.A. OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE, D.C.L. OF DURHAM - LL.D. OF GLASGOW AND HARVARD - - MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED - ST. MARTIN'S STREET. LONDON - 1912 - - - _First Edition April_ 1888 - _Reprinted_ 1888, 1891, 1895, 1898, 1902, 1904, 1906 (_twice_), 1912 - - - - - CONTENTS - - - PAGE - CHAPTER I - THE STATE OF EUROPE, 1494-1512 1 - - CHAPTER II - THE FRENCH ALLIANCE, 1512-1515 18 - - CHAPTER III - THE UNIVERSAL PEACE, 1515-1518 35 - - CHAPTER IV - THE FIELD OF THE CLOTH OF GOLD, 1518-1520 51 - - CHAPTER V - THE CONFERENCE OF CALAIS, 1520-1521 66 - - CHAPTER VI - THE IMPERIAL ALLIANCE, 1521-1523 84 - - CHAPTER VII - RENEWAL OF PEACE, 1523-1527 101 - - CHAPTER VIII - WOLSEY'S DOMESTIC POLICY 123 - - CHAPTER IX - THE KING'S DIVORCE, 1527-1529 150 - - CHAPTER X - THE FALL OF WOLSEY, 1529-1530 184 - - CHAPTER XI - THE WORK OF WOLSEY 211 - - - - - CHAPTER I - THE STATE OF EUROPE - 1494-1512 - - -All men are to be judged by what they do, and the way in which they do -it. In the case of great statesmen there is a third consideration which -challenges our judgment--what they choose to do. This consideration only -presents itself in the case of great statesmen, and even then is not -always recognised. For the average statesman does from day to day the -business which has to be done, takes affairs as he finds them, and makes -the best of them. Many who deliberately selected the questions with -which they dealt have yet shrunk from the responsibility of their -choice, and have preferred to represent their actions as inevitable. Few -can claim the credit of choosing the sphere of their activity, of -framing a connected policy with clear and definite ends, and of applying -their ideas to every department of national organisation. In short, -statesmen are generally opportunists, or choose to represent themselves -as such; and this has been especially the case with English -statesmen--amongst whom Wolsey stands out as a notable exception. For -Wolsey claims recognition on grounds which apply to himself alone. His -name is not associated with any great achievement, he worked out no -great measure of reform, nor did he contribute any great political idea -which was fruitful in after days. He was, above all things, a practical -man, though he pursued a line of policy which few understood, and which -he did not stop to make intelligible. No very definite results came of -it immediately, and the results which came of it afterwards were not -such as Wolsey had designed. Yet, if we consider his actual -achievements, we are bound to admit that he was probably the greatest -political genius whom England has ever produced; for at a great crisis -of European history he impressed England with a sense of her own -importance, and secured for her a leading position in European affairs, -which since his days has seemed her natural right. - -Thus Wolsey is to be estimated by what he chose to do rather than by -what he did. He was greater than his achievements. Yet Wolsey's -greatness did not rise beyond the conditions of his own age, and he left -no legacy of great thought or high endeavour. The age in which he lived -was not one of lofty aspirations or noble aims; but it was one of large -designs and restless energy. No designs were cast in so large a mould as -were those of Wolsey; no statesman showed such skill as he did in -weaving patiently the web of diplomatic intrigue. His resources were -small, and he husbanded them with care. He had a master who only dimly -understood his objects, and whose personal whims and caprices had always -to be conciliated. He was ill supplied with agents. His schemes often -failed in detail; but he was always ready to gather together the broken -threads and resume his work without repining. In a time of universal -restlessness and excitement Wolsey was the most plodding, the most -laborious, and the most versatile of those who laboured at statecraft. - -The field of action which Wolsey deliberately chose was that of foreign -policy, and his weapons were diplomacy. The Englishmen of his time were -like the Englishmen of to-day, and had little sympathy with his objects. -Those who reaped the benefits of his policy gave him no thanks for it, -nor did they recognise what they owed to him. Those who exulted in the -course taken by the English Reformation regarded Wolsey as its bitterest -foe, and never stopped to think that Wolsey trained the hands and brains -which directed it; that Wolsey inspired England with the proud feeling -of independence which nerved her to brave the public opinion of Europe; -that Wolsey impressed Europe with such a sense of England's greatness -that she was allowed to go her own way, menaced but unassailed. The -spirit which animated the England of the sixteenth century was due in no -small degree to the splendour of Wolsey's successes, and to the way in -which he stamped upon men's imagination a belief in England's greatness. -If it is the characteristic of a patriot to believe that nothing is -beyond the power of his country to achieve, then Wolsey was the most -devoted patriot whom England ever produced. - -When Wolsey came to power England was an upstart trying to claim for -herself a decent position in the august society of European states. It -was Wolsey's cleverness that set her in a place far above that which she -had any right to expect. For this purpose Wolsey schemed and intrigued; -when one plan failed he was always ready with another. It mattered -little what was the immediate object which he had in hand; it mattered -much that in pursuing it he should so act as to increase the credit of -England, and create a belief in England's power. Diplomacy can reckon -few abler practitioners than was Wolsey. - -There is little that is directly ennobling in the contemplation of such -a career. It may be doubted if the career of any practical statesman can -be a really ennobling study if we have all its activity recorded in -detail. At the best it tells us of much which seems disingenuous if not -dishonest--much in which nobility of aim or the complexity of affairs -has to be urged in extenuation of shifty words and ambiguous actions. - -The age in which Wolsey lived was immoral in the sense in which all -periods are immoral, when the old landmarks are disappearing and there -is no certainty about the future. Morality in individuals and in states -alike requires an orderly life, a perception of limits, a pursuit of -definite ends. When order is shattered, when limits are removed, when -all things seem possible, then political morality disappears. In such a -condition was Europe at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The old -ideas, on which the mediæval conception of Christendom depended, were -passing away. No one any longer regarded Christendom as one great -commonwealth, presided over by Pope and Emperor, who were the guardians -of international law and arbiters of international relations. The Empire -had long ceased to exercise any control, because it was destitute of -strength. The Papacy, after vainly endeavouring to unite Europe round -the old cry of a crusade against the Turk, had discovered that there was -no European power on which it could rely for support. The old ideas were -gone, the old tribunals were powerless, the old bonds of European union -were dissolved. - -The first result of this decay in the mediæval state-system of Europe -was the emergence of vague plans of a universal monarchy. The Empire and -the Papacy had harmonised with the feudal conception of a regulative -supremacy over vassals who were free to act within the limits of their -obligations to their superior lord. When the old superiors were no -longer recognised, the idea of a supremacy still remained; but there was -no other basis possible for that supremacy than a basis of universal -sovereignty. It was long before any state was sufficiently powerful to -venture on such a claim; but the end of the fifteenth century saw France -and Spain united into powerful kingdoms. In France, the policy of Louis -XI. succeeded in reducing the great feudatories, and established the -power of the monarchy as the bond of union between provinces which were -conscious of like interests. In Spain, the marriage of Ferdinand and -Isabella united a warlike people who swept away the remains of the -Moorish kingdom. Germany, though nominally it recognised one ruler, had -sacrificed its national kingship to the futile claims of the Empire. The -emperor had great pretensions, but was himself powerless, and the German -princes steadily refused to lend him help to give reality to his -high-sounding claims. Unconsciously to themselves, the rulers of France -and Spain were preparing to attempt the extension of their power over -the rest of Europe. - -France under Charles VIII. was the first to give expression to this new -idea of European politics. The Italian expedition of Charles VIII. -marked the end of the Middle Ages, because it put forth a scheme of -national aggrandisement which was foreign to mediæval conceptions. The -scheme sounded fantastic, and was still cast in the mould of mediæval -aspirations. The kingdom of Naples had long been in dispute between the -houses of Arragon and Anjou. As heir to the Angevin line, Charles VIII. -proposed to satisfy national pride by the conquest of Naples. Then he -appealed to the old sentiment of Christendom by proclaiming his design -of advancing against Constantinople, expelling the Turk from Europe, and -realising the ideal of mediæval Christianity by planting once more the -standard of the Cross upon the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem. - -The first part of his plan succeeded with a rapidity and ease that -bewildered the rest of Europe. The French conquest of Naples awakened -men to the danger which threatened them. France, as ruler of Naples, -could overrun the rest of Italy, and as master of the Pope could use the -authority of the head of Christendom to give legitimacy to further -schemes of aggression. A sense of common danger drew the other powers of -Europe together; and a League of Spain, the Empire, the Pope, Milan, and -Venice forced Charles VIII. to retire from Naples (1495), where the -French conquests were rapidly lost. A threat of his return next year led -to an emphatic renewal of the League and an assertion of the basis on -which it rested--"the mutual preservation of states, so that the more -powerful might not oppress the less powerful, and that each should keep -what rightly belongs to him." - -This League marks a new departure in European affairs. There was no -mention of the old ideas on which Europe was supposed to rest. There was -no recognition of papal or imperial supremacy; no principle of European -organisation was laid down. The existing state of things was to be -maintained, and the contracting powers were to decide amongst themselves -what rights and claims they thought fit to recognise. Such a plan might -be useful to check French preponderance at the moment, but it was fatal -to the free development of Europe. The states that were then powerful -might grow in power; those that were not yet strong were sure to be -prevented from growing stronger. Dynastic interests were set up as -against national interests. European affairs were to be settled by -combinations of powerful states. - -The results of this system were rapidly seen. France, of course, was -checked for the time; but France, in its turn, could enter the League -and become a factor in European combinations. The problem now for -statesmen was how to use this concert of Europe for their own interests. -Dynastic considerations were the most obvious means of gaining powerful -alliances. Royal marriages became matters of the greatest importance, -because a lucky union of royal houses might secure a lasting -preponderance. The Emperor Maximilian married his son Philip to a -daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. Death removed the nearer heirs to -the Spanish rulers, and the son of Philip was heir to Austria, the -Netherlands, and the Spanish kingdoms. The notion of a maintenance of -European equilibrium faded away before such a prospect. - -This prospect, however, was only in the future. For the present there -was an opportunity for endless scheming. The European League for the -preservation of the existing state of things resisted any expansion on -the part of smaller states, but encouraged compacts for aggression -amongst the more powerful. France, Spain, and Germany had each of them a -national existence, while Italy consisted of a number of small states. -If Italy was to survive it was necessary that she should follow the -example of her powerful neighbours, and consolidate herself as they had -done. The only state which was at that time likely to unite Italy was -Venice; and Venice, in consequence, became the object of universal -jealousy. The concert of Europe was applied to the Venetian question, -and discovered a solution of the simplest sort. Instead of allowing -Venice to unite Italy, it was judged better to divide Venice. A secret -agreement was made between Spain, France, the Emperor, and the Pope that -they would attack Venice simultaneously, deprive her of her possessions, -and divide them amongst themselves. There was no lack of claims and -titles to the possessions which were thus to be acquired. The powers of -Europe, being judges in their own cause, could easily state their -respective pleas and pronounce each other justified. The League of -Cambrai, which was published at the end of 1508, was the first great -production of the new system of administering public law in Europe. - -Anything more iniquitous could scarcely be conceived. Venice deserved -well at the hands of Europe. She had developed a great system of -commerce with the East; she was the chief bulwark against the advance of -the Turkish power; she was the one refuge of Italian independence. Those -very reasons marked her out for pillage by the powers who, claiming to -act in the interests of Europe, interpreted these interests according to -their own selfishness. Each power hoped to appropriate some of the -profits of Venetian commerce; each power wished for a slice of the -domains of Italy. What the Turk did was a matter of little consequence; -he was not the object of immediate dread. - -This League of Cambrai witnessed the assimilation by the new system of -the relics of the old. Imperial and papal claims were set in the -foreground. Venice was excommunicated by the Pope, because she had the -audacity to refuse to give up to him at once his share of the booty. The -iniquities of the European concert were flimsily concealed by the rags -of the old system of the public law of Europe, which only meant that the -Pope and the Emperor were foremost in joining in the general scramble. -France was first in the field against Venice, and consequently France -was the chief gainer. Pope Julius II., having won from Venice all that -he could claim, looked with alarm on the increase of the French power in -Italy. As soon as he had satisfied himself, and had reduced Venice to -abject submission, his one desire was to rid himself of his troublesome -allies. The papal authority in itself could no longer influence European -politics; but it could give a sanction to new combinations which -interested motives might bring about. With cynical frankness the Papacy, -powerless in its own resources, used its privileged position to further -its temporal objects. We cannot wonder that Louis XII. of France tried -to create a schism, and promoted the holding of a general council. We -are scarcely surprised that the fantastic brain of the Emperor -Maximilian formed a scheme of becoming the Pope's coadjutor, and finally -annexing the papal to the imperial dignity. On every side the old -landmarks of Europe were disappearing, and the future was seen to belong -to the strong hand and the adventurous wit. - -During the reign of Henry VII. England had stood aloof from these -complicated intrigues. Indeed England could not hope to make her voice -heard in the affairs of Europe. The weak government of Henry VI., and -the struggles between the Yorkist and Lancastrian factions, had reduced -her to political exhaustion. While France and Spain had grown into -strong kingdoms, England had dwindled into a third-rate power. Henry -VII. had enough to do in securing his own throne against pretenders, and -in reducing the remnants of the feudal nobility to obedience. He so far -worked in accordance with the prevailing spirit that he steadily -increased the royal power. He fell in with the temper of the time, and -formed matrimonial alliances which might bear political fruits. He gave -his daughter in marriage to the King of Scotland, in the hopes of -thereby bringing the Scottish Crown into closer relation with England. -He sought for a connexion with Spain by marrying his eldest son Arthur -to Katharine, a daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, and on Arthur's -untimely death Katharine became the wife of his next son Henry. Further, -Henry VII. gave his general approval to the League of 1496; he joined -it, but would promise no armed aid nor money. In short, he did enough to -claim for England a place in the new system of the European -commonwealth, though he himself declined to take any active part in the -activity that was consequently developed. He was old before his years, -and was unequal to any additional labour. He had saved his reputation by -his cautious and skilful policy at home. The statesmen of Europe -respected him for what he had done already, but they did not expect him -to do anything more. He had secured his dynasty, reduced his lands to -order, favoured its commerce, and secured for it peace. He had lived -frugally and had saved money, which was not the fortune of the more -adventurous princes. England was looked upon with an eye of -condescending favour by the great powers of Europe. Her population was -small, about three millions and a half; her military forces had not been -trained in the new methods of European warfare; her navy was not kept up -on a war footing. She could not rank higher than a third-rate power. - -So England stood when Henry VII. died, and was succeeded by his son -Henry VIII., a youth of nineteen. We may indulge ourselves, if we -choose, in speculations on the probable effects if Henry VIII. had been -content to pursue his father's policy. The picture of England, peaceful -and contented while the rest of Europe is engaged in wasteful and wicked -war, is attractive as an ideal in English politics. England in the -sixteenth century might have stood aloof from European affairs, and -might have prospered in her own fashion. But one thing is certain, that -she would never have become the England of to-day; the New World, and -the possessions of the British Empire, would have been divided between -France and Spain; the course of civilisation would have been widely -different. For good or for evil the fortunes of England were given a -decided direction by Henry VIII.'s advance into the sphere of European -politics. England took up a position from which she could not afterwards -retire. - -It is scarcely worth while to inquire if Henry VIII. could by prudence -and caution have continued to keep clear of the complications of -European politics, and make England strong by husbanding its resources -and developing its commerce. Such a course of action was not deemed -possible by any one. All classes alike believed that national prosperity -followed upon the assertion of national power. The commercial interests -of England would have had little chance of being respected unless they -were connected with political interests as well. If Henry VIII. had -lived frugally like his father, and avoided adventurous schemes for -which he needed the money of his people, the English monarchy would have -become a despotism, and the royal will would have been supreme in all -internal affairs. England was not exposed to this danger. Henry VIII., -when he ascended the throne at the age of nineteen, was fully imbued by -the spirit of his time. The story goes that when Leo X. was elected Pope -he turned to his brother and said with a smile, "Let us enjoy the -Papacy, since God has given it to us." Henry VIII. was resolved to enjoy -his kingship to the full; he wished to show Europe that he was every -inch a king, and equal to the best. - -Henry VIII. in his early days had been educated with a view to high -ecclesiastical preferment, and was a youth of many accomplishments of -mind and body. His tall stalwart frame, his fair round face and -profusion of light hair, his skill in athletic exercises, made the -Venetian envoy pronounce him to be the handsomest and most capable king -in Christendom. He inherited the geniality, the physical strength, the -resoluteness of the Yorkist house, and combined them with the -self-restraint and caution of the Lancastrians. No king began his reign -with greater popularity, and the belief in the soundness of his head and -heart filled all men with hopes of a long period of just and prosperous -government. But many hoped for more than this. The reign of Henry VII. -had been successful, but inglorious. The strong character and the -generous impulses of the new ruler were not likely to be satisfied with -the cautious intrigues and petty calculations of his father. England -looked forward to a glorious and distinguished future. It believed in -its king, and clave to its belief in spite of many disappointments. Not -all the harsh doings of Henry VIII. exhausted the popularity with which -he began his reign, and in the midst of his despotism he never lost his -hold upon the people. - -So Henry VIII. carried out the plan which his father had formed for him. -He married Katharine, his brother's widow, and so confirmed the alliance -with Ferdinand of Spain. He renewed the marriage treaty between his -sister Mary and Charles, Prince of Castile, heir of the Netherlands, and -eldest grandson of Ferdinand and Maximilian alike. Charles was only a -boy of nine, and had great prospects of a large heritage. England was -likely, if this arrangement were carried out, to be a useful but humble -ally to the projects of the houses of Hapsburg and Spain, useful because -of its position, which commanded the Channel, and could secure -communications between the Netherlands and Spain, humble because it had -little military reputation or capacity for diplomacy. - -The alliance, however, between Ferdinand and Maximilian was by no means -close. Ferdinand by his marriage with Isabella had united the kingdoms -of Castile and Arragon; but after Isabella's death he had no claim to -the Crown of Castile, which passed to his daughter Juana. Already -Juana's husband, the Archduke Philip, had claimed the regency of -Castile, and Ferdinand was only saved by Philip's death from the peril -of seeing much of his work undone. The claim to Castile had now passed -to the young Charles, and Ferdinand was afraid lest Maximilian should at -any time revive it in behalf of his grandson. He was unwilling to help -in any way to increase Maximilian's power, and rejoiced that in the -results of the League of Cambrai little profit fell to Maximilian's -share. The Pope gained all that he wished; Ferdinand acquired without a -blow the Venetian possessions in the Neapolitan kingdom; the French arms -were triumphant in North Italy; but Venice continued to offer a stubborn -resistance to Maximilian. In vain Maximilian implored Ferdinand's help. -He was unmoved till the successes of the French awakened in his mind -serious alarm. The authors of the League of Cambrai began to be afraid -of the catastrophe which they had caused. They did not wish to see the -French supreme in Italy, but their combination had gone far to ensure -the French supremacy. - -Pope Julius II. felt himself most directly threatened by the growth of -the French power. He resolved to break up the League of Cambrai, and so -undo his own work. He tried to gain support from the Swiss and from -England. He released Venice from her excommunication, and showed himself -steadfastly opposed to France. He did his utmost to induce Ferdinand and -Maximilian to renounce the League. Ferdinand was cautious, and only gave -his secret countenance to the Pope's designs. Maximilian, anxious to -make good his claims against Venice, wavered between an alliance with -France and a rupture. Louis XII. of France was embarrassed by the -hostility of the Pope, whom he tried to terrify into submission. His -troops advanced against Bologna, where Julius II. was residing. The Pope -fled, but the French forces did not pursue him. Louis was not prepared -to treat the Pope as merely a temporal sovereign, and Rome was spared a -siege. But Louis was so ill-judging as to attack the Pope on his -spiritual side. He raised the old cry of a General Council for the -reform of the Church, and drew to his side a few disaffected cardinals, -who summoned a Council to assemble at Pisa. - -This half-hearted procedure was fatal to all hopes of French supremacy. -Had Louis XII. promptly dealt with Julius II. by force of arms he would -have rendered the Pope powerless to interfere with his political plans, -and no one would have interposed to help the Pope in his capacity of an -Italian prince. But when the French king showed that he was afraid of -the papal dignity in temporal matters, while he was ready to attack it -in spiritual matters, he entered upon a course of action which was -dangerous to Europe. Ferdinand was waiting for a good pretext to free -himself from further share in the policy of the League of Cambrai, and -Louis provided him with the pretext which he sought. Shocked at the -danger of a new schism, Ferdinand, in October 1511, entered into a -League with the Pope and Venice, a League which took the high-sounding -title of the Holy League, since it was formed for the protection of the -Papacy. - -Of this Holy League Henry VIII. became a member in December, and so -stepped boldly into the politics of Europe. He was at first a submissive -son of King Ferdinand, whose daughter, Queen Katharine, acted as Spanish -ambassador at the English Court. Henry wished to make common cause with -his father-in-law, and trusted implicitly to him for assurances of -goodwill. He made a separate accord with Ferdinand that a combined army -should invade Guienne. If the French were defeated Ferdinand would be -able to conquer Navarre, and England would seize Guienne. The gain to -England would be great, as Guienne would be a secure refuge for English -commerce, and its possession would make the English king an important -personage in Europe, for he would stand between Spain and France. - -The scheme was not fantastic or impossible, provided that Ferdinand was -in earnest. Henry believed in his good faith, but he still had the -confidence of youth. Ferdinand trusted no one, and if others were like -himself he was wise in his distrust. Every year he grew more suspicious -and fonder of crooked ways. He took no man's counsel; he made fair -professions on every side; his only object was to secure himself at the -least cost. His confiding son-in-law was soon to discover that Ferdinand -only meant to use English gold as a means for furthering his own designs -against France; he did not intend that England should have any share in -the advantage. - -Unconscious of the selfishness of his ally, Henry VIII. prepared for war -in the winter of 1512. In these preparations the capacity of Thomas -Wolsey first made itself felt, and the course of the war that followed -placed Wolsey foremost in the confidence of the English king. - - - - - CHAPTER II - THE FRENCH ALLIANCE - 1512-1515 - - -Thomas Wolsey was born at Ipswich, probably in March 1471. He was the -son of Robert Wolsey and Joan his wife. Contemporary slander, wishing to -make his fortunes more remarkable or his presumption more intolerable, -represented his father as a man of mean estate, a butcher by trade. -However, Robert Wolsey's will shows that he was a man of good position, -probably a grazier and wool merchant, with relatives who were also -well-to-do. Thomas seems to have been the eldest of his family, and his -father's desire was that he should enter the priesthood. He showed -quickness in study; so much so that he went to Oxford at the early age -of eleven, and became Bachelor of Arts when he was fifteen. His studies -do not seem to have led him in the direction of the new learning; he was -well versed in the theology of the schools, and is said to have been a -devoted adherent to the system of St. Thomas Aquinas. But it was not by -the life of a student or the principles of a philosopher that Wolsey -rose to eminence. If he learned anything in his University career he -learned a knowledge of men and of their motives. - -In due course he became a Fellow of Magdalen, and master of the grammar -school attached to the College. Soon afterwards, in 1498, he was bursar; -and tradition has connected with him the building of the graceful tower -which is one of the chief architectural ornaments of Oxford. -Unfortunately the tower was finished in the year in which Wolsey became -bursar, and all that he can have done was the prosaic duty of paying the -bills for its erection. He continued his work of schoolmaster till in -1500 the Marquis of Dorset, whose sons Wolsey had taught, gave him the -living of Lymington in Somerset. - -So Wolsey abandoned academic life for the quietness of a country living, -which, however, did not prove to be entirely free from troubles. For -some reason which is not clear, a neighbouring squire, Sir Amyas Paulet, -used his power as justice of peace to set Wolsey in the stocks, an -affront which Wolsey did not forgive, but in the days of his power -punished by confining Sir Amyas to his London house, where he lived for -some years in disgrace. If this story be true, it is certainly not to -Wolsey's discredit, who can have been moved by nothing but a sense of -injustice in thus reviving the remembrance of his own past history. -Moreover, Wolsey's character certainly did not suffer at the time, as in -1501 he was made chaplain to Dean, Archbishop of Canterbury. After -Dean's death in 1503, his capacity for business was so far established -that he was employed by Sir Richard Nanfan, Deputy-Lieutenant of Calais, -to help him in the duties of a post which advancing years made somewhat -onerous. When Nanfan, a few years afterwards, retired from public life, -he recommended Wolsey to the king, and Wolsey entered the royal service -as chaplain probably in 1506. - -At Court Wolsey allied himself with Richard Fox, Bishop of Winchester, -Lord Privy Seal, and at first seems to have acted as one of his -secretaries. - -Fox was a well-trained and careful official, who had been in Henry -VII.'s employment all through his reign. Cold and cautious by nature, -Henry VII. had to pick his way through many difficulties, and took no -man unreservedly into his confidence. He was his own minister, and chose -to be served by men of distinguished position who were content to do his -bidding faithfully, and were free from personal ambition. For this -purpose ecclesiastics were best adapted, and Henry VII. did much to -secularise the Church by throwing the weight of public business into the -hands of men like Morton and Fox, whom he rewarded by the highest -ecclesiastical offices. In such a school Wolsey was trained as a -statesman. He regarded it as natural that the King should choose his -ministers for their readiness to serve his purposes, and should reward -them by ecclesiastical preferments. The State might gain by such a plan, -but the Church undoubtedly lost; and in following the career of Wolsey -there is little to remind us of the ecclesiastic, however much we may -admire the statesman. - -It was well for England that Wolsey was trained in the traditions of the -policy of Henry VII., which he never forgot. Henry VII. aimed, in the -first place, at securing his throne and restoring quiet and order in his -kingdom by developing trade and commerce. For this purpose he strove to -turn his foreign neighbours into allies without adventuring into any -military enterprises. He did not aspire to make England great, but he -tried to make her secure and prosperous. Wolsey gained so much insight -into the means which he employed for that end that he never forgot their -utility; and though he tried to pass beyond the aim of Henry VII., he -preferred to extend rather than abandon the means which Henry VII. had -carefully devised. Nor was Wolsey merely a spectator of Henry VII.'s -diplomacy; he was soon employed as one of its agents. In the spring of -1508 he was sent to Scotland to keep King James IV. true to his alliance -with England, and explain misunderstandings that had arisen. In the -autumn of the same year he was sent to Mechlin to win over the powerful -minister of Maximilian, the Bishop of Gurk, to a project of marriage -between Henry VII. and Maximilian's daughter Margaret, by which Henry -hoped that he would get control of the Low Countries. Here Wolsey -learned his first practical lesson of diplomatic methods, and uttered -the complaint, which in later years he gave so much reason to others to -pour forth, "There is here so much inconstancy, mutability, and little -regard of promises and causes, that in their appointments there is -little trust or surety; for things surely determined to be done one day -are changed and altered the next." - -Nothing came of Wolsey's embassy, nor can we be sure that Henry VII. was -much in earnest in his marriage schemes. However, he died in April next -year, and was succeeded by a son whose matrimonial hesitations were -destined to give Wolsey more trouble than those of his father. Before -his death he laid the foundation of Wolsey's clerical fortunes by -bestowing on him the rich deanery of Lincoln. - -The accession of Henry VIII. made little change in the composition of -the King's Council. The Lady Margaret survived her son long enough to -make her influence felt in the choice of her grandson's advisers. -Archbishop Warham, Bishop Fox, and Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey, were -the men into whose hands public business naturally fell. But Warham was -somewhat stiff and crabbed, so that he did not commend himself to the -young king. Fox represented the opinions of the old officials, while the -Earl of Surrey was the natural leader of the old nobility, who could not -help resenting the subordinate position into which they had been reduced -by Henry VII., and hoped that a new reign would give them fresh -opportunities. So Fox urged caution and carefulness, while Surrey -favoured extravagance and military ambition. Fox felt that he was -growing old, and the pressure of a continued conflict of opinion was -irksome to him. Much as the ecclesiastics of that time were secular in -their lives, they were rarely entirely forgetful of their priestly -office, and were genuinely anxious to rid themselves of the burden of -affairs and spend their last years in quiet. So Fox chose Wolsey as the -man to take his place, perhaps because he saw in him the qualities -necessary to influence the young king. Besides him he favoured Ruthal, -another experienced official, who was rewarded by the rich bishopric of -Durham, but who was soon eclipsed by the superior genius of Wolsey, -which he frankly admitted, and willingly accepted the post of Wolsey's -assistant and subordinate. - -So Wolsey was made the king's almoner, and had sundry preferments -bestowed on him as marks of the royal favour. He ingratiated himself -with the king, and worked with Fox and Ruthal to counteract the -influence of the Earl of Surrey. Probably in 1511 he was called to the -King's Council, but neither he nor Fox had it in their power to shape -the king's policy as they wished, or to direct his doings. His warlike -ardour was against their will; but from the beginning of his reign Henry -VIII. went his own way, and others had to follow. All they could do was -to show him that they were the most capable of his servants, and when -Henry VIII. had determined on war they were the men to whom he turned to -carry out the necessary details. On Wolsey as the youngest the chief -labour was thrown. England was unprepared for war, and every branch of -the military service had to be almost created. Wolsey had at all events -a sufficient opportunity for displaying his practical capacity as an -organiser. - -So Wolsey worked at providing for the troops who were sent to Guienne in -1512; but the expedition itself was a complete failure. Ferdinand played -his own game of procrastination, and sent no succours. The Marquis of -Dorset was an incapable leader. The English troops were not inured to -hardships, and soon grew discontented; at last they rose in open mutiny, -and clamoured to be led back to England. Dorset was driven to retire -without striking a blow. The first attempt of England to assert her -prowess ended in disaster. The statesmen of the Continent made merry -over the blundering efforts of an upstart power. "The English," they -said, "are so unaccustomed to war that they have no experience to guide -them." Henry longed to wipe out this disgrace, and prepared to invade -the north of France in the next year. Wolsey was not yet of sufficient -importance to direct the king's policy, and had no experience of war. -But he threw himself heart and soul into the task of military -organisation, and the administrative capacity which he displayed secured -his hold on the king's favour. He provided for victualling the fleet, -raised the necessary number of ships, selected their captains, and even -apportioned the gunners. Nothing was too trivial for his attention, even -down to beer-barrels and biscuits. It is not surprising that his -colleague, Bishop Fox, wrote to him, "I pray God send us with speed, and -soon deliver you of your outrageous charge and labour." - -The fleet put to sea in March 1513, under the command of the Lord -Admiral Sir Edward Howard. The French fleet was far superior in numbers, -and prepared to prevent the English from landing on the French coast. -Sir Edward Howard was burning with desire for a decisive engagement, and -on 25th April attacked the French galleys as they lay in shallow water. -He boarded them with his boats, and himself leapt on to the ship of the -French admiral, but before his men could follow him their cable was cut -away, and he was left almost alone. Seeing that there was no hope of -support, he took his whistle from his neck and cast it into the sea; -then with his gilt target on his arm he fought till the enemy's pikes -thrust him overboard and he was drowned. The English attack was driven -back; but its gallantry and the bravery of Sir Edward Howard produced a -great impression. It was clear that after all the Englishmen had not -forgotten how to fight. - -The efforts of the English fleet were successful in securing the -peaceful landing of the army at Calais, where Henry arrived at the end -of June. With him went Wolsey, commanding two hundred men, and now a -necessary personage in the king's train. Such confidence was placed in -him by Queen Katharine that she requested him to write to her frequently -and inform her of the king's health, while in return she poured her -household troubles into his sympathetic ear. No doubt Wolsey's hands -were full of business of many kinds during this brief and glorious -campaign, glorious in the sense that success attended its operations, -but fruitless because the things done were scarcely worth the doing. The -English army took Terouenne, more owing to the feebleness of the French -than to their own valour. Louis XII. was prematurely old and ailing; -things had gone against him in Italy, and there was little spirit in the -French army. The defeat of the French outside Terouenne was so rapid -that the battle was derisively called the Battle of Spurs. Henry's -desire for martial glory was satisfied by the surrender of Terouenne, -and his vanity was gratified by the presence of Maximilian, who in -return for a large subsidy brought a few German soldiers, and professed -to serve under the English king. From Terouenne he advanced to Tournai, -which surrendered at the end of September. Maximilian was delighted at -these conquests, of which he reaped all the benefit; with Tournai in the -hands of England, Flanders had a strong protection against France. So -Maximilian would gladly have led Henry to continue the campaign in the -interests of the Flemish frontier. But Henry had no taste for spending a -winter in the field; he pleaded that his presence was needed in England, -and departed, promising to return next year. - -In truth the arms of England had won a greater victory on English ground -than anything they had achieved abroad. The war against France awakened -the old hostility of Scotland, and no sooner was Henry VIII. encamped -before Terouenne than he received a Scottish herald bringing a message -of defiance. "I do not believe that my brother of Scotland will break -his oath," said Henry, "but if he does, he will live to repent it." -Repentance came rapidly on the Field of Flodden, where the Scottish army -was almost cut to pieces. This brilliant victory was greatly due to the -energy of Queen Katharine, who wrote to Wolsey, "My heart is very good -to it, and I am horribly busy with making standards, banners, and -badges." She addressed the English leaders before they started for the -war, bade them remember that the English courage excelled that of other -nations, and that the Lord smiled on those who stood in defence of their -own. With a proud heart she sent her husband the blood-stained plaid of -the Scottish king, taken from his corpse. "In this," she wrote, "your -Grace shall see how I keep my promise, sending you for your banner a -king's coat." - -The victory of Flodden Field was of great importance, for it delivered -England from the fear of a troublesome neighbour, and showed Europe that -England could not be muzzled by the need of care for her own borders. -The Scottish power was broken for many years to come, and England was -free to act as she would. Europe began to respect the power of England, -though there was little reason to rate highly the wisdom of her king. -Henry had won little by his campaign; he had gratified his vanity, but -he had not advanced towards any definite end. - -Henry VIII. was young and simple. He expected to captivate the world by -brilliant deeds, and fascinate it by unselfish exploits. He soon found -that his pretended allies were only seeking their own advantage. The -name of the "Holy League" was the merest pretext. The new Pope, Leo X., -a supple time-serving intriguer, trained in the deceitful policy of the -Medici House, was willing to patch up the quarrel between France and the -Papacy. Ferdinand of Spain wished only to keep things as they were. As -he grew older he grew more suspicious, and clung to the power which he -possessed. His one dread was lest Charles, the grandson of himself and -Maximilian, should demand his maternal heritage of Castile. Ferdinand -was resolved to keep the two Spanish kingdoms united under his own rule -until his death, and considered European affairs in the first instance -as they were likely to affect that issue. He was of opinion that France -was no longer formidable to Spanish interests in Italy, while English -successes on the Flemish frontier might make Charles more powerful than -he wished him to be. Accordingly he set to work to undermine Henry's -position by making an alliance with France. He was still Henry's ally, -and had promised him to help him to continue the war in the spring of -1514. None the less he entered into secret negotiations with France, and -cautiously endeavoured to persuade Maximilian to join him. Maximilian -was still at war with Venice, and was aggrieved that he was the only -member of the plundering gang who had not gained by the League of -Cambrai. Ferdinand allured him from his interest in Flanders by the -prospect of a renewal of the League against Venice in his special -behalf, and Maximilian was sanguine enough to listen to the temptation. -He faintly stipulated that the consent of England should be obtained, -but was satisfied with Ferdinand's assurance that Henry would have no -objection to a truce with France. Early in April 1514 a truce for a year -was made between Louis XII., Maximilian, and Ferdinand. Henry found -himself tricked by his father-in-law, and abandoned by the ally whom he -had largely subsidised, and had greatly benefited. - -It is no wonder that Henry was greatly angered at this result, and -declared that he would trust no man any more. He had taken the measure -of the good faith of European rulers, and had learned the futility of -great undertakings for the general welfare. In truth, the difficulty of -European politics always lies in the fact that the general welfare can -only be promoted by the furtherance of particular interests, which -threaten in their turn to become dangerous. The interests of the -sixteenth century were purely dynastic interests, and seem trivial and -unworthy. We are not, however, justified in inferring that dynastic -interests, because they are concerned with small arrangements, are in -their nature more selfish or more iniquitous than interests which clothe -themselves in more fair-sounding phrases. Their selfishness is more -apparent; it does not follow that it is less profound. - -However that may be, the desertion of Maximilian and Ferdinand put a -stop to Henry's warlike projects, and restored England to peace. Henry -had had enough of fighting other people's battles. He was willing to -pursue his own course by the means which others used, and trust -henceforth to the bloodless battles of diplomacy. In this new field -Wolsey was the English champion, and for the next sixteen years the -history of England is the history of Wolsey's achievements. - -Wolsey's services in the campaign of 1513 gave him a firm hold of the -king's favour, and secured for him large rewards. As he was an -ecclesiastic his salary was paid out of the revenues of the Church. When -Tournai became an English possession its bishopric was conferred on -Wolsey, and on a vacancy in the bishopric of Lincoln in the beginning of -1514 that see was given him in addition. How the offices of the Church -were in those days used as rewards for service to the State may be seen -by the fact that the English representative in Rome was the Archbishop -of York, Thomas Bainbridge, who lived as Cardinal in the Papal Court. -Moreover, an Italian, Silvestro de' Gigli, held the bishopric of -Worcester, though he lived habitually in Rome, and devoted his energies -to the furtherance of the interests of England. In July 1514 Cardinal -Bainbridge died in Rome, poisoned by one of his servants. The Bishop of -Worcester was suspected of being privy to the deed for the purpose of -removing out of the way a troublesome rival. It would seem, however, -that the murder was prompted by vengeful feelings and the desire to hide -peculations. The charge against the Bishop of Worcester was investigated -by the Pope, and he was acquitted; but the story gives a poor picture of -morality and security of life at Rome. On the death of Bainbridge the -vacant archbishopric of York was also conferred on Wolsey, who was now -enriched by the revenues of three sees, and was clearly marked out as -the foremost man in England. - -He rose to this position solely by the king's favour, as the king alone -chose his own ministers and counsellors, and there existed no external -pressure which could influence his decisions. The Wars of the Roses had -seen the downfall of the baronial power, and Henry VII. had accustomed -men to see affairs managed almost entirely by a new class of officials. -The ministers and counsellors of Henry VIII. were chosen from a desire -to balance the old and the new system. The remnants of the baronial -party were associated with officials, that they might be assimilated -into the same class. The Duke of Norfolk, as the greatest nobleman in -England, was powerful, and was jealous of the men with whom he found -himself called upon to work. Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, was the -personal friend of the king, and shared in his private more than in his -public life. The Earl of Surrey had done good service at Flodden Field, -and was a man of practical capacity. The other ministers were most of -them ecclesiastics. Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, was respected -rather than trusted. Fox, Bishop of Winchester, was a capable and -painstaking official. Ruthal, Bishop of Durham, was destitute of real -insight, and was content to follow Wolsey's lead. Wolsey won his way by -his political genius, his quickness, and his vast power of detailed -work. He owed his position entirely to the king, and was responsible to -him alone. The king consulted his Council only about such matters as he -thought fit; foreign affairs were managed almost entirely according to -his own will and pleasure. - -The English have never been famous for diplomacy, and Wolsey was ill -supplied with agents for his work. The English residents at foreign -Courts were not men of mark or position. John Stile at the Court of -Ferdinand, and Thomas Spinelly in Flanders seem to have been merchants -carrying on their own business. With Maximilian was a more important -man, Sir Richard Wingfield, a Suffolk knight, who was too self-satisfied -and too dull-witted to understand Wolsey's schemes. For special work -special agents had to be sent, who went unwillingly to a thankless and -laborious task. They were ill paid and ill supported; but even here -Wolsey knew how to choose the right men, and he managed to inspire them -with his own zeal and tenacity of purpose. It is a striking proof of -Wolsey's genius that he knew whom he could trust, and that his trust was -never misplaced. - -When Henry VIII. was smarting under his rebuff from Maximilian and -Ferdinand, he concerted with Wolsey how he might avenge himself, and -Wolsey devised his scheme in entire secrecy. Ferdinand and Maximilian -had left England in the lurch by making a truce with France. Wolsey -resolved to outdo them in their own lines. They had elected to maintain -the existing condition of affairs by checking England's aspirations and -lending a cold support to France. Wolsey resolved to turn France into a -firm ally, that so England and France united might form a new -combination, before which the schemes of Ferdinand would be powerless. - -Wolsey luckily had the means of approaching Louis XII. without -attracting attention. Amongst the prisoners taken in the Battle of the -Spurs was the young Duke of Longueville, a favourite of the French king. -He had been sent to London, to the sore disturbance of Queen Katharine, -who, being a sensible woman, thought that the best thing to do with a -prisoner was to confine him in the Tower. On Henry's return the Duke of -Longueville was released, and amused himself at Court like any one else. -Through him Wolsey opened up secret communications with Louis XII., -whose domestic circumstances luckily gave a handle for Wolsey's designs. -In January 1514 the French queen died; and although the widowed husband -had reached the age of fifty-two, it was known that he was looking out -for a young bride. - -It has always been one of the most revolting features of dynastic -politics that the private relationships of members of ruling families -have been entirely determined by considerations of dynastic expediency. -In the sixteenth century this was eminently the case. Alliances -were family arrangements, and corresponded to motives of family -aggrandisement rather than to national interests. They were sealed -by marriages, they were broken by divorces. So great were the -responsibilities of royalty that the private life of members of royal -houses was entirely sunk in their official position. They were mere -counters to be moved about the board at will, and disposed of according -to the needs of family politics. Such a victim of circumstances was -Henry VIII.'s younger sister, the Princess Mary, a bright and -intelligent girl of seventeen. She was betrothed to Charles, Prince of -Castile, and it had been arranged that the marriage should take place -when he reached the age of fourteen. The time was come for the -fulfilment of the promise; but Ferdinand did not wish to see his -troublesome grandson more closely united to England, which had shown -such ambitious inclinations. Maximilian, the guardian of Charles, -wavered between his desire to please Henry and Ferdinand, and invented -one excuse after another for not proceeding with his grandson's marriage. - -Wolsey allowed Maximilian to go on with his shifty talk, and was only -too glad to see him fall into the trap. His negotiations with France -were progressing, and the outward sign of the new alliance was to be the -marriage of Mary to Louis XII. So secretly were the arrangements made -that Europe was taken by surprise when, at the end of July, it was -gradually known that the alliance between France and England was an -accomplished fact. The marriage contract was soon signed, and in October -Mary went to Abbeville, where she was met by her elderly husband. - -The result of this clever diplomacy was to secure England the respect -and envy of Europe. It was clear that henceforth England was a power -which had to be reckoned with. Ferdinand was taught that he could no -longer count on using his dutiful son-in-law as he thought most -convenient to himself. Maximilian sadly reflected that if he needed -English gold in the future he must show a little more dexterity in his -game of playing fast and loose with everybody. Pope Leo X. was not -over-pleased at seeing England develop a policy of her own, and looked -coldly on Wolsey. After the death of Cardinal Bainbridge Henry wrote to -the Pope and begged him to make Wolsey cardinal in his room. "Such are -his merits," said the king, "that I esteem him above my dearest friends, -and can do nothing of importance without him." Leo X. coldly replied -that there were great difficulties in the way of creating a cardinal: -the title, he reminded the king, was much sought after, and admitted its -bearer to the highest rank: he must wait a more suitable time. It would -seem that the Pope wished to have further guarantees of England's -goodwill, and hinted that Wolsey must give pledges of his good behaviour. - -England did not long enjoy the diplomatic victory which Wolsey had won -by his brilliant scheme of a French alliance. Henry still had a longing -for military glory, with which Wolsey had little sympathy. He wished to -revenge himself on his perfidious father-in-law, and proposed to Louis -XII. an attack upon Navarre, and even thought of claiming a portion of -the kingdom of Castile, as rightfully belonging to Queen Katharine. -Whatever projects Henry may have had came to an end on the death of -Louis on the 1st of January 1515. The elderly bridegroom, it was said, -tried too well to humour the social disposition of his sprightly bride. -He changed his manner of life, and kept late hours, till his health -entirely gave way, and he sank under his well-meant efforts to renew the -gallantry of youth. - - - - - CHAPTER III - THE UNIVERSAL PEACE - 1515-1518 - - -The death of Louis XII. was a severe blow to Wolsey. The French alliance -was not popular in England, and was bitterly opposed by the Duke of -Norfolk and the party of the old nobility, who saw with dislike the -growing influence of Wolsey. They now had an opportunity of reversing -his policy and securing his downfall. It required all Wolsey's sagacity -to devise a means of solving the difficulties which the death of Louis -created. The new King of France, Francis I., was aged twenty-one, and -was as ambitious of distinction as was Henry. The treaty between France -and England had not yet been carried out, and it would require much -dexterity to modify its provisions. The kings of the sixteenth century -were keen men of business, and never let money slip through their hands. -The widowed Queen of France must, of course, return to England, but -there were all sorts of questions about her dowry and the jewels which -Louis had given her. Henry claimed that she should bring back with her -everything to which any title could be urged: Francis I. wished to give -up as little as possible. The two monarchs haggled like two hucksters, -and neither of them had any care of the happiness or reputation of the -young girl round whom they bickered. In the background stood Wolsey's -enemies, who saw that if they could create a rupture between France and -England Wolsey's influence would be at an end. - -In these dangerous conditions Wolsey had to seek an ally in Charles -Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and had to trust to his private knowledge of -the character of Queen Mary. She had the strong will of the Tudors, and -had also their craving for admiration. These two qualities seem to have -drawn her in opposite directions. While her marriage with Prince Charles -was talked of she professed the greatest admiration for him, and gazed -with rapture on a very bad portrait of her intended husband. But this -did not prevent her from being attracted by the personal fascinations of -the Duke of Suffolk, as Wolsey knew. When he negotiated the French -alliance he had some difficulty in overcoming Mary's repugnance to an -old husband; but she viewed the proposal in a business-like way, and was -not indifferent to the position of Queen of France. She looked forward -to a speedy widowhood, and extracted from Henry a promise that, if she -undertook to marry for the first time to please him, she might choose -her second husband to please herself. When Mary was free the hopes of -the Duke of Suffolk revived, and Wolsey knowing this, chose him as the -best instrument for clearing away the difficulties raised by Francis I., -and bringing back Mary honourably to England. - -Francis, on his side, used his knowledge of the current rumour to -extract from Mary her confidences about Suffolk, and with this knowledge -approached Suffolk as a friend. By alternately encouraging Suffolk and -terrifying Mary he turned Wolsey's ambassador into an anxious lover. -Still Wolsey trusted that Suffolk would the more bestir himself to bring -Mary back, and would make such terms with Francis as would commend his -suit to Henry. But Wolsey's enemies led Henry to make exorbitant -demands, which Francis met by redoubling his persecution of Mary. At -last she asked Suffolk to marry her, which he did in secret. After this -Francis was free from any further need of conciliating Henry, who must -take back his sister on any terms, and Wolsey was left to appease Henry -as best he could. In April Mary and Suffolk returned to England, and in -May the luckless pair were publicly married. Wolsey manfully befriended -Suffolk in this matter, but the calculations of his diplomacy were -hopelessly upset by private feelings and the rashness of passion. - -However, Mary received part of her dowry and some of her jewels. Francis -I. had no wish to quarrel with England, but only to make the best terms -for himself. He was bent upon gathering laurels in Italy, and on 5th -April renewed the alliance between France and England. This time, -however, the treaty was little more than a truce, and many questions -were left untouched; no mention was made of the return of Tournai, and -the question of Mary's jewels was left undecided. Francis I. counted on -keeping England quiet by an alliance which he formed at the same time -with Ferdinand, while he won over the Flemish counsellors of Prince -Charles, who betrothed himself to the infant daughter of Louis XII., -Renée, a child of four. - -Thus he had cleared the way for an expedition to Italy, where he longed -to claim for France the Duchy of Milan, that had been won and lost by -Louis XII. In July he set out contentedly, knowing that Henry was -powerless to interfere. He treated England with neglect, and gave Henry -no information of his movements. England looked on with growing jealousy -while Francis crossed the Alps and in September defeated the Swiss -mercenaries who held Milan in the name of the last Sforza Duke. The -battle of Marignano (14th September) was a splendid success for Francis, -who there beat back the Swiss infantry, hitherto considered invincible -in Europe. The star of France had risen, and Francis could look round -with proud superiority. - -The princes of Europe were alarmed beyond measure at the completeness of -the French success. They had looked with equanimity at the preparations -of Francis, because they expected that he would be delayed, or, if he -attacked the Swiss, would be defeated. But his rapid march soon -convinced men that he was in earnest, and especially excited the fear of -Pope Leo X., whose ingenious policy of being secretly allied with -everybody was disturbed by this display of unexpected vigour. The alarm -of the Pope was useful to Wolsey. It awakened him to the need of making -the English king his friend, and fulfilling his desire to have Wolsey -created cardinal. Wolsey had not ceased, through his agent, the Bishop -of Worcester, to urge this point upon the Pope, and when Francis was -well advanced on his road to Milan the pleadings of Wolsey were -irresistible. "If the King of England forsake the Pope," wrote Wolsey to -the Bishop of Worcester, "he will be in greater danger on this day two -years than ever was Pope Julius." Leo X. had no wish to run the risks -which the impetuous Julius II. faced with unbroken spirit. He prepared -to keep himself supplied with allies to protect him against all -emergencies, and on 10th September nominated Wolsey cardinal sole, a -special mark of favour, as cardinals were generally created in batches -at intervals. - -Wolsey's creation was not popular in the Roman Court. Cardinal -Bainbridge had been overbearing in manner and hasty in temper, and the -English were disliked for their outspokenness. England was regarded as a -political upstart, and Wolsey was considered to be a fitting emblem of -the country which he represented. Moreover, the attitude of England in -ecclesiastical matters was not marked by that subservience which the -Papacy wished to exact, and many doubted the expediency of exalting in -ecclesiastical authority an English prelate of such far-reaching views -as Wolsey was known to hold. An official of the Roman Court gives the -following account of the current opinion:-- - -"Men say that an English Cardinal ought not to be created lightly, -because the English behave themselves insolently in that dignity, as was -shown in the case of Cardinal Bainbridge just dead. Moreover, as Wolsey -is the intimate friend of the king, he will not be contented with the -Cardinalate alone, but, as is the custom of these barbarians, will wish -to have the office of legate over all England. If this be granted the -influence of the Roman Court will be at an end; if it be not granted the -Cardinal will be the Pope's enemy and will favour France. But despite -all this the Pope, in whose hands alone the matter was, created him -Cardinal on the seventh of September." - -This elevation of Wolsey was due to the strong expression of desire on -the part of Henry, who further asked that legatine powers should be -given to the new cardinal. This Leo refused for the present; he had done -enough to induce Henry to enter into a secret league for the protection -of the Church, which meant a convenient pretext for attacking Francis if -he became too powerful in Italy. When this was arranged the red hat was -sent to England, and its reception gave Wolsey an opportunity of -displaying his love for magnificent ceremonial. On 17th November it was -placed on his head by Archbishop Warham in Westminster Abbey. - -Ceremonial, however splendid, was but an episode in Wolsey's diplomatic -business. The news of the French victory at Marignano was so unpleasant -that Henry VIII. for some time refused to believe it to be true. When at -last it was impossible to doubt any longer, the necessity became urgent -to put a spoke in the wheel of Francis I. England was not prepared to go -to war with France without allies, and Wolsey developed his cleverness -in attaining his ends by secret means. Nothing could be done by uniting -with the cautious Ferdinand; but the flighty Maximilian was a more -hopeful subject. The only troops that could be used against France were -the German and Swiss mercenaries, men who made war a trade, and were -trained and disciplined soldiers. The first means of injuring France was -to prevent her from hiring Swiss soldiers, and the second was to induce -Maximilian to undertake an Italian expedition in his own interests. As -regards the Swiss, it was merely a matter of money, for they were ready -to sell themselves to the highest bidder. In like manner it was easy to -subsidise Maximilian, but it was difficult to hold him to his promise -and be sure that he would spend the money on the right purpose. Wolsey, -however, resolved to try and use Maximilian; he offered him the aid of a -large contingent of the Swiss if he would attack Milan. Knowing the -delicacy of the enterprise and the slipperiness of Maximilian, Wolsey -entrusted this matter to a man whose pertinacity had been already -tried,--Richard Pace, secretary of Cardinal Bainbridge, who had -stubbornly insisted on an investigation of the circumstances of his -master's death, and had annoyed the Roman Court by his watchful care of -his master's effects. Pace was sent to hire soldiers amongst the Swiss, -and Wolsey's ingenuity was sorely tried to supply him with money -secretly and safely. - -The hindrances which beset Pace in carrying out his instructions -decorously were very many. Not the least troublesome was the want of -intelligence displayed by Sir Robert Wingfield, the English envoy to -Maximilian. Wingfield belonged to the old school of English officials, -honest and industrious, but entirely incapable of _finesse_. He did not -understand what Pace was about; he could not comprehend Wolsey's hints, -but was a blind admirer of Maximilian, and was made his tool in his -efforts to get the gold of England and do nothing in return. But Pace -was deaf to the entreaties of Maximilian and to the lofty remonstrances -of Wingfield. He raised 17,000 Swiss soldiers, who were to serve under -their own general, and whose pay was not to pass through Maximilian's -hands. Maximilian was sorely disappointed at this result, but led his -troops to join the Swiss in an attack on Milan. On 24th March 1516, the -combined army was a few miles from Milan, which was poorly defended, and -victory seemed secure. Suddenly Maximilian began to hesitate, and then -drew off his forces and retired. We can only guess at the motive of this -strange proceeding; perhaps he had never been in earnest, and only meant -to extract money from England. When Pace refused to pay he probably -negotiated with Francis I., and obtained money from him. Anyhow his -withdrawal was fatal to the expedition. The Germans at Brescia seized -the money which was sent to Pace for the payment of the Swiss. The Swiss -in anger mutinied, and Pace was for some days thrown into prison. -Maximilian vaguely promised to return, but the Swiss troops naturally -disbanded. Such was Maximilian's meanness that he threatened Pace, now -deserted and broken by disappointment, that if he did not advance him -money he would make peace with France. Pace, afraid to run the risk, -pledged Henry VIII. to pay 60,000 florins. All this time Wingfield was -convinced that it was Pace's ill-judged parsimony that had wrought this -disaster, and he continued to write in a strain of superior wisdom to -Wolsey. He even, at Maximilian's bidding, forged Pace's name to receipts -for money. Never was diplomat in more hopeless plight than the unlucky -Pace. - -Wolsey saw that his plan had failed, but he put a good face upon his -failure. Maximilian enjoyed the advantage which consummate meanness -always gives for a moment. He put down the failure to niggardliness in -the supplies, and showed his goodwill towards Henry by treating him to -fantastic proposals. If Henry would only cross to Flanders with 6000 -men, Maximilian would meet him with his army, set him up as Duke of -Milan, and resign the Empire in his favour. This preposterous scheme did -not for a moment dazzle the good sense of the English counsellors. Pace, -in announcing it to Wolsey, pointed out that the Emperor spoke without -the consent of the Electors, that Maximilian was thoroughly -untrustworthy, and that Henry in such an enterprise might imperil his -hold upon the English Crown, "which," writes Pace with pardonable pride, -"is this day more esteemed than the Emperor's crown and all his empire." -Henry was of the same opinion; and Maximilian failed on this plea "to -pluck money from the king craftily." Pace remained, and jingled English -money in Maximilian's ear, as a means of preventing him from turning to -France; but not a penny was Maximilian allowed to touch, to Sir Robert -Wingfield's great annoyance. Pace so far succeeded, that when, in -November 1516, Francis I. made an alliance with the Swiss, five of the -cantons stood aloof. Pace was rewarded for his labours and sufferings by -being made a secretary of state. Sir Robert Wingfield received a severe -rebuke from the king, which sorely disturbed his self-complacency. But -it is characteristic of Wolsey's absence of personal feeling that -Wingfield was not recalled from his post. Wolsey saw that he had been no -more foolish than most other Englishmen would have been in his place. - -Meanwhile a change had taken place in the affairs of Europe which turned -the attention of France and England alike in a new direction. Ferdinand -the Catholic died in January 1516, and the preponderance of France had -so alarmed him that he laid aside his plan of dividing the power of the -House of Austria by instituting his second grandson, Ferdinand, King of -Spain. After the battle of Marignano he changed his will in favour of -his eldest grandson, the Archduke Charles, who now added the Spanish -kingdoms to his possession of the Netherlands. The young prince had just -emancipated himself from the tutelage of Maximilian, but was under the -influence of ministers who pursued a purely Flemish policy, and longed -to give peace to the Netherlands by an alliance with France. England was -connected with Flanders by commercial interests, and long negotiations -had been conducted with the Flemish Government for a close alliance. But -Charles's advisers were won over by France, and Charles himself was -attracted by the hope of a French marriage. His position was difficult, -as he was poor and helpless; he could not even go to take possession of -the Spanish Crowns without help from one side or the other. Had he been -older and wiser he would have seen that it was safer to accept the gold -of Henry VIII., from whose future projects he had nothing to fear, -rather than try and secure a precarious peace for the Netherlands by an -alliance with France. However, Charles turned a cold ear to the English -ambassadors, and his ministers secretly brought about a treaty with -France, which was signed at Noyon in August 1516. - -The Treaty of Noyon was a further rebuff to Wolsey, England was passed -by in silence, and a tempting bait was laid to draw Maximilian also into -the French alliance, and so leave England entirely without allies. -Maximilian had been for some time at war with Venice about the -possession of the towns of Brescia and Verona. The Treaty of Noyon -provided that the Venetians should pay the Emperor 200,000 crowns and -remain in possession of the disputed territory. Maximilian used this -offer to put himself up to auction; he expressed his detestation of the -peace of Noyon, but pleaded that unless Henry came to his help he would -be driven by poverty to accept the proffered terms. Henry answered by a -proposal that Maximilian should earn the price he fixed upon his -services: let him come into the Netherlands, and work the overthrow of -the unworthy ministers who gave such evil advice to their sovereign. -Maximilian stipulated for the allowance which he was to receive for the -expenses of a journey to the Netherlands, for which he began to make -preparations. He raised all possible doubts and difficulties, and -received all the money he could extract on any pretext from Henry VIII.; -at last he secretly signed the Treaty of Noyon in December, and drew his -payments from both parties so long as he could keep his game unsuspected. - -But Wolsey was not so much deceived as Maximilian thought, and showed no -discomfiture when Maximilian's shiftiness at length came to light. If -Maximilian would not be faithful it was well that his untrustworthiness -should be openly shown, and Francis I., who was watching his manoeuvres, -could not feel proud of his new ally. He knew what he had to expect from -Maximilian when the 200,000 crowns were spent. The money that had been -spent on Maximilian was not wasted if it gave him an encouragement to -display his feebleness to the full. - -So Henry maintained a dignified attitude, and showed no resentment. He -received Maximilian's excuses with cold politeness, and waited for -Francis I. to discover the futility of his new alliances. Maximilian was -clearly of no account. Charles had gained all that he could gain from -his league with France towards quieting the Netherlands; for his next -step, a journey to Spain, he needed the help of England, and soon -dropped his attitude of indifference. After thwarting England as much as -he could, he was driven to beg for a loan to cover the expenses of his -journey, and England showed no petty resentment for his past conduct. -The loan was negotiated, Charles's ambassadors were honourably received, -it was even proposed that he should visit Henry on his way. This honour -Charles cautiously declined on the ground of ill health; but all the -other marks of Henry's goodwill were accepted with gratitude, and in -September 1517 Charles set out on his voyage to Spain, where he found -enough to employ his energies for some time. - -This conciliatory attitude of England was due to a perception that the -time had come when simple opposition to France was no longer useful. -England had so far succeeded as to prevent the French ascendency from -being complete; she had stemmed the current, had shown Francis I. the -extent of her resources, and had displayed unexpected skill. Moreover, -she had made it clear that neither she nor France could form a -combination sufficiently powerful to enable the one to crush the other, -and had given Francis I. a lesson as to the amount of fidelity he might -expect from his allies. When it was clear to both sides that there was -no hope for far-reaching schemes, it was natural for the two powers to -draw together, and seek a reasonable redress for the grievances which -immediately affected them. - -Chief amongst these on the French side was the possession of Tournai by -the English, glorious, no doubt, as a trophy of English valour, but of -very doubtful advantage to England. Negotiations about its restoration -were begun as early as March 1517, and were conducted with profound -secrecy. Of course Charles hoped to get Tournai into his own hands, and -did not wish it to be restored to France. It was necessary to keep him -in ignorance of what was going on, and not till he had sailed to Spain -were there any rumours of what was passing. - -Wolsey and Henry VIII. deceived the ambassadors of Charles and of Venice -by their repeated professions of hostility against France, and Charles's -remonstrances were answered by equivocations, so that he had no -opportunity for interfering till the matter had been agreed upon as part -of a close alliance between England and France. The negotiations for -this purpose were long and intricate, and form the masterpiece of -Wolsey's diplomatic skill. They were made more difficult by the outbreak -in England of a pestilence, the sweating sickness, before which Henry -fled from London and moved uneasily from place to place. Wolsey was -attacked by it in June so seriously that his life was despaired of; -scarcely was he recovered when he suffered from a second attack, and -soon after went on a pilgrimage to Walsingham to perform a vow and enjoy -change of air. But with this exception, he stuck manfully to his work in -London, where, beside his manifold duties in internal administration, he -directed the course of the negotiations with France. - -In fact Wolsey alone was responsible for the change of policy indicated -by the French alliance. He had thoroughly carried the king with him; but -he was well aware that his course was likely to be exceedingly -unpopular, and that on him would fall the blame of any failure. Henry -did not even inform his Council of his plans. He knew that they would -all have been opposed to such a sudden change of policy, which could -only be justified in their eyes by its manifest advantage in the end. -Wolsey was conscious that he must not only conclude an alliance with -France, but must show beyond dispute a clear gain to England from so -doing. - -Wolsey's difficulties were somewhat lessened by the birth of an heir to -the French Crown in February 1518. France could now offer, as a -guarantee for her close alliance with England, a proposal of marriage -between the Dauphin and Henry's only daughter Mary. Still the -negotiations cautiously went on while Wolsey drove the hardest bargain -that he could. They were not finished till September, when a numerous -body of French nobles came on a splendid embassy to London. Never had -such magnificence been seen in England before as that with which Henry -VIII. received his new allies. Even the French nobles admitted that it -was beyond their power to describe. Wolsey entertained the company at a -sumptuous supper in his house at Westminster, "the like of which," says -the Venetian envoy, "was never given by Cleopatra or Caligula, the whole -banqueting hall being decorated with huge vases of gold and silver." -After the banquet a band of mummers, wearing visors on their faces, -entered and danced. There were twelve ladies and twelve gentlemen, -attended by twelve torch-bearers; all were clad alike "in fine green -satin, all over covered with cloth of gold, undertied together with -laces of gold." They danced for some time and then removed their masks, -and the evening passed in mirth. Such were the festivities of the -English Court, which Shakespeare has reproduced, accurately enough, in -his play of _Henry VIII._ - -But these Court festivities were only preliminary to the public -ceremonies whereby Wolsey impressed the imagination of the people. The -proclamation of the treaty and the marriage of the Princess Mary by -proxy were both the occasions of splendid ceremonies in St. Paul's -Cathedral. The people were delighted by pageantry and good cheer; the -opposition of old-fashioned politicians was overborne in the prevailing -enthusiasm; and men spoke only of the triumph of a pacific policy which -had achieved results such as warfare could not have won. Indeed, the -advantages which England obtained were substantial. France bought back -Tournai for 600,000 crowns, and entered into a close alliance with -England, which cut it off from interference in the affairs of Scotland, -which was included in the peace so long as it abstained from -hostilities. But more important than this was the fact that Wolsey -insisted on the alliance between France and England being made the basis -of a universal peace. The Pope, the Emperor, the King of Spain, were all -invited to join, and all complied with the invitation. - -None of them, however, complied with goodwill, least of all Pope Leo X., -whose claim to be the official pacifier of Europe was rudely set aside -by the audacious action of Wolsey. Leo hoped that the bestowal of a -cardinal's hat had established a hold on Wolsey's gratitude; but he soon -found that he was mistaken, and that his cunning was no match for -Wolsey's force. No sooner had Wolsey obtained the cardinalate than he -pressed for the further dignity of papal legate in England. Not -unnaturally Leo refused to endow with such an office a minister already -so powerful as to be almost independent; but Wolsey made him pay for his -refusal. Leo wanted money, and the pressure of the Turk on Southern -Europe lent a colour to his demand of clerical taxation for the purposes -of a crusade. In 1517 he sent out legates to the chief kings of -Christendom; but Henry refused to admit Cardinal Campeggio, saying that -"it was not the rule of this realm to admit legates _à latere_." Then -Wolsey intervened and suggested that Campeggio might come if he would -exercise no exceptional powers, and if his dignity were shared by -himself. Leo was forced to yield, and Campeggio's arrival was made -the occasion of stately ceremonies which redounded to Wolsey's -glorification. Campeggio got little for the crusade, but served to grace -the festivities of the French alliance, and afterwards to convey the -Pope's adhesion to the universal peace. Wolsey had taken matters out of -the Pope's hand, and Leo was driven to follow his lead with what grace -he could muster. Perhaps as he sighed over his discomfiture he consoled -himself with the thought that the new peace would not last much longer -than those previously made: if he did, he was right in his opinion. - - - - - CHAPTER IV - THE FIELD OF THE CLOTH OF GOLD - 1518-1520 - - -The object of Wolsey's foreign policy had been attained by the universal -peace of 1518. England had been set up as the mediator in the politics -of Europe. The old claims of the empire and the papacy had passed away -in the conflict of national and dynastic interests, in which papacy and -empire were alike involved. England, by virtue of its insular position, -was practically outside the objects of immediate ambition which -distracted its Continental neighbours; but England's commercial -interests made her desirous of influence, and Henry VIII. was bent upon -being an important personage. It was Wolsey's object to gratify the king -at the least expense to the country, and so long as the king could be -exalted by peaceful means, the good of England was certainly promoted at -the same time. The position of England as the pacifier of Europe was one -well qualified to develop a national consciousness of great duties to -perform; and it may be doubted if a country is ever great unless it has -a clear consciousness of some great mission. - -Wolsey's policy had been skilful, and the results which he had obtained -were glorious; but it was difficult to maintain the position which he -had won. It was one thing to proclaim a peace; it was another to -contrive that peace should be kept. One important question was looming -in the distance when Wolsey's peace was signed,--the succession to the -empire on Maximilian's death. Unfortunately this question came rapidly -forward for decision, as Maximilian died suddenly on 12th January 1519, -and the politicians of Europe waited breathlessly to see who would be -chosen as his successor. - -The election to the empire rested with the seven electors, the chief -princes of Germany; but if they had been minded on this occasion to -exercise freely their right, it would have been difficult for them to do -so. The empire had for a century been with the house of Austria, and -Maximilian had schemed eagerly that it should pass to his grandson -Charles. It is true that Charles was already King of Spain, Lord of the -Netherlands, and King of Naples and Sicily, so that it seemed dangerous -to increase still further his great dominions. But Charles urged his -claim, and his great rival, Francis I. of France, entered the lists -against him. Strange as it may seem that a French king should aspire to -rule over Germany, Francis I. could urge that he was almost as closely -connected with Germany as was Charles, whose interests were bound up -with those of Spain and the Netherlands. In the face of these two -competitors, it was hard for the electors to find a candidate of a -humbler sort who would venture to draw upon himself the wrath of their -disappointment. Moreover, the task of ruling Germany was not such as to -attract a small prince. The Turks were threatening its borders, and a -strong man was needed to deal with many pressing problems of its -government. The electors, however, were scarcely guilty of any patriotic -considerations; they quietly put up their votes for auction between -Francis and Charles, and deferred a choice as long as they could. - -Both competitors turned for help to their allies, the Pope and the King -of England, who found themselves greatly perplexed. Leo X. did not wish -to see French influence increased, as France was a dangerous neighbour -in Italy; nor did he wish to see the empire and the kingdom of Naples -both held by the same man, for that was against the immemorial policy of -the Papacy. So Leo intrigued and prevaricated to such an extent that it -is almost impossible to determine what he was aiming at. He managed, -however, to throw hindrances in Wolsey's path, though we cannot be sure -that he intended to do so. - -Wolsey's plan of action was clear, though it was not dignified. He -wished to preserve England's mediating attitude and give offence to no -one; consequently, he secretly promised his help both to Charles and -Francis, and tried to arrange that each should be ignorant of his -promises to the other. All went well till Leo, in his diplomatic -divagations, commissioned his legate to suggest to Henry VIII. that it -might be possible, after all, to find some third candidate for the -empire, and that he was ready to try and put off the election for that -purpose, if Henry agreed. Henry seems to have considered this as a hint -from the Pope to become a candidate himself. He remembered that -Maximilian had offered to resign the empire in his favour, but he forgot -the sufficient reasons which had led him to dismiss the proposal as -fantastic and absurd. His vanity was rather tickled with the notion of -rivalling Charles and Francis, and he thought that if the Pope were on -his side, his chances would be as good as theirs. - -We can only guess at Wolsey's dismay when his master laid this project -before him. Whatever Wolsey thought, he knew that it was useless to -offer any opposition. However much he might be able to influence the -king's opinions in the making, he knew that he must execute them when -they were made. If Henry had made up his mind to become a candidate for -the empire, a candidate he must be. All that could be done was to -prevent his determination from being hopelessly disastrous. So Wolsey -pointed out that great as were the advantages to be obtained by gaining -the empire, there were dangers in being an unsuccessful candidate. It -was necessary first to make sure of the Pope, and then to prosecute -Henry's candidature by fair and honourable means. Francis was spending -money lavishly to win supporters to his side; and Charles was -reluctantly compelled to follow his example lest he should be outbid. It -would be unwise for Henry to squander his money and simply raise the -market price of the votes. Let him make it clear to the greedy Germans -that they would not see the colour of England's money till the English -king had been really elected. - -So Wolsey sent the most cautious instructions to his agent in Rome to -see if the Pope would take the responsibility of urging Henry to become -a candidate; but Leo was too cautious, and affected not to understand -the hint. Then in May, Pace, who was now the king's secretary, was sent -to Germany to sound the electors with equal care. He was to approach the -electors who were on Francis's side, as though Henry were in favour of -Francis, and was to act similarly to those who were in favour of -Charles; then he was to hint cautiously that it might be well to choose -some one more closely connected with Germany, and if they showed any -acquiescence, was to suggest that Henry was "of the German tongue," and -then was to sing his praises. Probably both Pace and Wolsey knew that it -was too late to do anything serious. Pace reported that the money of -France and Spain was flowing on all sides, and was of opinion that the -empire was "the dearest merchandise that ever was sold," and would prove -"the worst that ever was bought to him that shall obtain it." Yet still -he professed to have hopes, and even asked for money to enter the lists -of corruption. But this was needless, as the election at last proceeded -quickly. The Pope came round to the side of Charles as being the least -of two evils, and Charles was elected on 28th June. - -Thus Wolsey succeeded in satisfying his master's demands without -committing England to any breach with either of her allies. Henry VIII. -could scarcely be gratified at the part that he had played, but Wolsey -could convince him that he had tried his best, and that at any rate no -harm had been done. Though Henry's proceedings were known to Francis and -Charles, there was nothing at which they could take offence. Henry had -behaved with duplicity, but that was only to be expected in those days; -he had not pronounced himself strongly against either. The ill-will that -had long been simmering between Charles V. and Francis I. had risen to -the surface, and the long rivalry between the two monarchs was now -declared. Each looked for allies, and the most important ally was -England. Each had hopes of winning over the English king, and Wolsey -wished to keep alive, without satisfying, the hopes of both, and so -establish still more securely the power of England as holding the -balance of the peace of Europe. - -Wolsey's conduct in this matter throws much light on his relations to -the king, and the method by which he retained his influence and managed -to carry out his own designs. He appreciated the truth that a statesman -must lead while seeming to follow--a truth which applies equally to all -forms of government. Wolsey was responsible to no one but the king, and -so had a better opportunity than has a statesman who serves a democracy -to obtain permission to carry out a consecutive policy. But, on the -other hand, he was more liable to be thwarted and interrupted in matters -of detail by the interference of a superior. Wolsey's far-seeing policy -was endangered by the king's vanity and obstinacy; he could not ask for -time to justify his own wisdom, but was forced to obey. Yet even then he -would not abandon his own position and set himself to minimise the -inconvenience. It is impossible to know how often Wolsey was at other -times obliged to give way to the king and adopt the second-best course; -but in this case we find clear indications of the process. When he was -driven from his course, he contrived that the deviation should be as -unimportant as possible. - -Wolsey's task of maintaining peace by English mediation was beset with -difficulties now that the breach between Francis I. and Charles V. was -clearly made. It was necessary for England to be friendly to both, and -not to be drawn by its friendliness towards either to offend the other. -In the matter of the imperial election English influence had been -somewhat on the side of Charles, and Francis was now the one who needed -propitiation. The treaty with France had provided for a personal -interview between the two kings, and Francis was anxious that it should -take place at once. For this purpose he strove to win the good offices -of Wolsey. He assured him that in case of a papal election he could -command fourteen votes which should be given in his favour. Moreover, he -conferred on him a signal mark of his confidence by nominating him his -plenipotentiary for the arrangements about the forthcoming interview. By -this all difficulties were removed, and Wolsey stood forward before the -eyes of Europe as the accredited representative of the kings of England -and France at the same time. It is no wonder that men marvelled at such -an unheard-of position for an English subject. - -But nothing that Francis had to give could turn Wolsey away from his own -path. No sooner did he know that the French interview was agreed upon -than he suggested to Charles that it would be well for him also to have -a meeting with the English king. The proposal was eagerly accepted, and -Wolsey conducted the negotiations about both interviews side by side. -Rarely did two meetings cause such a flow of ink and raise so many -knotty points. At last it was agreed that Charles should visit Henry in -England in an informal way before the French interview took place. It -was difficult to induce the punctilious Spaniards to give way to -Wolsey's requirements. It was a hard thing for one who bore the -high-sounding title of Emperor to agree to visit a King of England on -his own terms. But Wolsey was resolute that everything should be done in -such a way as to give France the least cause of complaint. When the -Spanish envoys objected to his arrangements or proposed alterations, he -brought them to their bearings by saying, "Very well; then do not do it -and begone." They were made to feel their dependence on himself. The -interview was of their seeking, and must be held on terms which he -proposed, or not at all. This, no doubt, was felt to be very haughty -conduct on Wolsey's part; but he had set on foot the scheme of this -double interview, by which Henry was to be glorified and England's -mediatorial position assured. It was his business to see that his plan -succeeded. So he turned a deaf ear to the offers of the Spanish -ambassadors. He was not to be moved by the promise of ecclesiastical -revenues in Spain. Even when the influence of Spain was proffered to -secure his election to the Papacy, he coldly refused. - -It has been said that Wolsey was open to bribes, and his seemingly -tortuous policy has been accounted for by the supposition that he -inclined to the side which promised him most. This, however, is an -entire mistake. Wolsey went his own way; but at the same time he did not -disregard his personal profit. He was too great a man to be bribed; but -his greatness entailed magnificence, and magnificence is expensive. He -regarded it as natural that sovereigns who threw work upon his shoulders -should make some recognition of his labours. This was the custom of the -time; and Wolsey was by no means singular in receiving gifts from -foreign kings. The chief lords of Henry's Court received pensions from -the King of France; and the lords of the French Court were similarly -rewarded by Henry. This was merely a complimentary custom, and was open -and avowed. Wolsey received a pension from Francis I., and a further sum -as compensation for the bishopric of Tournai, which he resigned when -Tournai was returned to France. In like manner, Charles V. rewarded him -by a Spanish bishopric; but Wolsey declined the office of bishop, and -preferred to receive a fixed pension secured on the revenues of the see. -This iniquitous arrangement was carried out with the Pope's consent; and -such like arrangements were by no means rare. They were the natural -result of the excessive wealth of the Church, which was diverted to the -royal uses by a series of fictions, more or less barefaced, but all -tending to the weakening of the ecclesiastical organisation. Still the -fact remains that Wolsey thought no shame of receiving pensions from -Francis and Charles alike; but there was nothing secret nor -extraordinary in this. Wolsey regarded it as only obvious that his -statesmanship should be rewarded by those for whom it was exercised; but -the Emperor and the King of France never hoped that by these pensions -they would attach Wolsey to their side. The promise by which they tried -to win him was the promise of the Papacy; and to this Wolsey turned a -deaf ear. "He is seven times more powerful than the Pope," wrote the -Venetian ambassador; and perhaps Wolsey himself at this time was of the -same opinion. - -Meanwhile Francis was annoyed when he heard of these dealings with -Charles, and tried to counteract them by pressing for an early date of -his meeting with Henry VIII. It is amazing to find how large a part -domestic events were made to play in these matters of high policy when -occasion needed. Francis urged that he was very anxious for his queen to -be present to welcome Katharine; but she was expecting her confinement, -and if the interview did not take place soon she would be unable to -appear. Wolsey replied with equal concern for family affairs, that the -Emperor was anxious to visit his aunt, whom he had never seen, and Henry -could not be so churlish as to refuse a visit from his wife's relative. -Katharine, on her side, was overjoyed at this renewal of intimacy with -the Spanish Court, to whose interests she was strongly attached, and -tried to prevent the understanding with France, by declaring that she -could not possibly have her dresses ready under three months. In her -dislike of the French alliance Queen Katharine expressed the popular -sentiment. The people had long regarded France as the natural enemy of -England, and were slow to give up their prejudices. The nobles grew more -and more discontented with Wolsey's policy, which they did not care to -understand. They only saw that their expectations of a return to power -were utterly disappointed; Wolsey, backed by officials such as Pace, was -all-powerful, and they were disregarded. Wolsey was working absolutely -single-handed. It is a remarkable proof of his skill that he was able to -draw the king to follow him unhesitatingly, at the sacrifice of his -personal popularity, and in spite of the representations of those who -were immediately around him. - -Moreover, Wolsey, in his capacity of representative of the Kings of -England and France, had in his hands the entire management of all -concerning the coming interview. He fixed the place with due regard to -the honour of England, almost on English soil. The English king was not -to lodge outside his own territory of Calais; the spot appointed for the -meeting was on the meadows between Guisnes and Ardres, on the borderland -of the two kingdoms. Wolsey had to decide which of the English nobles -and gentry were to attend the king, and had to assign to each his office -and dignity. The king's retinue amounted to nearly 4000, and the queen's -was somewhat over 1000. A very slight knowledge of human nature will -serve to show how many people Wolsey must necessarily have offended. If -the ranks of his enemies were large before, they must have increased -enormously when his arrangements were made known. - -Still Wolsey was not daunted, and however much every one, from Francis -and Charles, felt aggrieved by his proceedings, all had to obey; and -everything that took place was due to Wolsey's will alone. The interview -with Charles was simple. On 26th May 1520 he landed at Dover, and was -met by Wolsey; next morning Henry rode to meet him and escort him to -Canterbury, which was his headquarters; on the 29th Charles rode to -Sandwich, where he embarked for Flanders. What subjects the two monarchs -discussed we can only dimly guess. Each promised to help the other if -attacked by France, and probably Henry undertook to bring about a -joint-conference of the three sovereigns to discuss their common -interests. The importance of the meeting lay in its display of -friendliness; in the warning which it gave to France that she was not to -count upon the exclusive possession of England's goodwill. - -No sooner was the Emperor gone than Henry embarked for Calais, and -arrived at Guisnes on 4th June. We need not describe again the "Field of -the Cloth of Gold," to furnish which the art of the Renaissance was used -to deck mediæval pageantry. It is enough to say that stately palaces of -wood clothed the barren stretch of flat meadows, and that every ornament -which man's imagination could devise was employed to lend splendour to -the scene. No doubt it was barbaric, wasteful, and foolish; but men in -those days loved the sight of magnificence, and the display was as much -for the enjoyment of countless spectators as for the self-glorification -of those who were the main actors. In those days the solace of a poor -man's life was the occasional enjoyment of a stately spectacle; and -after all, splendour gives more pleasure to the lookers-on than to the -personages of the show. - -Most splendid among the glittering throng was the figure of Wolsey, who -had to support the dignity of representative of both kings, and spared -no pains to do it to the full. But while the jousts went on, Wolsey was -busy with diplomacy; there were many points relating to a good -understanding between France and England, which he wished to -arrange,--the projected marriage of the Dauphin with Mary of England, -the payment due from France to England on several heads, the relations -between France and Scotland and the like. More important than these was -the reconciliation of Charles with Francis, which Wolsey pressed to the -utmost of his persuasiveness, without, however, reaching any definite -conclusion. Charles was hovering on the Flemish border, ready at a hint -from Wolsey to join the conference; but Wolsey could find no good -reasons for giving it, and when the festivities came to an end on 24th -June, it might be doubted if much substantial good had resulted from the -interview. No doubt the French and English fraternised, and swore -friendship over their cups; but tournaments were not the happiest means -of allaying feelings of rivalry, and the protestations of friendship -were little more than lip-deep. Yet Wolsey cannot be blamed for being -over-sanguine. It was at least a worthy end that he had before him,--the -removal of long-standing hostility, the settlement of old disputes, the -union of two neighbouring nations by the assertion of common aims and -common interests. However we may condemn the methods which Wolsey used, -at least we must admit that his end was in accordance with the most -enlightened views of modern statesmanship. - -When Henry had taken leave of Francis, he waited in Calais for the -coming of Charles, whose visit to England was understood to be merely -preliminary to further negotiations. Again Henry held the important -position; he went to meet Charles at Gravelines, where he stayed for a -night, and then escorted Charles as his guest to Calais, where he stayed -from 10th to 14th July. The result of the conference was a formal treaty -of alliance between the two sovereigns, which Charles proposed to -confirm by betrothing himself to Henry's daughter Mary. As she was a -child of four years old, such an undertaking did not bind him to much; -but Mary was already betrothed to the Dauphin, while Charles was also -already betrothed to Charlotte of France, so that the proposal aimed at -a double breach of existing relationships and treaties. Henry listened -to this scheme, which opened up the way for further negotiation, and the -two monarchs parted with protestations of friendship. It was now the -turn of Francis to hang about the place where Henry was holding -conference with his rival, in hopes that he too might be invited to -their discussions. He had to content himself with hearing that Henry -rode a steed which he had presented to him, and that his face did not -look so contented and cheerful as when he was on the meadows of Guisnes. -In due time he received from Henry an account of what had passed between -himself and the Emperor. Henry informed him of Charles's marriage -projects, and of his proposal for an alliance against France, both of -which Henry falsely said that he had rejected with holy horror. - -Truly the records of diplomacy are dreary, and the results of all this -display, this ingenious scheming, and this deceit seem ludicrously -small. The upshot, however, was that Wolsey's ideas still remained -dominant, and that the position which he had marked out for England was -still maintained. He had been compelled to change the form of his -policy, but its essence was unchanged. European affairs could no longer -be directed by a universal peace under the guarantee of England; so -Wolsey substituted for it a system of separate alliances with England, -by which England exercised a mediating influence on the policy of the -two monarchs, whose rivalry threatened a breach of European peace. He -informed Francis of the schemes of Charles, that he might show him how -much depended on English mediation. He so conducted matters that Charles -and Francis should both be aware that England could make advantageous -terms with either, that her interests did not tend to one side rather -than the other, that both should be willing to secure her goodwill, and -should shrink from taking any step which would throw her on the side of -his adversary. It was a result worth achieving, though the position was -precarious, and required constant watchfulness to maintain. - - - - - CHAPTER V - THE CONFERENCE OF CALAIS - 1520-1521 - - -The most significant point in the mediatorial policy of Wolsey was the -fact that it threw the Papacy entirely into the shade. What Wolsey was -doing was the traditional business of the Pope, who could not openly -gainsay a policy which he was bound to profess coincided with his own. -So Leo X. followed Wolsey's lead of keeping on good terms with France -and the Emperor alike; but Leo had no real wish for peace. He wished to -gain something in Italy for the Medici, and nothing was to be gained -while France and Spain suspended hostilities. Only in time of war could -he hope to carry out his own plans by balancing one combatant against -the other. Charles's ambassador was not wrong in saying that Leo hated -Wolsey more than any other man; and Leo tried to upset his plans by -drawing nearer to the imperial side. - -It required very little to provoke war between Francis and Charles; -either would begin the attack if the conditions were a little more -favourable, or if he could secure an ally. But Charles was weak owing to -the want of unity of interest in his unwieldy dominions. Germany was -disturbed by the opinions of Luther; Spain was disturbed by a revolt of -the cities against long-standing misgovernment. Charles was not ready -for war, nor was Francis much better provided. His coffers were empty -through his lavish expenditure, and his Government was not popular. -Really, though both wished for war, neither was prepared to be the -aggressor; both wanted the vantage of seeming to fight in self-defence. - -It was obvious that Charles had made a high bid for the friendship of -England when he offered himself as the husband of the Princess Mary. -Wolsey had taken care that Francis was informed of this offer, which -necessarily led to a long negotiation with the imperial Court. Really -Charles's marriage projects were rather complicated; he was betrothed to -Charlotte of France; he had made an offer for Mary of England; but he -wished to marry Isabella of Portugal for no loftier reason than the -superior attractions of her dowry. His proposal for Mary of England was -prompted by nothing save the desire to have Henry as his ally against -France; if he could manage by fair promises to induce Henry to go to war -his purpose would be achieved, and he could still go in quest of the -Portuguese dower. So when Tunstal, the Master of the Rolls, went as -English envoy to discuss the matter, Charles's Council raised all sorts -of difficulties. Let the English king join a league with the Pope and -the Emperor against France; then the Pope would grant his dispensation, -which was necessary, owing to the relationship between Charles and Mary. -Tunstal was bidden by Wolsey to refuse such conditions. England would -not move until the marriage had been concluded, and would not join in -any league with the Pope till his dispensation was in Henry's hand. The -separate alliance of England and the Emperor must be put beyond doubt to -England's satisfaction before anything else could be considered. Wolsey -commissioned Tunstal to adopt a lofty tone. "It would be great folly," -he says, "for this young prince, not being more surely settled in his -dominions, and so ill-provided with treasure and good councillors, the -Pope also being so brittle and variable, to be led into war for the -pleasure of his ministers." Truly Wolsey thought he had taken the -measure of those with whom he dealt, and spoke with sufficient plainness -when occasion needed. But Charles's chancellor, Gattinara, a -Piedmontese, who was rising into power, was as obstinate as Wolsey, and -rejected the English proposals with equal scorn. "Your master," he said -to Tunstal, "would have the Emperor break with France, but would keep -himself free; he behaves like a man with two horses, one of which he -rides, and leads the other by the hand." It was clear that nothing could -be done, and Wolsey with some delight recalled Tunstal from his embassy. -The closer alliance with the Emperor was at an end for the present; he -had shown again that England would only forego her mediating position on -her own terms. - -At the same time he dealt an equal measure of rebuff to France. Before -the conference at Guisnes Francis had done some work towards rebuilding -the ruined walls of Ardres on the French frontier. After the conference -the work was continued till England resented it as an unfriendly act. -Francis was obliged to give way, and order the building to be stopped. -Neither Francis nor Charles were allowed to presume on the complacency -of England, nor use their alliance with her to further their own -purposes. - -The general aspect of affairs was so dubious that it was necessary for -England to be prepared for any emergency, and first of all Scotland must -be secured as far as possible. Since the fall of James IV. at Flodden -Field, Scotland had been internally unquiet. Queen Margaret gave birth -to a son a few months after her husband's death, and, to secure her -position, took the unwise step of marrying the Earl of Angus. The -enemies of Angus and the national party in Scotland joined together to -demand that the Regency should be placed in firmer hands, and they -summoned from France the Duke of Albany, a son of the second son of -James III., who had been born in exile, and was French in all the -traditions of his education. When Albany came to Scotland as Regent, -Queen Margaret and Angus were so assailed that Margaret had to flee to -England for refuge in 1515, leaving her son in Albany's care. She stayed -in England till the middle of 1517, when she was allowed to return to -Scotland on condition that she took no part in public affairs. About the -same time Albany returned to France, somewhat weary of his Scottish -charge. By his alliance with Francis Henry contrived that Albany should -not return to Scotland; but he could not contrive to give his sister -Margaret the political wisdom which was needed to draw England and -Scotland nearer together. Margaret quarrelled with her husband Angus, -and only added another element of discord to those which previously -existed. The safest way for England to keep Scotland helpless was to -encourage forays on the Border. The Warden of the Western Marches, Lord -Dacre of Naworth, was admirably adapted to work with Wolsey for this -purpose. Without breaking the formal peace which existed between the two -nations, he developed a savage and systematic warfare, waged in the -shape of Border raids, which was purposely meant to devastate the -Scottish frontier, so as to prevent a serious invasion from the Scottish -side. Still Henry VIII. was most desirous to keep Scotland separate from -France; but the truce with Scotland expired in November 1520. Wolsey -would gladly have turned the truce into a perpetual peace; but Scotland -still clung to its French alliance, and all that Wolsey could achieve -was a prolongation of the truce till 1522. He did so, however, with the -air of one who would have preferred war; and Francis I. was induced to -urge the Scots to sue for peace, and accept as a favour what England was -only too glad to grant. - -At the same time an event occurred in England which showed in an -unmistakable way the determination of Henry to go his own way and allow -no man to question it. In April 1520 the Duke of Buckingham, one of the -wealthiest of the English nobles, was imprisoned on an accusation of -high treason. In May he was brought to trial before his peers, was found -guilty, and was executed. The charges against him were trivial if true; -the witnesses were members of his household who bore him a grudge. But -the king heard their testimony in his Council, and committed the duke to -the Tower. None of the nobles of England dared differ from their -imperious master. If the king thought fit that Buckingham should die, -they would not run the risk of putting any obstacle in the way of the -royal will. Trials for treason under Henry VIII. were mere formal acts -of registration of a decision already formed. - -The Duke of Buckingham, no doubt, was a weak and foolish man, and may -have done and said many foolish things. He was in some sense justified -in regarding himself as the nearest heir to the English throne if Henry -left no children to succeed him. Henry had been married for many years, -and as yet there was no surviving child save the Princess Mary. It was -unwise to talk about the succession to the Crown after Henry's death; it -was criminal to disturb the minds of Englishmen who had only so lately -won the blessings of internal peace. If the Duke of Buckingham had -really done so, he would not be undeserving of punishment; but the -evidence against him was slight, and its source was suspicious. No doubt -Buckingham was incautious, and made himself a mouthpiece of the -discontent felt by the nobles at the French alliance and their own -exclusion from affairs. No doubt he denounced Wolsey, who sent him a -message that he might say what he liked against himself, but warned him -to beware what he said against the king. It does not seem that Wolsey -took any active part in the proceedings against the Duke, but he did not -do anything to save him. The matter was the king's matter, and as such -it was regarded by all. The nobles, who probably agreed with -Buckingham's opinions, were unanimous in pronouncing his guilt; and the -Duke of Norfolk, with tears streaming down his cheeks, condemned him to -his doom. The mass of the people were indifferent to his fate, and were -willing that the king should be sole judge of the precautions necessary -for his safety, with which the internal peace and outward glory of -England was entirely identified. Charles and Francis stood aghast at -Henry's strong measures, and were surprised that he could do things in -such a high-handed manner with impunity. If Henry intended to let the -statesmen of Europe know that he was not to be diverted from his course -by fear of causing disorders at home he thoroughly succeeded. The death -of Buckingham was a warning that those who crossed the king's path and -hoped to thwart his plans by petulant opposition were playing a game -which would only end in their own ruin. - -Free from any fear of opposition at home, Wolsey could now give his -attention to his difficult task abroad. Charles V. had been crowned at -Aachen, and talked of an expedition to Rome to receive the imperial -crown. Francis I. was preparing for a campaign to assert the French -claims on Milan. Meanwhile he wished to hamper Charles without openly -breaking the peace. He stirred up a band of discontented barons to -attack Luxembourg, and aided the claimant to the crown of Navarre to -enter his inheritance. War seemed now inevitable; but Wolsey remained -true to his principles, and urged upon both kings that they should -submit their differences to the mediation of England. Charles was busied -with the revolt of the Spanish towns, and was not unwilling to gain -time. After a show of reluctance he submitted to the English proposals; -but Francis, rejoicing in the prospect of success in Luxembourg and -Navarre, refused on the ground that Charles was not in earnest. Still -Francis was afraid of incurring England's hostility, and quailed before -Wolsey's threat that if France refused mediation, England would be -driven to side with the Emperor. In June 1521 he reluctantly assented to -a conference to be held at Calais, over which Wolsey should preside, and -decide between the pleas urged by representatives of the two hostile -monarchs. - -If Wolsey triumphed at having reached his goal, his triumph was of short -duration. He might display himself as a mediator seeking to establish -peace, but he knew that peace was well-nigh impossible. While the -negotiations were in progress for the conference which was to resolve -differences, events were tending to make war inevitable. When Wolsey -began to broach his project, Francis was desirous of war and Charles was -anxious to defer it; but Charles met with some success in obtaining -promises of help from Germany in the Diet of Worms, and when that was -over, he heard welcome news which reached him gradually from all sides. -The revolt of the Spanish towns was dying away; the aggressors in -Luxembourg had been repulsed; the troops of Spain had won signal -successes in Navarre. His embarrassments were certainly disappearing on -all sides. More than this, Pope Leo X., after long wavering, made up his -mind to take a definite course. No doubt he was sorely vexed to find -that the position which he hankered after was occupied by England; and -if he were to step back into the politics of Europe, he could not defer -a decision much longer. He had wavered between an alliance with France -and Venice on the one side, or with the Emperor on the other. The -movement of Luther in Germany had been one of the questions for -settlement in the Diet of Worms, and Luther had been silenced for a -time. Leo awoke in some degree to the gravity of the situation, and saw -the advantage of making common cause with Charles, whose help in Germany -was needful. Accordingly he made a secret treaty with the Emperor for -mutual defence, and was anxious to draw England to the same side. The -religious question was beginning to be of importance, and Francis I. was -regarded as a favourer of heretics, whereas Henry VIII. was strictly -orthodox, was busy in suppressing Lutheran opinions at home, and was -preparing his book which should confute Luther for ever. - -Another circumstance also greatly affected the attitude of Charles, the -death of his minister Chièvres, who had been his tutor in his youth, and -continued to exercise great influence over his actions. Charles was -cold, reserved, and ill-adapted to make friends. It was natural that one -whom he had trusted from his boyhood should sway his policy at the -first. Chièvres was a Burgundian, whose life had been spent in saving -Burgundy from French aggression, and the continuance of this watchful -care was his chief object till the last. His first thought was for -Burgundy, and to protect that he wished for peace with France and -opposed an adventurous policy. On his death in May 1521 Charles V. -entered on a new course of action. He felt himself for the first time -his own master, and took his responsibilities upon himself. He seems to -have admitted to himself that the advice of Chièvres had not always been -wise, and he never allowed another minister to gain the influence -Chièvres had possessed. He contented himself with officials who might -each represent some part of his dominions, and whose advice he used in -turns, but none of whom could claim to direct his policy as a whole. - -Chief of these officials was a Savoyard, Mercurino della Gattinara, -whose diplomatic skill was now of great service to the Emperor. -Gattinara was a man devoted to his master's interests, and equal to -Wolsey in resoluteness and pertinacity. Hitherto Wolsey had had the -strongest will amongst the statesmen of Europe, and had reaped all the -advantages of his strength. In Gattinara he met with an opponent who was -in many ways his match. It is true that Gattinara had not Wolsey's -genius, and was not capable of Wolsey's far-reaching schemes; but he had -a keen eye to the interests of the moment, and could neither be baffled -by _finesse_ nor overborne by menaces. His was the hand that first -checked Wolsey's victorious career. - -So it was that through a combination of causes the prospects of peace -suddenly darkened just as Wolsey was preparing to stand forward as the -mediator of Europe. Doubtless he hoped, when first he put forward the -project of a conference, that it might be the means of restoring his -original design of 1518, a European peace under the guarantee of -England. Since that had broken down he had been striving to maintain -England's influence by separate alliances; he hoped in the conference to -use this position in the interests of peace. But first of all the -alliance with the Emperor must be made closer, and the Emperor showed -signs of demanding that this closer alliance should be purchased by a -breach with France. If war was inevitable, England had most to gain by -an alliance with Charles, to whom its friendship could offer substantial -advantages, as England, in case of war, could secure to Charles the -means of communicating between the Netherlands and Spain, which would be -cut off if France were hostile and the Channel were barred by English -ships. Moreover the prospect of a marriage between Charles and the -Princess Mary was naturally gratifying to Henry; while English industry -would suffer from any breach of trading relations with the Netherlands, -and the notion of war with France was still popular with the English. - -So Wolsey started for Calais at the beginning of August with the -intention of strengthening England's alliance with the Emperor, that -thereby England's influence might be more powerful. Charles on the other -hand was resolved on war; he did not wish for peace by England's -mediation, but he wished to draw England definitely into the league -between himself and the Pope against France. Wolsey knew that much -depended on his own cleverness, and nerved himself for the greatest -caution, as Francis was beginning to be suspicious of the preparations -of Charles, and the attitude of affairs was not promising for a pacific -mediation. - -This became obvious at the first interview of Wolsey with the imperial -envoys, foremost amongst whom was Gattinara. They were commissioned to -treat about the marriage of Charles with the Princess Mary, and about a -secret undertaking for war against France; but their instructions -contained nothing tending to peace. The French envoys were more pacific, -as war was not popular in France. - -On 7th August the conference was opened under Wolsey's presidency; but -Gattinara did nothing save dwell upon the grievances of his master -against France; he maintained that France had been the aggressor in -breaking the existing treaty; he had no powers to negotiate peace or -even a truce, but demanded England's help, which had been promised to -the party first aggrieved. The French retorted in the same strain, but -it was clear that they were not averse to peace, and were willing to -trust to Wolsey's mediation. Wolsey saw that he could make little out of -Gattinara. He intended to visit the Emperor, who had come to Bruges for -the purpose, as soon as he had settled with the imperial envoys the -preliminaries of an alliance; now he saw that the only hope of -continuing the conference lay in winning from Charles better terms than -the stubborn Gattinara would concede. So he begged the French envoys to -remain in Calais while he visited the Emperor and arranged with him -personally for a truce. As the French were desirous of peace, they -consented. - -On 16th August Wolsey entered Bruges in royal state, with a retinue of -1000 horsemen. Charles came to the city gate to meet him, and received -him almost as an equal. Wolsey did not dismount from his horse, but -received Charles's embrace seated. He was given rooms in Charles's -palace, and the next day at church Charles sat by Wolsey's side and -shared the same kneeling stool with him. Their private conferences dealt -solely with the accord between England and the Emperor. Wolsey saw that -it was useless to urge directly the cause of peace, and trusted to use -for this purpose the advantages which his alliance would give. He -succeeded, however, in considerably modifying the terms which had been -first proposed. He diminished the amount of dowry which Mary was to -receive on her marriage, and put off her voyage to the Emperor till she -should reach the age of twelve, instead of seven, which was first -demanded. Similarly he put off the period when England should declare -war against France till the spring of 1523, though he agreed that if war -was being waged between Francis and Charles in November, England should -send some help to Charles. Thus he still preserved England's freedom of -action, and deferred a rupture with France. Every one thought that many -things might happen in the next few months, and that England was pledged -to little. Further, Wolsey guarded the pecuniary interests of Henry by -insisting that if France ceased to pay its instalments for the purchase -of Tournai, the Emperor should make good the loss. He also stipulated -that the treaty should be kept a profound secret, so that the -proceedings of the conference should still go on. - -Wolsey was impressed by Charles, and gave a true description of his -character to Henry: "For his age he is very wise and understanding his -affairs, right cold and temperate in speech, with assured manner, -couching his words right well and to good purpose when he doth speak." -We do not know what was Charles's private opinion of Wolsey. He can -scarcely have relished Wolsey's lofty manner, for Wolsey bore himself -with all the dignity of a representative of his king. Thus, the King of -Denmark, Charles's brother-in-law, was in Bruges, and sought an -interview with Wolsey, who answered that it was unbecoming for him to -receive in his chamber any king to whom he was not commissioned; if the -King of Denmark wished to speak with him, let him meet him, as though by -accident, in the garden of the palace. - -When the provisions of the treaty had been drafted, Wolsey set out for -Calais on 26th August, and was honourably escorted out of Bruges by the -Emperor himself. On his return the business of the conference began, and -was dragged on through three weary months. The imperial envoys naturally -saw nothing to be gained by the conference except keeping open the -quarrel with France till November, when Henry was bound to send help to -the Emperor if peace were not made. Wolsey remained true to his two -principles: care for English interests, and a desire for peace. He -secured protection for the fishery of the Channel in case of war, and he -cautiously strove to lead up both parties to see their advantage in -making a truce if they could not agree upon a peace. It was inevitable -that these endeavours should bring on Wolsey the suspicions of both. The -French guessed something of the secret treaty from the warlike -appearance which England began to assume, and cried out that they were -being deceived. The imperial envoys could not understand how one who had -just signed a treaty with their master, could throw obstacles in their -way and pursue a mediating policy of his own. Really both sides were -only engaged in gaining time, and their attention was more fixed upon -events in the field than on any serious project of agreement. - -When in the middle of September the French arms won some successes, -Gattinara showed himself inclined to negotiate for a truce. The -conference, which hitherto had been merely illusory, suddenly became -real, and Wolsey's wisdom in bargaining that England should not declare -war against France till the spring of 1523 became apparent. He could -urge on Gattinara that it would be wise to agree to a truce till that -period was reached; then all would be straightforward. So Wolsey -adjourned the public sittings of the conference, and negotiated -privately with the two parties. The French saw in a year's truce only a -means of allowing the Emperor to prepare for war, and demanded a -substantial truce for ten years. Wolsey used all his skill to bring -about an agreement, and induced Gattinara to accept a truce for eighteen -months, and the French to reduce their demands to four years. But -Charles raised a new difficulty, and claimed that all conquests made in -the war should be given up. The only conquest was Fontarabia, on the -border of Navarre, which was still occupied by the French. Francis not -unnaturally declined to part with it solely to obtain a brief truce, as -Charles had no equivalent to restore. Wolsey used every argument to -induce the Emperor to withdraw his claim; but he was obstinate, and the -conference came to an end. It is true that Wolsey tried to keep up -appearances by concluding a truce for a month, that the Emperor might go -to Spain and consult his subjects about the surrender of Fontarabia. - -So Wolsey departed from Calais on 25th November, disappointed and worn -out. As he wrote himself, "I have been so sore tempested in mind by the -untowardness of the chancellors and orators on every side, putting so -many difficulties and obstacles to condescend to any reasonable -conditions of truce and abstinence of war, that night nor day I could -have no quietness nor rest." There is no doubt that Wolsey wrote what he -felt. He had laboured hard for peace, and had failed. If he hoped that -the labours of the conference might still be continued by his diplomacy -in England, that hope was destroyed before he reached London. On 1st -December the imperial troops captured Tournai, which they had been for -some time besieging, and news came from Italy that Milan also had fallen -before the forces of the Emperor and the Pope. Charles had seemed to -Wolsey unreasonable in his obstinacy. He had refused a truce which he -had every motive of prudence for welcoming; and now events proved that -he was justified. Not only had Francis been foiled in his attempts to -embarrass his rival, but success had followed the first steps which -Charles had taken to retaliate. The time for diplomacy was past, and the -quarrel must be decided by the sword. - -So Wolsey saw his great designs overthrown. He was a peace minister -because he knew that England had nothing to gain from war. He had -striven to keep the peace of Europe by means of England's mediation, and -his efforts had been so far successful as to give England the first -place in the counsels of Europe. But Wolsey hoped more from diplomacy -than diplomacy could do. Advice and influence can do something to check -the outbreak of war when war is not very seriously designed; but in -proportion as great interests are concerned, attempts at mediation are -useless unless they are backed by force. England was not prepared for -war, and had no troops by whom she could pretend to enforce her -counsels. When the two rival powers began to be in earnest, they -admitted England's mediation only as a means of involving her in their -quarrel. Wolsey was only the first of a long series of English ministers -who have met with the same disappointment from the same reason. England -in Wolsey's days had the same sort of interest in the affairs of the -Continent as she has had ever since. Wolsey first taught her to develop -that interest by pacific counsels, and so long as that has been -possible, England has been powerful. But when a crisis comes England has -ever been slow to recognise its inevitableness; and her habit of hoping -against hope for peace has placed her in an undignified attitude for a -time, has drawn upon her reproaches for duplicity, and has involved her -in war against her will. - -This was now the net result of Wolsey's endeavours, a result which he -clearly perceived. His efforts of mediation at Calais had been -entirely his own, and he could confide to no one his regret and his -disappointment. Henry was resolved on war when Wolsey first set forth, -and if Wolsey had succeeded in making a truce, the credit would have -been entirely his own. He allowed Henry to think that the conference at -Calais was merely a pretext to gain time for military preparations; if a -truce had been made he would have put it down to the force of -circumstances; as his efforts for a truce had failed, he could take -credit that he had done all in his power to establish the king's -reputation throughout Christendom, and had fixed the blame on those who -would not follow his advice. It is a mark of Wolsey's conspicuous skill -that he never forgot his actual position, and never was so entirely -absorbed in his own plans as not to leave himself a ready means for -retreat. His schemes had failed; but he could still take credit for -having furthered other ends which were contrary to his own. Henry was -well contented with the results of Wolsey's mission, and showed his -satisfaction in the customary way of increasing Wolsey's revenues at the -expense of the Church. The death was announced of the Abbot of St. -Alban's, and the king, in answer to Wolsey's request, ordered the monks -to take Wolsey for their abbot, saying, "My lord cardinal has sustained -many charges in this his voyage, and hath expended £10,000." So kings -were served, and so they recompensed their servants. - - - - - CHAPTER VI - THE IMPERIAL ALLIANCE - 1521-1523 - - -The failure of Wolsey's plans was due to the diplomacy of Gattinara and -to the obstinacy of Charles V., who showed at the end of the -negotiations at Calais an unexpected readiness to appreciate his -obligations towards his dominions as a whole, by refusing to abandon -Fontarabia lest thereby he should irritate his Spanish subjects. It was -this capacity for large consideration that gave Charles V. his power in -the future; his motives were hard to discover, but they always rested on -a view of his entire obligations, and were dictated by reasons known -only to himself. Even Wolsey did not understand the Emperor's motives, -which seemed to him entirely foolish. He allowed himself to take up a -haughty position, which deeply offended Charles, who exclaimed angrily, -"This cardinal will do everything his own way, and treats me as though I -were a prisoner." Charles treasured up his resentment, of which Wolsey -was entirely unconscious, and was determined not to allow so masterful a -spirit to become more powerful. - -He soon had an opportunity of acting on this determination, as the -unexpected death of Pope Leo X. on 1st December naturally awakened hopes -in Wolsey's breast. It was impossible that the foremost statesman in -Europe should not have had the legitimate aspiration of reaching the -highest office to which he could attain. But though Wolsey was ready -when the opportunity came to press his own claims with vigour, it cannot -be said with fairness that his previous policy had been in any way -directed to that end, or that he had swerved in the least from his own -path to further his chances for the papal office. Indeed he had no -reason for so doing, as Leo was only forty-six years old when he died, -and his death was entirely unforeseen. Moreover, we know that when the -Spanish envoys offered Wolsey the Emperor's help towards the Papacy in -1520, Wolsey refused the offer; since then Charles at Bruges had -repeated the offer without being asked. Now that a vacancy had arisen, -it was natural for Wolsey to attach some weight to this promise, and -Henry expressed himself warmly in favour of Wolsey's election, and urged -his imperial ally to work by all means for that end. He sent to Rome his -favourite secretary Pace to further it by pressing representations to -the cardinals. - -It does not seem that Wolsey was very sanguine in his expectations of -being elected. Leo X. had died at a moment of great importance for -Charles V.; in fact his death had been brought about by the imprudence -which he showed in manifesting his delight at the success of the -imperial arms against Milan, and his prospect of the overthrow of -France. It was necessary for Charles that a Pope should be elected who -would hold to Leo's policy, and would continue the alliance with -England. The man who held in his hand the threads of Leo X.'s numerous -intrigues was his cousin, Cardinal Giulio de' Medici, and Wolsey -admitted the advantages to be gained by his election. Wolsey at once -declared that he submitted his candidature to the decision of Henry -VIII. and the Emperor; if they thought that he was the best person to -promote their interests he would not shrink from the labour; but he -agreed that if his candidature were not likely to be acceptable to the -cardinals, the two monarchs should unite in favour of Cardinal Medici. -Charles's ambassador wrote him that it would be well to act carefully, -as Wolsey was watching to see how much faith he could put in the -Emperor's protestations of goodwill. - -So Charles was prepared, and acted with ambiguous caution. He put off -communicating with Henry as long as he could; he regretted that he was -in the Netherlands instead of Germany, whence he could have made his -influence felt in Rome; he secretly ordered his ambassador in Rome to -press for the election of Cardinal Medici, but gave him no definite -instructions about any one else; finally he wrote a warm letter in -favour of Wolsey, which he either never sent at all, or sent too late to -be of any use, but which served as an enclosure to satisfy Henry VIII. -Wolsey was not deceived by this, and knew how papal elections might be -influenced. He told the Spanish ambassador that, if his master were in -earnest, he should order his troops to advance against Rome, and should -command the cardinals to elect his nominee; he offered to provide -100,000 ducats to cover the expenses of such action. When it came to the -point Wolsey was a very practical politician, and was under no illusions -about the fair pretences of free choice which surrounded a papal -election. He treated it as a matter to be settled by pressure from -outside, according to the will of the strongest. There is something -revoltingly cynical in this proposal. No doubt many men thought like -Wolsey, but no one else would have had the boldness to speak out. -Wolsey's outspokenness was of no avail at the time, but it bore fruits -afterwards. He taught Henry VIII. to conceive the possibility of a short -way of dealing with refractory popes. He confirmed his willing pupil in -the belief that all things may be achieved by the resolute will of one -who rises above prejudice and faces the world as it is. When he fell he -must have recognised that it was himself who trained the arm which smote -him. - -In spite of Wolsey's advice Charles did not allow Spanish influence to -be unduly felt in the proceedings of the conclave. Rarely had the -cardinals been more undecided, and when they went into the conclave on -27th December, it was said that every one of them was a candidate for -the Papacy. The first point was to exclude Cardinal Medici, and it could -be plausibly urged that it was dangerous to elect two successive popes -from the same family. Medici's opponents succeeded in making his -election impossible, but could not agree upon a candidate of their own; -while Medici tried to bring about the election of some one who would be -favourable to the Emperor. At last in weariness the cardinals turned -their thoughts to some one who was not present. Wolsey was proposed, and -received seven votes; but Medici was waiting his time, and put forward -Cardinal Adrian of Utrecht, who had been Charles's tutor, and was then -governing Spain in his master's name. Both parties agreed on him, -chiefly because he was personally unknown to any of the cardinals, had -given no offence, was well advanced in years, and was reckoned to be of -a quiet disposition, so that every one had hopes of guiding his -counsels. It was clear that the imperialists were strongest in the -conclave, and of all the imperialist candidates Adrian was the least -offensive to the French. One thing is quite clear, that Charles V. had -not the least intention of helping Wolsey. - -Wolsey probably knew this well enough, and was not disappointed. He bore -the Emperor no ill-will for his lukewarmness; indeed he had no ground -for expecting anything else. Wolsey's aim was not the same as that of -Charles, and Charles had had sufficient opportunity to discover the -difference between them. Probably Wolsey saw that the alliance between -England and the Emperor would not be of long duration, as there was no -real identity of interests. Henry VIII. was dazzled for a moment with -the prospect of asserting the English claims on France; he was glad to -find himself at one with his queen, who was overjoyed at the prospect of -a family alliance with her own beloved land of Spain. The English nobles -rejoiced at an opportunity to display their prowess, and hoped in time -of war to recover the influence and position of which they had been -deprived by an upstart priest. The sentiment of hostility to France was -still strong amongst the English people, and the allurements of a -spirited foreign policy were many. But as a matter of fact England was -ill prepared for war; and though the people might throw up their caps at -first, they would not long consent to pay for a war which brought them -no profits. And the profits were not likely to be great, for Charles had -no wish to see England's importance increased. He desired only English -help to achieve his own purposes, and was no more trustworthy as an ally -than had been his grandfather Ferdinand. - -However, war had been agreed upon, and all that Wolsey could do was to -try and put off its declaration until he had secured sufficient -assurance that English money was not to be spent to no purpose. Charles -V., who was in sore straits for money, asked for a loan from England, to -which Wolsey answered that England could not declare war till the loan -was repaid. He insisted that no declaration of war should be made till -the Emperor had fulfilled his promise to pay a visit to England, a -promise which Charles's want of money rendered him unable for some time -to keep. - -But however much Wolsey might try to put off the declaration of war, it -was inevitable. Francis could not be expected, for all Wolsey's fine -promises, to continue his payments for Tournai to so doubtful an ally as -Henry, nor could he resist from crippling England as far as he could. -The Duke of Albany went back to Scotland; and in the beginning of May -Francis ordered the seizure of goods lying at Bordeaux for shipment to -England. This led to retaliation on the part of England, and war was -declared against France on 28th May 1522. - -This coincided with the visit of Charles V. to London, where he was -magnificently entertained for a month, while the treaty of alliance was -being finally brought into shape by Wolsey and Gattinara. Wolsey -contented himself with providing that the alliance did not go further -than had been agreed at Bruges, and that England's interests were -secured by an undertaking from Charles that he would pay the loss which -Henry VIII. sustained by the withdrawal of the French instalments for -Tournai. When the treaty was signed it was Wolsey who, as papal legate, -submitted both princes to ecclesiastical censures in case of a breach of -its provisions. Moreover, Charles granted Wolsey a pension of 9000 -crowns in compensation for his loss from Tournai, and renewed his empty -promise of raising him to the Papacy. - -It was one thing to declare war and another to carry it on with good -effect. England, in spite of all the delays which Wolsey had contrived -to interpose, was still unprepared. It was late in the autumn before -forces could be put in the field, and the troops of Charles V. were too -few for a joint undertaking of any importance. The allies contented -themselves with invading Picardy, where they committed useless -atrocities, burning houses, devastating the country, and working all the -mischief that they could. They did not advance into the centre of -France, and no army met them in the field; in the middle of October they -retired ingloriously. It is hard to discover the purpose of such an -expedition. The damage done was not enough to weaken France materially, -and such a display of barbarity was ill suited to win the French people -to favour Henry VIII.'s claim to be their rightful lord. If Francis I. -had been unpopular before, he was now raised to the position of a -national leader whose help was necessary for the protection of his -subjects. - -The futile result of this expedition caused mutual recriminations -between the new allies. The imperialists complained that the English had -come too late; the English answered that they had not been properly -supported. There were no signs of mutual confidence; and the two -ministers, Wolsey and Gattinara, were avowed enemies, and did not -conceal their hostility. The alliance with the Emperor did not show -signs of prospering from the beginning. - -The proceedings of the Earl of Surrey and the direction of the campaign -were not Wolsey's concern. He was employed nearer home, in keeping a -watchful eye on Scotland, which threatened to be a hindrance to Henry -VIII.'s great undertakings abroad. The return of the Duke of Albany in -December 1521 was a direct threat of war. Albany was nominally regent, -but had found his office troublesome, and had preferred to spend the -last five years in the gaieties of the French Court rather than among -the rugged nobles of Scotland. They were years when France was at peace -with England and had little interest in Scottish affairs; so Queen -Margaret might quarrel with her husband at leisure, while the Scottish -lords distributed themselves between the two parties as suited them -best. But when war between France and England was approaching, the Duke -of Albany was sent back by Francis I. to his post as agent for France in -Scottish affairs. Queen Margaret welcomed him with joy, hoping that he -would further her plan of gaining a divorce from the Earl of Angus. -Before this union of forces the English party in Scotland was powerless. -It was in vain that Henry VIII. tried by menaces to influence either his -sister or the Scottish lords. As soon as the English forces sailed for -France Albany prepared to invade England. - -It was lucky for Henry VIII. that he was well served on the Borders by -Lord Dacre of Naworth, who managed to show the Scots the measure of -Albany's incapacity. Dacre began negotiations with Albany, to save time; -and when, in September, the Scottish forces passed the Border, Albany -was willing to make a truce. As a matter of fact, England was totally -unprepared to repel an invasion, and Albany might have dictated his own -terms. But Dacre, in Carlisle, which he could not defend, maintained his -courage, and showed no signs of fear. He managed to blind Albany to the -real state of affairs, and kept him from approaching to the crumbling -walls of Carlisle. He advanced to the Debatable Land to meet him, and -"with a high voice" demanded the reason of his coming; and the parley -thus begun ended in the conclusion of a month's truce. Wolsey was -overjoyed at this result, but yet found it necessary to intercede with -the king for Dacre's pardon, as he had no authority to make terms with -the enemy; and Dacre was not only forgiven, but thanked. This futile end -to an expedition for which 80,000 soldiers had been raised ruined -Albany's influence, and he again retired to France at the end of October. - -Wolsey at once saw the risk which England had run. A successful invasion -on the part of the Scots would have been a severe blow to England's -military reputation; and Wolsey determined to be secure on the Scottish -side for the future. The Earl of Surrey, on his return from his -expedition in France, was put in charge of the defences of the Border, -and everything was done to humour Queen Margaret, and convince her that -she had more to gain from the favour of her brother than from the help -of the Duke of Albany. Moreover, Wolsey, already convinced of the -uselessness of the war against France, was still ready to gain from it -all that he could, and strove to use the threat of danger from Scotland -as a means of withdrawing from war and gaining a signal triumph. Francis -I., unable to defend himself, tried to separate his enemies, and turned -to Charles V. with offers of a truce. When this was refused, he repeated -his proposals to England, and Wolsey saw his opportunity. He represented -to Charles that so long as England was menaced by Scotland she could -send little effective help abroad; if Scotland were crushed she would be -free again. He suggested that the Emperor had little to win by military -enterprises undertaken with such slight preparation as the last -campaign; would he not make truce for a year, not comprehending the -realm of Scotland? - -The suggestion was almost too palpable. Gattinara answered that Henry -wished to use his forces for his private advantage, and neglected the -common interest of the alliance. Again bitter complaints were made of -Wolsey's lukewarmness. Again the two allies jealously watched each other -lest either should gain an advantage by making a separate alliance with -France. And while they were thus engaged the common enemy of Christendom -was advancing, and Rhodes fell before the Turkish arms. It was in vain -that Adrian VI. lamented and wept; in vain he implored for succours. -Fair promises alone were given him. Europe was too much intent on the -duel between Francis and Charles to think seriously of anything else. -The entreaties of the Pope were only regarded by all parties as a good -means of enabling them to throw a decent veil over any measure which -their own interests might prompt. They might declare that it was taken -for the sake of the holy war; they might claim that they had acted from -a desire to fulfil the Pope's behest. - -So things stood in the beginning of 1523, when an unexpected event -revived the military spirit of Henry VIII., and brought the two -half-hearted allies once more closely together, by the prospect which it -afforded of striking a deadly blow at France. The chief of the nobles of -France, the sole survivor of the great feudatories, the Constable of -Bourbon, was most unwisely affronted by Francis I., at a time when he -needed to rally all his subjects round him. Not only was Bourbon -affronted, but also a lawsuit was instituted against him, which -threatened to deprive him of the greater part of his possessions. -Bourbon, who could bring into the field 6000 men, did not find his -patriotism strong enough to endure this wrong. He opened up secret -negotiations with Charles, who disclosed the matter to Henry. Henry's -ambition was at once fired. He saw Francis I., hopelessly weakened by a -defection of the chief nobles, incapable of withstanding an attack upon -the interior of his land, so that the English troops might conquer the -old provinces which England still claimed, and victory might place upon -his head the crown of France. - -Wolsey was not misled by this fantastic prospect, but as a campaign was -imminent, took all the precautions he could that it should be as little -costly as possible to England, and that Charles should bear his full -share of the expense. He demanded, moreover, that Bourbon should -acknowledge Henry VIII. as the rightful King of France--a demand which -was by no means acceptable to Charles. He sent an envoy of his own to -confer with Bourbon, but his envoy was delayed on the way, so that the -agreement was framed in the imperial interests alone, and the demands of -Henry were little heeded. The agreement was that Bourbon should receive -the hand of one of the Emperor's sisters, and should receive a subsidy -of 200,000 crowns to be paid equally by Henry and Charles; the question -of the recognition of Henry as rightful King of France was to be left to -the decision of the Emperor. - -The plan of the campaign was quickly settled. Charles, with 20,000 men, -was to advance into Guienne; Henry, with 15,000 English, supported by -6000 Netherlanders, was to advance through Picardy; 10,000 Germans were -to advance through Burgundy; and Bourbon was to head a body of -dissatisfied nobles of France. It was an excellent plan on paper; and, -indeed, the position of France seemed hopeless enough. Francis I. had -squandered his people's money, and was exceedingly unpopular; Wolsey's -diplomacy had helped to win over the Swiss to the imperial alliance; and -the indefatigable secretary Pace had been sent to Venice to detach the -republic from its connexion with France. It was believed that Wolsey was -jealous of Pace's influence with Henry VIII., and contrived to keep him -employed on embassies which removed him from the Court. At all events, -he certainly kept him busily employed till his health gave way under the -excessive pressure. To lend greater weight to Pace's arguments, Wolsey -descended to an act of overbearing insolence. Some Venetian galleys -trading with Flanders put in at Plymouth during a storm; they were laid -under an embargo, and were detained on many flimsy pretexts. It was in -vain that the Venetian ambassador remonstrated; Wolsey always had a -plausible answer. Probably he wished to show Venice that its trading -interests required the friendship of England. At all events the galleys -were not released till Venice was on the point of joining the imperial -alliance. Even then Wolsey had the meanness to carry off a couple of -guns from each vessel, and Venice had to make a present of them to the -English king with as much grace as the circumstances allowed. This -little incident certainly shows Wolsey's conduct at its worst, and -confirms the impression of contemporaries, that he had to some degree -the insolence of an upstart, and sometimes overrode the weak in a way to -leave behind a bitter feeling of resentment. - -However, Venice joined the Emperor, and Pope Adrian VI., who had pursued -hitherto a policy of pacification, was at last overborne by the pressure -of England and the Emperor, so that he entered into a defensive league -against France. Thus France was entirely isolated. Distrusted at home -and unbefriended abroad, she seemed to be a prey to her enemies; and -Henry's hopes rose so high that he gleefully looked forward to being -recognised as "governor of France," and that "they should by this means -make a way for him as King Richard did for his father." Wiser men shook -their heads at the king's infatuation. "I pray God," wrote More to -Wolsey, "if it be good for his Grace and for this realm that then it may -prove so; and else in the stead thereof I pray God send his grace an -honourable and profitable peace." - -The spirit that breathes through this prayer is not a martial spirit, -and no doubt More's feelings represented those of Wolsey, who, though -carried away by the king's military zeal, had little hopes of any great -success, and such hopes as he had were rapidly destroyed. The campaign -did not begin till the end of September; the contingent from the -Netherlands was late in appearing and was ill supplied with food. Till -the last moment Wolsey urged, as the first object of the campaign, the -siege of Boulogne, which, if successful, would have given England a -second stronghold on the French coast; but Wolsey was overruled, and an -expedition into the interior of France was preferred. It was a -repetition of the raid made in the last year, and was equally futile. -The army advanced to Montdidier, and expected tidings of its -confederate; but nothing was to be heard of Bourbon; his lanzknechts -began to devastate France and then disbanded. The army of Charles V. -contented itself with taking Fontarabia, and did not co-operate with the -English forces. After the capture of Montdidier the troops, who were -attacked by sickness, and had difficulty in finding provisions, withdrew -to the coast; and the Duke of Suffolk brought back his costly army -without having obtained anything of service to England. This expedition, -which was to do so much, was a total failure--there was positively -nothing to be shown in return for all the money spent. - -Again the wisdom of Wolsey's policy was fully justified. He was right in -thinking that England had neither troops nor generals who were -sufficient for an expedition on the Continent, where there was nothing -tangible to be gained. So long as England was a neutral and mediating -power she could pursue her own interests; but her threats were more -efficacious than her performances. She could not conquer unaided, and -her allies had no intention of allowing her to win more than empty -glory. Even this had been denied in the last campaigns. England had -incurred debts which her people could ill afford to pay, and had only -lowered her reputation by a display of military incompetence. Moreover, -her expedition against France involved her in the usual difficulties on -the side of Scotland. Again there was a devastating war along the -Border; again the Duke of Albany was sent from France and raised an army -for the invasion of England. But this time Wolsey had taken his -precautions, and the Earl of Surrey was ready to march against him. When -in November Albany crossed the Tweed and besieged the Castle of Wark, -Surrey took the field, and again Albany showed his incapacity as a -leader. He retired before Surrey's advance, and wished to retire to -France, but was prevented by the Scottish lords. Again the Border raids -went on with their merciless slaughter and plunder, amidst which was -developed the sternness and severity which still mark the character of -the northern folk. - -Still, though the Scots might be defeated in the field, their defeat and -suffering only served to strengthen the spirit of national independence. -The subjugation of Scotland to England was hindered, not helped, by the -alliance with the Emperor, which only drew Scotland nearer to France, -and kept alive the old feeling of hostility. It was hard to see what -England had to gain from the imperial alliance, and events soon proved -that Charles V. pursued his own interests without much thought of the -wishes of Henry VIII. - -On 14th September died Pope Adrian VI., a weary and disappointed man. -Again there was a prospect of Wolsey's election to the papacy; again it -might be seen how much Charles V. would do for his English ally. Wolsey -had little hope of his good offices, and was his own negotiator in the -matter. He was not sanguine about his prospects of success, as he knew -that Cardinal Medici was powerful in Rome; and the disasters of the -pontificate of Adrian VI. led the cardinals to wish for a return to the -old policy of Leo X., of which Medici held the threads. So two letters -were sent to the English representatives in Rome, one in behalf of -Wolsey, the other in behalf of Medici. If things were going for Medici, -Wolsey was not to be pressed; only in case of a disagreement was Wolsey -to be put forward, and then no effort was to be spared; money was to be -of no object, as Henry would make good any promises made on his behalf -to secure Wolsey's election. - -The conclave was protracted; it sat from 1st October to 17th November, -and there was ample opportunity for Charles to have made his influence -felt in Wolsey's behalf. He professed to Henry that he was doing so. He -wrote a letter recommending Wolsey to his envoy in Rome, and then gave -orders that the courier who carried the letter should be detained on the -way. Really his influence was being used for Medici, and though a strong -party in the conclave opposed Medici's election, it does not appear that -Wolsey was ever put forward as a competitor. The cardinals would hear -nothing of a foreigner, and the stubbornness of Medici's party was at -length rewarded by his election. There is no trace that Wolsey was -keenly disappointed at this result. In announcing it to Henry VIII., he -wrote, "For my part, as I take God to record, I am more joyous thereof -than if it had fortuned upon my person, knowing his excellent qualities -most meet for the same, and how great and sure a friend your Grace and -the Emperor be like to have of him, and I so good a father." - -Few popes came to their office amid greater expectations, and few more -entirely disappointed them than did Guilio de' Medici. Clement VII., -whose election Charles, Henry, and Wolsey united in greeting with joy, -suffered in a brief space entire humiliation at the hands of Charles, -caused the downfall of Wolsey, and drove Henry to sever the bond between -the English Church and the Holy See. It is impossible not to think how -different would have been the course of events if Wolsey had presided -over the destinies of the Church. - - - - - CHAPTER VII - RENEWAL OF PEACE - 1523-1527 - - -The events of the year 1523 had practically made an end of the imperial -alliance. Henry VIII. was not in a position to go to war again, and his -confidence in Charles V.'s good intentions towards him was dispelled. -Charles and Francis had had enough of war, and both of them secretly -desired peace, but neither would make the first move towards it. Wolsey -watched their movements keenly, and strove that English interests should -not be entirely sacrificed in the pacification which seemed imminent. He -strove to induce Charles to allow proposals of peace to proceed from -England, which should arbitrate on the differences between him and -Francis. He urged that in any negotiations which Charles himself -undertook he was bound to consider how Henry could be recompensed for -his losses. Moreover, he secretly opened up negotiations of his own with -the French Court, and used the imperial alliance as a means to heighten -England's value to France. - -The more Wolsey watched events the more he became convinced that the -best thing was to make a separate peace with France, yet in such a way -as to avoid an open breach with the Emperor. There were other reasons -besides the failure of military expeditions, and the distrust in any -good result from their continuance, which impelled Wolsey to a pacific -policy. He knew only too well that war was impossible, and that the -country could not bear the continued drain on its resources. If Henry -VII. had developed the royal power by a parsimony which enabled him to -be free from parliamentary control, Henry VIII. had dazzled his people -by the splendour of royalty, and had displayed his magnificence to such -an extent that Englishmen were beginning to doubt if they could afford -much longer to be so important, or rather if England's importance in -Continental affairs were worth all the money that it cost. Of late years -the weight of taxation had become oppressive, and the expenses of the -last campaign were difficult to meet. - -There was no difference between the national revenue and the royal -revenue in Wolsey's days. The king took all the money he could get, and -spent it as he thought good; if he went to war he expected his people to -pay for it. In an ordinary way the king was well provided for by his -feudal dues and the proceeds of customs, tonnage and poundage, and the -tax on wool, wool-fells, and leather. When extraordinary expenses were -incurred Parliament was summoned, and granted taxes to the king. Their -vote was reckoned on an old assessment of tenths and fifteenths of the -value of chattels possessed by the baronage and the commons; and when -Parliament made this grant the clergy in their convocation granted a -tenth of clerical incomes. The value of a tenth and fifteenth was -£30,000; of a clerical tenth £10,000; so that the usual grant in case of -an emergency amounted to £40,000 from the whole realm. For his -expedition of 1513 Henry obtained a vote of two tenths and fifteenths, -besides a subsidy of a graduated income and property tax which was -estimated to produce £160,000, and this had to be supplemented by a -further grant of tenths and fifteenths in 1515. - -It was in 1515 that Wolsey became Chancellor, and with that office -assumed the entire responsibility for all affairs of state. He managed -to introduce some order into the finances, and during the years of -pacific diplomacy things went tolerably well. But the French expeditions -were costly, and in April 1523 Parliament had to be summoned to pay the -king's debts. The war against France was popular, and men were willing -to contribute. - -So on 15th April Henry VIII. opened Parliament, and Tunstal, Bishop of -London, delivered the usual oration in praise of the king and grief over -the evils of the time. The Commons departed, and elected as their -Speaker Sir Thomas More, who had already abandoned the quiet paths of -literature for the stormy sea of politics. The king's assent was given -in the usual manner to his appointment, and the session was adjourned. -The Commons doubtless began to take financial matters under their -consideration, but it was thought desirable that they should have a -definite statement of the national needs. On 29th April Wolsey went to -the House, and after urging the importance of the interests at stake in -the war, proposed a subsidy of £800,000, to be raised according to an -old method, by a tax of four shillings in the pound on all goods and -lands. Next day there was much debate on this proposal; it was urged -that the sudden withdrawal of so large an amount of ready money would -seriously affect the currency, and was indeed almost impossible. A -committee was appointed to represent to Wolsey that this was the sense -of the House, and beg him to induce the king to moderate his demands. -Wolsey answered that he would rather have his tongue pulled out with -red-hot pincers than carry such a message to the king. - -The Commons in a melancholy mood renewed their debate till Wolsey -entered the House and desired to reason with those who opposed his -demands. On this Sir Thomas More, as Speaker, defended the privilege of -the House by saying, "That it was the order of that House to hear and -not to reason save among themselves." Whereupon Wolsey was obliged to -content himself with answering such objections as had come to his ear. -He argued, it would seem with vigour, that the country was much richer -than they thought, and he told them some unpleasant truths, which came -with ill grace from himself, about the prevalence of luxury. After his -departure the debate continued till the House agreed to grant two -shillings in the pound on all incomes of £20 a year and upwards; one -shilling on all between £20 and £2; and fourpence on all incomes under -£2; this payment to be extended over two years. This was increased by a -county member, who said, "Let us gentlemen of £50 a year and upwards -give the king of our lands a shilling in the pound, to be paid in two -years." The borough members stood aloof, and allowed the landholders to -tax themselves an extra shilling in the pound if they chose to do so. -This was voted on 21st May, and Parliament was prorogued till 10th June. -Meanwhile popular feeling was greatly moved by rumours of an -unprecedented tax, and what was really done was grossly exaggerated on -all sides. As the members left the House an angry crowd greeted them -with jeers. "We hear say that you will grant four shillings in the -pound. Do so, and go home, we advise you." Really the members had done -the best they could, and worse things were in store for them. For when -the session was resumed the knights of the shire showed some resentment -that they had been allowed to outdo the burgesses in liberality. They -proposed that as they had agreed to pay a shilling in the pound on land -assessed over £50 in the third year, so a like payment should be made in -the fourth year on all goods over the value of £50. There was a stormy -debate on this motion; but Sir Thomas More at length made peace, and it -was passed. Thus Wolsey, on the whole, had contrived to obtain something -resembling his original proposal, but the payments were spread over a -period of four years. After this Wolsey, at the prorogation of -Parliament, could afford to thank the Commons on the king's behalf, and -assure them that "his Grace would in such wise employ their loving -contribution as should be for the defence of his realm and of his -subjects, and the persecution and pressing of his enemy." - -Yet, however Wolsey might rejoice in his success, he knew that he had -received a serious warning, which he was bound to lay to heart. He had -been faithful to the king, and had done his best to carry out his views. -The war with France was none of his advising, and he had no hopes of any -advantage from it; yet he was willing to take all the blame of measures -which inwardly he disapproved. He stood forward and assumed the -unpopularity of taxation, whose necessity he deplored. Henry spent the -nation's money at his pleasure, and Wolsey undertook the ungrateful task -of squeezing supplies from a reluctant Parliament, while the king sat a -benevolent spectator in the background. Henry took all the glory, and -left Wolsey to do all the unpleasant work. Wolsey stood between the -national temper and the king; he felt that he could not stand under the -odium of accomplishing many more such reconciliations. England had -reached the limit of its aspirations after national glory. For the -future Wolsey must maintain the king's honour without appealing to the -national pocket. - -There was no prospect of obtaining further supplies from Parliament, and -the best way to pay the expenses of a futile war was by making a -lucrative peace. Wolsey tried to induce Francis I. to renew his -financial agreement with Henry VIII. which the war had broken off; and -to bring pressure to bear upon him for this purpose, was willing to -continue with Charles V. negotiations for a fresh undertaking. - -So in June the unwearied Pace was sent to Bourbon's camp to promise -England's help on terms which Wolsey knew were sure to be refused. -England would again join in a campaign against France in the north, -provided Bourbon, by an invasion of Provence, succeeded in raising a -rebellion against Francis I., and would take an oath of allegiance to -the English king as lord of France. Bourbon sorely needed money, and did -all he could to win over Pace. He secretly took an oath of fidelity, not -of allegiance; and Pace was impressed with admiration of his genius and -believed in his chances of success. Wolsey was coldly cautious towards -Pace's enthusiasm, and the result was a breach between them. Pace openly -blamed Wolsey, as Wingfield had done before, and pressed for money and -an armed demonstration. Wolsey soberly rebuked his lack of judgment by -setting before him a well-considered survey of the political chances. -His caution proved to be justified, as Bourbon's invasion of Provence -was a failure. Wolsey gained all that he needed by his pretence of -helping Bourbon; he induced the French Court to undertake negotiations -seriously by means of secret envoys who were sent to London. - -Still Wolsey did not hide from himself the difficulties in the way of an -alliance with France which would satisfy Henry VIII. or bring -substantial advantage to the country. However, on one point he managed -to obtain an immediate advantage. He always kept his eye on Scotland, -and now used the first signs of returning friendliness on the part of -France to further his scheme of restoring English influence in that -country. In June the Duke of Albany was recalled to France, and Wolsey -set to work to win back Queen Margaret to her brother's cause. He seems -to have despaired of blandishments, and contrived a way to have a more -powerful weapon. Margaret's husband, the Earl of Angus, had been sent by -Albany to France, where he was carefully guarded. On the first signs of -renewed friendliness between England and France a hint from Wolsey -procured him an opportunity of escaping to England. With Angus at his -disposal Wolsey urged Margaret to be reconciled to her husband, and -terrified her by the prospect of alternately restoring him to Scotland. -By playing cleverly on her personal feelings, Wolsey led her by degrees -to accept his own plan for freeing Scotland from Albany and French -interference. He urged that the young king was now old enough to rule -for himself, and promised Margaret help to secure her supremacy in his -council. At the same time he won over the Scottish lords by the prospect -of a marriage between James and Mary of England, who was still Henry -VIII.'s heir. In August James V. was set up as king, and the Scottish -Parliament approved of the English marriage. Again Wolsey won a signal -triumph, and accomplished by diplomacy what the sword had been unable to -achieve. - -We need not follow the complicated diplomacy of the year 1524, which was -transferred to Italy, whither Francis I. had pursued Bourbon and was -engaged in the siege of Pavia. It is enough to say that Wolsey pursued a -cautious course: if Francis won the day in Italy he was ready to treat -with him liberally: if the imperial arms prevailed, then he could sell -England's alliance more dearly. But this cautious attitude was -displeasing to Charles, whose ambassador in London, De Praet, complained -without ceasing of the growing coldness of Henry and Wolsey. Wolsey kept -a sharp watch on De Praet, and resented his keen-sightedness; finally, -in February 1525, De Praet's despatches were intercepted, and he was -called before the Council, when Wolsey charged him with untruth. De -Praet answered by complaining that his privileges as an ambassador had -been violated. He was ordered to confine himself to his own house till -the king had written to the Emperor about his conduct. - -This was indeed an unheard-of treatment for the ambassador of an ally, -and we can scarcely attribute it merely to personal spite on the part of -so skilled a statesman as Wolsey. Perhaps it was a deliberate plan to -cause a personal breach between Henry and the Emperor. No doubt Henry's -own feelings were towards Charles rather than Francis, and it seems -probable that Wolsey wished to show his master that Charles was only -trying to make use of his friendship for his own purposes. The -despatches of Charles's envoy were opened and their contents made known -to Henry for some time before Wolsey took any open action. He acted when -he saw his master sufficiently irritated, and he probably suggested that -the best way to give Charles a lesson was by an attack upon his -ambassador. This proposal agreed with the high-handed manner of action -which Henry loved to adopt. It gave him a chance of asserting his own -conception of his dignity, and he challenged Charles to say if he -identified himself with his ambassador's sentiments. - -Under any circumstances it was an audacious step, and as things turned -out it was an unfortunate one. Within a few days the news reached -England that Francis had been attacked at Pavia by the imperial forces, -had been entirely routed, and was a prisoner in the hands of Charles. -Though Wolsey was prepared for some success of the imperial arms, he was -taken aback at the decisiveness of the stroke. His time for widening the -breach between Charles and Henry had not been well chosen. - -However, Charles saw that he could not pursue his victory without money, -and to obtain money he must adopt an appearance of moderation. So he -professed in Italy willingness to forget the past, and he avoided a -quarrel with England. He treated the insult to his ambassador as the -result of a personal misunderstanding. Henry complained of De Praet's -unfriendly bearing; Charles assured him that no offence was intended. -Both parties saved their dignity; De Praet was recalled, and another -ambassador was sent in his stead. Wolsey saw that he had been -precipitate, and hastened to withdraw his false step; Henry lent him his -countenance, but can scarcely have relished doing so. Wolsey knew that -his difficulties were increased. The victory of Charles again drew Henry -to his side and revived his projects of conquest at the expense of -France, now left helpless by its king's captivity. As the defection of -Bourbon had formerly awakened Henry's hopes, so now did the captivity of -Francis. Again Wolsey's pacific plans were shattered; again he was -driven to undertake the preparations for a war of which his judgment -disapproved. - -Indeed Wolsey knew that war was absolutely impossible for want of money; -but it was useless to say so to the king. He was bound to try and raise -supplies by some means or other, and his experience of the last -Parliament had shown him that there was no more to be obtained from that -source. In his extremity Wolsey undertook the responsibility of reviving -a feudal obligation which had long been forgotten. He announced that the -king purposed to pass the sea in person, and demanded that the goodwill -of his subjects should provide for his proper equipment. But the -goodwill of the people was not allowed the privilege of spontaneous -generosity. Commissioners were appointed in every shire to assess men's -property, and require a sixth part of it for the king's needs. Wolsey -himself addressed the citizens of London. When they gave a feeble assent -to his request for advice, "whether they thought it convenient that the -king should pass the sea with an army or not," he proceeded, "Then he -must go like a prince, which cannot be without your aid." He unfolded -his proposals for a grant of 3s. 4d. in the pound on £50 and upwards, -2s. 8d. on £20 and upwards, and 1s. in the pound on £1 and upwards. Some -one pleaded that the times were bad. "Sirs," said Wolsey, "speak not to -break what is concluded, for some shall not pay even a tenth; and it -were better that a few should suffer indigence than the king at this -time should lack. Beware, therefore, and resist not, nor ruffle not in -this case; otherwise it may fortune to cost some their heads." This was -indeed a high-handed way of dealing with a public meeting, which was -only summoned to hear the full measure of the coming calamity. We cannot -wonder that "all people cursed the cardinal and his adherents as -subverters of the laws and liberty of England." Nor was Wolsey ignorant -of the unpopularity which he incurred; but there was no escape possible. -He rested only on the king's favour, and he knew that the king's -personal affection for him had grown colder. He was no longer the king's -friend and tutor, inspiring him with his own lofty ideas and slowly -revealing his far-reaching schemes. Late years had seen Wolsey immersed -in the business of the State, while the king pursued his own pleasures, -surrounded by companions who did their utmost to undermine Wolsey's -influence. They advocated war, while he longed for peace; they -encouraged the royal extravagance, while he worked for economy; they -favoured the imperial alliance and humoured Henry's dreams of the -conquest of France, while Wolsey saw that England's strength lay in a -powerful neutrality. The king's plans had deviated from the lines which -Wolsey had designed, and the king's arbitrary temper had grown more -impatient of restraint. Wolsey had imperceptibly slipped from the -position of a friend to that of a servant, and he was dimly conscious -that his continuance in the royal service depended on his continued -usefulness. Whatever the king required he was bound to provide. - -So Wolsey strained every nerve to fill the royal coffers by the device -of an "Amicable Loan," which raised a storm of popular indignation. Men -said with truth that they had not yet paid the subsidy voted by -Parliament, and already they were exposed to a new exaction. Coin had -never been plentiful in England, and at that time it was exceptionally -scarce. The commissioners in the different shires all reported the -exceeding difficulty which they met with in the discharge of their -unpleasant duty. It soon became clear to Wolsey that his demand had -overshot the limits of prudence, and that money could not be raised on -the basis of the parliamentary assessment without the risk of a -rebellion. Accordingly Wolsey withdrew from his original proposal. He -sent for the mayor and corporation of London and told them, in the -fictitious language in which constitutional procedure is always veiled, -"I kneeled down to his Grace, showing him both your good minds towards -him and also the charge you continually sustain, the which, at my desire -and petition, was content to call in and abrogate the same commission." -The attempt to raise money on the basis of each man's ratable value was -abandoned, and the more usual method of a benevolence was substituted in -its stead. - -This, however, was not much more acceptable. Again Wolsey summoned the -mayor and corporation; but they had now grown bolder, and pleaded that -benevolences had been abolished by the statute of Richard III. Wolsey -angrily answered that Richard was a usurper and a murderer of his -nephews; how could his acts be good? "An it please your Grace," was the -answer, "although he did evil, yet in his time were many good acts made -not by him only, but by the consent of the body of the whole realm, -which is Parliament." There was nothing more to be said, and Wolsey had -to content himself with leaving every man to contribute privily what he -would. It did not seem that this spontaneous liberality went far to -replenish the royal exchequer. - -What happened in London was repeated in different forms in various parts -of England. In Norwich there was a tumult, which it needed the presence -of the Duke of Norfolk to appease. He asked the confused assembly who -was their captain, and bade that he should speak. Then out spake one -John Greene, a man of fifty years. "My lord, since you ask who is our -captain, forsooth, his name is Poverty; for he and his cousin Necessity -have brought us to this doing. For all these persons and many more live -not of ourselves, but we live by the substantial occupiers of this -country; and yet they give us so little wages for our workmanship that -scarcely we be able to live; and thus in penury we pass the time, we, -our wives and children: and if they, by whom we live, be brought in that -case that they of their little cannot help us to earn our living, then -must we perish and die miserably. I speak this, my lord: the clothmakers -have put away all their people, and a far greater number, from work. The -husbandmen have put away their servants and given up household; they say -the king asketh so much that they be not able to do as they have done -before this time, and then of necessity must we die wretchedly." - -John Greene's speech expressed only too truly the condition of affairs -in a period of social change. The old nobility had declined, and the old -form of life founded on feudalism was slowly passing away. Trade was -becoming more important than agriculture; the growth of wool was more -profitable than the growth of corn. It is true that England as a whole -was growing richer, and that the standard of comfort was rising; but -there was a great displacement of labour, and consequent discontent. The -towns had thriven at the expense of the country; and in late years the -war with France had hindered trade with the Netherlands. The custom -duties had diminished, the drain of bullion for war expenses had -crippled English commerce. There had been a succession of bad seasons, -and every one had begun to diminish his establishment and look more -carefully after his expenditure. - -All this was well known to the Duke of Norfolk, and was laid before the -king. The commissions were recalled, pardons were granted to the -rioters, and the loan was allowed to drop. But Wolsey had to bear all -the odium of the unsuccessful attempt, while the king gained all the -popularity of abandoning it. Yet Henry VIII. resented the failure, and -was angry with Wolsey for exposing him to a rebuff. In spite of his -efforts Wolsey was ceasing to be so useful as he had been before, and -Henry began to criticise his minister. Brave and resolute as Wolsey was, -his labours and disappointments began to tell upon him. Since the -failure of the Conference of Calais he had been working not at the -development of a policy which he approved, but at the uncongenial task -of diminishing the dangers of a policy which he disapproved. The effects -of this constant anxiety told upon his health and spirits, and still -more upon his temper. He might be as able and as firm as ever, but he no -longer had the same confidence in himself. - -It was perhaps this feeling which led Wolsey to show the king the -extremity of his desire to serve him by undertaking the desperate -endeavour to wring more money from an exhausted people. Wolsey had done -his utmost to satisfy the king; he had accepted without a murmur the -burden of popular hatred which the attempt was sure to bring. There is a -pathos in his words, reported by an unfriendly hand, addressed to the -council: "Because every man layeth the burden from him, I am content to -take it on me, and to endure the fume and noise of the people, for my -goodwill towards the king, and comfort of you, my lords and other the -king's councillors; but the eternal God knoweth all." Nor was it enough -that he submitted to the storm; he wished to give the king a further -proof of his devotion. Though others might withhold their substance, yet -he would not. He offered the king his house at Hampton Court, which he -had built as his favourite retreat, and had adorned to suit his taste. -It was indeed a royal gift, and Henry had no scruple in accepting it. -But the offer seems to show an uneasy desire to draw closer a bond which -had been gradually loosened, and renew an intimacy which was perceptibly -diminishing. - -However, in one way Wolsey had a right to feel satisfaction even in his -ill-success. If money was not to be had, war was impossible, and Wolsey -might now pursue his own policy and work for peace. He had to face the -actual facts that England was allied to Charles, who had won a signal -victory over Francis, and had in his hands a mighty hostage in the -person of the King of France. His first object was to discover Charles -V.'s intentions, and prevent him from using his advantage solely for his -own profit. Bishop Tunstal and Sir Richard Wingfield were sent to -Charles with orders to put on a bold face, and find whether Charles -thought of dethroning Francis or releasing him for a ransom. In the -first case, they were to offer military aid from England; in the second, -they were to claim for England a large share in the concessions to be -wrung out of Francis. The English demands were so exorbitant that though -they may have satisfied the fantastic aspirations of Henry, Wolsey must -have known them to be impossible. Under cover of a friendly proposal to -Charles he was really preparing the way for a breach. - -Charles on his side was engaged in playing a similar game. In spite of -his success at Pavia he was really helpless. He had no money, and the -captivity of the French king awakened so much alarm in Europe that he -felt compelled to use his advantage moderately. As a first measure he -needed money, and saw no chance of obtaining it save by marrying -Isabella of Portugal, who would bring him a dowry of 1,000,000 golden -crowns. For this purpose he must free himself from the engagement of the -treaty of Windsor, by which he was betrothed to Mary of England. So he -acted as Wolsey was acting. He professed a great desire to carry out his -engagement as a means of getting rid of it, and sent ambassadors to ask -that Mary and her dowry should be given up to him, with a further loan -of 200,000 ducats. - -The two embassies had crossed on the way, and Henry received Charles's -communication as an answer to his demands. In this way it served -Wolsey's purpose admirably, for it showed clearly enough that the -interests of Henry and Charles were not the same. Charles was bent upon -pursuing his own advantage, and was still willing to use Henry as a -useful ally; but Henry saw nothing to be gained from the alliance, and -the time had come when some tangible gain was to be secured from all his -expenditure. Hitherto he had been personally on Charles's side, but in -his conferences with the imperial envoys in the month of June he made it -clear that his patience was exhausted. Henceforth he accepted Wolsey's -views of peace with France. If Charles was striving to make what he -could out of the captivity of the French king, then England might as -well join in the scramble. The misfortune of France was England's -opportunity. If Charles was not willing to share his gains with Henry, -then Henry must pick up what he could for himself. It was an unwelcome -conclusion for Charles, who hoped to bring the pressure of irresistible -necessity to bear on his captive. If England also joined in the bidding -its competition would run down his price. - -Moreover, this resolution of Henry made a great change in his domestic -relations. Queen Katharine was devoted to her nephew's interests, and -had exercised considerable influence over her husband. They talked -together about politics, and Henry liked to move amidst acquiescent -admiration. All that was now at an end, as Katharine could not change -her sympathies, and had not the tact to disguise her disapprobation. -From this time forward Henry did not treat her with the affection and -familiarity which had been his wont, and when he made up his mind he did -not scruple to emphasise his decision by his acts. He had not been a -faithful husband, but hitherto his infidelity had not been a cause of -domestic discord. He had an illegitimate son, Henry Fitzroy, by -Elizabeth Blunt, one of the Queen's ladies-in-waiting; and on 15th June -he created this boy of six years old Duke of Richmond. This he did with -a display of pomp and ceremony which must have been very offensive to -the Queen; nor was the offence diminished when, a month afterwards, the -boy was created Lord High Admiral of England. Such an act was, to say -the least, a taunt to Katharine that she had borne no son; it was a -public proclamation of the king's disappointment and discontent with his -matrimonial lot. The luckless Katharine could make no complaint, and was -forced to submit to the king's will; but we cannot doubt that she put -down to Wolsey what was not his due, and that Wolsey had to bear the -hatred of her friends for the king's change of policy, and all that -flowed from it. - -However, Wolsey's course was now clearly to dissolve the imperial -alliance without causing a breach. For this purpose he used Charles's -desire for his Portuguese marriage. He offered to release Charles from -his engagement to Mary on condition that the treaty was annulled, that -he paid his debts to Henry, and concluded a peace with France to -England's satisfaction. Charles refused to take any step so decided, and -the negotiations proceeded. But Wolsey's attention was not so much -directed to Charles as to France, where Louise, the king's mother, was -desperately striving to procure her son's release. In their dealings -with France there was a keen rivalry between England and the Emperor, -which should succeed in making terms soonest. In this competition Wolsey -had one advantage; he had already learned the stubbornness of the -national spirit of France, and its willingness to submit to anything -rather than territorial loss. So, while Charles haggled for provinces, -Wolsey demanded money. He told the French envoys that in order to make -peace, without having won laurels to justify it, Henry could not take -less than 2,000,000 crowns, and he would hear of no abatement. There was -much discussion of all the old claims of England for compensation from -France, but Wolsey knew the necessity of the moment, and carried all his -points. - -When the terms were agreed upon there was another discussion about the -security to be given. Francis was a prisoner in Spain, and though his -mother was regent, a doubt might be thrown upon her capacity to ratify -such an important treaty. Wolsey would admit no doubts in the matter. He -knew that peace with France would not be popular, but he was determined -that his master should see its advantage in the substantial form of -ready money with good security for its payment. Besides ratification by -the regent he demanded the personal security of several French nobles, -of towns and local estates. At length he was satisfied. The treaty was -signed on 30th August, and was published on 6th September. Henry was to -receive 2,000,000 crowns in annual instalments of 50,000; the treaty -included Scotland as an ally of France, and it was stipulated that the -Duke of Albany was not to return. Scotland, left unprotected, was bound -to follow France, and in January 1526 peace was signed with Scotland to -the satisfaction of both countries. - -Wolsey could congratulate himself on the result of his work. Again he -had won for England a strong position, by setting her in the forefront -of the opposition to the overweening power of the empire. Again had -England's action done much to restore the equilibrium of Europe. This -had been achieved solely by Wolsey's diplomacy. Charles V. had received -a blow which he could neither parry nor resent. The French treaty with -England deprived Charles of the means of exercising irresistible -pressure upon Francis, and encouraged the Italian States to form an -alliance against the Emperor. Francis, weary of his long captivity, -signed the treaty of Madrid, and obtained his freedom in February 1526. -But he previously protested against it as extorted by violence, and -refused to surrender an inch of French territory notwithstanding his -promises. Charles gained little by his victory at Pavia. His hands were -again full, as the Turks invaded Hungary, and Francis joined the Italian -League against him. He still had every motive to keep on good terms with -England, and Wolsey had no desire to precipitate a breach. - -So Wolsey's policy for the future was one of caution and reserve. The -king withdrew more and more from public affairs, and spent his time in -hunting. His relations with Katharine became day by day more irksome, -and he tried to forget his domestic life by leading a life of pleasure. -Wolsey strove to hold the balance between Charles and Francis without -unduly inclining to either side. Both wished to be on good terms with -England, for neither was free from anxiety. The sons of Francis were -hostages in Spain, and Charles was hampered by the opposition of the -Italian League. Of this League Henry VIII. was a member, but he declined -to give it any active support. The Italians, as usual, were divided, and -Clement VII. was not the man to direct their distracted councils -successfully. In September 1526 a small force of Spaniards, aided by a -party amongst the Roman barons, surprised Rome, sacked the papal palace, -and filled Clement with terror. Charles V. disavowed any share in this -attack, and excused himself before Henry's remonstrances. But as Clement -did not entirely amend his ways, the experiment was repeated on a larger -scale. In May 1527 the imperial troops under the Duke of Bourbon and the -German general George Frundsberg captured and plundered Rome, and took -the Pope prisoner. This unwonted deed filled Europe with horror. It -seemed as if the Emperor had joined the enemies of the Church. - -During this period Wolsey had been cautiously drawing nearer to France. -At first he only contemplated strengthening the ties which bound the two -countries together; but in the beginning of 1527 he was willing to form -a close alliance with France, which must lead to a breach with the -Emperor. French commissioners came to London, and a proposal was made -that Francis should marry Mary, then a child of ten, though he was -betrothed to the Emperor's sister Eleanor. Wolsey's demands were high: a -perpetual peace between the two countries, a perpetual pension of 50,000 -crowns to the English king, a tribute of salt, and the surrender of -Boulogne and Ardres. In the course of the discussion the son of Francis, -the Duke of Orleans, was substituted for the father as Mary's husband; -on all other points Wolsey had his will, and never did he show himself a -more consummate master of diplomacy. The treaty was signed on 30th -April. The debts of Charles were transferred to Francis, and Wolsey -could show that he had made a substantial gain. - -Doubtless Wolsey intended that this peace with France should form the -basis of a universal peace, which he never ceased to pursue. The success -of Charles V. in Italy, and subsequent events at home, rapidly dispelled -his hopes. Already the selfwill of Henry VIII. had driven him to -consent to measures which were against his judgment; the same selfwill, -turned to domestic and personal affairs, was already threatening to -involve Wolsey in a matter whose far-reaching effects no man could -foresee. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII - WOLSEY'S DOMESTIC POLICY - - -We have been following the laborious career of Wolsey in his direction -of foreign affairs. He held in his hands the threads of complicated -negotiations, by which he was endeavouring to assure England's power on -the Continent, not by means of war but by skilful diplomacy. In doing -this he had to guard the commercial relations of England with the -Netherlands, and had also to bow before the selfwill of the king, who -insisted on pursuing fantastic designs of personal aggrandisement. Still -he steered a careful course amidst many difficulties, though when he -looked back upon his labours of thirteen years he must have owned to -serious disappointment. Perhaps he sometimes asked himself the question, -if foreign policy was worthy of the best attention of an English -minister, if he had not erred in adventuring on such large schemes -abroad. There was much to do at home; many useful measures of reform -awaited only a convenient season. He had hoped, when first he began his -course, to have seen England long before this time peaceful and -powerful, the arbiter of European affairs, a pattern to other kingdoms, -dealing honestly and sagaciously with the pressing needs of the time. He -had laboured incessantly for that end, but it was as far off as ever. -The year 1527 saw England exhausted by useless wars, and Europe plunged -in irreconcilable strife. Wolsey's dream of a united Europe, cautiously -moved by England's moderating counsels, had vanished before forces which -he could not control. - -Meanwhile domestic reforms had been thrust into the background. Wolsey -was keenly alive to their importance, and had a distinct policy which he -wished to carry out. He had carefully gathered into his hands the power -which would enable him to act, but he could not find the time for -definite action. Something he contrived to do, so as to prepare the way -for more; but his schemes were never revealed in their entirety, though -he trained the men who afterwards carried them out, though in a crude -and brutal shape. - -England was passing through a period of social change which necessitated -a re-adjustment of old institutions. The decay of feudalism in the Wars -of the Roses had been little noticed, but its results had been profound. -In the sphere of government the check exercised by the barons on the -Crown was destroyed. Henry VII. carefully depressed the baronage and -spared the pockets of the people, who were willing to have the conduct -of affairs in the hands of the king so long as he kept order and guarded -the commercial interests, which were more and more absorbing national -energies. The nation wished for a strong government to put down anarchy -and maintain order; but the nation was not willing to bear the cost of a -strong government on constitutional principles. Henry VII. soon found -that he might do what he liked provided he did not ask for money; he -might raise supplies by unconstitutional exactions on individuals -provided he did not embarrass the bulk of the middle classes, who were -busied with trade. The nobles, the rich landowners, the wealthy -merchants, were left to the king's mercies; so long as the pockets of -the commons were spared they troubled themselves no further. - -Henry VII. recognised this condition of national feeling, and pursued a -policy of levelling class privileges and cautiously heeding the popular -interests; by these means he established the royal power on a strong -basis, and carried on his government through capable officials, who took -their instructions from himself. Some of the old nobles held office, but -they gradually were reduced to the same level as the other officials -with whom they consorted. The power of the old nobility passed silently -away. - -With this political change a social change corresponded. The barons of -former years were great in proportion to the number of their retainers -and the strength of their castles. Now retainers were put down by the -Star Chamber; and the feudal lord was turned into the country gentleman. -Land changed hands rapidly; opulent merchants possessed themselves of -estates. The face of the country began to wear a new look, for the new -landlords did not desire a numerous tenantry but a large income. The -great trade of England was wool, which was exported to Flanders. Tillage -lands were thrown into pasture; small holders found it more difficult to -live on their holdings; complaints were heard that the country was being -depopulated. England was slowly passing through an economic change which -involved a displacement of population, and consequent misery on the -labouring classes. No doubt there was a great increase in national -prosperity; but prosperity was not universally diffused at once, and men -were keenly conscious of present difficulties. Beneath the surface of -society there was a widespread feeling of discontent. - -Moreover, amongst thinking men a new spirit was beginning to prevail. In -Italy this new spirit was manifest by quickened curiosity about the -world and life, and found its expression in a study of classical -antiquity. Curiosity soon led to criticism; and before the new criticism -the old ideas on which the intellectual life of the Middle Ages was -built were slowly passing away. Rhetoric took the place of logic, and -the study of the classics superseded the study of theology. This -movement of thought slowly found its way to England, where it began to -influence the higher minds. - -Thus England was going through a crisis politically, socially, and -intellectually, when Wolsey undertook the management of affairs. This -crisis was not acute, and did not call for immediate measures of -direction; but Wolsey was aware of its existence, and had his own plans -for the future. We must regret that he put foreign policy in the first -place, and reserved his constructive measures for domestic affairs. The -time seemed ripe for great achievements abroad, and Wolsey was hopeful -of success. He may be pardoned for his lofty aspirations, for if he had -succeeded England would have led the way in a deliberate settlement of -many questions which concerned the wellbeing of the whole of -Christendom. But success eluded Wolsey's grasp, and he fell from power -before he had time to trace decidedly the lines on which England might -settle her problems for herself; and when the solution came it was -strangely entangled in the personal questions which led to Wolsey's fall -from power. Yet even here we may doubt if the measures of the English -Reformation would have been possible if Wolsey's mind had not inspired -the king and the nation with a heightened consciousness of England's -power and dignity. Wolsey's diplomacy at least tore away all illusions -about Pope and Emperor, and the opinion of Europe, and taught Henry -VIII. the measure of his own strength. - -It was impossible that Wolsey's powerful hand should not leave its -impression upon everything which it touched. If Henry VIII. inherited a -strong monarchy, Wolsey made the basis of monarchical power still -stronger. It was natural that he should do so, as he owed his own -position entirely to the royal favour. But never had any king so devoted -a servant as had Henry VIII., in Wolsey; and this devotion was not -entirely due to motives of selfish calculation or to personal -attraction. Wolsey saw in the royal power the only possible means of -holding England together and guiding it through the dangers of impending -change. In his eyes the king and the king alone could collect and give -expression to the national will. England itself was unconscious of its -capacities, and was heedless about the future. The nobles, so far as -they had any policy, were only desirous to win back their old position. -The Church was no longer the inspirer of popular aspirations or the -bulwark of popular freedom. Its riches were regarded with a jealous eye -by the middle classes, who were busied with trade; the defects of its -organisation had been deplored by its most spiritually-minded sons for a -century; its practices, if not its tenets, awakened the ridicule of men -of intelligence; its revenues supplied the king with officials more than -they supplied the country with faithful pastors; its leaders were -content to look to the king for patronage and protection. The traders of -the towns and the new landlords of the country appreciated the growth of -their fortunes in a period of internal quiet, and dreaded anything that -might bring back discord. The labouring classes felt that redress of -their grievances was more possible from a far-off king than from -landlords who, in their eyes, were bent upon extortion. Every class -looked to the king, and was confident in his good intentions. We cannot -wonder that Wolsey saw in the royal power the only possible instrument -strong enough to work reforms, and set himself with goodwill to make -that instrument efficacious. - -So Wolsey was in no sense a constitutional minister, nor did he pay much -heed to constitutional forms. Parliament was only summoned once during -the time that he was in office, and then he tried to browbeat Parliament -and set aside its privileges. In his view the only function of -Parliament was to grant money for the king's needs. The king should say -how much he needed, and Parliament ought only to advise how this sum -might most conveniently be raised. We have seen that Wolsey failed in -his attempt to convert Parliament into a submissive instrument of royal -despotism. He under-estimated the strength of constitutional forms and -the influence of precedent. Parliament was willing to do its utmost to -meet the wishes of the king, but it would not submit to Wolsey's -high-handed dictation. The habits of diplomacy had impaired Wolsey's -sagacity in other fields; he had been so busy in managing emperors and -kings that he had forgotten how to deal with his fellow-countrymen. He -was unwise in his attempt to force the king's will upon Parliament as an -unchangeable law of its action. Henry VIII. looked on and learned from -Wolsey's failure, and when he took the management of Parliament into his -own hands he showed himself a consummate master of that craft. His skill -in this direction has scarcely been sufficiently estimated, and his -success has been put down to the servility of Parliament. But Parliament -was by no means servile under Wolsey's overbearing treatment. If it was -subservient to Henry the reason is to be found in his excellent tactics. -He conciliated different interests at different times; he mixed the -redress of acknowledged grievances with the assertion of far-reaching -claims; he decked out selfish motives in fair-sounding language; he led -men on step by step till they were insensibly pledged to measures more -drastic than they approved; he kept the threads of his policy in his own -hands till the only escape from utter confusion was an implicit -confidence in his wisdom; he made it almost impossible for those who -were dissatisfied to find a point on which they could establish a -principle for resistance. He was so skilful that Parliament at last gave -him even the power over the purse, and Henry, without raising a murmur, -imposed taxes which Wolsey would not have dared to suggest. It is -impossible not to feel that Henry, perhaps taught in some degree by -Cromwell, understood the temper of the English people far better than -Wolsey ever did. He established the royal power on a broader and securer -basis than Wolsey could have erected. Where Wolsey would have made the -Crown independent of Parliament, Henry VIII. reduced Parliament to be a -willing instrument of the royal will. Wolsey would have subverted the -constitution, or at least would have reduced it to a lifeless form; -Henry VIII. so worked the constitutional machinery that it became an -additional source of power to his monarchy. - -But though Wolsey was not successful in his method of making the royal -power supreme over Parliament, he took the blame of failure upon -himself, and saved the king's popularity. Wolsey's devotion to his -master was complete, and cannot be assigned purely to selfish motives. -Wolsey felt that his opinions, his policy, his aspirations had been -formed through his intercourse with the king; and he was only strong -when he and his master were thoroughly at one. At first the two men had -been in complete agreement, and it cost Wolsey many a pang when he found -that Henry did not entirely agree with his conclusions. After the -imperial alliance was made Wolsey lost much of his brilliancy, his dash, -and his force. This was not the result of age, or fatigue, or -hopelessness so much as of the feeling that he and the king were no -longer in accord. Like many other strong men, Wolsey was sensitive. He -did not care for popularity, but he felt the need of being understood -and trusted. He gave the king his affection, and he craved for a return. -There was no one else who could understand him or appreciate his aims, -and when he felt that he was valued for his usefulness rather than -trusted for what he was in himself, the spring of his life's energy was -gone. - -Still Wolsey laboured in all things to exalt the royal power, for in it -he saw the only hope of the future, and England endorsed his opinion. -But Wolsey was too great a man to descend to servility, and Henry always -treated him with respect. In fact Wolsey always behaved with a strong -sense of his personal dignity, and carried stickling for decorum to the -verge of punctiliousness. Doubtless he had a decided taste for splendour -and magnificence, but it is scarcely fair to put this down to the -arrogance of an upstart, as was done by his English contemporaries. -Wolsey believed in the influence of outward display on the popular mind, -and did his utmost to throw over the king a veil of unapproachable -grandeur and unimpeachable rectitude. He took upon himself the burden of -the king's responsibilities, and stood forward to shield him against the -danger of losing the confidence of his people. As the king's -representative he assumed a royal state; he wished men to see that they -were governed from above, and he strove to accustom them to the pomp of -power. In his missions abroad, and in his interviews with foreign -ambassadors, he was still more punctilious than in the matters of -domestic government. If the king was always to be regarded as the king, -Wolsey, as the mouthpiece of the royal will, never abated his claims -to honour only less than royal; but he acted not so much from -self-assertion as from policy. At home and abroad equally the greatness -of the royal power was to be unmistakably set forth, and ostentation was -an element in the game of brag to which a spirited foreign policy -inevitably degenerates. It was for the king's sake that Wolsey magnified -himself; he never assumed an independent position, but all his triumphs -were loyally laid at the king's feet. In this point, again, Wolsey -overshot the mark, and did not understand the English people, who were -not impressed in the manner which he intended. When Henry took the -government more directly into his own hands he managed better for -himself, for he knew how to identify the royal will with the aspirations -of the people, and clothed his despotism with the appearance of paternal -solicitude. He made the people think that he lived for them, and that -their interests were his, whereas Wolsey endeavoured to convince the -people that the king alone could guard their interests, and that their -only course was to put entire confidence in him. Henry saw that men were -easier to cajole than to convince; he worked for no system of royal -authority, but contented himself with establishing his own will. In -spite of the disadvantage of a royal education, Henry was a more -thorough Englishman than Wolsey, though Wolsey sprang from the people. - -It was Wolsey's teaching, however, that prepared Henry for his task. The -king who could use a minister like Wolsey and then throw him away when -he was no longer useful, felt that there was no limitation to his -self-sufficiency. - -Wolsey, indeed, was a minister in a sense which had never been seen in -England before, for he held in his hand the chief power alike in Church -and State. Not only was he chancellor, but also Archbishop of York, and -endowed beside with special legatine powers. These powers were not -coveted merely for purposes of show: Wolsey intended to use them, when -opportunity offered, as a means of bringing the Church under the royal -power as completely as he wished to subject the State. He had little -respect for the ecclesiastical organisation as such; he saw its obvious -weaknesses, and wished to provide a remedy. If he was a candidate for -the Papacy, it was from no desire to pursue an ecclesiastical policy of -his own, but to make the papal power subservient to England's interests. -He was sufficiently clear-sighted to perceive that national aspirations -could not much longer be repressed by the high-sounding claims of the -Papacy; he saw that the system of the Church must be adapted to the -conditions of the time, and he wished to avert a revolution by a quiet -process of steady and reasonable reform. He was perhaps honest in saying -that he was not greatly anxious for the Papacy; for he knew that England -gave him ample scope for his energies, and he hoped that the example of -England would spread throughout Europe. So at the beginning of his -career he pressed for legatine powers, which were grudgingly granted by -Leo X., first for one year, and afterwards for five; till the gratitude -of Clement VII. conferred them for life. Clothed with this authority, -and working in concert with the king, Wolsey was supreme over the -English Church, and perhaps dreamed of a future in which the Roman -Pontiff would practically resign his claims over the northern churches -to an English delegate, who might become his equal or superior in actual -power. - -However this might be, he certainly contemplated the reform of the -English Church by means of a judicious mixture of royal and -ecclesiastical authority. Everything was propitious for such an -undertaking, as the position of the Church was felt to be in many ways -anomalous and antiquated. The rising middle class had many grievances to -complain of from the ecclesiastical courts; the new landlords looked -with contempt on the management of monastic estates; the new learning -mocked at the ignorance of the clergy, and scoffed at the superstitions -of a simpler past which had survived unduly into an age when criticism -was coming into fashion. The power of the Church had been great in days -when the State was rude and the clergy were the natural leaders of men. -Now the State was powerful and enjoyed men's confidence; they looked to -the king to satisfy their material aspirations, and the Church had not -been very successful in keeping their spiritual aspirations alive. It -was not that men were opposed to the Church, but they judged its -privileges to be excessive, its disciplinary courts to be vexatious, its -officials to be too numerous, and its wealth to be devoted to purposes -which had ceased to be of the first importance. There was a general -desire to see a re-adjustment of many matters in which the Church was -concerned; and before this popular sentiment churchmen found it -difficult to assert their old pretensions, and preferred to rest -contentedly under the protection of the Crown. - -A trivial incident shows the general condition of affairs with -sufficient clearness. One of the claims which on the whole the clergy -had maintained was the right of trial before ecclesiastical courts; and -the greater leniency of ecclesiastical sentences had been a useful -modification of the severity of the criminal law, so that benefit of -clergy had been permitted to receive large extension of interpretation. -Further, the sanctity of holy places had been permitted to give rights -of sanctuary to criminals fleeing from justice or revenge. Both of these -expedients had been useful in a rude state of society, and had done much -to uphold a higher standard of humanity. But it was clear that they were -only temporary expedients which were needless and even harmful as -society grew more settled and justice was regularly administered. Henry -VII. had felt the need of diminishing the rights of sanctuary, which -gave a dangerous immunity to the numerous rebels against whom he had to -contend, and he obtained a bull for that purpose from Pope Innocent -VIII. The example which he set was speedily followed, and an Act was -passed by the Parliament of 1511, doing away with sanctuary and benefit -of clergy in the case of those who were accused of murder. - -It does not seem that the Act met with any decided opposition at the -time that it was passed; but there were still sticklers for clerical -immunities, who regarded it as a dangerous innovation, and during the -session of Parliament in 1515 the Abbot of Winchcombe preached a sermon -in which he denounced it as an impious measure. Henry VIII. adopted a -course which afterwards stood him in good stead in dealing with the -Church; he submitted the question to a commission of divines and -temporal peers. In the course of the discussion Standish, the Warden of -the Friars Minors, put the point clearly and sensibly by saying, "The -Act was not against the liberty of the Church, for it was passed for the -weal of the whole realm." The clerical party were not prepared to face -so direct an issue, and answered that it was contrary to the decretals. -"So," replied Standish, "is the non-residence of bishops; yet that is -common enough." Baffled in their appeal to law the bishops fell back -upon Scripture, and quoted the text, "Touch not mine anointed." Again -Standish turned against them the new critical spirit, which destroyed -the old arguments founded on isolated texts. David, he said, used these -words of all God's people as opposed to the heathen; as England was a -Christian country the text covered the laity as well as the clergy. It -was doubtless galling to the clerical party to be so remorselessly -defeated by one of their own number, and their indignation was increased -when the temporal lords on the commission decided against the Abbot of -Winchcombe and ordered him to apologise. - -The bishops vented their anger on Standish, and summoned him to answer -for his conduct before Convocation, whereon he appealed to the king. -Again Henry appointed a commission, this time exclusively of laymen, to -decide between Standish and his accusers. They reported that -Convocation, by its proceeding against one who was acting as a royal -commissioner, had incurred the penalties of præmunire, and they added -that the king could, if he chose, hold a parliament without the lords -spiritual, who had no place therein save by virtue of their temporal -possessions. Probably this was intended as a significant hint to the -spirituality that they had better not interfere unduly with -parliamentary proceedings. Moreover, at the same time a case had -occurred which stirred popular feeling against the ecclesiastical -courts. A London merchant had been arrested by the chancellor of the -Bishop of London on a charge of heresy, and a few days after his arrest -was found hanging dead in his cell. Doubtless the unhappy man had -committed suicide, but there was a suspicion that his arrest was due to -a private grudge on the part of the chancellor, who was accused of -having made away with him privily. Popular feeling waxed high, and the -lords who gave their decision so roundly against Convocation knew that -they were sure of popular support. - -Henry was not sorry of an opportunity of teaching the clergy their -dependence upon himself, and he summoned the bishops before him that he -might read them a lesson. Wolsey's action on this occasion is -noticeable. He seems to have been the only one who saw the gravity of -the situation, and he strove to effect a dignified compromise. Before -the king could speak Wolsey knelt before him and interceded for the -clergy. He said that they had designed nothing against the king's -prerogative, but thought it their duty to uphold the rights of the -Church; he prayed that the matter might be referred to the decision of -the Pope. Henry answered that he was satisfied with the arguments of -Standish. Fox, Bishop of Winchester, turned angrily on Standish, and -Archbishop Warham plucked up his courage so far as to say feebly, "Many -holy men have resisted the law of England on this point and have -suffered martyrdom." But Henry knew that he had not to deal with a -second Becket, and that the days of Becket had gone by for ever. He -would have nothing to say to papal intervention or to clerical -privilege; the time had come for the assertion of royal authority, and -Henry could use his opportunity as skilfully as the most skilful priest. -"We," said he, "are by God's grace king of England, and have no superior -but God; we will maintain the rights of the Crown like our predecessors; -your decrees you break and interpret at your pleasure: but we will not -consent to your interpretation any more than our predecessors have -done." The immemorial rights of the English Crown were vaguer and more -formidable than the rights of the Church, and the bishops retired in -silence. Henry did not forget the service rendered him by Standish, who -was made Bishop of St. Asaph in 1518. - -In this incident we have a forecast of the subsequent course of -events--the threat of præmunire, the assertion of the royal supremacy, -the submission of the clergy. Nothing was wanting save a sufficient -motive to work a revolution in the ancient relations between Church and -State. Wolsey alone seems to have seen how precarious was the existing -position of the Church. He knew that the Church was wrong, and that it -would have to give way, but he wished to clothe its submission with a -semblance of dignity, and to use the papal power, not as a means of -guarding the rights of the Church, but as a means of casting an air of -ecclesiastical propriety over their abandonment. Doubtless he proposed -to use his legatine power for that purpose if the need arose; but he was -loyal to the Church as an institution, and did not wish it to fall -unreservedly to the tender mercies of the king. He saw that this was -only to be avoided by a judicious pliancy on the Church's part, which -could gain a breathing-space for carrying out gradual reforms. - -The fact that Wolsey was a statesman rather than an ecclesiastic gave -him a clear view of the direction which a conservative reformation -should pursue. He saw that the Church was too wealthy and too powerful -for the work which it was actually doing. The wealth and power of the -Church were a heritage from a former age, in which the care for the -higher interests of society fell entirely into the hands of the Church -because the State was rude and barbarous, and had no machinery save for -the discharge of rudimentary duties. Bishops were the only officials who -could curb the lawlessness of feudal lords; the clergy were the only -refuge from local tyranny; monks were the only landlords who cleared the -forests, drained the marshes, and taught the pursuits of peace; -monastery schools educated the sons of peasants, and the universities -gave young men of ability a career. All the humanitarian duties of -society were discharged by the Church, and the Church had grown in -wealth and importance because of its readiness to discharge them. But as -the State grew stronger, and as the power of Parliament increased, it -was natural that duties which had once been delegated should be assumed -by the community at large. It was equally natural that institutions -which had once been useful should outlast their usefulness and be -regarded with a jealous eye. By the end of the reign of Edward I. -England had been provided with as many monastic institutions as it -needed, and the character of monasticism began to decline. Benefactions -for social purposes from that time forward were mainly devoted to -colleges, hospitals, and schools. The fact that so many great churchmen -were royal ministers shows how the energy of the Church was placed at -the disposal of the State and was by it absorbed. The Church possessed -revenues, and a staff of officials which were too large for the time, in -which it was not the only worker in the field of social welfare. It -possessed rights and privileges which were necessary for its protection -in days of anarchy and lawlessness, but which were invidious in days of -more settled government. Moreover, the tenure of so much land by -ecclesiastical corporations like monasteries, was viewed with jealousy -in a time when commercial competition was becoming a dominant motive in -a society which had ceased to be mainly warlike. - -From this point of view Wolsey was prepared for gradual changes in the -position of the Church; but he did not wish those changes to be -revolutionary, nor did he wish them to be made by the power of the -State. He knew the real weakness of the Church and the practical -omnipotence of the king; but he hoped to unite the interests of the -Crown and of the Church by his own personal influence and by his -position as the trusted minister of king and Pope alike. - -He did not, however, deceive himself about the practical difficulties in -the way of a conservative reform, which should remove the causes of -popular discontent, and leave the Church an integral part of the State -organisation. He knew that the ecclesiastical system, even in its -manifest abuses, was closely interwoven with English society, and he -knew the strength of clerical conservatism. He knew also the dangers -which beset the Church if it came across the royal will and pleasure. If -any reform were to be carried out it must be by raising the standard of -clerical intelligence. Already many things which had accorded with the -simpler minds of an earlier age had become objects of mockery to -educated laymen. The raillery of Erasmus at the relics of St. Thomas of -Canterbury and the Virgin's milk preserved at Walsingham expressed the -difference which had arisen between the old practices of religion and -the belief of thoughtful men. It would be well to divert some of the -revenues of the Church from the maintenance of idle and ignorant monks -to the education of a body of learned clergy. - -This diversion of monastic property had long been projected and -attempted. William of Wykeham endowed his New College at Oxford with -lands which he purchased from monasteries. Henry VI. endowed Eton and -King's College with revenues which came from the suppression of alien -priories. In 1497 John Alcock, Bishop of Ely, obtained leave to suppress -the decrepit nunnery of St. Rhadegund in Cambridge and use its site for -the foundation of Jesus College. Wolsey only carried farther and made -more definite the example which had previously been set when in 1524 he -obtained from Pope Clement VII. permission to convert into a college the -monastery of St. Frideswyde in Oxford. Soon after he obtained a bull -allowing him to suppress monasteries with fewer than seven inmates, and -devote their revenues to educational purposes. - -Nor was Wolsey the only man who was of opinion that the days of -monasticism were numbered. In 1515 Bishop Fox of Winchester contemplated -the foundation of a college at Oxford in connection with the monastery -of St. Swithin at Winchester. He was dissuaded from making his college -dependent on a monastery by his brother bishop, Oldham of Exeter, who -said, "Shall we build houses and provide livelihoods for a company of -bussing monks, whose end and fall we ourselves may live to see? No, no: -it is meet to provide for the increase of learning, and for such as by -learning shall do good to Church and commonwealth." Oldham's advice -prevailed, and the statutes of Fox's college of Brasenose were marked by -the influence of the new learning as distinct from the old theology. - -Still Wolsey's bull for the wholesale dissolution of small monasteries -was the beginning of a process which did not cease till all were swept -away. It introduced a principle of measuring the utility of old -institutions and judging their right to exist by their power of -rendering service to the community. Religious houses whose shrunken -revenues could not support more than seven monks, according to the -rising standard of monastic comfort, were scarcely likely to maintain -serious discipline or pursue any lofty end. But it was the very -reasonableness of this method of judgment which rendered it exceedingly -dangerous. Tried by this standard, who could hope to escape? Fuller -scarcely exaggerates when he says that this measure of Wolsey's "made -all the forest of religious foundations in England to shake, justly -fearing that the king would fell the oaks when the cardinal had begun to -cut the underwood." It would perhaps have required too much wisdom for -the monks to see that submission to the cardinal's pruning-knife was the -only means of averting the clang of the royal axe. - -The method which Wolsey pursued was afterwards borrowed by Henry VIII. -Commissioners were sent out to inquire into the condition of small -monasteries, and after an unfavourable report their dissolution was -required, and their members were removed to a larger house. The work was -one which needed care and dexterity as well as a good knowledge of -business. Wolsey was lucky in his agents, chief amongst whom was Thomas -Cromwell, an attorney whose cleverness Wolsey quickly perceived. In fact -most of the men who so cleverly managed the dissolution of the -monasteries for Henry had learned the knack under Wolsey, who was fated -to train up instruments for purposes which he would have abhorred. - -The immediate objects to which Wolsey devoted the money which he -obtained by the dissolution of these useless monasteries were a college -in his old university of Oxford and another in his native town of -Ipswich. The two were doubtless intended to be in connection with one -another, after the model of William of Wykeham's foundations at -Winchester and Oxford, and those of Henry VI. at Eton and Cambridge. -This scheme was never carried out in its integrity, for on Wolsey's fall -his works were not completed, and were involved in his forfeiture. Few -things gave him more grief than the threatened check of this memorial of -his greatness, and owing to his earnest entreaties his college at Oxford -was spared and was refounded. Its name, however, was changed from -Cardinal College to Christ Church, and it was not entirely identified -with Wolsey's glory. The college at Ipswich fell into abeyance. - -Wolsey's design for Cardinal College was on a magnificent scale. He -devised a large court surrounded by a cloister, with a spacious -dining-hall on one side. The hall was the first building which he took -in hand, and this fact is significant of his idea of academic life. He -conceived a college as an organic society of men living in common, and -by their intercourse generating and expressing a powerful body of -opinion. Contemporaries mocked and said, "A fine piece of business; this -cardinal projected a college and has built a tavern." They did not -understand that Wolsey was not merely adding to the number of Oxford -colleges, but was creating a society which should dominate the -University, and be the centre of a new intellectual movement. For this -purpose Wolsey devised a foundation which should be at once -ecclesiastical and civil, and should set forward his own conception of -the relations between the Church and the intellectual and social life of -the nation. His foundation consisted of a dean, sixty canons, six -professors, forty petty canons, twelve chaplains, twelve clerks, and -sixteen choristers; and he proposed to fill it with men of his own -choice, who would find there a fitting sphere for their energies. - -Wolsey was a man well adapted to hold the balance between the old and -the new learning. He had been trained in the theology of the schools, -and was a student of St. Thomas Aquinas; but he had learned by the -training of life to understand the new ideas; he grasped their -importance, and he foresaw their triumph. He was a friend of the band of -English scholars who brought to Oxford the study of Greek, and he -sympathised with the intellectual aspirations of Grocyn, Colet, More, -and Erasmus. Perhaps he rather sympathised than understood; but his -influence was cast on their side when the opposition to the new learning -broke out in the University and the Trojans waged a desperate and at -first a successful war against the Greeks. The more ignorant among the -clerical teachers objected to any widening of the old studies, and -resented the substitution of biblical or patristic theology for the -study of the schoolmen. They dreaded the effects of the critical method, -and were not reassured when Grocyn, in a sermon at St. Paul's Cathedral, -declared that the writings attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite were -spurious. A wave of obscurantism swept over Oxford, and, as Tyndale puts -it, "the barking curs, Dun's disciples, the children of darkness, raged -in every pulpit against Greek, Latin, and Hebrew." Wolsey used the -king's authority to rebuke the assailants of learning; but the new -teachers withdrew from Oxford, and Wolsey saw that if the new learning -was to make way it must have a secure footing. Accordingly he set -himself to get the universities into his power, and in 1517 proposed to -found university lectureships in Oxford. Hitherto the teaching given in -the universities had been voluntary; teachers arose and maintained -themselves by a process of natural selection. Excellent as such a system -may seem, it did not lead to progress, and already the Lady Margaret, -Countess of Richmond, Henry VII.'s mother, had adopted the advice of -Bishop Fisher, and founded divinity professorships in the two -universities. Wolsey wished to extend this system and organise an entire -staff of teachers for university purposes. We do not know how far he -showed his intention, but such was his influence that Oxford submitted -its statutes to him for revision. Wolsey's hands were too full of other -work for him to undertake at once so delicate a matter; but he meant -undoubtedly to reorganise the system of university education, and for -this purpose prevailed on Cambridge also to entrust its statutes to his -hands. Again he had prepared the way for a great undertaking, and had -dexterously used his position to remove all obstacles, and prepare a -field for the work of reconstruction. Again he was prevented from -carrying out his designs, and his educational reform was never actually -made. We can only trace his intentions in the fact that he brought to -Oxford a learned Spaniard, Juan Luis Vives, to lecture on rhetoric, and -we may infer that he intended to provide both universities with a staff -of teachers chosen from the first scholars of Europe. - -Another matter gives another indication of Wolsey's desire to remove the -grievances felt against the Church. If the monasteries were survivals of -a time when the Church discharged the humanitarian duties of society, -the ecclesiastical courts were in a like manner survivals of a time when -the civil courts were not yet able to deal with many points which -concerned the relations between man and man, or which regulated -individual conduct. Thus marriage was a religious ceremony, and all -questions which arose from the marriage contract were decided in the -ecclesiastical courts. Similarly wills were recognised by the Church, as -resting on the moral basis of mutual confidence, long before the State -was prepared to acknowledge their validity. Besides these cases which -arose from contract, the Church exercised a disciplinary supervision -over its members for the good of their souls, and to avoid scandals in a -Christian community. On all these points the principles of the Church -had leavened the conceptions of the State, and the civil jurisdiction -had in many matters overtaken the ecclesiastical. But the clerical -courts stood stubbornly upon their claim to greater antiquity, and the -activity of ecclesiastical lawyers found plenty of work to do. -Disciplinary jurisdiction was unduly extended by a class of trained -officials, and was resented by the growing independence of the rising -middle class. No doubt the ecclesiastical courts needed reform, but the -difficulties in the way of reforming legal procedure are always great. -Wolsey faced the problem in a way which is most characteristic of his -statesmanship. He strove to bring the question to maturity for solution -by getting the control of the ecclesiastical courts into his own hands. -For this purpose he used his exceptional position as Papal Legate, and -instituted a legatine court which should supersede the ordinary -jurisdiction. Naturally enough this brought him into collision with -Archbishop Warham, and his fall prevented him from developing his -policy. His attempt only left the ecclesiastical courts in worse -confusion, and added to the strength of the opposition, which soon -robbed them of most of their powers. It added also to Wolsey's -unpopularity, and gave a shadow of justice to the unworthy means which -were used for his destruction. - -In fact, wherever we look, we see that in domestic affairs Wolsey had a -clear conception of the objects to be immediately pursued by a -conservative reformer. But a conservative reformer raises as much -hostility as does a revolutionist, for the mass of men are not -sufficiently foreseeing or sufficiently disinterested willingly to -abandon profitable abuses. They feel less animosity against the open -enemy who aims avowedly at their destruction, than against the seeming -friends who would deprive them of what they consider to be their rights. -The clergy submitted more readily to the abolition of their privileges -by the king than they would have submitted to a reform at the hands of -Wolsey. They could understand the one; they could not understand the -other. This was natural, for Wolsey had no lofty principles to set -before them; he had only the wisdom of a keen-sighted statesman, who -read the signs of the times. Indeed he did not waste his time in trying -to persuade others to see with his eyes. He could not have ventured to -speak out and say that the Church must choose between the tender mercies -of the royal power and submission to the discretion of one who, standing -between the king and the Pope, was prepared to throw a semblance of -ecclesiastical recognition over reforms which were inevitable. It is -clear that Wolsey was working for the one possible compromise, and he -hoped to effect it by his own dexterity. Secure of the royal favour, -secure through his political importance of the papal acquiescence in the -use which he made of his legatine power, standing forward as the chief -ecclesiastic in England, he aimed at accomplishing such reforms as would -have brought into harmony the relations between Church and State. He did -not hope to do this by persuasion, but by power, and had taken steps to -lay his hand cautiously on different parts of the ecclesiastical -organisation. With this idea before him we may safely acquit Wolsey of -any undue ambition for the papal office; he doubted whether his -influence would be increased or not by its possession. - -In everything that Wolsey did he played for the highest stakes, and -risked all upon the hope of ultimate success. He trusted to justify -himself in the long-run, and was heedless of the opposition which he -called forth. Resting solely upon the royal favour, he did not try to -conciliate, nor did he pause to explain. Men could not understand his -ends, but they profoundly disliked his means. The suppression of small -monasteries, which might be useless but served to provide for younger -sons or dependants of country families, was very unpopular, as coming -from a cardinal who enjoyed the revenues of many ecclesiastical offices -whose duties he did not discharge. The setting up of a legatine court -was hateful to the national sentiment of Englishmen, who saw in it only -another engine of ecclesiastical oppression. The pomp and magnificence -wherewith Wolsey asserted a greatness which he mainly valued as a means -of doing his country service, was resented as the vulgar arrogance of an -upstart. Wolsey's ideas were too great to pay any heed to the prejudices -of Englishmen which, after all, have determined the success of all -English ministers, and which no English statesman has ever been powerful -enough to disregard. - - - - - CHAPTER IX - THE KING'S DIVORCE - 1527-1529 - - -If Wolsey hoped that the peace with France, which he had so successfully -concluded in the beginning of 1527, would enable him to reassert -England's influence on the Continent, and would give him an opportunity -for the work of domestic reform, he was sorely disappointed. A new -matter arose, not entirely unexpected, but which widened into unexpected -issues, and consumed Wolsey's energies till it led to his fall. The -project of the king's divorce was suddenly mooted; and this personal -matter, before it was ripe for settlement, gradually drew into its -sphere all the questions concerning England's foreign and domestic -policy which Wolsey's statesmanship had been trying to solve by wise and -well-considered means. Wolsey had been gathering into his hands the -threads of a complicated policy, each one of which required dexterous -handling, in accordance with a great design. He found himself suddenly -called upon to act precipitately for the accomplishment of a small -matter, which brought all the difficulties of his position prominently -forward, and gave him no time for that skilful diplomacy in which he -excelled. Moreover, when the project was started neither Henry nor -Wolsey could have foreseen the complications which would arise; still -less could Wolsey have known the obstinacy which the faintest opposition -to the royal will would develop in the king, or the extent to which he -could persuade himself that the satisfaction of the royal pleasure was -the sole purpose of the existence of the power of the State. At first -Henry had sympathised with Wolsey's far-reaching schemes. Latterly he -had at all events been willing to allow Wolsey to have his own way on -the whole. The time came when he showed himself a hard taskmaster, and -demanded that Wolsey should at all costs satisfy his personal desires in -a matter which he persuaded himself was all-important to the nation at -large. - -Viewed according to the general notions of the time, there was nothing -very surprising in the fact that Henry VIII. should wish for a divorce. -Royal marriages were made and unmade from motives of expediency; it was -only a question of obtaining a decent plea. The sons of Katharine had -died in infancy, and Mary was the only heir of the English throne; it -was a matter of importance to the future of England that the succession -to the throne should be clearly established. If Henry had remained -attached to his wife this consideration would not have been put forward; -but Henry was never famed for constancy. He was in the prime of life, -while Katharine was over forty. He had developed in character, not for -the better, while she remained true to the narrow traditions of her -early training. She was an excellent housewife, conscientious, decorous, -and capable; but she was devoted to the political interests of Spain, -and admired her nephew Charles. While the imperial alliance was warmly -pursued by Henry she was happy; when Henry's zeal for Charles began to -fade she felt offended, and was not judicious in the display of her -political bias. Henry was more and more annoyed by his wife's -discontent, and the breach between them rapidly widened. When Henry -broke with Charles and allied himself with France he seems to have felt -that his domestic peace was at an end, and he was not the man to shrink -from the effort to re-establish it upon another basis. - -Perhaps none of these considerations would have moved Henry to take -prompt action if his desires had not been kindled by a new object of his -affection. He had not been a faithful husband, and Katharine seems to -have been indulgent to his infidelities. In the course of 1526 he was -captivated by the charms of Anne Boleyn, as he had formerly been -captivated by her sister Mary. But Anne had learned that the king was -fickle, and she resolved that she would not be so easily won as to be -lightly abandoned. She skilfully managed to make herself agreeable to -the king till his passion for her became so violent that he was prepared -to accept her terms and make her his lawful wife. - -Wolsey was not in favour of this plan; but he was not opposed to getting -rid of the political influence of Katharine, and he believed that the -king's fancy for Anne Boleyn would rapidly pass away. Whatever his own -personal opinion might be, he did not venture to gainsay the king in a -matter on which he was resolved, and he lent himself to be an instrument -in a matter which involved him in measures which became more and more -discreditable. The first idea of the king was to declare his marriage -with Katharine unlawful, on the ground that she had previously been his -brother's wife; but he was cognisant of that when he married her and had -applied for a papal dispensation to remedy that source of invalidity. -Doubtless some plea might be discovered to enable the Pope to set aside -the dispensation granted by his predecessor. But whatever technical -grounds might be used to justify the Pope's decision in the king's -favour, the Pope could not be expected to act in such a manner as to -offend the Powers of Europe and shock the moral sense of Englishmen. -Wolsey did not hide from himself that there were three hindrances in the -way of legalising the king's divorce. The opinion of England was not in -its favour; Charles V. was likely to resent the affront which it would -put upon his aunt, and the Pope could not afford to alienate one who was -becoming all-powerful in Italy that he might win the distant friendship -of the English king; Francis I. had just made a treaty with Henry VIII., -by which the hand of Mary had been promised to his son, and he was not -likely to wish to see Mary declared to be illegitimate. These were -serious elements of opposition, which it would require considerable -skill to overcome. - -The first measure which suggested itself to Henry and Wolsey was to put -the king's plea into shape, and endorse it with the authority of the -English Church. For this purpose a suit was secretly instituted against -the king in Wolsey's legatine court. Henry was solemnly informed that a -complaint had been made to Wolsey, as censor of public morals, that he -had cohabited for eighteen years with his brother's wife. Henry -consented that Archbishop Warham should be joined with Wolsey as -assessor, and named a proctor who should plead his cause. Three sessions -of this court were held with the profoundest secrecy in May; but in -spite of all the attempts at secrecy the imperial ambassador discovered -what was going on. The object of this procedure seems to have been to -produce a sentence from the legate's court in England which should be -confirmed by the Pope without right of appeal. If the Pope had been a -free agent he might conceivably have adopted this course; but the news -soon reached England that Rome had been sacked by Bourbon, and that the -Pope was trembling before Charles V. In this turn of affairs it was -useless to proceed farther on the supposition that he would -unhesitatingly comply with the wishes of Henry and Wolsey. A court -sitting in secret would have no influence on English opinion, and Wolsey -proposed that its sittings should be suspended, and the opinions of the -English bishops be taken as a means of educating public opinion. - -But Katharine had been informed of the king's intentions concerning her, -and showed a purpose of defending her rights. It would be very awkward -if she were the first to make the matter public, and were to appeal to -the Pope or her kinsman Charles. The question would then become a -political question, and Henry was not prepared with allies. So on 22d -June the king broached his difficulties to Katharine. He told her of his -scruples, and of his intentions of submitting them to the decision of -canonists and theologians; meanwhile they had better live apart. -Katharine burst into tears, and the king vaguely tried to assure her -that all was being done for the best, and begged her to keep the matter -secret. His only object was to prevent her from taking any open steps -till he had assured himself of the countenance of the French king to his -plans. For this purpose Wolsey was sent on an embassy, ostensibly to -settle some questions raised by the French treaty, really to concert -with Francis I. a scheme for bringing to bear upon the Pope a pressure -which should be strong enough to counteract the influence of Charles V. -So, on 3d July, Wolsey left London on his last diplomatic mission. Men -who saw Wolsey set out with more than his accustomed state, escorted by -nine hundred horsemen, thought, doubtless, that the cardinal's greatness -was as high as ever; but those who watched more closely saw him in the -splendid ceremonial of the Church of Canterbury "weep very tenderly," -for his mind was ill at ease. He must have felt that he was going to use -his talents for a bad end, and that all patriotism and nobility had -vanished from his aim. On his way to Dover he had a conference with -Archbishop Warham, whom he instructed about the conduct to be observed -towards the queen. Then at Rochester he sounded Bishop Fisher, the most -holy and upright of the English bishops, who had already been asked by -Katharine to give her counsel, though she had not ventured to tell him -what was the subject on which she wished for his advice. So Wolsey told -his own story; that the king's conscience was disquiet, and that he -wished to have his scruples set at rest by the opinions of learned men. -He represented that Katharine by her hastiness was throwing difficulties -in the way of the king's considerate procedure, and threatened to -publish the matter, and so create an open scandal. Fisher believed -Wolsey's tale, and was beguiled into a belief of the king's good -intentions, which the queen could not understand. About the validity of -Henry's marriage Wolsey could not get from Fisher an opinion contrary to -the authority of a papal dispensation; but he contrived to alienate -Fisher from sympathy with Katharine, and so left the queen without a -friend while he proceeded to machinate against her in France. - -We have from one of Wolsey's attendants, George Cavendish, his -gentleman-usher, a full account of Wolsey's journey in France. On one -point he gives us valuable insight into Wolsey's character where Wolsey -has been much misrepresented. He tells us how at Calais he summoned his -attendants and addressed them about their behaviour. He explained that -the services which he required from them were not personal but official, -and his words were those of a statesman who understood, but did not -over-estimate, the value of external things. "Ye shall understand," he -said, "that the king's majesty, upon certain weighty considerations, -hath for the more advancement of his royal dignity assigned me in this -journey to be his lieutenant-general, and what reverence belongeth to -the same I will tell you. That for my part I must, by virtue of my -commission of lieutenantship, assume and take upon me, in all honours -and degrees, to have all such service and reverence as to his highness's -presence is meet and due, and nothing thereof to be neglected or omitted -by me that to his royal estate is appurtenant. And for my part, ye shall -see me that I will not omit one jot thereof." Then he added some wise -advice about the courtesies to be observed in their intercourse with the -French. - -When matters of etiquette had thus been arranged, Wolsey rode out of -Calais on 22d July, and pursued his journey to Abbeville, where he -awaited the arrival of Francis I. at Amiens. On 4th August he entered -Amiens, and was received with royal honours. His interviews with Francis -and the queen-mother were most satisfactory on matters of general -policy: the English alliance was firmly accepted, and all questions -between the two Crowns were in a fair way towards settlement. Wolsey -waited till the political alliance was firmly established before he -broached the personal matter of the divorce. Meanwhile he meditated on -the schemes which might be pursued by the allied kings to satisfy -Henry's desires. He proposed that they should join in demanding from -Charles V. that he should restore the Pope's independence, in the hope -that the Pope when freed from constraint would be willing to show his -gratitude by complying with Henry's demands. If they failed in procuring -the Pope's release, they should declare the papal power to be in -abeyance, and summon the cardinals to meet at Avignon, where, under -Wolsey's presidency, they should transact such business as the Pope in -his captivity was unable to discharge. - -Either of these methods was technically decorous; but they did not much -commend themselves to Henry VIII., whose passion for Anne Boleyn daily -increased, and who was impatient of any procedure that involved delay. -So Henry listened coldly to Wolsey's proposals for a "sure, honourable, -and safe" termination of the "king's matter," as the divorce was now -called: he wished for a "good and brief conclusion," and gave ear to the -advice of Anne Boleyn and her friends. It was easy for them to point out -that Wolsey was an old-fashioned statesman, full of prejudice where the -Church was concerned. They urged that the king could do better for -himself, and could deal more expeditiously with the Pope than could a -churchman who was bound to adopt a humble attitude towards his -ecclesiastical superior. So Henry determined to take the matter into his -own hands, and send his secretary Knight to negotiate with the Pope -without Wolsey's intervention. - -Wolsey, meanwhile, in ignorance of the King's intentions, but distressed -at the difficulties which he foresaw, followed the French Court to -Compiegne, where he divided his time between diplomatic conflicts, -festivities, and the despatch of business. One morning, Cavendish tells -us, "He rose early about four of the clock, sitting down to write -letters into England unto the king, commanding one of his chaplains to -prepare him to mass, insomuch that the said chaplain stood revested -until four of the clock at afternoon; all which season my lord never -rose once even to eat any meat, but continually wrote his letters, with -his own hands, having all that time his nightcap and kerchief on his -head. And about the hour of four of the clock, at afternoon, he made an -end of writing, and commanded one Christopher Gunner, the king's -servant, to prepare him without delay to ride empost into England with -his letters, whom he despatched away or ever he drank. And that done he -went to mass, and said his other divine service with his chaplain, as he -was accustomed to do; and then went straight into a garden; and after he -had walked the space of an hour or more, and said his evensong, he went -to dinner and supper all at once; and making a small repast, he went to -his bed, to take his rest for the night." - -While Wolsey was thus labouring in this thorny matter, he received a -visit from Knight on his way to Rome. Knight's instructions were to -demand from the Pope a dispensation for Henry to marry again before the -divorce from Katharine had been pronounced; failing this, to marry -immediately after his marriage with Katharine was declared invalid. -Further, he was to ask the Pope to issue a bull delegating his spiritual -authority to Cardinal Wolsey during his captivity. No doubt this was an -expeditious way to cut existing difficulties; but it was too expeditious -to suit the traditions of the Papal Court. Its obvious clumsiness showed -that it was not the work of Wolsey's hand; and it was unwise for the -king to inform the Pope that he was trying to act without Wolsey's -knowledge. - -Though Wolsey was left in ignorance of the nature of Knight's -instructions, he could not but suspect that the king was acting without -his full knowledge. He finished his work at Compiegne and returned to -England at the end of September. He at once repaired to the Court at -Richmond, and sent to tell the king of his arrival. Hitherto the king -had always retired to a private room when he received the cardinal -alone. Now Anne Boleyn was with the king in the great hall, and scarcely -had Wolsey's message been delivered than she broke in, "Where else -should the cardinal come than here where the king is?" The king -confirmed her command, and Wolsey found himself ushered into the hall, -where Henry sat amusing himself with Anne and his favourites. Serious -talk was out of the question. Wolsey was no longer first in the king's -confidence. He went away feeling that Anne Boleyn was his political -rival, whom he could only overcome by serving better than she could -serve herself. Henceforth he had two masters instead of one, and he did -not deceive himself that the continuance of his power depended solely on -his usefulness in the matter of the divorce. - -As Wolsey showed himself compliant, Anne Boleyn treated him graciously -while she waited to hear the result of Knight's mission to Rome. It was -not easy for him to enter the city, which was in possession of the -Spaniards, and when he entered it he could not hold any personal -communication with Clement VII., who was shut up in the Castle of St. -Angelo. On 9th December Clement escaped to Orvieto, where Knight soon -joined him, and showed his incapacity for the work which had been -confided to him by revealing to the papal officials the whole details of -the matter, which he ought to have kept secret. Clement saw at once the -value of Henry's conscientious scruples, and learned that he was moved -solely by a desire to marry Anne Boleyn, a connection which could not be -excused by any paramount reasons of political expediency. However -anxious the Pope might be to oblige the English king, there were limits -to his complacency, and Knight had not the wits to cast a fair -appearance over a disgraceful matter. Yet Clement did not wish to offend -Henry by refusing his request at once. The demand for a dispensation -empowering the king to marry at once had already been dropped at -Wolsey's instance. Knight carried with him a form of dispensation -allowing Henry to marry as soon as his marriage with Katharine was -dissolved. This form was amended by one of the cardinals, and was signed -by the Pope. Knight started back to England, convinced that he had done -his business excellently, and was bearing to the king the permission -which he desired. - -When the documents were placed in Wolsey's hands he saw at once that -they were worthless. What Henry wanted was permission for Wolsey to -decide the question in the Pope's behalf, and permission for himself to -act at once as soon as Wolsey's decision was pronounced. The documents -which he received did not bar Katharine's right of appeal; consequently -Wolsey's decision would be of no effect, and the king could not lawfully -marry again pending the appeal. In fact, the Pope reserved the entire -decision of the matter in his own hand. - -It was a small matter for Wolsey to triumph over a man like Knight; but -Knight's failure showed Henry and Anne Boleyn that they must put their -confidence in Wolsey after all. So in February 1528 Wolsey had to begin -again from the beginning, and had to undo the mischief which Knight's -bungling had made. He chose as his agents his secretary, Stephen -Gardiner, and Edward Foxe, one of the king's chaplains. They were -instructed to ask that the Pope would join with Wolsey some special -legate, and give them power to pronounce a final judgment. For this -purpose they were to plead Henry's cause with all earnestness, and say -that the king was moved only by the scruples of his conscience; at the -same time they were to praise the virtues of Anne Boleyn, and say that -the king was solely moved by considerations of his duty to his country -in his desire to marry her. Further, they were to insist on the -dishonour which would be done to the Holy See if the Pope, through fear -of Charles V., were to refuse to do justice. If the king could not -obtain justice from the Pope he would be compelled to seek it elsewhere, -and live outside the laws of Holy Church; and however reluctant, he -would be driven to this for the quiet of his conscience. - -Truly these pleas were sorely contradictory. Henry was ready to -acknowledge to the fullest extent the papal power of granting -dispensations, and was ready to submit to the justice of the Pope as the -highest justice upon earth. But this was solely on condition that the -Pope gave decision according to his wishes. He regarded the Papacy as an -excellent institution so long as it was on his own side. If it refused -to see the justice of his pleas, then he fell back as strenuously as did -Luther on the necessity of satisfying his own conscience, and to do so -he was ready, if need were, to break with the Church. Truly the movement -in Germany had affected public opinion more than was supposed when -Wolsey could hold such language to the Pope. He did not know what a -terrible reality that curious conscience of Henry would become. His -words were a truer prophecy than he dreamed. - -However, this line of argument was stubbornly pursued by Gardiner even -in the Pope's presence. Clement at Orvieto was not surrounded by the -pomp and splendour customary to his office. The English envoys found him -in a little room, seated on a wooden bench which was covered with "an -old coverlet not worth twenty pence." But he did not see his way to a -restoration of his dignity by an unhesitating compliance with the -demands of the English king; on the other hand, the mere fact that his -fortunes had sunk so low demanded greater circumspection. He was not -likely to escape from dependence on Charles V. by making himself the -tool of Francis I. and Henry VIII.; such a proceeding would only lead to -the entire destruction of the papal authority. Its restoration must be -achieved by holding the balance between the opposing Powers of Europe, -and Henry VIII.'s desire for a divorce gave the Pope an opportunity of -showing that he was still a personage of some importance. Dynastic -questions still depended on his decree, and he could use Henry's -application as a means of showing Charles that he had something to fear -from the Papacy, and that it was his policy to make the Papacy friendly -to himself. So Clement resolved to adopt a congenial course of -temporising, in the hope that he might see his advantage in some turn of -affairs. No doubt he thought that Henry's matter would soon settle -itself; either his passion for Anne Boleyn would pass away, or he would -make her his mistress. The stubbornness of Henry, his strange hold upon -formal morality while pursuing an immoral course of conduct, his -imperious selfwill, which grew by opposition--these were incalculable -elements which might have upset the plans of wiser men than Clement VII. - -So the Pope acted the part of the good simple man who wishes to do what -is right. He lamented his own ignorance, and proposed to consult those -who were more learned in canon law than himself. When Gardiner said that -England asked nothing but justice, and if it were refused would be -driven to think that God had taken away from the Holy See the key of -knowledge, and would begin to adopt the opinion of those who thought -that pontifical laws, which were not clear to the Pope himself, might -well be committed to the flames, Clement sighed, and suggested a -compromise. Then he added, with a smile, that though canonists said "the -Pope has all laws in the cabinet of his breast," yet God had not given -him the key to open that cabinet; he could only consult his cardinals. - -Gardiner's outspoken remonstrances were useless against one who pleaded -an amiable incompetence. Against the churnings of Henry's conscience -Clement set up the churnings of his own conscience, and no one could -gainsay the Pope's right to a conscience as much as the English king. -After pursuing this course during the month of March the Pope at length -with sighs and tears devised a compromise, in which he feared that he -had outstepped the bounds of discretion. He accepted one of the -documents which the English envoys had brought, the permission for the -king to marry whom he would as soon as his marriage with Katharine had -been dissolved. He altered the terms of the other document, which -provided for the appointment of a commission with plenary powers to -pronounce on the validity of the king's marriage; he granted the -commission, but did not give it plenary power; at the same time he chose -as the commissioner who was to sit with Wolsey Cardinal Campeggio, who -was the protector of England in the Papal Court, and who was rewarded -for his services by holding the bishopric of Hereford. In this way he -showed every mark of goodwill to Henry short of acquiescing entirely in -the procedure which he proposed; but he kept the final decision of the -matter in his own hands. - -Gardiner was not wholly pleased with this result of his skill and -firmness: after all his efforts to obtain a definite solution the Pope -had managed to escape from giving any binding promise. Still, Foxe put a -good face on Gardiner's exploits when he returned to England in the end -of April. Henry and Anne Boleyn were delighted, and Wolsey, though he -was more dissatisfied than Gardiner, thought it best to be hopeful. He -tried to bind the Pope more firmly, and instructed Gardiner to press -that the law relating to Henry's case should be laid down in a papal -decretal, so that the legates should only have to determine the question -of fact; this decretal he promised to keep entirely secret; besides -this, he urged that there should be no delay in sending Campeggio. - -During these months of expectancy Wolsey condescended to ingratiate -himself with Anne Boleyn, who had become a political personage of the -first importance. Anne was sure of Wolsey's devotion to her interests so -long as they were also the king's, and could not dispense with Wolsey's -skill. So she was kindly, and wrote friendly letters to Wolsey, and -asked for little gifts of tunny-fish and shrimps. The English Court -again resembled an amiable family party, whose members were all of one -mind. In the course of the summer they were all thrown into terror by an -outbreak of the "Sweating Sickness," which devastated the country. Anne -Boleyn was attacked, though not severely; and Henry showed that his -devotion to her did not proceed to the length of risking his own -precious life for her sake. He fled to Waltham, and Anne was left with -her father; Henry protested by letter his unalterable affection, but -kept out of harm's way till all risk of infection was past. At the same -time he showed great solicitude for Wolsey's health, as did also Anne -Boleyn. It seemed as though Wolsey were never more useful or more highly -esteemed. - -Yet, strangely enough, this outbreak of the plague drew upon Wolsey the -most significant lesson which he had yet received of his own real -position and of Henry's resoluteness to brook no check upon his royal -will. Amongst others who perished in the sickness was the Abbess of -Wilton, and Anne Boleyn wished that the vacant office should be given to -one of the nuns of the abbey, Eleanor Carey, sister of William Carey, -who had married Anne's sister Mary. Wolsey was informed of the wishes of -Anne and of the king on this point; but on examination found that -Eleanor's life and character were not such as to fit her for the office. -He therefore proposed to confer it on the prioress, Isabella Jordan. It -would seem, however, that Eleanor's friends were determined to efface in -some degree the scandal which their unwise haste had occasioned, and -they retaliated by spreading reports injurious to the character of the -prioress. Wolsey did not believe these reports; but Anne Boleyn and the -king agreed that if their nominee was to be set aside, the cardinal's -nominee should be set aside likewise, and Wolsey was informed of the -king's decision. Perhaps Wolsey failed to understand the secret motives -which were at work; perhaps he had so far committed himself before -receiving the king's message that he could not well go back; perhaps he -conscientiously did what he thought right. Anyhow, he appointed Isabella -Jordan, and sent her appointment to the king for confirmation; further, -he gave as his excuse that he had not understood the king's will in the -matter. - -To his extreme surprise and mortification the king took the opportunity -thus afforded of reading him a lecture on his presumption, and reminding -him that he was expected to render implicit obedience. Matters were no -longer arranged between Henry and Wolsey alone; Anne Boleyn was a third -party, and the king's pride was engaged in showing her that his word was -law. When Henry took his pen in hand he assumed the mantle of royal -dignity, and he now gave Wolsey a sample of the royal way of putting -things which was so effectual in his later dealings with his Parliament. -He began by assuring Wolsey that the great love he bore him led him to -apply the maxim, "Whom I love I chasten;" he spoke therefore not in -displeasure but for Wolsey's good. He could not but be displeased that -Wolsey had acted contrary to his orders; he was the more displeased that -Wolsey had pleaded ignorance as an excuse for his disobedience. He -overwhelmed him with quotations from his letters on the subject, and -went on, "Ah, my lord, it is a double offence both to do ill and colour -it too; but with men that have wit it cannot be accepted so. Wherefore, -good my lord, use no more that way with me, for there is no man living -that more hateth it." He then went on to tell Wolsey that there were -many rumours current about the means which he was employing to raise -money from religious houses for the foundation of his new colleges; he -told him this because "I dare be bolder with you than many that mumble -it abroad." He showed that he had not forgotten the refusal of the -monasteries to help in the Amicable Grant: why should they now give -money to Wolsey unless they had some interested motive in doing so? He -advised Wolsey to look closely into the matter, and ended, "I pray you, -my lord, think not that it is upon any displeasure that I write this -unto you. For surely it is for my discharge afore God, being in the room -that I am in; and secondly, for the great zeal I bear unto you, not -undeserved on your behalf. Wherefore, I pray you, take it so; and I -assure you, your fault acknowledged, there shall remain in me no spark -of displeasure; trusting hereafter you shall recompense that with a -thing much more acceptable to me." - -This letter came upon Wolsey as a sudden revelation of his true -position. It showed him the reality of all the vague doubts and fears -which he had for some time been striving to put from him. He was crushed -into abjectness, which he did not even strive to conceal from others. He -took the immediate matters of complaint seriously to heart, and wished -to annul the appointment of Isabella Jordan, which the king ruled to be -unnecessary; on that point he was satisfied with having asserted a -principle. But he advised Wolsey to receive no more gifts for his -colleges from religious houses, and Wolsey promised not to do so. -"Thereby I trust, nor by any other thing hereafter unlawfully taken, -your poor cardinal's conscience shall not be spotted, encumbered, or -entangled; purposing, with God's help and your gracious favour, so to -order the rest of my poor life that it shall appear to your Highness -that I love and dread God and also your Majesty." This was a lamentable -prostration of the moral authority of the chief churchman in England -before the king, and showed Wolsey's weakness. He knew that he had not -demeaned himself as befitted his priestly office; and though he may have -felt that no man in England had less right than the king to reprove his -conduct on moral grounds, still he could not plead that he was above -reproach. In the particular matter of which he was accused--extorting -money from the religious houses in return for immunities granted in -virtue of his legatine power--there is no evidence that Wolsey was -guilty. But he could not say that he had a conscience void of offence; -he had acted throughout his career as a statesman and a man of the -world. If the king chose to hold him up to moral reprobation he had no -valid defence to offer. He had disregarded the criticisms of others that -he might serve the king more faithfully; but if the king took upon -himself the office of critic he had nothing to urge. It was because -Henry had taken the measure of churchmen such as Wolsey that he ventured -in later times to hold such lofty language in addressing the clergy. -Henry was always superior to the weakness of imagining that his own -conduct needed any defence, or his own motives any justification. - -Wolsey, though forgiven with royal graciousness, was profoundly -depressed, and could not recover his sense of security. The future was -to him big with menaces, and perhaps he looked most sadly upon his -designs which yet remained unrealised. He saw that his activity must -henceforth work in a smaller sphere, and that he must make haste to -finish what he had on hand. The ugly business of the divorce looked to -him still uglier. Either he would fail in his efforts to move the Pope, -in which case he lost his hold upon the king at once, or, if he -succeeded, he saw that the reign of Anne Boleyn meant the end of his own -uncontested influence. The king's letter was at least significant of -that: he would never have raised a question about so trivial a matter if -he had not wished to justify his absolute power in the eyes of one who -was to him all-important. - -So Wolsey faced the future; he put his aspirations on a lower level, and -wished only to garner certainly some of the fruits of his life-long -labour. He told the French ambassador, Du Bellay, "that if God permitted -him to see the hatred of these two nations (France and England) -extinguished, and firm amity established, as he hopes it will shortly -be, with a reform of the laws and customs of the country, such as he -would effect if peace were made, and the succession of the kingdom -assured, especially if this marriage took place, and an heir male were -born of it, he would at once retire, and serve God for the rest of his -life; and that, without any doubt, on the first honourable occasion he -could find, he would give up politics." Doubtless Wolsey was genuine in -these utterances, and felt that he was resigning much when he reduced -his designs within the limits which he here set forth. But limited as -they were, they still contained an entire scheme for the reconstruction -of English politics. Wolsey's plans remained complete, however much he -might be willing to reduce them; he was incapable of being a mere -attendant upon chance. - -For the present he was awaiting with growing anxiety the coming of -Cardinal Campeggio, which was delayed, according to the Pope's policy of -procrastination. First the cardinal had to contend against the -difficulties created by the disorderly state of Italy; then he was -delayed by an attack of the gout, which made his movements slow; and he -did not reach London till 8th October. When he came he was not prepared -to act at once, nor did he treat Wolsey as an equal but rather as a -subordinate in the work of the commission. In fact, Campeggio behaved as -judge, and Wolsey as the king's advocate. Campeggio's instructions were -first to try and persuade the king to lay aside his purpose of a -divorce. He soon saw that this was useless, and Wolsey plainly warned -him with prophetic instinct. "Most reverend lord, beware lest, in like -manner as the greater part of Germany, owing to the harshness and -severity of a certain cardinal, has become estranged from the Apostolic -See and the faith, it should be said that another cardinal has given the -same occasion to England, with the same result." - -Failing to shake the king's determination, the next course which -Campeggio was ordered to pursue was to persuade the queen to comply with -the king's wishes. Katharine was still treated with outward respect, but -was cut off from all friends and advisers, and subjected to a secret and -galling persecution. Still she maintained a resolute spirit, and -withstood the pleadings of Wolsey and Campeggio, who urged her to give -way and withdraw to a monastery, for the quieting of the king's -conscience. Katharine replied that there was nothing of which his -conscience need be afraid, and that she intended "to live and die in the -estate of matrimony to which God had called her." The obstinacy of -Katharine was as invincible as the obstinacy of Henry; and Katharine had -right on her side. - -Nothing remained save for the legates to proceed to the trial of the -case; and in the trial Campeggio's instructions bade him procrastinate -to the utmost in hopes the king might give way before the long delay. -Wolsey had foreseen this possibility when he demanded that Campeggio -should bring with him a decretal defining the law as applicable to the -case. This decretal Campeggio was instructed to show the king, but keep -in his own hands, so that it was useless for Wolsey's purpose. His first -object was to get hold of this decretal, and he wrote urgently to the -Pope asking that it should be delivered into the king's hands, and shown -to the Privy Council. "Without the Pope's compliance," he sadly wrote, -"I cannot bear up against this storm." But Clement VII. felt that he was -more dependent on Charles V. than on Henry VIII., and declared that he -had granted the decretal merely to be shown to the king and then burned; -he had never consented that it be shown to the king's counsellors. When -he was further pressed he tossed his arms and said, with great -agitation, "I do consider the ruin that hangs over me; I repent what I -have done. If heresies arise, is it my fault? My conscience acquits me. -None of you have any reason to complain. I have performed my promise, -and the king and the cardinal have never asked anything in my power -which I have not granted with the utmost readiness; but I will do no -violence to my conscience. Let them, if they like, send the legate back -again, on the pretext that he will not proceed in the cause, and then do -as they please, provided they do not make me responsible for injustice." - -Here the Pope touched upon a noticeable feature of the case. Henry was -bound upon a course which was neither legally nor morally right, though -national interests might to some degree be pleaded in its behalf. He -was, however, resolved to be legally and morally justified in his own -eyes and in the eyes of others. He would not content himself with -setting aside the law, and leaving it to others to prove him in the -wrong. The Papal Court was slow to justify him; it would have been -slower to condemn him. Most men would have been satisfied with this -knowledge, and would have acted upon it. But Henry was not only minded -to do what he wished, but was resolved that what he wished should be -declared absolutely right. He was determined that there should be no -doubt about the legitimacy of his children by Anne Boleyn; and some -recognition is due to him for not allowing his desires to overcome his -patriotism, and leave to England the deplorable legacy of a disputed -succession. As a man, Henry did not strive to subject his desires to the -law of right; as a king, he was bent upon justifying his own caprice so -that it should not do hurt to his royal office, or offend his duty to -his kingdom. Henry sinned, but he was bent on sinning royally, and -believed that so he could extenuate his sin. - -Not only was Campeggio ordered not to part with the decretal, but he was -bidden to destroy it. Meanwhile a new feature of the case emerged. It -became known that, besides the bull of dispensation granted to Henry -VII., an ampler brief had been issued in confirmation of it to Ferdinand -of Spain, of which the original was contained in the Spanish archives. -Henry VIII. insisted on its production, in the hopes of destroying it or -casting doubts on its authenticity, and new negotiations were begun -about this brief, which had the effect of wasting time and deferring the -trial of the case. Further, on Clement VII.'s return to Rome in May he -was attacked by illness, and his death was reported. Nothing could be -done by the legates till they were assured of his recovery. - -Meanwhile Henry was growing more and more impatient, and made it clear -to Wolsey that if the proceedings did not lead to his divorce all the -blame would be laid at Wolsey's door. Anne Boleyn also began to suspect -Wolsey's good intentions towards herself, and thought that he was -responsible for these repeated delays. Wolsey could no longer doubt that -his all was staked on the issue of the trial, which at length began at -Blackfriars on 18th June 1529. Katharine appeared, and protested against -the jurisdiction of the court. For the purpose of deciding this point it -was necessary that both parties should appear in person; and on 21st -June Henry and Katharine both were present. The king demanded instant -judgment for the easing of his conscience; Katharine first knelt before -the king and asked for pity, then she appealed to Rome, where only the -cause could be decided without partiality or suspicion. The legates -overruled her appeal, and on her non-appearance declared her -contumacious. - -The summoning of the king and queen was merely a formal incident in the -procedure of the court, but it strangely impressed itself upon men's -minds. The king, whom they regarded as the fountain of law, was called -to plead before one of his own subjects and a foreign priest. Apart from -any thought of the question at issue, or its rights and wrongs, -Englishmen marvelled at this indignity, and felt that ecclesiastical law -was some foreign thing which they could not fathom. No doubt the -impression then wrought upon their minds accounts in some measure for -the acceptance of the royal supremacy, as being at least more -intelligible than the actual working of the outworn theory of the -supremacy of the Pope. - -Moreover, the suppliant attitude of Katharine awakened a strong feeling -of compassion, which on 28th June found expression from the upright -Bishop of Rochester, John Fisher, who appeared to plead Katharine's -cause, and declared himself ready to follow the example of John the -Baptist and lay down his life, if need be, to maintain the sanctity of -matrimony. Others followed his example, and the signs of some dislike to -the king's proceedings amongst Englishmen encouraged Campeggio to fall -back upon his policy of procrastination, which the impetuous zeal of -Wolsey was striving to overcome. - -Henry grew more and more angry at the signs of opposition to his will -which met him on every side, and Wolsey had to bear the brunt of the -royal wrath. Cavendish tells how one day Wolsey left the king's presence -and took his barge. The Bishop of Carlisle, who was with him, remarked -that the day was hot. "Yea," quoth my lord cardinal, "if ye had been as -well chafed as I have been within this hour ye would say it was very -hot." He went home "to his naked bed," where in two hours' time he was -found by Lord Wiltshire, who brought a message from the king, bidding -him and Campeggio "repair unto the queen at Bridewell, into her chamber, -to persuade her by their wisdoms, advising her to surrender the whole -matter unto the king's hands by her own will and consent, which should -be much better to her honour than to stand to the trial of law and be -condemned, which would seem much to her slander and defamation." Wolsey -vainly complained of the folly of the lords of the Council in putting -such fancies into the king's head: he was bound to rise and obey. Sadly -he sought Campeggio, and with a sense of deep humiliation the two judges -set out to make another attempt to browbeat an accused who had already -refused to submit to their judicial authority. - -On 23d July it was expected that the court would give its decision. The -king was present in a gallery, and after the reading of the pleas his -counsel demanded judgment. Campeggio rose and declared that as the -vacation of the Roman courts began at the end of July and lasted till -October, he must follow that custom, and adjourn the sittings of the -court for two months. On this the Duke of Suffolk slapped the table and -exclaimed, "It was never merry in England whilst we had cardinals among -us." Wolsey was not the man to brook an insult, especially from one whom -he had greatly benefited. "Sir," he said, "of all men within this realm -ye have least cause to dispraise or be offended at cardinals: for if I, -a simple cardinal, had not been, you should have had at this present no -head upon your shoulders, wherein you should have a tongue to make any -such report of us, who intend you no manner of displeasure." - -But though Wolsey could still wear a bold face when attacked, he knew -that the future was hopeless. His enemies were daily gaining ground. His -place, as the king's trusted counsellor, was taken by Stephen Gardiner, -whom he had trained, and who was now the king's secretary and Anne -Boleyn's chief agent. The old nobles, headed by the Duke of Norfolk, had -made common cause with the relations of Anne Boleyn, and saw their -opportunity of avenging themselves for all the slights which Wolsey had -put upon them. Henry was unwilling to abandon all hopes of his divorce -through the legatine court, and spared Wolsey for a time; but Wolsey -knew that the ground was slipping from under him. The Pope resolved to -revoke the cause to Rome, and recall the powers granted to the legates; -it required all Wolsey's efforts to prevent the issue of a citation to -Henry to appear before the Roman court. - -Moreover, Wolsey had the additional pang of seeing all the fruits of his -diplomatic activity abandoned before the absorbing interest of this -miserable matter of the king's domestic life. If there was one object -which was dear to Wolsey's heart, it was to secure England's power in -Europe by a close alliance with France. For this purpose he had made -great sacrifices, and he thought that he had some claim on Francis I.'s -gratitude. Yet Francis was negotiating for peace with Charles V., and a -conference was being held at Cambrai between his mother Louise and -Charles's aunt Margaret. Wolsey sorely longed to be present at that -conference and protect the interests of England; but Henry VIII. had no -interest in such matters, and only regarded Wolsey's wish as a sign that -he was lukewarm in his efforts for the divorce. Moreover, Francis I. -defamed him to the English envoy, the Duke of Suffolk, and did his best -to foster the king's suspicion of Wolsey's zeal in "the great matter." -He knew that to deprive Henry of his acute adviser was the readiest -means of hiding his own proceedings. The conference at Cambrai was an -abandonment of the methods of diplomacy and a return to the old usages -of the days of chivalry. Two women took counsel together about family -affairs, and their object was to remove domestic difficulties. Really -Francis I. was weary of a profitless warfare, and agreed to abandon -Italy to Charles V. Henry VIII. was appeased by a transference of the -debt of Charles V. to the shoulders of Francis I., and this promise of -more money seems to have satisfied the English king. Early in August the -peace was signed, and Henry was included in its provisions. If a -testimony were needed that entirely English diplomacy depended upon -Wolsey, it would be found in Henry's short-sightedness at this time. He -did not try to influence the proceedings at Cambrai, but allowed himself -to be hoodwinked by Francis I., even in the point about which he was -most interested. The peace of Cambrai left Charles V. supreme in Italy, -and restored in name the authority of the Pope, which the two sovereigns -declared themselves resolved to maintain. Its practical result was to -make the Pope more anxious to please Charles, who was now most closely -connected with his political interests, and to free him from the dread -of an alliance between Henry and Francis, which might have brought -pressure to bear upon his action in the divorce. Clement had now no -special motive for trying to conciliate the English king, and it was -clear to all Europe that Wolsey no longer guided England's policy. - -It was not only that Wolsey had failed in the matter of the divorce, but -his failure had brought to light the true nature of the policy which he -was pursuing, and had shown that it was not adapted to the turn which -affairs were taking under the influence of the king's personal desires. -Wolsey had planned a conservative reform, to be carried out gradually. -England, respected on the Continent, and holding the balance between -France and the Empire, was gradually to assert its power and -independence by setting up a strong monarchy which should overawe the -Papacy, and without any formal breach with past traditions, should -remodel its ecclesiastical institutions, and put its relations to the -Papacy on a new footing. Henry VIII. had so far entered into the spirit -of this plan as to regard the existing state of things as of little -moment, and his wishes led him to try and anticipate the future. This -was the most disastrous thing that could have befallen Wolsey: it is the -danger which besets all attempts at conservative reform. It is hard to -train men in the ideas of future change, and expect them to submit -patiently to present fetters. Henry brusquely demanded too much from the -Pope, and the Pope in his alarm offered too little. Wolsey tried to -mediate, but he was too closely allied with Henry for the Pope to trust -him, and when his object was clearly seen in a small matter he was -deprived of the means by which he hoped to win. His method was framed -for large operations on a large field; it was not suited for the petty -task which was suddenly imposed upon him. Yet if it failed there it was -sure to be condemned altogether, and the future would belong to the more -revolutionary forces which he had been trying to hold in check. - -So in proportion as Wolsey failed about the divorce, the threads of his -different but converging schemes fell from his hands. What was the -profit to Henry of Wolsey's intricate foreign policy if it did not allow -him to get a divorce when he pleased? Why should he deal tenderly with -the papal authority when it threw such obstacles in his way? Why should -he spare the Church when its bishops protested against him? Why should -he permit the slow transformation of the monasteries when with a little -trouble their spoil would fall into his hands? Why should he trust to -Wolsey, who had already failed him in his need, when he had men like -Gardiner, with clear heads about matters of details, to serve him at his -need? Above all, why should Wolsey's fine-drawn plans stand between him -and his people's affections, and lead him to do what Englishmen neither -understood nor approved? These were the questions with which Henry was -plied. Wolsey had been only too successful and too consistent. If his -policy was abandoned in aught, it must be abandoned in all. When Henry -let fall Wolsey's foreign policy, and made no effort to influence the -peace of Cambrai, there was no further need of Wolsey in England's -councils, and his rule was practically at an end. - -Still Wolsey was permitted to retain his offices. Campeggio had not yet -departed; something might still be done. The king had for some time -avoided seeing Wolsey, and was engaged in wandering from place to place -in the company of Anne Boleyn. At last, in the middle of September, -Campeggio prepared to return to Rome, and accompanied by Wolsey went to -take leave of the king, who was then at Grafton in Northamptonshire. -There they arrived on 19th September, and Campeggio was shown to his -room, but Wolsey was informed that there was no room provided for him. -He was relieved from his astonishment by a groom of the stole, who said, -"I assure you, sir, here is very little room in this house, scantly -sufficient for the king. However, I beseech your grace to accept mine -for a season." When Wolsey and Campeggio were ushered into the king's -presence they found the lords of the Council eagerly watching the king's -behaviour. If they expected any signs of the royal displeasure they were -disappointed, as Henry received Wolsey most graciously, and drew him -aside into a window, where he talked with him privately. - -The king dined privately with Anne Boleyn, and Wolsey dined with the -lords of the Council. In course of conversation he hinted at his own -intentions for the future by saying, "It were well done if the king -would send his chaplains and bishops to their cures and benefices." The -Duke of Norfolk eagerly assented, and Wolsey went on to say that he -would gladly go to his bishopric of Winchester. Then Norfolk showed his -fears by saying, "Nay, to your see of York, whence comes both your -greatest honour and charge." Already Wolsey's foes were scheming to -remove him as far as possible from the royal presence. - -Every one was eagerly watching and listening for the smallest -indications of the royal pleasure; and Cavendish was told that Anne -Boleyn at dinner with the king showed her dissatisfaction at Wolsey's -kindly reception. She denounced the cardinal in no measured terms, but -without any immediate result, as after dinner the king called Wolsey -into his private room and talked with him for some time; "the which -blanked his enemies very sore, and made them to stir the coals, being in -doubt what this matter would grow into, having now none other refuge to -trust to but Mistress Anne, in whom was all their whole and firm trust -and affiance." Wolsey rode off to "Master Empson's house, called Euston, -three miles from Grafton," where he spent the night, and received a -visit from Gardiner, who was thought to come as a spy; but Wolsey talked -to him about indifferent subjects, and showed that his sense of personal -dignity was still strong. - -Next morning he rode early to the Court, and saw the king for a short -time; but Anne Boleyn had prepared a picnic at Hatwell Park, and carried -off Henry with her, that Wolsey might not have much opportunity for -private talk. The king bade a hurried farewell to Wolsey and Campeggio, -and then rode away with Anne, while the legates returned to London. -Campeggio did not reach Dover till 8th October, and before he was -allowed to embark his luggage was ransacked by the king's officials. - -This extraordinary violation of the privileges of an ambassador was -characteristic of the unscrupulous meanness to which Henry was now ready -to descend. He hoped to find amongst Campeggio's papers the Pope's -decretal about the law of the divorce. If he had found it Wolsey might -still have been useful. He might have been compelled to continue the -proceedings of the legatine court, and give judgment in Henry's favour, -sheltering himself under the terms of the commission, and applying the -interpretation of the decretal. In this way the first measures wrung out -of the Pope when he wished to be conciliating might have been used in a -high-handed fashion against the conclusions of his settled policy. But -Campeggio had already been instructed by the Pope to burn the decretal. -Nothing was found as the result of the search, which only revealed the -cardinal's poverty. He had come to England ill provided, and had gained -nothing from the royal bounty. - -This unworthy device seems to have been of Henry's own devising; and as -soon as he heard of its failure Wolsey's doom was sealed. The king had -treated him graciously, to the dismay even of Anne Boleyn, a few days -before; now he abandoned him to his enemies, who had their weapons of -attack in readiness. On 9th October the king's attorney sued for a writ -of _præmunire_ against Wolsey, on the ground that his acts done as -legate were contrary to the statute. After this Wolsey's ruin was a -foregone conclusion. - - - - - CHAPTER X - THE FALL OF WOLSEY - 1529-1530 - - -When the storm broke over his head Wolsey had no hope of escape. His -position as an English minister was due entirely to the king's favour, -and when that favour was withdrawn he was entirely helpless. Outside the -king there was no motive power in English politics at this period. There -was no party in the State strong enough to bring any influence to bear -upon him: he was likely to be moved by nothing save the dread of a -popular rising, and there was no chance of a popular rising in Wolsey's -favour. On the other hand, Wolsey had been contented to take upon his -own shoulders the responsibility of all that was most unpopular in the -king's proceedings. The demands created by the king's extravagance were -put down to his extortionate nature; the debts incurred by a policy -which he disapproved were supposed to be the results of his influence; -even the divorce was attributed to his ill-will against the Emperor and -his love for France. The current of popular opinion ran strong against -Wolsey. He had made few friends and many enemies. His enemies were -powerful, his friends were powerless. No one in England could lend him -any help. - -It is true that the charge brought against him was most iniquitous. He -had obtained his legatine authority through the king's urgent request; -he had used it solely at the king's orders, and in the king's behalf. -But he knew that such a plea would not be regarded, as the king's courts -would simply register the king's will. There was no other course than -entire submission, and before the king Wolsey had no thought of personal -dignity. He wrote to Henry as a lowly suppliant, "For surely, most -gracious king, the remembrance of my folly, with the sharp sword of your -Highness's displeasure, hath so penetrated my heart that I cannot but -lamentably cry, It is enough; now stay, most merciful king, your hand." -Such loyalty, such entire submission, is to our minds inconceivable, and -only shows how the possession of absolute power debases not only those -who are invested with it but those who are brought in contact with them. -Wolsey might indeed lament his "folly" in putting any trust in princes; -he had served his master only too well, and met with the basest -ingratitude for all the sacrifices of his own wishes and his own -principles. - -Still he hoped by his submission to save something. If sentence were -pronounced against him, under the charge of _præmunire_, his goods would -be forfeited, and his acts invalidated. If he threw himself upon the -king's mercy he might at least save his two colleges, and might be -permitted to serve his country on a smaller scale. What was coming he -could not foresee. There would be open war between Henry and the Papacy, -waged with new weapons and fraught with danger to the English Church. -"It is the intention of these lords," wrote the French ambassador, "when -Wolsey is dead or destroyed, to get rid of the Church and spoil the -goods of both. I suppose they mean to do grand things." The days of -revolution were at hand, and Wolsey might still have some power to check -its excesses. - -His submission led to no immediate results. On 16th October the Dukes of -Norfolk and Suffolk demanded the surrender of the great seal, and -ordered Wolsey to depart to his house at Esher. Wolsey would humble -himself before the king, but not before others, and calmly asked them -for their authority. They answered that they had the king's commission -by word of mouth. "The great seal of England," said Wolsey, "was -delivered me by the king's own person, to enjoy during my life, with the -ministration of the office and high room of chancellorship of England; -for my surety whereof I have the king's letters-patent to show." High -words were used by the dukes, but in the end they departed, and -reappeared next day with letters from the king. On reading them Wolsey -delivered up the seal, and expressed himself content to withdraw to -Esher. - -Before departing he made an inventory of all his plate and tapestries, -that it might be ready for the king to take possession. He further -signed an indenture acknowledging that on the authority of bulls -obtained from Rome, which he published in England contrary to the -statute, he had unlawfully vexed the prelates of the realm and other of -the king's subjects, thereby incurring the penalties of _præmunire_, by -which also he deserved to suffer perpetual imprisonment at the king's -pleasure, and to forfeit all his lands, offices, and goods. He besought -the king, in part recompense of his offences, to take into his hands all -his temporal possessions. Then he entered his barge in the presence of a -crowd, which was sorely disappointed not to see him take the way to the -Tower. - -When Wolsey arrived at Putney he was greeted by a messenger from the -king, who brought him as a token a ring, with a message "that the king -bade him be of good cheer, for he should not lack. Although the king -hath dealt with you unkindly, he saith that it is for no displeasure -that he beareth you, but only to satisfy the minds of some which he -knoweth be not your friends. Also ye know right well that he is able to -recompense you with twice as much as your goods amounteth unto: and all -this he bade me that I should show you. Therefore, sir, take patience; -and for my part, I trust to see you in better estate than ever ye were." -When Wolsey heard this he dismounted from his mule and knelt in the mud -in sign of thankfulness. He gave a present to the messenger, and grieved -that he had no worthy gift to send to the king. Presently he bethought -himself of a jester belonging to his household. "If ye would at my -request present the king with this poor fool, I trust his Highness would -accept him well, for surely for a nobleman's pleasure he is worth a -thousand pounds." It is a relief to find in this dismal story some signs -of human feeling. "The poor fool took on so, and fired so in such a rage -when he saw that he must needs depart from my lord," that six tall -yeomen had to be sent as an escort to convey him safely to the Court. - -It is needless to seek for a motive for Henry's conduct in sending this -delusive message; probably he did it through an amiable desire to make -himself generally agreeable. No man likes to feel that he is acting -villainously; perhaps Henry's conscience felt all the pleasure of having -performed a virtuous action when he heard of Wolsey's gratitude for such -a small mercy. Henry VIII. was nothing if he was not conscientious; but -he made large drafts on his conscience, and paid them back in small -coin. Probably we have here the record of such a payment. - -Certainly Henry did nothing to give his goodwill towards Wolsey any -practical expression; he did not even send him any money to provide his -household with the necessaries of life. For a month they remained -"without beds, sheets, tablecloths, cups, and dishes to eat their meat -or lie in," and ultimately had to borrow them. What most distressed -Wolsey, who had been accustomed to munificence, was that he had not even -money to pay the wages of his household before he dismissed them sadly -from his service. In his straits one of his officials came to his aid, -and showed his tact and management in affairs of business. Thomas -Cromwell, the son of a London citizen, spent an adventurous youth in -business on the Continent, and settled in London as a small attorney and -a money-lender. Wolsey had found out his ability, and employed him to -manage the dissolution of the monasteries, and transact the business -connected with the foundation of his colleges. No doubt this gave him -opportunities of spreading his own business, and making himself useful -friends. In anticipation of the future he contrived to get himself -elected as member of the Parliament for which Henry VIII. issued writs -upon the suspension of the legatine court. - -Cromwell accompanied Wolsey to Esher, and was much moved by the thought -of the loss which his patron's fall was likely to inflict upon himself. -On 1st November Cavendish found him leaning in the window "with a primer -in his hand, saying our Lady mattins. He prayed not more earnestly than -the tears distilled from his eyes." He lamented that he was in disdain -with most men for his master's sake, and surely without just cause; but -he was resolved that afternoon to ride to London, and so to the Court, -"where I will either make or mar, or I come again." After dinner he -talked with Wolsey about his household, and then showed his power of -gaining popularity at the expense of others. "Have you not," he -exclaimed, "a number of chaplains, to whom ye have departed very -liberally with spiritual promotions? and yet have your poor servants -taken much more pains for you in one day than all your idle chaplains -have done in a year. Therefore if they will not freely and frankly -consider your liberality, and depart with you of the same goods gotten -in your service, now in your great indigence and necessity, it is pity -that they live." Wolsey agreed; he summoned his household, and addressed -them in a dignified speech; he gave them a month's holiday, that they -might seek some more profitable service. Then Cromwell said that they -lacked money, and himself tendered five pounds towards their payment, -adding, "Now let us see what your chaplains will do." The example was -contagious, and contributions poured in. The household was paid, and -departed full of thankfulness to Cromwell. Then, after a private -conversation with Wolsey, Cromwell rode off to London to "make or mar." - -Parliament met on 3d November, and Wolsey's enemies hoped that its first -business would be Wolsey's impeachment. For this, however, Henry VIII. -was not prepared, though he did not openly forbid it. He was not sure of -the capacity of his new advisers, and perhaps felt that he might have -further need of Wolsey's services. Anyhow it was better to keep his -opponents in constant fear of his return to power. They were bound -together rather by opposition to Wolsey than by any agreement amongst -themselves; and Henry was not very sanguine about their administrative -success. The Duke of Norfolk, the uncle of Anne Boleyn, was president of -the Council, and Suffolk was vice-president. The chancellorship was -given to Sir Thomas More, who was well fitted by his literary reputation -and high character to calm the fears of moderate men, and show -Europe that the English king had no lack of eminent servants. The -chancellorship of the duchy of Lancashire was given to the treasurer of -the household, Sir William Fitzwilliam, a capable official. Gardiner -preferred an ecclesiastical post, and succeeded to the bishopric of -Winchester, which Wolsey was bidden to resign. It still remained to be -seen if Norfolk, Suffolk, and More could fill the place of Wolsey. - -Parliament was opened by the king; and the chancellor, according to -custom, made a speech. In the course of it More showed that a man of -letters does not necessarily retain his literary taste in politics, and -that high character does not save a statesman from the temptation to -catch a passing cheer by unworthy taunts at his defeated adversary. He -spoke of the king as shepherd of his people, and went on, "As you see -that amongst a great flock of sheep some be rotten and faulty, which the -good shepherd sendeth from the good sheep, so the great wether which is -of late fallen, as you all know, so craftily, so scabbedly, yea, and so -untruly juggled with the king, that all men must needs guess and think -that he thought in himself that he had no wit to perceive his crafty -doing, or else that he presumed that the king would not see nor know his -fraudulent juggling and attempts. But he was deceived; for his Grace's -sight was so quick and penetrating that he saw him, yea, and saw through -him, both within and without, so that all things to him were open; and -according to his deserts he hath had a gentle correction." - -This speech of More served as introductory to a Bill which was brought -into the Upper House for disabling Wolsey from being restored to his -former dignities and place in the king's Council. It was founded upon a -series of articles which had been drawn up by his enemies long before, -and were a tissue of frivolous or groundless charges. The Bill passed -the Lords, but on its introduction into the Commons was opposed by -Cromwell, who knew that the king did not wish it to be passed. It -answered its purpose of casting a stigma on Wolsey, and justifying -Henry's conduct towards him; but Henry did not intend to deprive himself -of the power of employing Wolsey again if he should prove useful. So -Cromwell served the king while he served Wolsey, and served himself at -the same time by a display of zeal for his fallen master which raised -him in men's esteem, "so that at length, for his honest behaviour in his -master's cause, he grew into such estimation in every man's opinion, -that he was esteemed to be the most faithfullest servant to his master -of all others, wherein he was of all men greatly commended." Moreover, -he managed to make friends by the sure tie of self-interest. He advised -Wolsey to buy off the hostility of important men by granting them -pensions out of the revenues of his see: as he chose the recipients of -the money and negotiated the grants he gained more gratitude than Wolsey -gained profit out of the transaction. Wolsey believed that his prospects -depended on Cromwell's zeal, and the great cardinal became submissive to -the direction of one whom he had raised. He abode at Esher in a state of -feverish anxiety, sometimes receiving a present and a gracious message -from the king, often irritated by Cromwell, who deluded him by a cheap -display of zeal, grieving most of all at the uncertainty of the fortunes -of his great colleges, which he still wished to leave as a memorial to -posterity of the schemes which he intended. - -Parliament was prorogued in the middle of December, and the Bill against -Wolsey was allowed to drop. The king and Anne Boleyn were delighted with -the cardinal's house at York Place, of which they took possession, and -Wolsey was still left in uncertainty about his future. Anxiety preyed -upon his health, and at Christmas he fell ill. The news of his illness -seems to have brought some remorse to Henry, who sent his own physician, -and eagerly asked for tidings, saying, "I would not lose him for twenty -thousand pounds." Doctor Buttes answered, "Then must your Grace send him -some comfortable message as shortly as is possible." The king gave -Buttes a favourite ring from his own finger, saying, "Tell him that I am -not offended with him in my heart nothing at all, and that shall he -perceive, and God send him life very shortly." He asked Anne Boleyn to -send also a "token with comfortable words," and Anne at his command -obeyed, overcoming her reluctance by the thought that the cardinal was -on his deathbed. - -Doctor Buttes's prescription was a good one, and with revived hopes -Wolsey speedily recovered. On 2d February 1530 the king sent him some -furniture for his house and chapel. On 12th February he received a full -pardon for his offences, and on 14th February was restored to the -archbishopric of York and its possessions excepting York Place, which -the king retained for himself. He entreated to be allowed to keep also -the bishopric of Winchester and the Abbey of St. Alban's; but Gardiner -had his eye on Winchester, and the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk were -anxious that Wolsey should not hold a post which might bring him into -the neighbourhood of the king. He was compelled to resign both these -offices, and recognised in this the power of his foes. - -The damp air of Esher was hurtful to his health, and he received -permission to change his residence to Richmond Lodge. There he stayed -until the state of the roads allowed him to take his journey northwards, -which the Duke of Norfolk pressed him to do in forcible language. "Show -him," he said to Cromwell, "that if he go not away shortly, I will, -rather than he should tarry still, tear him with my teeth." When Wolsey -heard this he said, "Marry, Thomas, then it is time to be going, if my -lord of Norfolk take it so. Therefore I pray you go to the king and say -that I would with all my heart go to my benefice at York but for want of -money." Wolsey's immediate necessities were grudgingly supplied by the -lords of the Council, and in the beginning of Passion Week he began his -journey to York. He was received with courtesy by the gentry on the way. -The manor-house at Southwell, where he resolved to live, required some -repairs, and he could not occupy it till 5th June. - -In his house at Southwell Wolsey received the neighbouring gentry, and -made himself popular amongst them. He lived simply, and applied himself -to the discharge of the duties of his office with great success. A -pamphlet published in 1536 says of him: "Who was less beloved in the -north than my lord cardinal before he was amongst them? Who better -beloved after he had been there a while? He gave bishops a right good -example how they might win men's hearts. There were few holy days but he -would ride five or six miles from his house, now to this parish church, -now to that, and there cause one or other of his doctors to make a -sermon unto the people. He sat amongst them and said mass before all the -parish; he saw why churches were made; he began to restore them to their -right and proper use; he brought his dinner with him, and bade divers of -the parish to it. He inquired whether there were any debate or grudge -between any of them. If there were, after dinner he sent for the parties -to the church and made them all one." It is an attractive picture of -episcopal activity which is here set before us. We wish that Wolsey had -been great enough to realise the pleasure of these simple duties so -thoroughly as to wean himself from the allurements of political -ambition. But Wolsey in his retirement was something like Machiavelli in -exile: he found some satisfaction for his activity in the doings of -peasants, but he went home and hankered for the great life of politics -which was denied him. He meditated still how he could overthrow his -enemies and return to the more complex problems in which he had been -trained. - -At the end of the summer Wolsey removed from Southwell to another -manor-house at Scrooby, where he continued the same mode of life. All -this time his actions were jealously watched by his enemies, who -suspected him of trying to gain popularity and raise up a party in his -favour. They did their best to keep him in perpetual annoyance by -threats of legal proceedings touching the possessions of the see of -York. The king paid no heed to him save to exact all the money he could -from his forfeiture. Amongst other things which the king claimed was the -payment of Wolsey's pension from the French king; and his care for -Wolsey's health at Christmas may have been due to the fact that he -thought that Wolsey's life had a pecuniary value to himself. He -presently dissolved Wolsey's college at Ipswich, and seized all its -lands and possessions. It was a bitter blow to Wolsey to see his plans -thus overthrown. He had hoped to found an institution which should -promote education where it was sorely needed in the eastern counties. It -was the beginning of a project which would have led to the foundation of -local universities, which it has been reserved to our own day to revive. -If Wolsey had remained in power monastic revenues would have been -increasingly diverted to educational purposes, and England would have -been provided with colleges which would have grown with local needs. The -dissolution of the college at Ipswich checked this process at the -beginning, and negatived any scheme for the slow transformation of the -monasteries into institutions which were in accordance with national -needs. - -Cardinal College at Oxford met with better fortune. Wolsey pleaded hard -for its preservation, and the authorities of the college made a stand in -its behalf. The king was not yet prepared to seize the lands of the -dissolved monastery of St. Frideswyde, or of the old Canterbury Hall, -which had been absorbed, and it could be shown that he would lose as -much as he would gain by attempting an accurate division of the property -of the college. He agreed to "have an honourable college there, but not -so great and of such magnificence as my lord cardinal intended to have, -for it is not thought meet for the common weal of our realm." The site -of the college and a portion of its revenues were saved from the -commissioners who were realising Wolsey's forfeiture; but the name of -Christ Church obliterated that of Cardinal College, and Henry VIII. -endeavoured as far as he could to associate the foundation with himself -and dissociate it from Wolsey. - -This persistent disregard of the ideas which Wolsey had striven to put -forward weighed heavily on his spirits. "I am put from my sleep and -meat," he wrote, "for such advertisements as I have had of the -dissolution of my colleges." It was not only the sense of personal -disappointment which afflicted him; it was the hopeless feeling that all -his policy was being reversed. Wolsey was in his way a churchman, and -hoped as a statesman to bring the Church into accordance with the -national needs. He saw that only in this way could the existing -resources of the Church be saved from the hand of the spoiler. The -king's desire to seize upon the revenues of his colleges showed him that -Henry had cast away the principles which Wolsey had striven to enforce, -that he had broken through the limits which Wolsey had endeavoured to -set, and that when once he had tasted his prey his appetite was likely -to be insatiable. This taught Wolsey that his own future was hopeless. -On the lower level to which the king had sunk he was not likely to need -the cardinal's aid. Wolsey's great schemes for the future were to make -way for a policy mainly dictated by present greed. Henry VIII. had -discovered how great his power was, and intended to use it for the -satisfaction of his own desires. - -So Wolsey turned himself more attentively to the duties of his episcopal -office, hoping thereby to make some amends for past neglect, and fill up -with useful work the remainder of his days. His poverty had prevented -him from taking possession of his cathedral, as he had no money to -defray the expenses of his installation. By the end of September he had -managed to scrape together £1500, and set out from Scrooby to York. On -his way he was busied with confirmations. At St. Oswald's Abbey he -confirmed children from eight in the morning till noon; after dinner he -returned to the church at one, and continued his confirmation till four, -when he was constrained for weariness to sit down in a chair. Next -morning before his departure he confirmed a hundred children more; and -as he rode on his way he found at Ferrybridge two hundred children -waiting for confirmation at a stone cross standing upon the green. It -was late in the evening before he reached Cawood Castle, seven miles -from York. There he was visited by the Dean of York, and made -arrangements for his installation. - -This ceremony, however, was not to take place. Wolsey's enemies were -implacable, especially the Duke of Norfolk, who was alarmed at the -renewal of Wolsey's popularity in the north, and at the signs of vigour -which he showed. His actions were jealously watched and eagerly -criticised to find some opportunity for a charge against him, which was -at last found in Wolsey's communications with foreign envoys. It would -seem that Wolsey could not reconcile himself to political inactivity, -and trusted that the influence of Francis I., for whom he had done so -much, would be used in his favour. But Francis treated Wolsey with the -proverbial ingratitude of politicians. Wolsey had been a friend of -France, but his friendship had been costly, and Francis I. found that -the new ministers were equally friendly to France, and did not demand so -much in return. In truth, Henry, though he had abandoned Wolsey for his -failure in the matter of the divorce, had not been better served by his -new advisers, who had no other course to follow than that which Wolsey -had marked out--to use the close alliance with France as a means of -bringing pressure to bear upon the Pope. So Norfolk was obsequious to -Francis, who preferred to deal with a man of Norfolk's calibre rather -than acknowledge a master in Wolsey. - -Of this Wolsey was ignorant; and he no longer showed his old dexterity -in promoting his own interests. He made the mistake of trusting to the -old methods of diplomacy when his position was no longer that of a -minister, and when he had been removed from actual touch of current -affairs. He opened up communications with the French envoy by means of a -Venetian physician, Agostino, who was a member of his household. He even -communicated with the imperial envoy as well. However harmless these -communications might be, they were certainly indiscreet, and were -capable of being represented to the king as dangerous. Norfolk gained -some information, either from the French envoy or from Agostino, and -laid before the king charges against Wolsey, "that he had written to -Rome to be reinstated in his possessions, and to France for its favour; -and was returning to his ancient pomp, and corrupting the people." There -was not much in these charges; but Norfolk was afraid of Wolsey in the -background, and quailed before the king's bursts of petulance, in which -he said that the cardinal knew more about the business of the State than -any of his new advisers. Henry was quite satisfied with the proceeds of -spoiling Wolsey, and was glad to keep him in reserve; but the suggestion -that Wolsey was intriguing with foreign Courts sorely angered him, and -he gave orders that Wolsey be brought to trial to answer for his conduct. - -So Sir Walter Walshe was sent with a warrant to the Earl of -Northumberland, and arrived as Wolsey was busied at Cawood with the -preliminaries of his installation. On 4th November, when Wolsey had -retired from dinner and was sitting in his own room over his dessert, -the Earl of Northumberland appeared, and demanded the keys of the castle -from the porter. He entered the hall, and posted his servants to guard -all the doors. Wolsey, in ignorance of what was in store for him, met -Northumberland and offered him hospitality, expressing his delight at -the unexpected visit. When they were alone the Earl, "trembling, said, -with a very faint and soft voice, unto my lord, laying his hand upon his -arm, 'My lord, I arrest you of high treason.'" For a time Wolsey stood -speechless with astonishment, then he asked to see the warrant, which -Northumberland had not brought with him. As he was speaking Sir Walter -Walshe opened the door and thrust into the room the physician Agostino, -whom he had made prisoner. Wolsey asked him about the warrant, and when -he recognised him as one of the gentlemen of the king's privy chamber, -he submitted to the royal commands without asking further for the -production of the warrant. Then he delivered up his keys to -Northumberland. - -Agostino was at once sent to London tied under a horse's belly--a mode -of conveyance which was doubtless calculated to refresh his memory. When -he arrived in London he was taken to the Duke of Norfolk's house, and -showed himself ready to bear witness against Wolsey. "Since they have -had the cardinal's physician in their hands," writes the imperial envoy, -"they have found what they sought. Since he has been here he has lived -in the Duke of Norfolk's house like a prince, and is singing the tune -they wished." - -There was not the same need of haste in bringing Wolsey to London, for -even with Agostino's help Norfolk was doubtful if the evidence against -Wolsey would be sufficient to ensure his condemnation to death; and he -did not wish to give Wolsey the opportunity of a trial when he might -still be formidable. His imprisonment in the Tower at the royal pleasure -would only bring him nearer to the king, who might at any moment make -use of him as he threatened. Really, Norfolk was somewhat embarrassed at -the success of his scheme; and Wolsey, in a conversation with Cavendish, -showed a flash of his old greatness. "If I may come to my answer," he -said, "I fear no man alive; for he liveth not upon the earth that shall -look upon this face and shall be able to accuse me of any untruth; and -that know my enemies full well, which will be an occasion that I shall -not have indifferent justice, but they will rather seek some other -sinister way to destroy me." - -It was this thought that unnerved Wolsey, worn out as he was by -disappointment, humiliated by his helplessness, and harassed by a sense -of relentless persecution. Still he retained his dignity and kindliness, -and when on the evening of 7th November he was told to prepare for his -journey, he insisted upon bidding farewell to his household. The Earl of -Northumberland wished to prevent this, and only gave way through fear of -a tumult if he persisted in his refusal. The servants knelt weeping -before Wolsey, who "gave them comfortable words and worthy praises for -their diligent faithfulness and honest truth towards him, assuring them -that what chance soever should happen unto him, that he was a true man -and a just to his sovereign lord." Then shaking each of them by the hand -he departed. - -Outside the gate the country folk had assembled to the number of three -thousand, who cried, "God save your grace. The foul evil take all them -that hath thus taken you from us; we pray God that a very vengeance may -light upon them." Thus they ran crying after him through the town of -Cawood, they loved him so well. After this moving farewell Wolsey rode -through the gathering darkness to Pomfret, where he was lodged in the -abbey. Thence he proceeded through Doncaster to Sheffield Park, where he -was kindly received by the Earl of Shrewsbury, whose guest he was for -eighteen days. Once a day the earl visited him and tried to comfort him, -but Wolsey refused all human comfort, and applied himself diligently to -prayer. While he was at Sheffield Park his health, which never had been -good, began to give way, and he suffered from dysentery, which was -aggravated by an unskilful apothecary. - -As he was thus ailing there arrived Sir William Kingston, Constable of -the Tower, with a guard of twenty-four soldiers; he had received a -commission from the king to bring Wolsey as a prisoner to the Tower. It -would seem from this that Agostino's confessions had been skilfully -raised to fan the royal wrath, and Henry gave this sign that he was -prepared to treat his former minister as a traitor. The Earl of -Shrewsbury did his best to treat the coming of Kingston as a trivial -incident, and sent Cavendish to break the news gently to his master. -Cavendish gave the message as he was bidden. "Forsooth my lord of -Shrewsbury, perceiving by your often communication that ye were always -desirous to come before the king's Majesty, and now as your assured -friend, hath travailed so with his letters unto the king, that the king -hath sent for you by Master Kingston and twenty-four of the guard to -conduct you to his Highness." Wolsey was not deceived. "Master -Kingston," he repeated, and smote his thigh. When Cavendish made a -further attempt to cheer him he cut him short by saying, "I perceive -more than you can imagine or can know. Experience hath taught me." When -Kingston was introduced and knelt before him, Wolsey said, "I pray you -stand up, and leave your kneeling unto a very wretch replete with -misery, not worthy to be esteemed, but for a vile object utterly cast -away, without desert; and therefore, good Master Kingston, stand up, or -I will myself kneel down by you." After some talk Wolsey thanked -Kingston for his kind words. "Assure yourself that if I were as able and -as lusty as I have been but of late, I would not fail to ride with you -in post. But all these comfortable words which ye have spoken be but for -a purpose to bring me to a fool's paradise; I know what is provided for -me." - -With a mind thus agitated the sufferings of the body increased. When -Wolsey took his journey next day all regarded him as a dying man. The -soldiers of the guard, "as soon as they espied their old master in such -a lamentable estate, lamented him with weeping eyes. Whom my lord took -by the hands, and divers times by the way as he rode he would talk with -them, sometime with one and sometime with another." That night he -reached Hardwick Hall, in Notts, a house of the Earl of Shrewsbury, and -the next day rode to Nottingham. On the way from thence to Leicester he -was so feeble that he could scarcely sit upon his mule. It was dark on -Saturday night when he reached Leicester Abbey, where the abbot greeted -him by torchlight. "Father Abbot," he said, "I am come hither to leave -my bones among you." Kingston had to carry him upstairs to his bed, -which he never quitted again. - -All Sunday his malady increased, and on Monday morning Cavendish, as he -watched his face, thought him drawing fast to his end. "He perceiving my -shadow upon the wall by his bedside asked who was there. 'Sir, I am -here,' quoth I. 'What is it of the clock?' said he. 'Forsooth, sir,' -said I, 'it is past eight of the clock in the morning.'--'Eight of the -clock, eight of the clock,' said he, rehearsing divers times. 'Nay, nay, -it cannot be eight of the clock; for by eight of the clock ye shall lose -your master, for my time draweth near that I must depart out of this -world.'" - -But the dying man was not to depart without a reminder of the pitiless -character of the master whom he had served so well. When Wolsey left -Cawood the Earl of Northumberland remained behind to examine his papers; -amongst them he found a record that Wolsey had in his possession £1500, -but he reported to the king that he could not find the money. Such was -Henry's keenness as his own minister of finance that he could not await -Wolsey's arrival in London, but wrote off instantly to Kingston, bidding -him examine Wolsey how he came by the money, and discover where it was. -In obedience to the royal command Kingston reluctantly visited the dying -man, who told him that he had borrowed the money of divers friends and -dependants whom he did not wish to see defrauded; the money was in the -keeping of an honest man, and he asked for a little time before -disclosing where it was. - -In the night he often swooned, but rallied in the morning and asked for -food. Some chicken broth was brought him, but he remembered that it was -a fast-day, being St. Andrew's Eve. "What though it be," said his -confessor, "ye be excused by reason of your sickness."--"Yea," said he, -"what though? I will eat no more." After this he made his confession, -and about seven in the morning Kingston entered to ask further about the -money. But seeing how ill Wolsey was, Kingston tried to comfort him. -"Well, well," said Wolsey, "I see the matter against me how it is -framed, but if I had served God so diligently as I have done the king, -he would not have given me over in my gray hairs. Howbeit, this is the -just reward that I must receive for my worldly diligence and pains that -I had to do him service, only to satisfy his vain pleasure, not -regarding my godly duty. Wherefore, I pray you, with all my heart, to -have me most humbly commended unto his royal Majesty, beseeching him in -my behalf to call to his most gracious remembrance all matters -proceeding between him and me from the beginning of the world unto this -day, and the progress of the same, and most chiefly in the weighty -matter now depending (_i.e._ the divorce); then shall his conscience -declare whether I have offended him or no. He is sure a prince of a -royal courage, and hath a princely heart; and rather than he will either -miss or want any part of his will or appetite he will put the loss of -one-half of his realm in danger. For I assure you I have often kneeled -before him in his privy chamber on my knees the space of an hour or two, -to persuade him from his will and appetite; but I could never bring to -pass to dissuade him therefrom. Therefore, Master Kingston, if it chance -hereafter you to be one of his Privy Council, as for your wisdom and -other qualities ye are meet to be, I warn you to be well advised and -assured what matter ye put in his head, for ye shall never put it out -again." He went on to bid him warn the king against the spread of the -pernicious sect of Lutherans as harmful to the royal authority and -destructive of the order of the realm. Then as his tongue failed him he -gasped out, "Master Kingston, farewell. I can no more, but wish all -things to have good success. My time draweth on fast. I may not tarry -with you. And forget not, I pray you, what I have said and charged you -withal, for when I am dead ye shall peradventure remember my words much -better." His breath failed him and his eyes grew fixed. The abbot came -to administer supreme unction, and as the clock struck eight Wolsey -passed away. "And calling to our remembrance his words the day before, -how he said that at eight of the clock we should lose our master, one of -us looked upon another supposing that he prophesied of his departure." - -Kingston sent a message to tell the king of Wolsey's death, and hastened -the preparations for his funeral. His body was placed in a coffin of -boards, vested in his archiepiscopal robes, with his mitre, cross, and -ring. It lay in state till five in the afternoon, when it was carried -into the church and was placed in the Lady Chapel, where it was watched -all night. At four in the morning mass was sung, and by six the grave -had closed over the remains of Wolsey. - -It would be consoling to think that a pang of genuine sorrow was felt by -Henry VIII. when he heard of the death of Wolsey; but unfortunately -there is no ground for thinking so, and all that is on record shows us -that Henry's chief care still was to get hold of the £1500, which was -all that remained of Wolsey's fortune. Cavendish was taken by Kingston -to Hampton Court, where he was summoned to the king, who was engaged in -archery in the park. As Cavendish stood against a tree sadly musing -Henry suddenly came behind him and slapped him on the back, saying, "I -will make an end of my game, and then I will talk with you." Soon he -finished his game and went into the garden, but kept Cavendish waiting -for some time outside. The interview lasted more than an hour, "during -which time he examined me of divers matters concerning my lord, wishing -that liever than twenty thousand pounds that he had lived. Then he asked -me for the fifteen hundred pounds which Master Kingston moved to my lord -before his death." Cavendish told him what he knew about it, and said -that it was deposited with a certain priest. "Well, then," said the -king, "let me alone, and keep this gear secret between yourself and me, -and let no man be privy thereof; for if I hear more of it, then I know -by whom it is come to knowledge. Three may keep counsel if two be away; -and if I thought that my cap knew my counsel I would cast it into the -fire and burn it." Henry spoke freely, and these words disclose the -secret of his strength. Every politician has a method of his own by -which he hides his real character and assumes a personality which is -best fitted for his designs. Henry VIII. beneath an air of frankness and -geniality concealed a jealous and watchful temperament, full of crafty -designs for immediate gain, resolute, avaricious, and profoundly -self-seeking. - -As we have been so much indebted to Cavendish for an account of Wolsey's -private life, especially in his last days, it is worth while to follow -Cavendish's fortunes. The king promised to take him into his own -service, and to pay him his wages for the last year, amounting to £10. -He bade him ask it of the Duke of Norfolk. As he left the king he met -Kingston coming from the Council, whither Cavendish also was summoned. -Kingston implored him to take heed what he said. The Council would -examine him about Wolsey's last words; "and if you tell them the truth -you shall undo yourself." He had denied that he heard anything, and -warned Cavendish to do the same. So Cavendish answered the Duke of -Norfolk that he was so busied in waiting on Wolsey that he paid little -heed to what he said. "He spoke many idle words, as men in such -extremities do, the which I cannot now remember." He referred them to -Kingston's more accurate memory. It is a dismal picture of Court life -which is here presented to us. On every side was intrigue, suspicion, -and deceit. Wolsey's last words were consigned to oblivion; for the -frankness that was begotten of a retrospect in one who had nothing more -to hope or fear was dangerous in a place whence truth was banished. - -When the Council was over Norfolk talked with Cavendish about his -future. Cavendish had seen enough of public life, and had no heart to -face its dangers. The figure of Wolsey rose before his eyes, and he -preferred to carry away into solitude his memories of the vanity of -man's ambition. His only request was for a cart and horse to carry away -his own goods, which had been brought with Wolsey's to the Tower. The -king was gracious, and allowed him to choose six cart-horses and a cart -from Wolsey's stable. He gave him five marks for his expenses, paid him -£10 for arrears of wages, and added £20 as a reward. "I received all -these things accordingly, and then I returned into my country." - -It says much for Wolsey that he chose as his personal attendant a man of -the sweet, sensitive, retiring type of George Cavendish, though it was -not till after his fall from power that he learned the value of such a -friend. No less significant of the times is the profound impression -which Wolsey's fate excited on the mind of Cavendish, who in the -retirement of his own county of Suffolk lived with increasing sadness -through the changes which befell England and destroyed many of the -memories which were dearest to his heart. No one then cared to hear -about Wolsey, nor was it safe to recall the thought of the great -Cardinal of England to the minds of men who were busied in undoing his -work. Not till the days of Mary did Cavendish gather together his notes -and sketch the fortunes of one whose figure loomed forth from a distant -past, mellowed by the mists of time, and hallowed by the pious -resignation which was the only comfort that reflection could give to the -helpless recluse. The calm of a poetic sadness is expressed in the pages -of Cavendish's _Memoir_. Wolsey has become to him a type of the vanity -of human endeavour, and points the moral of the superiority of a quiet -life with God over the manifold activities of an aspiring ambition. But -Cavendish did not live to see the time when such a sermon, preached on -such a text, was likely to appeal to many hearers. His work remained in -manuscript, of which copies circulated amongst a few. One such copy, it -is clear, must have reached the hands of Shakespeare, who, with his -usual quickness of perception, condensed as much as his public could -understand into his portrait of Wolsey in the play of _Henry VIII._ When -the _Memoir_ was first printed in 1641 it was garbled for party -purposes. The figure of Wolsey was long left to the portraiture of -prejudice, and he was regarded only as the type of the arrogant -ecclesiastic whom it was the great work of the Reformation to have -rendered impossible in the future. Wolsey, the most patriotic of -Englishmen, was branded as the minion of the Pope, and the upholder of a -foreign despotism. When Fiddes, in 1724, attempted, on the strength of -documents, to restore Wolsey to his due position amongst England's -worthies, he was accused of Popery. Not till the mass of documents -relating to the reign of Henry VIII. was published did it become -possible for Dr. Brewer to show the significance of the schemes of the -great cardinal, and to estimate his merits and his faults. - - - - - CHAPTER XI - THE WORK OF WOLSEY - - -"No statesman of such eminence ever died less lamented," is Dr. Brewer's -remark on Wolsey's death. Indeed, the king had forgotten his old -servant; his enemies rejoiced to be rid of a possible rival; the men -whom he had trained in politics were busy in seeking their own -advancement, which was not to be promoted by tears for a fallen -minister; the people had never loved him, and were indifferent about one -who was no longer powerful. In a time of universal uncertainty every one -was speculating on the future, and saw that the future was not to be -determined by Wolsey or by Wolsey's ideas. Not without reason has the -story of Wolsey's fall passed into a parable of the heartlessness of the -world. - -For Wolsey lived for the world as few men have ever done; not for the -larger world of intellectual thought or spiritual aspiration, but for -the actual, immediate world of affairs. He limited himself to its -problems, but within its limits he took a wider and juster view of the -problems of his time than any English statesman has ever done. For -politics in the largest sense, comprising all the relations of the -nation at home and abroad, Wolsey had a capacity which amounted to -genius, and it is doubtful if this can be said of any other Englishman. -There have been many capable administrators, many excellent organisers, -many who bravely faced the difficulties of their time, many who -advocated particular reforms and achieved definite results. But Wolsey -aimed at doing all these things together and more. Taking England as he -found her, he aimed at developing all her latent possibilities, and -leading Europe to follow in her train. In this project there was nothing -chimerical or fantastic, for Wolsey's mind was eminently practical. -Starting from the existing condition of affairs, he made England for a -time the centre of European politics, and gave her an influence far -higher than she could claim on material grounds. Moreover, his -far-reaching schemes abroad did not interfere with strict attention to -the details of England's interests. His foreign policy was to promote -English trade, facilitate the union of Scotland, keep peace at small -expense, prepare the way for internal re-organisation, and secure the -right of dealing judiciously with ecclesiastical reform. Wolsey's plans -all hung together. However absorbed he might be in a particular point it -was only part of a great design, and he used each advantage which he -gained as a means of strengthening England's position for some future -undertaking. He had a clear view of the future as a whole; he knew not -only what he wished to make of England but of Europe as well. He never -worked at a question from one motive only; what failed for one purpose -was made useful for another; his resources were not bounded by the -immediate result. - -Politics to him was not a pursuit, it was a passion. He loved it as an -artist loves his art, for he found in it a complete satisfaction for his -nature. All that was best, and all that was worst, in Wolsey sprang from -this exceptional attitude towards statecraft, which he practised with -enthusiasm, not in the spirit of cold calculation. The world is -accustomed to statesmen who clothe the results of calculation in the -language of enthusiasm; Wolsey's language was practical and direct, his -passionate aspirations were restrained within his own bosom. - -Thus there is a largeness and distinction about Wolsey's aims, a -far-reaching patriotism, and an admirable lucidity. He was indeed a -political artist, who worked with a free hand and a certain touch. He -was absorbed in his art as a painter over his picture, and he did not -shrink as the full size of his canvas was gradually enrolled. He set -himself to dominate Europe, and was fearless and self-contained. He gave -himself entirely to his work, and in his eyes the nobility of his end -justified any means. But he was sensitive, as all artists are, and could -not work under cramped conditions. When he was restricted to the small -matter of the divorce his hand lost its cunning. He was, though he knew -it not, fitted to serve England, but not fitted to serve the English -king. He had the aims of a national statesman, not of a royal servant. - -Wolsey's misfortune was that his lot was cast on days when the career of -a statesman was not distinct from that of a royal servant. He owed his -introduction to politics solely to royal favour, and neither had nor -could obtain any other warrant for his position. For good or evil -England was identified with her king, and it was long before it could be -otherwise. Certainly Wolsey had no wish that it should be otherwise, and -his subservience to the royal will seems to us to be unworthy of his -greatness. But Wolsey associated his political life with the king's -goodwill, and Henry was to him a symbol of all that was best and most -intelligent in England. His deviations from his own policy in obedience -to the king were not more degrading or more inevitable than are the -calculations of the modern statesman about the exact limits of the field -of practical politics. A statesman has not only to form projects, he has -to secure a force behind him which will enable him to give them effect. -Each age recognises this fact, and acts accordingly. There is nothing -more intrinsically base in Wolsey's subservience to the royal will than -in the efforts of modern statesmen to bid against one another for an -opportunity of carrying out what they think to be the will of the -people. No politician has a complete command of his field of action; his -high-mindedness and purity must be tested by the degree of compromise -which consciously or unconsciously he makes between his love of power -and his knowledge or his conscience. The utmost that can be demanded of -him is that he should not, to keep his place, deliberately act contrary -to what he believes to be wise or knows to be right. - -In his general conduct of politics Wolsey was true to his principles, -and though occasionally thwarted, he still pursued the same ends. The -matter of the divorce was sprung upon him, and it would have been well -for Wolsey's fame if he had retired rather than involve himself in the -unworthy proceedings to which it led. But the temptation to all men to -think themselves necessary in the sphere which they have made their own -is a subtle one; and those who begin by hoping that they may minimise -inevitable mischief, end by being dragged into the mire. To a statesman -this temptation is great in proportion to the largeness of his ultimate -aim. He resents that his schemes should be ruined by a temporary -derangement of the perspective of affairs; he believes that his -practised hand can easily solve a trumpery difficulty; the excellence of -his intentions in the long-run justifies an occasional sacrifice on the -shrine of present necessity. If he does some things amiss, after all he -is not responsible for them; they are disagreeable incidents in his -tenure of office. - -So Wolsey regarded the divorce; and he is not greatly to be blamed for -agreeing to promote it. He saw great national advantages in a divorce; -he knew that it would be well for England if Henry VIII. left male -issue; he did not like the political influence of Katharine; he saw that -Henry was not likely to be happy in her society. It would have been -difficult for him to find in the proposal itself a sufficient reason for -withdrawing from politics even if he could have done so with safety. Not -even Wolsey could foresee the king's obstinacy and tenacity of purpose, -the depth of meanness to which he would sink, and to which he would drag -all around him. Wolsey found himself powerless to resist, and the -growing consciousness of moral turpitude practised to no purpose -degraded him in his own eyes and robbed him of his strength. When once -the divorce question was started Wolsey was pushed on to his ruin by a -power of imperious wickedness which debased others without losing its -own self-respect. The dictates of public opinion are, after all, not so -very different from the commands of an absolute king. Both may destroy -their victims, and go on their own way with heads erect. - -So when we speak of the fall of Wolsey we mean more than his irrevocable -loss of power. He had lost his inner strength, and no longer kept his -hold upon affairs. He knew that he was sullied and unnerved; that he had -sunk from the position of a leader to that of one who tremblingly -follows and devises shifty plans that he may still exercise the -semblance of his old authority. He knew that in his negotiations about -the divorce he staked everything that he had gained, and that the -result, whatever it was, would be disastrous to his great designs. If he -had succeeded he would have degraded the Papacy; and when Henry had once -learned how easy it was for him to get his own way, he would have used -his knowledge to the full, and Wolsey would have been powerless to -direct him. When Wolsey became the instrument of the king's selfwill, -he hoped that a few disappointments would wear out his obstinacy; when -he saw Henry's growing resoluteness and complete selfwill he knew that -for himself the future was hopeless. Still he had not the magnanimity to -resign himself to his disappointment. He clung to power when power had -ceased to be useful for his plans. He clung to power, because the habits -of office had become to him a second nature. He vainly strove to find -satisfaction in the discharge of his episcopal duties; he vainly tried -to content himself with the simple affairs of simple men. He had given -himself entirely to the material world, and had estranged himself from -the spiritual world, which was to him thin and unsubstantial to the -last. He could not refrain from casting longing glances behind him, and -his last days are pitiable. The words of the dying man are often quoted -as showing the misery of those who trust in princes' favour. But they -are not merely an echo of a far-off state of things which has passed by -for ever. "To serve one's country" may have a loftier and more noble -sound than "to serve one's king," but the meaning is not necessarily -different. The thought in Wolsey's heart was this--"If I had served the -spiritual interests of my country as I have striven to serve its -material interests my conscience would be more at rest." For Wolsey was -a true patriot, and had noble aims. Much as he might deaden his -conscience, he did not extinguish it; and his last judgment of himself -expressed the sad conviction that neither his patriotism nor the -nobility of his aims had saved him from actions which he could not -justify, and which his conscience loudly condemned. - -We have called Wolsey a political artist: and this, which makes his -career attractive, is the secret of his unpopularity. Wolsey's designs -did not arise from the pressure of absolute necessity, and their meaning -was not apparent to his contemporaries. Englishmen thought then, as they -think now, that England should disregard foreign affairs and develop her -own resources; or if foreign affairs are undertaken they demand the -success of English arms, and claim to be repaid in current coin or -palpable advantages. Wolsey believed that the establishment of England's -power on the Continent was necessary for the increase of English trade, -and was a preliminary for the wise solution of those questions which -were most urgent in domestic politics. He was the last English statesman -of the old school, which regarded England not as a separate nation, but -as an integral part of Western Christendom. He did not look upon -questions as being solely English questions: he did not aim merely at -reforming English monasteries or asserting a new position for the -English Church. But he thought that England was ripe for practically -carrying out reforms which had long been talked of, and remedying abuses -which had long been lamented; and he hoped that England in these -respects would serve as a model to the rest of Europe. Only if England -was in full accord with European sentiment, was powerful, and was -respected, could this be done. Wolsey did not prefer foreign politics on -their own account, but he found them to be the necessary preliminary for -any lasting work on the lines which he contemplated. As regards Church -matters he was strictly practical. He had no belief in reforming -councils, or pragmatic sanctions, or Gallican liberties; he cared little -for England's weapon of _præmunire_. He did not look upon the Pope as a -powerful adversary who was to be held at arm's length; he regarded him -as a man to be managed and converted into a useful ally. Wolsey was -entirely Erastian. Power was to him the important thing in human -affairs, and all power was the same; he believed much more in the divine -right of Henry VIII. than in the divine right of Clement VII. merely -because Henry's power seemed to him practically to be greater. However -poetical Wolsey's main ideas might be, he had no illusions about the -actual facts of politics. - -The Englishmen of his own day did not appreciate Wolsey's aims, and -supposed that his foreign policy was for the gratification of his own -vanity, or was the result of a desire to gain the Papacy. No one -understood him in his own time. He bore the burden of everything that -was done, and all the causes of popular discontent were laid at his -door. If the loyalty of Wolsey seems strange to our eyes, still more -inexplicable is the loyalty of the English people, who could believe in -Henry's good intentions, and could suppose that he was entirely ruled by -Wolsey contrary to his own inclinations. Wolsey was universally hated; -by the nobles as an upstart, by the people as a tyrant, by Churchmen as -a dangerous reformer, by the Lutherans as a rank Papist. While he was in -power he kept in restraint various elements of disorder; but he shared -the fate of those who rule without identifying themselves with any -party. When his power came to an end no minister could assume his place -or pick up the threads which fell from his hands. It was left to Henry -VIII., who had learned more from Wolsey than any one else, to direct -England's fortunes on a lower level of endeavour. We may admire his -clear head and his strong hand; we may even prefer the results of his -solution to those which Wolsey would have wrought; but we must confess -that personal motives held the chief place in his mind, and that -considerations of the common weal came only in the second place. For -Henry VIII. abandoned Wolsey's idea of a European settlement of -ecclesiastical questions, and gradually undertook a national settlement -on lines drawn solely with reference to his own desires and his own -interest. In this simpler matter it was possible for him to enjoy some -measure of success, and this was chiefly due to the preparation which -Wolsey had made. For the work of a statesman is never entirely thrown -away; if his own plans fail, he leaves the way open for others who may -use his means for widely different ends. - -Wolsey was the creator of the forces which worked the great change in -England in the sixteenth century. He obtained for England a position in -the esteem of Europe which he had meant to use for the direction of -Europe generally. Henry used that position for the assertion of -England's right to settle its own affairs for itself; and the position -proved strong enough to ward off foreign interference, and to carry -England safely through the first period of a dangerous crisis. It was -because Wolsey had laid a sure foundation that England emerged from her -separatist policy, isolated, it is true, but not excluded from European -influence. Again, Wolsey exalted the royal power, because he believed -that it alone could rise above the separate interests of classes, and -could give a large expression to the national weal. Henry profited by -Wolsey's labours to pursue exclusively his own interests, yet he learned -enough to interweave them dexterously with some national interests in -such a way that they could not practically be disentangled, and that he -had sufficient adherents to put down opposition when it arose. Even the -preliminary steps which Wolsey had taken were carefully followed. His -scheme for the gradual conversion of monasteries into more useful -institutions was revived, and men believed that it would be imitated: -the very agents that he had trained for the work of turning monasteries -into educational establishments were employed in sweeping the monastic -revenues into the royal coffers. So it was with all other things. Henry -learned Wolsey's methods, and popularised Wolsey's phrases. He clothed -his own self-seeking with the dignity of Wolsey's designs; the hands -were the hands of Henry, but the voice was an echo of the voice of -Wolsey. - -The new England that was created in the sixteenth century was strangely -unlike that which Wolsey had dreamed of, yet none the less it was -animated by his spirit. His ideal of England, influential in Europe -through the mediatorial policy which her insular position allowed her to -claim, prosperous at home through the influence which she obtained by -her far-sighted wisdom and disinterestedness--this is Wolsey's permanent -contribution to the history of English politics. - - - - -INDEX - - - Adrian VI., Pope, election of, 87, 88; - enters league against France, 96; - death of, 99. - - Agostino, Wolsey's physician, 199, 200. - - Albany, James, Duke of, made Regent of Scotland, 69; - allied with Queen Margaret, 91; - retreats before Lord Dacre, 92; - retires from Wark, 98; - recalled to France, 107. - - Alcock, John, Bishop of Ely, 141. - - Amicable Loan, 111, 112. - - Angus, Archibald, Earl of, marries Queen-Dowager Margaret, 69; - in France and England, 107. - - Ardres, fortification of, 68. - - - Bainbridge, Thomas, Archbishop of York, 29-39. - - Blunt, Elizabeth, 118. - - Boleyn, Anne, Henry VIII.'s passion for, 152; - her influence over Henry VIII., 159, 160, 165-168. - - Bourbon, Constable of, revolts from Francis I., 94; - negotiations of Pace with, 106, 107; - in Italy, 121. - - Bruges, Wolsey meets Charles V. at, 77, 78. - - Buckingham, Duke of, executed, 70, 71. - - Buttes, Doctor, 192, 193. - - - Calais, meeting of Henry VIII. and Charles V. at, 63; - conference at, 73-82. - - Cambrai, League of, 8, 9, 14, 15; - conference at, 177, 178. - - Campeggio, Cardinal, sent to England, 164, 165; - his action about the divorce, 171-173; - his interview with Henry VIII., 181; - seizure of his baggage, 182, 183. - - Cardinal College, 143, 144, 196. - - Carey, Eleanor, 166. - - Cavendish, George, memoir of Wolsey quoted, 156, 158, 175, 200-205; - his interview with Henry VIII., 207, 208; - later life of, 209. - - Cawood Castle, Wolsey at, 197, 199-201. - - Charles, Prince of Castile, betrothed to Mary of England, 32; - betrothed to Renée of France, 37; - King of Spain, 44; - goes to Spain, 46; - elected Emperor Charles V., 52-54; - seeks interview with Henry VIII., 58; - pensions Wolsey, 59; - in England, 61; - meets Henry VIII. at Calais, 63; - his marriage projects, 67; - attacked by Francis I., 72; - meets Wolsey at Bruges, 77, 78; - his policy in papal election, 85-88; - visits London, 89; - allied with Henry VIII., 90; - negotiations with, about marriage, 116-118; - makes peace of Cambrai, 178. - - Charles VIII., 6. - - Chièvres, death of, 74. - - Clement VII., Pope, attacked in Rome, 121; - visited by Knight at Orvieto, 160; - embassy of Gardiner to, 163, 164; - his hesitation about the divorce, 172. - - Cromwell, Thomas, early life of, 188; - parts from Wolsey, 189; - speaks in Wolsey's behalf, 191. - - - Dacre, Lord, Warden of the Western Marches, 70; - defends Carlisle against Albany, 92. - - De Praet, 108, 109. - - Dorset, Marquis of, 19; - commands in Guienne, 23. - - - Erasmus, 140. - - Esher, Wolsey at, 189, 192, 193. - - - Ferdinand, King of Aragon, 5; - allied with Maximilian, 14; - joins Holy League, 16; - deserts Henry VIII. in Guienne, 23; - allies with France, 27; - dies, 44. - - Fisher, John, Bishop of Rochester, 145, 155, 156, 175. - - Fitzroy, Henry, Duke of Richmond, 118. - - Flodden Field, Battle of, 26. - - Fox, Richard, Bishop of Winchester, 20, 22, 137, 141. - - Francis I., King of France, accession of, 35, 36; - wins Duchy of Milan, 38; - makes treaty of Noyon, 44; - candidate for the empire, 52-55; - seeks interview with Henry VIII., 57; - pensions Wolsey, 59; - at Field of Cloth of Gold, 62; - attacks Charles V., 72; - his unpopularity, 90; - captured at Pavia, 109; - signs treaty of Madrid, 120; - makes peace with England, 122; - interview of Wolsey with, at Amiens, 157; - makes peace of Cambrai, 178. - - Frundsberg, George, 121. - - - Gardiner, Stephen, ambassador to Clement VII., 161-163; - king's favourite, 176; - made Bishop of Winchester, 190. - - Gattinara, Ercurino della, negotiates with Tunstal, 68; - his position with Charles V., 75; - at conference of Calais, 76, 77, 79, 80. - - Gigli, Silvestro dei, Bishop of Worcester, 29, 38. - - Greene, John, 113. - - Guienne, scheme for conquest of, 16, 17; - its failure, 23. - - Guisnes, 61, 62. - - - Hampton Court, 116. - - Henry VII., policy of, 10, 11, 20, 21-30, 124. - - Henry VIII., accession of, 11; - joins Holy League, 16; - his Council, 22; - his expedition into France, 25; - abandoned by Ferdinand and Maximilian, 28; - allies with Louis XII., 32-35; - asks for Wolsey's cardinalate, 33, 39; - his dealings with Maximilian, 41-45; - a candidate for the empire, 53-55; - allies with Charles V., 90; - costliness of his policy, 102; - his management of Parliament, 129; - question of his divorce, 151; - rebukes Wolsey, 167-170; - his last interview with Wolsey, 181, 182. - - Howard, Sir Edward, 24. - - - Ipswich, 18; - college of, 143, 195. - - Isabella of Portugal, 117. - - - James V., set up King of Scotland, 108. - - Jordan, Isabella, 166. - - Julius II., Pope, and Italian politics, 9, 15. - - - Katharine, Queen of England, 13, 16; - confides in Wolsey, 25; - Regent of England, 26; - opposed to French alliance, 60; - signs of her breach with king, 118; - divorce question moved, 151-153; - her attitude before the legatine court, 174. - - Kingston, Sir William, 202-207. - - Knight, secretary, sent to Rome, 158-161. - - - Lady Margaret Professorships, 145. - - League, the Italian, 6, 7. - - ---- of Cambrai, 8, 9, 14, 15. - - ---- the Holy, 16. - - Legate, Wolsey nominated, 50; - his legatine courts, 147. - - Leicester Abbey, death of Wolsey at, 203-206. - - Leo X., Pope, accession of, 27; - refuses Wolsey's cardinalate, 33, 34; - creates Wolsey cardinal, 39; - annoyed at Wolsey's success, 50; - sides with Charles V., 66, 73, 74; - death of, 85. - - Lincoln, Wolsey Dean of, 22; - Bishop of, 29. - - Longueville, Duke of, 32. - - Louis XI., King of France, his policy, 5. - - Louis XII., King of France, and League of Cambrai, 9, 10; - his dealings with Julius II., 15; - defeated in Italy, 25; - makes truce with Ferdinand and Maximilian, 28; - marries Mary of England, 33; - dies, 34. - - Louise of Savoy, mother of Francis I., makes peace with England, 119. - - Lymington, Wolsey Vicar of, 19. - - - Madrid, Treaty of, 120. - - Magdalen College, Oxford, 18, 19. - - Margaret, queen of James IV. of Scotland, marries Earl of Angus, 69; - allies with Albany, 91; - managed by Wolsey, 108. - - Marignano, battle of, 38. - - Mary, Princess, daughter of Henry VII., married to Louis XII., 32; - marries Duke of Suffolk, 37. - - Mary, Princess, daughter of Henry VIII., married by proxy to Dauphin, 49; - betrothed to Charles V., 63, 64; - betrothed to Duke of Orleans, 122. - - Maximilian, Emperor, joins Italian League, 6; - allied with Ferdinand, 14; - relations of Henry VII. with, 21; - at Terouenne, 25; - deserts Henry VIII., 27, 28; - makes a futile expedition against Milan, 40-42; - signs peace of Noyon, 45; - dies, 52. - - Medici, Guilio dei, candidate for the Papacy, 87; - elected Clement VII., 99, 100. - - Montdidier, capture of, 97. - - More, Sir Thomas, Speaker in 1523, 103-105; - Chancellor, 190. - - - Nanfan, Sir Richard, 19. - - Norfolk, Thomas Howard I., Duke of, 30, 34. - - Norfolk, Thomas Howard II., Duke of, puts down tumult, 113, 114; - plots against Wolsey, 177, 181; - receives great seal from Wolsey, 186; - president of the Council, 190. - - Norwich, tumult in, 113. - - Noyon, Treaty of, 44, 45. - - - Oxford, Wolsey's influence in, 145-147. - - - Pace, Richard, his mission to Maximilian, 41-43; - mission to the German Elector, 55; - mission to Venice, 95; - mission to Bourbon, 106, 107. - - Parliament, of 1523, 103, 105; - Wolsey's attitude to, 129, 130. - - Paulet, Sir Amyas, 19. - - Pavia, battle of, 109. - - Picardy, invasion of, 90. - - Putney, Wolsey at, 187. - - - Rhodes, captured by Turks, 93. - - Richmond Lodge, Wolsey at, 193. - - Ruthal, Bishop of Durham, 22. - - - St. Alban's, Wolsey made Abbot of, 83. - - Sanctuary, right of, 135. - - Scrooby, Wolsey at, 195. - - Sheffield Park, Wolsey at, 202. - - Southwell, Wolsey at, 194. - - Spinelly, Thomas, 31. - - Standish, Henry, 135-138. - - Stile, John, 31. - - Suffolk, Charles Brandon, Duke of, 30; - ambassador to France, 36; - marries Mary of England, 37; - commander in France, 97; - insults Wolsey, 176; - receives great seal from Wolsey, 186. - - Surrey, Thomas Howard I., Earl of, member of Henry VII.'s Council, 22, 23; - created Duke of Norfolk (_q.v._) 1514. - - Surrey, Thomas Howard II., Earl of, commander in France, 90, 91; - put in charge of the Border, 92; - takes the field against Albany, 98; - succeeded Duke of Norfolk (_q.v._) 1524. - - Swiss troops in Milan, 38, 41, 42. - - - Terouenne, capture of, 25. - - Tournai, capture of, 25; - Wolsey, Bishop of, 29; - ceded to France, 47-49; - captured by, 81. - - Tunstal, Cuthbert, ambassador to Charles V., 67, 68; - speech as chancellor, 103. - - - Venice, attacked by League of Cambrai, 8, 9; - England's dealings with, 95, 96. - - Vives, Juan Luis, 146. - - - Walshe, Sir Walter, 199. - - Walsingham, Wolsey's pilgrimage to, 47. - - Warham, Archbishop, 20, 147, 154, 155. - - Wingfield, Sir Richard, 31, 41-43, 116. - - Worms, Diet of, 73. - - Wykeham, William of, 141. - - - York, archbishopric of, given to Wolsey, 29. - - - - - THE END - - _Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_. - - - - - BY THE SAME AUTHOR. - - HISTORY OF ROME. By Rev. M. CREIGHTON, M.A. of Oxford and Cambridge, - D.C.L. of Durham, LL.D. of Glasgow and Harvard. With Maps. Eleventh - Edition. Pott 8vo. 1s. [_Literature Primers._] - - -_SATURDAY REVIEW._--"Mr. Creighton is constantly stopping to gather up -the threads into his reader's hands, to mark 'noticeable points,' to -give systematic little bits of generalisation about causes, and little -lists of questions that a boy should bear in mind throughout; and all -this is consistently couched in the _lenior imperativus_ of the -lecturer.... The book is, as a rule, uniformly good, and far ahead of -any small school histories that have appeared before." - -_ACADEMY._--"Mr. Creighton's 'History of Rome' reminds us once more -that, in the matter of historical handbooks at least, we boast to be -much better than our fathers. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Cardinal Wolsey - -Author: Mandell Creighton - -Release Date: November 14, 2016 [EBook #53526] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CARDINAL WOLSEY *** - - - - -Produced by Cathy Maxam, Chris Pinfield and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div id="tnote"> - -<p>Transcriber's Note.</p> - -<p>Apparent typographical errors have been corrected. The use of hyphens -and of accents has been rationalised.</p> - -<p>Headings in black-letter font have instead been bolded.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="front"> - -<p class="large"><b>Twelve English Statesmen</b></p> - -<p class="large">CARDINAL WOLSEY</p> - -<div class="image-center"> - <img src="images/publishers-mark.jpg" width="100" height="34" alt="publishers-mark"/> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="front"> - - <h1>CARDINAL WOLSEY</h1> - - <p class="x-small">BY</p> - - <p>MANDELL CREIGHTON</p> - - <p class="x-small">BISHOP OF LONDON<br /> - M.A. OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE, D.C.L. OF DURHAM<br /> - LL.D. OF GLASGOW AND HARVARD</p> - - <p>MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED<br /> - ST. MARTIN'S STREET. LONDON<br /> - 1912</p> - - <p class="x-small"><i>First Edition April</i> 1888<br /> - <i>Reprinted</i> 1888, 1891, 1895, 1898, 1902, 1904, 1906 (<i>twice</i>), 1912</p> - -</div> - -<h2>CONTENTS</h2> - -<table id="toc" summary="ToC"> - -<tr> - <td class="chaptxt"></td> - <td class="pag">PAGE</td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum" colspan="2">CHAPTER I</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="chaptxt">The State of Europe, 1494-1512</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum" colspan="2">CHAPTER II</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="chaptxt">The French Alliance, 1512-1515</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_18">18</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum" colspan="2">CHAPTER III</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="chaptxt">The Universal Peace, 1515-1518</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_35">35</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum" colspan="2">CHAPTER IV</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="chaptxt">The Field of the Cloth of Gold, 1518-1520</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_51">51</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum" colspan="2">CHAPTER V</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="chaptxt">The Conference of Calais, 1520-1521</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_66">66</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum" colspan="2">CHAPTER VI</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="chaptxt">The Imperial Alliance, 1521-1523</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_84">84</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum" colspan="2">CHAPTER VII</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="chaptxt">Renewal of Peace, 1523-1527</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_101">101</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum" colspan="2">CHAPTER VIII</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="chaptxt">Wolsey's Domestic Policy</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_123">123</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum" colspan="2">CHAPTER IX</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="chaptxt">The King's Divorce, 1527-1529</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_150">150</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum" colspan="2">CHAPTER X</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="chaptxt">The Fall of Wolsey, 1529-1530</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_184">184</a></td> -</tr> - -<tr> - <td class="chapnum" colspan="2">CHAPTER XI</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="chaptxt">The Work of Wolsey</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_211">211</a></td> -</tr> - -</table> - -<div class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">{1}</a></div> - - <h2>CHAPTER I<br /> - <span class="small">THE STATE OF EUROPE<br /> - 1494-1512</span></h2> - -<p class="nodent"><span class="smcap">All</span> -men are to be judged by what they do, and the way -in which they do it. In the case of great statesmen there -is a third consideration which challenges our judgment—what -they choose to do. This consideration only presents -itself in the case of great statesmen, and even then -is not always recognised. For the average statesman -does from day to day the business which has to be done, -takes affairs as he finds them, and makes the best of -them. Many who deliberately selected the questions -with which they dealt have yet shrunk from the responsibility -of their choice, and have preferred to represent -their actions as inevitable. Few can claim the credit of -choosing the sphere of their activity, of framing a connected -policy with clear and definite ends, and of applying -their ideas to every department of national organisation. -In short, statesmen are generally opportunists, or choose -to represent themselves as such; and this has been -especially the case with English statesmen—amongst -whom Wolsey stands out as a notable exception. For -Wolsey claims recognition on grounds which apply to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">{2}</a></span> -himself alone. His name is not associated with any great -achievement, he worked out no great measure of reform, -nor did he contribute any great political idea which was -fruitful in after days. He was, above all things, a practical -man, though he pursued a line of policy which few -understood, and which he did not stop to make intelligible. -No very definite results came of it immediately, -and the results which came of it afterwards were not -such as Wolsey had designed. Yet, if we consider his -actual achievements, we are bound to admit that he was -probably the greatest political genius whom England has -ever produced; for at a great crisis of European history -he impressed England with a sense of her own importance, -and secured for her a leading position in European -affairs, which since his days has seemed her natural -right.</p> - -<p>Thus Wolsey is to be estimated by what he chose to -do rather than by what he did. He was greater than -his achievements. Yet Wolsey's greatness did not rise -beyond the conditions of his own age, and he left no -legacy of great thought or high endeavour. The age in -which he lived was not one of lofty aspirations or noble -aims; but it was one of large designs and restless energy. -No designs were cast in so large a mould as were those -of Wolsey; no statesman showed such skill as he did in -weaving patiently the web of diplomatic intrigue. His -resources were small, and he husbanded them with care. -He had a master who only dimly understood his objects, -and whose personal whims and caprices had always to -be conciliated. He was ill supplied with agents. His -schemes often failed in detail; but he was always ready -to gather together the broken threads and resume his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">{3}</a></span> -work without repining. In a time of universal restlessness -and excitement Wolsey was the most plodding, the -most laborious, and the most versatile of those who -laboured at statecraft.</p> - -<p>The field of action which Wolsey deliberately chose -was that of foreign policy, and his weapons were diplomacy. -The Englishmen of his time were like the -Englishmen of to-day, and had little sympathy with his -objects. Those who reaped the benefits of his policy -gave him no thanks for it, nor did they recognise what -they owed to him. Those who exulted in the course -taken by the English Reformation regarded Wolsey as -its bitterest foe, and never stopped to think that Wolsey -trained the hands and brains which directed it; that -Wolsey inspired England with the proud feeling of -independence which nerved her to brave the public -opinion of Europe; that Wolsey impressed Europe with -such a sense of England's greatness that she was allowed -to go her own way, menaced but unassailed. The spirit -which animated the England of the sixteenth century -was due in no small degree to the splendour of Wolsey's -successes, and to the way in which he stamped upon -men's imagination a belief in England's greatness. If it -is the characteristic of a patriot to believe that nothing -is beyond the power of his country to achieve, then -Wolsey was the most devoted patriot whom England ever -produced.</p> - -<p>When Wolsey came to power England was an upstart -trying to claim for herself a decent position in the -august society of European states. It was Wolsey's -cleverness that set her in a place far above that which -she had any right to expect. For this purpose Wolsey -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">{4}</a></span> -schemed and intrigued; when one plan failed he was -always ready with another. It mattered little what was -the immediate object which he had in hand; it mattered -much that in pursuing it he should so act as to increase -the credit of England, and create a belief in England's -power. Diplomacy can reckon few abler practitioners -than was Wolsey.</p> - -<p>There is little that is directly ennobling in the contemplation -of such a career. It may be doubted if the -career of any practical statesman can be a really ennobling -study if we have all its activity recorded in -detail. At the best it tells us of much which seems -disingenuous if not dishonest—much in which nobility -of aim or the complexity of affairs has to be urged in -extenuation of shifty words and ambiguous actions.</p> - -<p>The age in which Wolsey lived was immoral in the -sense in which all periods are immoral, when the old -landmarks are disappearing and there is no certainty -about the future. Morality in individuals and in states -alike requires an orderly life, a perception of limits, a -pursuit of definite ends. When order is shattered, -when limits are removed, when all things seem possible, -then political morality disappears. In such a condition -was Europe at the beginning of the sixteenth century. -The old ideas, on which the mediæval conception of -Christendom depended, were passing away. No one any -longer regarded Christendom as one great commonwealth, -presided over by Pope and Emperor, who were the -guardians of international law and arbiters of international -relations. The Empire had long ceased to exercise -any control, because it was destitute of strength. The -Papacy, after vainly endeavouring to unite Europe round -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">{5}</a></span> -the old cry of a crusade against the Turk, had discovered -that there was no European power on which it could -rely for support. The old ideas were gone, the old -tribunals were powerless, the old bonds of European -union were dissolved.</p> - -<p>The first result of this decay in the mediæval state-system -of Europe was the emergence of vague plans of -a universal monarchy. The Empire and the Papacy had -harmonised with the feudal conception of a regulative -supremacy over vassals who were free to act within the -limits of their obligations to their superior lord. When -the old superiors were no longer recognised, the idea of -a supremacy still remained; but there was no other -basis possible for that supremacy than a basis of universal -sovereignty. It was long before any state was -sufficiently powerful to venture on such a claim; but the -end of the fifteenth century saw France and Spain -united into powerful kingdoms. In France, the policy -of Louis XI. succeeded in reducing the great feudatories, -and established the power of the monarchy as the -bond of union between provinces which were conscious -of like interests. In Spain, the marriage of Ferdinand -and Isabella united a warlike people who swept away -the remains of the Moorish kingdom. Germany, though -nominally it recognised one ruler, had sacrificed its -national kingship to the futile claims of the Empire. -The emperor had great pretensions, but was himself -powerless, and the German princes steadily refused to -lend him help to give reality to his high-sounding -claims. Unconsciously to themselves, the rulers of -France and Spain were preparing to attempt the extension -of their power over the rest of Europe.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">{6}</a></span> -France under Charles VIII. was the first to give -expression to this new idea of European politics. The -Italian expedition of Charles VIII. marked the end -of the Middle Ages, because it put forth a scheme -of national aggrandisement which was foreign to -mediæval conceptions. The scheme sounded fantastic, -and was still cast in the mould of mediæval aspirations. -The kingdom of Naples had long been in dispute -between the houses of Arragon and Anjou. As heir -to the Angevin line, Charles VIII. proposed to satisfy -national pride by the conquest of Naples. Then he -appealed to the old sentiment of Christendom by proclaiming -his design of advancing against Constantinople, -expelling the Turk from Europe, and realising the ideal -of mediæval Christianity by planting once more the -standard of the Cross upon the Holy Sepulchre at -Jerusalem.</p> - -<p>The first part of his plan succeeded with a rapidity -and ease that bewildered the rest of Europe. The -French conquest of Naples awakened men to the danger -which threatened them. France, as ruler of Naples, -could overrun the rest of Italy, and as master of the -Pope could use the authority of the head of Christendom -to give legitimacy to further schemes of aggression. -A sense of common danger drew the other powers of -Europe together; and a League of Spain, the Empire, -the Pope, Milan, and Venice forced Charles VIII. to -retire from Naples (1495), where the French conquests -were rapidly lost. A threat of his return next year led -to an emphatic renewal of the League and an assertion -of the basis on which it rested—"the mutual preservation -of states, so that the more powerful might not -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">{7}</a></span> -oppress the less powerful, and that each should keep -what rightly belongs to him."</p> - -<p>This League marks a new departure in European -affairs. There was no mention of the old ideas on which -Europe was supposed to rest. There was no recognition -of papal or imperial supremacy; no principle of European -organisation was laid down. The existing state of -things was to be maintained, and the contracting powers -were to decide amongst themselves what rights and -claims they thought fit to recognise. Such a plan might -be useful to check French preponderance at the moment, -but it was fatal to the free development of Europe. -The states that were then powerful might grow in -power; those that were not yet strong were sure to be -prevented from growing stronger. Dynastic interests -were set up as against national interests. European -affairs were to be settled by combinations of powerful -states.</p> - -<p>The results of this system were rapidly seen. France, -of course, was checked for the time; but France, in its -turn, could enter the League and become a factor in -European combinations. The problem now for statesmen -was how to use this concert of Europe for their own -interests. Dynastic considerations were the most obvious -means of gaining powerful alliances. Royal marriages -became matters of the greatest importance, because a -lucky union of royal houses might secure a lasting preponderance. -The Emperor Maximilian married his son -Philip to a daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. Death -removed the nearer heirs to the Spanish rulers, and the -son of Philip was heir to Austria, the Netherlands, and -the Spanish kingdoms. The notion of a maintenance -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">{8}</a></span> -of European equilibrium faded away before such a -prospect.</p> - -<p>This prospect, however, was only in the future. For -the present there was an opportunity for endless scheming. -The European League for the preservation of the existing -state of things resisted any expansion on the part of -smaller states, but encouraged compacts for aggression -amongst the more powerful. France, Spain, and Germany -had each of them a national existence, while Italy -consisted of a number of small states. If Italy was to -survive it was necessary that she should follow the -example of her powerful neighbours, and consolidate -herself as they had done. The only state which was -at that time likely to unite Italy was Venice; and Venice, -in consequence, became the object of universal jealousy. -The concert of Europe was applied to the Venetian -question, and discovered a solution of the simplest sort. -Instead of allowing Venice to unite Italy, it was judged -better to divide Venice. A secret agreement was made -between Spain, France, the Emperor, and the Pope that -they would attack Venice simultaneously, deprive her of -her possessions, and divide them amongst themselves. -There was no lack of claims and titles to the possessions -which were thus to be acquired. The powers of Europe, -being judges in their own cause, could easily state their -respective pleas and pronounce each other justified. -The League of Cambrai, which was published at the -end of 1508, was the first great production of the new -system of administering public law in Europe.</p> - -<p>Anything more iniquitous could scarcely be conceived. -Venice deserved well at the hands of Europe. She had -developed a great system of commerce with the East; -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">{9}</a></span> -she was the chief bulwark against the advance of the -Turkish power; she was the one refuge of Italian -independence. Those very reasons marked her out for -pillage by the powers who, claiming to act in the -interests of Europe, interpreted these interests according -to their own selfishness. Each power hoped to -appropriate some of the profits of Venetian commerce; -each power wished for a slice of the domains of Italy. -What the Turk did was a matter of little consequence; -he was not the object of immediate dread.</p> - -<p>This League of Cambrai witnessed the assimilation -by the new system of the relics of the old. Imperial -and papal claims were set in the foreground. Venice -was excommunicated by the Pope, because she had the -audacity to refuse to give up to him at once his share of -the booty. The iniquities of the European concert were -flimsily concealed by the rags of the old system of the -public law of Europe, which only meant that the Pope -and the Emperor were foremost in joining in the general -scramble. France was first in the field against Venice, -and consequently France was the chief gainer. Pope -Julius II., having won from Venice all that he could -claim, looked with alarm on the increase of the French -power in Italy. As soon as he had satisfied himself, and -had reduced Venice to abject submission, his one desire -was to rid himself of his troublesome allies. The papal -authority in itself could no longer influence European -politics; but it could give a sanction to new combinations -which interested motives might bring about. -With cynical frankness the Papacy, powerless in its own -resources, used its privileged position to further its -temporal objects. We cannot wonder that Louis XII. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">{10}</a></span> -of France tried to create a schism, and promoted the -holding of a general council. We are scarcely surprised -that the fantastic brain of the Emperor Maximilian -formed a scheme of becoming the Pope's coadjutor, and -finally annexing the papal to the imperial dignity. On -every side the old landmarks of Europe were disappearing, -and the future was seen to belong to the strong -hand and the adventurous wit.</p> - -<p>During the reign of Henry VII. England had stood -aloof from these complicated intrigues. Indeed England -could not hope to make her voice heard in the affairs of -Europe. The weak government of Henry VI., and the -struggles between the Yorkist and Lancastrian factions, -had reduced her to political exhaustion. While France -and Spain had grown into strong kingdoms, England -had dwindled into a third-rate power. Henry VII. -had enough to do in securing his own throne against -pretenders, and in reducing the remnants of the feudal -nobility to obedience. He so far worked in accordance -with the prevailing spirit that he steadily increased the -royal power. He fell in with the temper of the time, -and formed matrimonial alliances which might bear -political fruits. He gave his daughter in marriage to -the King of Scotland, in the hopes of thereby bringing -the Scottish Crown into closer relation with England. -He sought for a connexion with Spain by marrying his -eldest son Arthur to Katharine, a daughter of Ferdinand -and Isabella, and on Arthur's untimely death Katharine -became the wife of his next son Henry. Further, -Henry VII. gave his general approval to the League of -1496; he joined it, but would promise no armed aid nor -money. In short, he did enough to claim for England -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">{11}</a></span> -a place in the new system of the European commonwealth, -though he himself declined to take any active -part in the activity that was consequently developed. -He was old before his years, and was unequal to any -additional labour. He had saved his reputation by his -cautious and skilful policy at home. The statesmen of -Europe respected him for what he had done already, -but they did not expect him to do anything more. He -had secured his dynasty, reduced his lands to order, -favoured its commerce, and secured for it peace. He -had lived frugally and had saved money, which was not -the fortune of the more adventurous princes. England -was looked upon with an eye of condescending favour -by the great powers of Europe. Her population was -small, about three millions and a half; her military -forces had not been trained in the new methods of -European warfare; her navy was not kept up on a war -footing. She could not rank higher than a third-rate -power.</p> - -<p>So England stood when Henry VII. died, and was -succeeded by his son Henry VIII., a youth of nineteen. -We may indulge ourselves, if we choose, in speculations -on the probable effects if Henry VIII. had been content -to pursue his father's policy. The picture of England, -peaceful and contented while the rest of Europe is engaged -in wasteful and wicked war, is attractive as an ideal -in English politics. England in the sixteenth century -might have stood aloof from European affairs, and might -have prospered in her own fashion. But one thing is -certain, that she would never have become the England -of to-day; the New World, and the possessions of the -British Empire, would have been divided between France -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">{12}</a></span> -and Spain; the course of civilisation would have been -widely different. For good or for evil the fortunes of -England were given a decided direction by Henry VIII.'s -advance into the sphere of European politics. England -took up a position from which she could not afterwards -retire.</p> - -<p>It is scarcely worth while to inquire if Henry VIII. -could by prudence and caution have continued to keep -clear of the complications of European politics, and -make England strong by husbanding its resources and -developing its commerce. Such a course of action was -not deemed possible by any one. All classes alike -believed that national prosperity followed upon the -assertion of national power. The commercial interests -of England would have had little chance of being respected -unless they were connected with political interests -as well. If Henry VIII. had lived frugally like his -father, and avoided adventurous schemes for which he -needed the money of his people, the English monarchy -would have become a despotism, and the royal will -would have been supreme in all internal affairs. England -was not exposed to this danger. Henry VIII., -when he ascended the throne at the age of nineteen, -was fully imbued by the spirit of his time. The story -goes that when Leo X. was elected Pope he turned to -his brother and said with a smile, "Let us enjoy the -Papacy, since God has given it to us." Henry VIII. -was resolved to enjoy his kingship to the full; he -wished to show Europe that he was every inch a king, -and equal to the best.</p> - -<p>Henry VIII. in his early days had been educated -with a view to high ecclesiastical preferment, and was a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">{13}</a></span> -youth of many accomplishments of mind and body. -His tall stalwart frame, his fair round face and profusion -of light hair, his skill in athletic exercises, made -the Venetian envoy pronounce him to be the handsomest -and most capable king in Christendom. He inherited -the geniality, the physical strength, the resoluteness of -the Yorkist house, and combined them with the self-restraint -and caution of the Lancastrians. No king -began his reign with greater popularity, and the belief -in the soundness of his head and heart filled all men -with hopes of a long period of just and prosperous -government. But many hoped for more than this. -The reign of Henry VII. had been successful, but inglorious. -The strong character and the generous impulses -of the new ruler were not likely to be satisfied -with the cautious intrigues and petty calculations of his -father. England looked forward to a glorious and distinguished -future. It believed in its king, and clave to -its belief in spite of many disappointments. Not all -the harsh doings of Henry VIII. exhausted the popularity -with which he began his reign, and in the midst -of his despotism he never lost his hold upon the people.</p> - -<p>So Henry VIII. carried out the plan which his father -had formed for him. He married Katharine, his -brother's widow, and so confirmed the alliance with -Ferdinand of Spain. He renewed the marriage treaty -between his sister Mary and Charles, Prince of Castile, -heir of the Netherlands, and eldest grandson of Ferdinand -and Maximilian alike. Charles was only a boy of -nine, and had great prospects of a large heritage. England -was likely, if this arrangement were carried out, to -be a useful but humble ally to the projects of the houses -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">{14}</a></span> -of Hapsburg and Spain, useful because of its position, -which commanded the Channel, and could secure communications -between the Netherlands and Spain, humble -because it had little military reputation or capacity for -diplomacy.</p> - -<p>The alliance, however, between Ferdinand and -Maximilian was by no means close. Ferdinand by his -marriage with Isabella had united the kingdoms of -Castile and Arragon; but after Isabella's death he had -no claim to the Crown of Castile, which passed to his -daughter Juana. Already Juana's husband, the Archduke -Philip, had claimed the regency of Castile, and -Ferdinand was only saved by Philip's death from the -peril of seeing much of his work undone. The claim to -Castile had now passed to the young Charles, and -Ferdinand was afraid lest Maximilian should at any -time revive it in behalf of his grandson. He was unwilling -to help in any way to increase Maximilian's -power, and rejoiced that in the results of the League -of Cambrai little profit fell to Maximilian's share. The -Pope gained all that he wished; Ferdinand acquired -without a blow the Venetian possessions in the Neapolitan -kingdom; the French arms were triumphant in -North Italy; but Venice continued to offer a stubborn -resistance to Maximilian. In vain Maximilian implored -Ferdinand's help. He was unmoved till the successes -of the French awakened in his mind serious alarm. -The authors of the League of Cambrai began to be -afraid of the catastrophe which they had caused. They -did not wish to see the French supreme in Italy, but -their combination had gone far to ensure the French -supremacy.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">{15}</a></span> -Pope Julius II. felt himself most directly threatened -by the growth of the French power. He resolved to -break up the League of Cambrai, and so undo his own -work. He tried to gain support from the Swiss and -from England. He released Venice from her excommunication, -and showed himself steadfastly opposed to -France. He did his utmost to induce Ferdinand and -Maximilian to renounce the League. Ferdinand was -cautious, and only gave his secret countenance to the -Pope's designs. Maximilian, anxious to make good his -claims against Venice, wavered between an alliance with -France and a rupture. Louis XII. of France was embarrassed -by the hostility of the Pope, whom he tried -to terrify into submission. His troops advanced against -Bologna, where Julius II. was residing. The Pope fled, -but the French forces did not pursue him. Louis was -not prepared to treat the Pope as merely a temporal -sovereign, and Rome was spared a siege. But Louis -was so ill-judging as to attack the Pope on his spiritual -side. He raised the old cry of a General Council for the -reform of the Church, and drew to his side a few disaffected -cardinals, who summoned a Council to assemble -at Pisa.</p> - -<p>This half-hearted procedure was fatal to all hopes of -French supremacy. Had Louis XII. promptly dealt -with Julius II. by force of arms he would have rendered -the Pope powerless to interfere with his political plans, -and no one would have interposed to help the Pope -in his capacity of an Italian prince. But when the -French king showed that he was afraid of the papal -dignity in temporal matters, while he was ready to -attack it in spiritual matters, he entered upon a course -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">{16}</a></span> -of action which was dangerous to Europe. Ferdinand -was waiting for a good pretext to free himself from -further share in the policy of the League of Cambrai, -and Louis provided him with the pretext which he -sought. Shocked at the danger of a new schism, -Ferdinand, in October 1511, entered into a League with -the Pope and Venice, a League which took the high-sounding -title of the Holy League, since it was formed -for the protection of the Papacy.</p> - -<p>Of this Holy League Henry VIII. became a member -in December, and so stepped boldly into the politics of -Europe. He was at first a submissive son of King -Ferdinand, whose daughter, Queen Katharine, acted as -Spanish ambassador at the English Court. Henry -wished to make common cause with his father-in-law, -and trusted implicitly to him for assurances of goodwill. -He made a separate accord with Ferdinand that a combined -army should invade Guienne. If the French -were defeated Ferdinand would be able to conquer -Navarre, and England would seize Guienne. The gain -to England would be great, as Guienne would be a -secure refuge for English commerce, and its possession -would make the English king an important personage -in Europe, for he would stand between Spain and -France.</p> - -<p>The scheme was not fantastic or impossible, provided -that Ferdinand was in earnest. Henry believed in his -good faith, but he still had the confidence of youth. -Ferdinand trusted no one, and if others were like himself -he was wise in his distrust. Every year he grew -more suspicious and fonder of crooked ways. He took -no man's counsel; he made fair professions on every -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">{17}</a></span> -side; his only object was to secure himself at the least -cost. His confiding son-in-law was soon to discover -that Ferdinand only meant to use English gold as a -means for furthering his own designs against France; he -did not intend that England should have any share in -the advantage.</p> - -<p>Unconscious of the selfishness of his ally, Henry VIII. -prepared for war in the winter of 1512. In these preparations -the capacity of Thomas Wolsey first made -itself felt, and the course of the war that followed -placed Wolsey foremost in the confidence of the English -king.</p> - -<div class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">{18}</a></div> - - <h2>CHAPTER II<br /> - <span class="small">THE FRENCH ALLIANCE<br /> - 1512-1515</span></h2> - -<p class="nodent"><span class="smcap">Thomas Wolsey</span> -was born at Ipswich, probably in -March 1471. He was the son of Robert Wolsey and -Joan his wife. Contemporary slander, wishing to make -his fortunes more remarkable or his presumption more -intolerable, represented his father as a man of mean -estate, a butcher by trade. However, Robert Wolsey's -will shows that he was a man of good position, probably -a grazier and wool merchant, with relatives who were -also well-to-do. Thomas seems to have been the eldest -of his family, and his father's desire was that he should -enter the priesthood. He showed quickness in study; -so much so that he went to Oxford at the early age of -eleven, and became Bachelor of Arts when he was -fifteen. His studies do not seem to have led him in -the direction of the new learning; he was well versed -in the theology of the schools, and is said to have -been a devoted adherent to the system of St. Thomas -Aquinas. But it was not by the life of a student or -the principles of a philosopher that Wolsey rose to -eminence. If he learned anything in his University -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">{19}</a></span> -career he learned a knowledge of men and of their -motives.</p> - -<p>In due course he became a Fellow of Magdalen, -and master of the grammar school attached to the -College. Soon afterwards, in 1498, he was bursar; -and tradition has connected with him the building of -the graceful tower which is one of the chief architectural -ornaments of Oxford. Unfortunately the tower was -finished in the year in which Wolsey became bursar, and -all that he can have done was the prosaic duty of paying -the bills for its erection. He continued his work of -schoolmaster till in 1500 the Marquis of Dorset, whose -sons Wolsey had taught, gave him the living of Lymington -in Somerset.</p> - -<p>So Wolsey abandoned academic life for the quietness -of a country living, which, however, did not prove to be -entirely free from troubles. For some reason which is -not clear, a neighbouring squire, Sir Amyas Paulet, used -his power as justice of peace to set Wolsey in the stocks, -an affront which Wolsey did not forgive, but in the days -of his power punished by confining Sir Amyas to his -London house, where he lived for some years in disgrace. -If this story be true, it is certainly not to -Wolsey's discredit, who can have been moved by nothing -but a sense of injustice in thus reviving the remembrance -of his own past history. Moreover, Wolsey's character -certainly did not suffer at the time, as in 1501 he was -made chaplain to Dean, Archbishop of Canterbury. -After Dean's death in 1503, his capacity for business -was so far established that he was employed by Sir -Richard Nanfan, Deputy-Lieutenant of Calais, to help him -in the duties of a post which advancing years made -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">{20}</a></span> -somewhat onerous. When Nanfan, a few years afterwards, -retired from public life, he recommended Wolsey -to the king, and Wolsey entered the royal service as -chaplain probably in 1506.</p> - -<p>At Court Wolsey allied himself with Richard Fox, -Bishop of Winchester, Lord Privy Seal, and at first -seems to have acted as one of his secretaries.</p> - -<p>Fox was a well-trained and careful official, who had -been in Henry VII.'s employment all through his reign. -Cold and cautious by nature, Henry VII. had to pick -his way through many difficulties, and took no man unreservedly -into his confidence. He was his own minister, -and chose to be served by men of distinguished position -who were content to do his bidding faithfully, and were -free from personal ambition. For this purpose ecclesiastics -were best adapted, and Henry VII. did much to -secularise the Church by throwing the weight of public -business into the hands of men like Morton and Fox, -whom he rewarded by the highest ecclesiastical offices. -In such a school Wolsey was trained as a statesman. -He regarded it as natural that the King should choose -his ministers for their readiness to serve his purposes, -and should reward them by ecclesiastical preferments. -The State might gain by such a plan, but the Church -undoubtedly lost; and in following the career of Wolsey -there is little to remind us of the ecclesiastic, however -much we may admire the statesman.</p> - -<p>It was well for England that Wolsey was trained in -the traditions of the policy of Henry VII., which he -never forgot. Henry VII. aimed, in the first place, at -securing his throne and restoring quiet and order in his -kingdom by developing trade and commerce. For this -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">{21}</a></span> -purpose he strove to turn his foreign neighbours into -allies without adventuring into any military enterprises. -He did not aspire to make England great, but he tried -to make her secure and prosperous. Wolsey gained -so much insight into the means which he employed for -that end that he never forgot their utility; and though -he tried to pass beyond the aim of Henry VII., he -preferred to extend rather than abandon the means -which Henry VII. had carefully devised. Nor was Wolsey -merely a spectator of Henry VII.'s diplomacy; he was -soon employed as one of its agents. In the spring of -1508 he was sent to Scotland to keep King James IV. -true to his alliance with England, and explain misunderstandings -that had arisen. In the autumn of the same -year he was sent to Mechlin to win over the powerful -minister of Maximilian, the Bishop of Gurk, to a project -of marriage between Henry VII. and Maximilian's -daughter Margaret, by which Henry hoped that he -would get control of the Low Countries. Here Wolsey -learned his first practical lesson of diplomatic methods, -and uttered the complaint, which in later years he gave -so much reason to others to pour forth, "There is here -so much inconstancy, mutability, and little regard of -promises and causes, that in their appointments there is -little trust or surety; for things surely determined to -be done one day are changed and altered the next."</p> - -<p>Nothing came of Wolsey's embassy, nor can we be -sure that Henry VII. was much in earnest in his -marriage schemes. However, he died in April next -year, and was succeeded by a son whose matrimonial -hesitations were destined to give Wolsey more trouble -than those of his father. Before his death he laid the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">{22}</a></span> -foundation of Wolsey's clerical fortunes by bestowing -on him the rich deanery of Lincoln.</p> - -<p>The accession of Henry VIII. made little change in -the composition of the King's Council. The Lady -Margaret survived her son long enough to make her influence -felt in the choice of her grandson's advisers. -Archbishop Warham, Bishop Fox, and Thomas Howard, -Earl of Surrey, were the men into whose hands public -business naturally fell. But Warham was somewhat -stiff and crabbed, so that he did not commend himself -to the young king. Fox represented the opinions of -the old officials, while the Earl of Surrey was the natural -leader of the old nobility, who could not help resenting -the subordinate position into which they had been reduced -by Henry VII., and hoped that a new reign would -give them fresh opportunities. So Fox urged caution -and carefulness, while Surrey favoured extravagance and -military ambition. Fox felt that he was growing old, -and the pressure of a continued conflict of opinion was -irksome to him. Much as the ecclesiastics of that time -were secular in their lives, they were rarely entirely forgetful -of their priestly office, and were genuinely anxious -to rid themselves of the burden of affairs and spend their -last years in quiet. So Fox chose Wolsey as the man -to take his place, perhaps because he saw in him the -qualities necessary to influence the young king. Besides -him he favoured Ruthal, another experienced official, -who was rewarded by the rich bishopric of Durham, but -who was soon eclipsed by the superior genius of Wolsey, -which he frankly admitted, and willingly accepted the -post of Wolsey's assistant and subordinate.</p> - -<p>So Wolsey was made the king's almoner, and had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">{23}</a></span> -sundry preferments bestowed on him as marks of the -royal favour. He ingratiated himself with the king, -and worked with Fox and Ruthal to counteract the influence -of the Earl of Surrey. Probably in 1511 he -was called to the King's Council, but neither he nor -Fox had it in their power to shape the king's policy as -they wished, or to direct his doings. His warlike ardour -was against their will; but from the beginning of his -reign Henry VIII. went his own way, and others had to -follow. All they could do was to show him that they -were the most capable of his servants, and when Henry -VIII. had determined on war they were the men to -whom he turned to carry out the necessary details. On -Wolsey as the youngest the chief labour was thrown. -England was unprepared for war, and every branch of -the military service had to be almost created. Wolsey -had at all events a sufficient opportunity for displaying -his practical capacity as an organiser.</p> - -<p>So Wolsey worked at providing for the troops who -were sent to Guienne in 1512; but the expedition -itself was a complete failure. Ferdinand played his own -game of procrastination, and sent no succours. The -Marquis of Dorset was an incapable leader. The English -troops were not inured to hardships, and soon grew -discontented; at last they rose in open mutiny, and -clamoured to be led back to England. Dorset was -driven to retire without striking a blow. The first -attempt of England to assert her prowess ended in -disaster. The statesmen of the Continent made merry -over the blundering efforts of an upstart power. -"The English," they said, "are so unaccustomed to war -that they have no experience to guide them." Henry -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">{24}</a></span> -longed to wipe out this disgrace, and prepared to -invade the north of France in the next year. Wolsey -was not yet of sufficient importance to direct the -king's policy, and had no experience of war. But -he threw himself heart and soul into the task of -military organisation, and the administrative capacity -which he displayed secured his hold on the king's -favour. He provided for victualling the fleet, raised the -necessary number of ships, selected their captains, and -even apportioned the gunners. Nothing was too trivial -for his attention, even down to beer-barrels and biscuits. -It is not surprising that his colleague, Bishop Fox, wrote -to him, "I pray God send us with speed, and soon deliver -you of your outrageous charge and labour."</p> - -<p>The fleet put to sea in March 1513, under the command -of the Lord Admiral Sir Edward Howard. The -French fleet was far superior in numbers, and prepared -to prevent the English from landing on the French -coast. Sir Edward Howard was burning with desire -for a decisive engagement, and on 25th April attacked -the French galleys as they lay in shallow water. -He boarded them with his boats, and himself leapt -on to the ship of the French admiral, but before his -men could follow him their cable was cut away, and he -was left almost alone. Seeing that there was no hope -of support, he took his whistle from his neck and cast -it into the sea; then with his gilt target on his arm he -fought till the enemy's pikes thrust him overboard and -he was drowned. The English attack was driven back; -but its gallantry and the bravery of Sir Edward Howard -produced a great impression. It was clear that after -all the Englishmen had not forgotten how to fight.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">{25}</a></span> -The efforts of the English fleet were successful in -securing the peaceful landing of the army at Calais, -where Henry arrived at the end of June. With him -went Wolsey, commanding two hundred men, and now a -necessary personage in the king's train. Such confidence -was placed in him by Queen Katharine that she requested -him to write to her frequently and inform her of the -king's health, while in return she poured her household -troubles into his sympathetic ear. No doubt Wolsey's -hands were full of business of many kinds during this -brief and glorious campaign, glorious in the sense that -success attended its operations, but fruitless because the -things done were scarcely worth the doing. The English -army took Terouenne, more owing to the feebleness -of the French than to their own valour. Louis -XII. was prematurely old and ailing; things had gone -against him in Italy, and there was little spirit in the -French army. The defeat of the French outside Terouenne -was so rapid that the battle was derisively called -the Battle of Spurs. Henry's desire for martial glory -was satisfied by the surrender of Terouenne, and his -vanity was gratified by the presence of Maximilian, -who in return for a large subsidy brought a few German -soldiers, and professed to serve under the English king. -From Terouenne he advanced to Tournai, which surrendered -at the end of September. Maximilian was -delighted at these conquests, of which he reaped all the -benefit; with Tournai in the hands of England, Flanders -had a strong protection against France. So Maximilian -would gladly have led Henry to continue the campaign -in the interests of the Flemish frontier. But Henry -had no taste for spending a winter in the field; he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">{26}</a></span> -pleaded that his presence was needed in England, and -departed, promising to return next year.</p> - -<p>In truth the arms of England had won a greater victory -on English ground than anything they had achieved -abroad. The war against France awakened the old -hostility of Scotland, and no sooner was Henry VIII. -encamped before Terouenne than he received a Scottish -herald bringing a message of defiance. "I do not -believe that my brother of Scotland will break his -oath," said Henry, "but if he does, he will live to repent -it." Repentance came rapidly on the Field of Flodden, -where the Scottish army was almost cut to pieces. This -brilliant victory was greatly due to the energy of -Queen Katharine, who wrote to Wolsey, "My heart is -very good to it, and I am horribly busy with making -standards, banners, and badges." She addressed the -English leaders before they started for the war, bade -them remember that the English courage excelled that of -other nations, and that the Lord smiled on those who -stood in defence of their own. With a proud heart she -sent her husband the blood-stained plaid of the Scottish -king, taken from his corpse. "In this," she wrote, -"your Grace shall see how I keep my promise, sending -you for your banner a king's coat."</p> - -<p>The victory of Flodden Field was of great importance, -for it delivered England from the fear of a troublesome -neighbour, and showed Europe that England could not -be muzzled by the need of care for her own borders. -The Scottish power was broken for many years to come, -and England was free to act as she would. Europe -began to respect the power of England, though there -was little reason to rate highly the wisdom of her -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">{27}</a></span> -king. Henry had won little by his campaign; he had -gratified his vanity, but he had not advanced towards any -definite end.</p> - -<p>Henry VIII. was young and simple. He expected to -captivate the world by brilliant deeds, and fascinate it -by unselfish exploits. He soon found that his pretended -allies were only seeking their own advantage. The -name of the "Holy League" was the merest pretext. -The new Pope, Leo X., a supple time-serving intriguer, -trained in the deceitful policy of the Medici House, was -willing to patch up the quarrel between France and the -Papacy. Ferdinand of Spain wished only to keep things -as they were. As he grew older he grew more suspicious, -and clung to the power which he possessed. His one -dread was lest Charles, the grandson of himself and -Maximilian, should demand his maternal heritage of -Castile. Ferdinand was resolved to keep the two Spanish -kingdoms united under his own rule until his death, and -considered European affairs in the first instance as they -were likely to affect that issue. He was of opinion that -France was no longer formidable to Spanish interests in -Italy, while English successes on the Flemish frontier -might make Charles more powerful than he wished him -to be. Accordingly he set to work to undermine -Henry's position by making an alliance with France. -He was still Henry's ally, and had promised him to help -him to continue the war in the spring of 1514. None the -less he entered into secret negotiations with France, and -cautiously endeavoured to persuade Maximilian to join him. -Maximilian was still at war with Venice, and was aggrieved -that he was the only member of the plundering gang -who had not gained by the League of Cambrai. Ferdinand -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">{28}</a></span> -allured him from his interest in Flanders by the -prospect of a renewal of the League against Venice in his -special behalf, and Maximilian was sanguine enough to -listen to the temptation. He faintly stipulated that the -consent of England should be obtained, but was satisfied -with Ferdinand's assurance that Henry would have no -objection to a truce with France. Early in April 1514 -a truce for a year was made between Louis XII., -Maximilian, and Ferdinand. Henry found himself -tricked by his father-in-law, and abandoned by the -ally whom he had largely subsidised, and had greatly -benefited.</p> - -<p>It is no wonder that Henry was greatly angered at -this result, and declared that he would trust no man -any more. He had taken the measure of the good -faith of European rulers, and had learned the futility -of great undertakings for the general welfare. In -truth, the difficulty of European politics always lies in -the fact that the general welfare can only be promoted -by the furtherance of particular interests, which threaten -in their turn to become dangerous. The interests of the -sixteenth century were purely dynastic interests, and -seem trivial and unworthy. We are not, however, justified -in inferring that dynastic interests, because they are -concerned with small arrangements, are in their nature -more selfish or more iniquitous than interests which -clothe themselves in more fair-sounding phrases. Their -selfishness is more apparent; it does not follow that it is -less profound.</p> - -<p>However that may be, the desertion of Maximilian -and Ferdinand put a stop to Henry's warlike projects, -and restored England to peace. Henry had had enough -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">{29}</a></span> -of fighting other people's battles. He was willing to -pursue his own course by the means which others used, -and trust henceforth to the bloodless battles of diplomacy. -In this new field Wolsey was the English champion, and -for the next sixteen years the history of England is the -history of Wolsey's achievements.</p> - -<p>Wolsey's services in the campaign of 1513 gave him a -firm hold of the king's favour, and secured for him large -rewards. As he was an ecclesiastic his salary was paid -out of the revenues of the Church. When Tournai -became an English possession its bishopric was conferred -on Wolsey, and on a vacancy in the bishopric of Lincoln -in the beginning of 1514 that see was given him in -addition. How the offices of the Church were in those -days used as rewards for service to the State may be seen -by the fact that the English representative in Rome was -the Archbishop of York, Thomas Bainbridge, who lived -as Cardinal in the Papal Court. Moreover, an Italian, -Silvestro de' Gigli, held the bishopric of Worcester, -though he lived habitually in Rome, and devoted his -energies to the furtherance of the interests of England. -In July 1514 Cardinal Bainbridge died in Rome, poisoned -by one of his servants. The Bishop of Worcester was -suspected of being privy to the deed for the purpose of -removing out of the way a troublesome rival. It would -seem, however, that the murder was prompted by vengeful -feelings and the desire to hide peculations. The -charge against the Bishop of Worcester was investigated -by the Pope, and he was acquitted; but the story gives -a poor picture of morality and security of life at Rome. -On the death of Bainbridge the vacant archbishopric of -York was also conferred on Wolsey, who was now -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">{30}</a></span> -enriched by the revenues of three sees, and was clearly -marked out as the foremost man in England.</p> - -<p>He rose to this position solely by the king's favour, as -the king alone chose his own ministers and counsellors, -and there existed no external pressure which could influence -his decisions. The Wars of the Roses had seen -the downfall of the baronial power, and Henry VII. had -accustomed men to see affairs managed almost entirely -by a new class of officials. The ministers and counsellors -of Henry VIII. were chosen from a desire to -balance the old and the new system. The remnants of -the baronial party were associated with officials, that -they might be assimilated into the same class. The -Duke of Norfolk, as the greatest nobleman in England, -was powerful, and was jealous of the men with whom he -found himself called upon to work. Charles Brandon, -Duke of Suffolk, was the personal friend of the king, -and shared in his private more than in his public life. -The Earl of Surrey had done good service at Flodden -Field, and was a man of practical capacity. The other -ministers were most of them ecclesiastics. Warham, -Archbishop of Canterbury, was respected rather than -trusted. Fox, Bishop of Winchester, was a capable and -painstaking official. Ruthal, Bishop of Durham, was -destitute of real insight, and was content to follow -Wolsey's lead. Wolsey won his way by his political -genius, his quickness, and his vast power of detailed -work. He owed his position entirely to the king, and -was responsible to him alone. The king consulted his -Council only about such matters as he thought fit; -foreign affairs were managed almost entirely according to -his own will and pleasure.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">{31}</a></span> -The English have never been famous for diplomacy, -and Wolsey was ill supplied with agents for his work. -The English residents at foreign Courts were not men -of mark or position. John Stile at the Court of -Ferdinand, and Thomas Spinelly in Flanders seem to -have been merchants carrying on their own business. -With Maximilian was a more important man, Sir -Richard Wingfield, a Suffolk knight, who was too self-satisfied -and too dull-witted to understand Wolsey's -schemes. For special work special agents had to be -sent, who went unwillingly to a thankless and laborious -task. They were ill paid and ill supported; but even -here Wolsey knew how to choose the right men, and -he managed to inspire them with his own zeal and -tenacity of purpose. It is a striking proof of Wolsey's -genius that he knew whom he could trust, and that his -trust was never misplaced.</p> - -<p>When Henry VIII. was smarting under his rebuff -from Maximilian and Ferdinand, he concerted with -Wolsey how he might avenge himself, and Wolsey -devised his scheme in entire secrecy. Ferdinand and -Maximilian had left England in the lurch by making a -truce with France. Wolsey resolved to outdo them in -their own lines. They had elected to maintain the existing -condition of affairs by checking England's aspirations -and lending a cold support to France. Wolsey -resolved to turn France into a firm ally, that so England -and France united might form a new combination, before -which the schemes of Ferdinand would be powerless.</p> - -<p>Wolsey luckily had the means of approaching Louis -XII. without attracting attention. Amongst the -prisoners taken in the Battle of the Spurs was the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">{32}</a></span> -young Duke of Longueville, a favourite of the French -king. He had been sent to London, to the sore disturbance -of Queen Katharine, who, being a sensible woman, -thought that the best thing to do with a prisoner was -to confine him in the Tower. On Henry's return -the Duke of Longueville was released, and amused -himself at Court like any one else. Through him -Wolsey opened up secret communications with Louis -XII., whose domestic circumstances luckily gave a handle -for Wolsey's designs. In January 1514 the French -queen died; and although the widowed husband had -reached the age of fifty-two, it was known that he was -looking out for a young bride.</p> - -<p>It has always been one of the most revolting features -of dynastic politics that the private relationships of -members of ruling families have been entirely determined -by considerations of dynastic expediency. In -the sixteenth century this was eminently the case. -Alliances were family arrangements, and corresponded -to motives of family aggrandisement rather than to -national interests. They were sealed by marriages, -they were broken by divorces. So great were the -responsibilities of royalty that the private life of members -of royal houses was entirely sunk in their official -position. They were mere counters to be moved -about the board at will, and disposed of according to -the needs of family politics. Such a victim of circumstances -was Henry VIII.'s younger sister, the Princess -Mary, a bright and intelligent girl of seventeen. She -was betrothed to Charles, Prince of Castile, and it had -been arranged that the marriage should take place -when he reached the age of fourteen. The time was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">{33}</a></span> -come for the fulfilment of the promise; but Ferdinand -did not wish to see his troublesome grandson more -closely united to England, which had shown such ambitious -inclinations. Maximilian, the guardian of -Charles, wavered between his desire to please Henry -and Ferdinand, and invented one excuse after another -for not proceeding with his grandson's marriage.</p> - -<p>Wolsey allowed Maximilian to go on with his shifty -talk, and was only too glad to see him fall into the trap. -His negotiations with France were progressing, and the -outward sign of the new alliance was to be the marriage -of Mary to Louis XII. So secretly were the arrangements -made that Europe was taken by surprise when, -at the end of July, it was gradually known that the -alliance between France and England was an accomplished -fact. The marriage contract was soon signed, -and in October Mary went to Abbeville, where she was -met by her elderly husband.</p> - -<p>The result of this clever diplomacy was to secure -England the respect and envy of Europe. It was clear -that henceforth England was a power which had to be -reckoned with. Ferdinand was taught that he could -no longer count on using his dutiful son-in-law as he -thought most convenient to himself. Maximilian sadly -reflected that if he needed English gold in the future he -must show a little more dexterity in his game of playing -fast and loose with everybody. Pope Leo X. was not over-pleased -at seeing England develop a policy of her own, -and looked coldly on Wolsey. After the death of Cardinal -Bainbridge Henry wrote to the Pope and begged -him to make Wolsey cardinal in his room. "Such are -his merits," said the king, "that I esteem him above -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">{34}</a></span> -my dearest friends, and can do nothing of importance -without him." Leo X. coldly replied that there were -great difficulties in the way of creating a cardinal: the -title, he reminded the king, was much sought after, and -admitted its bearer to the highest rank: he must wait a -more suitable time. It would seem that the Pope -wished to have further guarantees of England's goodwill, -and hinted that Wolsey must give pledges of his -good behaviour.</p> - -<p>England did not long enjoy the diplomatic victory -which Wolsey had won by his brilliant scheme of -a French alliance. Henry still had a longing for -military glory, with which Wolsey had little sympathy. -He wished to revenge himself on his perfidious father-in-law, -and proposed to Louis XII. an attack upon -Navarre, and even thought of claiming a portion of the -kingdom of Castile, as rightfully belonging to Queen -Katharine. Whatever projects Henry may have had -came to an end on the death of Louis on the 1st of -January 1515. The elderly bridegroom, it was said, tried -too well to humour the social disposition of his sprightly -bride. He changed his manner of life, and kept late -hours, till his health entirely gave way, and he sank -under his well-meant efforts to renew the gallantry of -youth.</p> - -<div class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">{35}</a></div> - - <h2>CHAPTER III<br /> - <span class="small">THE UNIVERSAL PEACE<br /> - 1515-1518</span></h2> - -<p class="nodent"><span class="smcap">The</span> -death of Louis XII. was a severe blow to Wolsey. -The French alliance was not popular in England, and -was bitterly opposed by the Duke of Norfolk and the -party of the old nobility, who saw with dislike the growing -influence of Wolsey. They now had an opportunity of -reversing his policy and securing his downfall. It required -all Wolsey's sagacity to devise a means of solving the -difficulties which the death of Louis created. The new -King of France, Francis I., was aged twenty-one, and -was as ambitious of distinction as was Henry. The -treaty between France and England had not yet been -carried out, and it would require much dexterity to -modify its provisions. The kings of the sixteenth -century were keen men of business, and never let money -slip through their hands. The widowed Queen of -France must, of course, return to England, but there -were all sorts of questions about her dowry and the -jewels which Louis had given her. Henry claimed that -she should bring back with her everything to which any -title could be urged: Francis I. wished to give up as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">{36}</a></span> -little as possible. The two monarchs haggled like two -hucksters, and neither of them had any care of the -happiness or reputation of the young girl round whom -they bickered. In the background stood Wolsey's -enemies, who saw that if they could create a rupture -between France and England Wolsey's influence would -be at an end.</p> - -<p>In these dangerous conditions Wolsey had to seek an -ally in Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and had to -trust to his private knowledge of the character of Queen -Mary. She had the strong will of the Tudors, and had -also their craving for admiration. These two qualities -seem to have drawn her in opposite directions. While -her marriage with Prince Charles was talked of she professed -the greatest admiration for him, and gazed with -rapture on a very bad portrait of her intended husband. -But this did not prevent her from being attracted by -the personal fascinations of the Duke of Suffolk, as -Wolsey knew. When he negotiated the French alliance -he had some difficulty in overcoming Mary's repugnance -to an old husband; but she viewed the proposal in a -business-like way, and was not indifferent to the position -of Queen of France. She looked forward to a speedy -widowhood, and extracted from Henry a promise that, -if she undertook to marry for the first time to please -him, she might choose her second husband to please -herself. When Mary was free the hopes of the Duke -of Suffolk revived, and Wolsey knowing this, chose -him as the best instrument for clearing away the difficulties -raised by Francis I., and bringing back Mary -honourably to England.</p> - -<p>Francis, on his side, used his knowledge of the current -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">{37}</a></span> -rumour to extract from Mary her confidences about Suffolk, -and with this knowledge approached Suffolk as a friend. -By alternately encouraging Suffolk and terrifying Mary -he turned Wolsey's ambassador into an anxious lover. -Still Wolsey trusted that Suffolk would the more bestir -himself to bring Mary back, and would make such terms -with Francis as would commend his suit to Henry. But -Wolsey's enemies led Henry to make exorbitant demands, -which Francis met by redoubling his persecution -of Mary. At last she asked Suffolk to marry her, which -he did in secret. After this Francis was free from any -further need of conciliating Henry, who must take back -his sister on any terms, and Wolsey was left to appease -Henry as best he could. In April Mary and Suffolk -returned to England, and in May the luckless pair were -publicly married. Wolsey manfully befriended Suffolk in -this matter, but the calculations of his diplomacy were hopelessly -upset by private feelings and the rashness of passion.</p> - -<p>However, Mary received part of her dowry and -some of her jewels. Francis I. had no wish to quarrel -with England, but only to make the best terms for himself. -He was bent upon gathering laurels in Italy, and -on 5th April renewed the alliance between France and -England. This time, however, the treaty was little -more than a truce, and many questions were left untouched; -no mention was made of the return of Tournai, -and the question of Mary's jewels was left undecided. -Francis I. counted on keeping England quiet by an -alliance which he formed at the same time with Ferdinand, -while he won over the Flemish counsellors of Prince -Charles, who betrothed himself to the infant daughter -of Louis XII., Renée, a child of four.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">{38}</a></span> -Thus he had cleared the way for an expedition -to Italy, where he longed to claim for France the -Duchy of Milan, that had been won and lost by Louis -XII. In July he set out contentedly, knowing that -Henry was powerless to interfere. He treated England -with neglect, and gave Henry no information of his -movements. England looked on with growing jealousy -while Francis crossed the Alps and in September -defeated the Swiss mercenaries who held Milan in -the name of the last Sforza Duke. The battle of Marignano -(14th September) was a splendid success for -Francis, who there beat back the Swiss infantry, hitherto -considered invincible in Europe. The star of France -had risen, and Francis could look round with proud -superiority.</p> - -<p>The princes of Europe were alarmed beyond measure at -the completeness of the French success. They had looked -with equanimity at the preparations of Francis, because -they expected that he would be delayed, or, if he -attacked the Swiss, would be defeated. But his rapid -march soon convinced men that he was in earnest, and -especially excited the fear of Pope Leo X., whose ingenious -policy of being secretly allied with everybody was disturbed -by this display of unexpected vigour. The -alarm of the Pope was useful to Wolsey. It awakened -him to the need of making the English king his friend, -and fulfilling his desire to have Wolsey created cardinal. -Wolsey had not ceased, through his agent, the Bishop of -Worcester, to urge this point upon the Pope, and when -Francis was well advanced on his road to Milan the -pleadings of Wolsey were irresistible. "If the King of -England forsake the Pope," wrote Wolsey to the Bishop -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">{39}</a></span> -of Worcester, "he will be in greater danger on this day -two years than ever was Pope Julius." Leo X. had no -wish to run the risks which the impetuous Julius II. -faced with unbroken spirit. He prepared to keep himself -supplied with allies to protect him against all emergencies, -and on 10th September nominated Wolsey cardinal -sole, a special mark of favour, as cardinals were -generally created in batches at intervals.</p> - -<p>Wolsey's creation was not popular in the Roman -Court. Cardinal Bainbridge had been overbearing in -manner and hasty in temper, and the English were disliked -for their outspokenness. England was regarded -as a political upstart, and Wolsey was considered to be -a fitting emblem of the country which he represented. -Moreover, the attitude of England in ecclesiastical -matters was not marked by that subservience which the -Papacy wished to exact, and many doubted the expediency -of exalting in ecclesiastical authority an English -prelate of such far-reaching views as Wolsey was known -to hold. An official of the Roman Court gives the -following account of the current opinion:—</p> - -<p>"Men say that an English Cardinal ought not to be -created lightly, because the English behave themselves -insolently in that dignity, as was shown in the case of -Cardinal Bainbridge just dead. Moreover, as Wolsey is -the intimate friend of the king, he will not be contented -with the Cardinalate alone, but, as is the custom of -these barbarians, will wish to have the office of legate -over all England. If this be granted the influence of -the Roman Court will be at an end; if it be not granted -the Cardinal will be the Pope's enemy and will favour -France. But despite all this the Pope, in whose hands -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">{40}</a></span> -alone the matter was, created him Cardinal on the -seventh of September."</p> - -<p>This elevation of Wolsey was due to the strong -expression of desire on the part of Henry, who further -asked that legatine powers should be given to the -new cardinal. This Leo refused for the present; -he had done enough to induce Henry to enter into a -secret league for the protection of the Church, which -meant a convenient pretext for attacking Francis -if he became too powerful in Italy. When this was -arranged the red hat was sent to England, and its reception -gave Wolsey an opportunity of displaying his -love for magnificent ceremonial. On 17th November -it was placed on his head by Archbishop Warham in -Westminster Abbey.</p> - -<p>Ceremonial, however splendid, was but an episode in -Wolsey's diplomatic business. The news of the French -victory at Marignano was so unpleasant that Henry VIII. -for some time refused to believe it to be true. When -at last it was impossible to doubt any longer, the -necessity became urgent to put a spoke in the wheel of -Francis I. England was not prepared to go to war -with France without allies, and Wolsey developed his -cleverness in attaining his ends by secret means. Nothing -could be done by uniting with the cautious -Ferdinand; but the flighty Maximilian was a more -hopeful subject. The only troops that could be used -against France were the German and Swiss mercenaries, -men who made war a trade, and were trained and disciplined -soldiers. The first means of injuring France was -to prevent her from hiring Swiss soldiers, and the -second was to induce Maximilian to undertake an -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">{41}</a></span> -Italian expedition in his own interests. As regards the -Swiss, it was merely a matter of money, for they were -ready to sell themselves to the highest bidder. In like -manner it was easy to subsidise Maximilian, but it was -difficult to hold him to his promise and be sure that he -would spend the money on the right purpose. Wolsey, -however, resolved to try and use Maximilian; he offered -him the aid of a large contingent of the Swiss if he -would attack Milan. Knowing the delicacy of the -enterprise and the slipperiness of Maximilian, Wolsey -entrusted this matter to a man whose pertinacity had -been already tried,—Richard Pace, secretary of Cardinal -Bainbridge, who had stubbornly insisted on an investigation -of the circumstances of his master's death, and had -annoyed the Roman Court by his watchful care of his -master's effects. Pace was sent to hire soldiers amongst -the Swiss, and Wolsey's ingenuity was sorely tried to -supply him with money secretly and safely.</p> - -<p>The hindrances which beset Pace in carrying out his -instructions decorously were very many. Not the least -troublesome was the want of intelligence displayed by -Sir Robert Wingfield, the English envoy to Maximilian. -Wingfield belonged to the old school of English officials, -honest and industrious, but entirely incapable of <i>finesse</i>. -He did not understand what Pace was about; he could -not comprehend Wolsey's hints, but was a blind admirer -of Maximilian, and was made his tool in his efforts to -get the gold of England and do nothing in return. But -Pace was deaf to the entreaties of Maximilian and to -the lofty remonstrances of Wingfield. He raised 17,000 -Swiss soldiers, who were to serve under their own -general, and whose pay was not to pass through Maximilian's -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">{42}</a></span> -hands. Maximilian was sorely disappointed at -this result, but led his troops to join the Swiss in an -attack on Milan. On 24th March 1516, the combined -army was a few miles from Milan, which was poorly -defended, and victory seemed secure. Suddenly Maximilian -began to hesitate, and then drew off his forces -and retired. We can only guess at the motive of this -strange proceeding; perhaps he had never been in -earnest, and only meant to extract money from England. -When Pace refused to pay he probably negotiated with -Francis I., and obtained money from him. Anyhow his -withdrawal was fatal to the expedition. The Germans -at Brescia seized the money which was sent to Pace for -the payment of the Swiss. The Swiss in anger mutinied, -and Pace was for some days thrown into prison. -Maximilian vaguely promised to return, but the Swiss -troops naturally disbanded. Such was Maximilian's -meanness that he threatened Pace, now deserted and -broken by disappointment, that if he did not advance -him money he would make peace with France. Pace, -afraid to run the risk, pledged Henry VIII. to pay -60,000 florins. All this time Wingfield was convinced -that it was Pace's ill-judged parsimony that had wrought -this disaster, and he continued to write in a strain of -superior wisdom to Wolsey. He even, at Maximilian's -bidding, forged Pace's name to receipts for money. -Never was diplomat in more hopeless plight than the -unlucky Pace.</p> - -<p>Wolsey saw that his plan had failed, but he put a -good face upon his failure. Maximilian enjoyed the -advantage which consummate meanness always gives -for a moment. He put down the failure to niggardliness -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">{43}</a></span> -in the supplies, and showed his goodwill towards -Henry by treating him to fantastic proposals. If -Henry would only cross to Flanders with 6000 men, -Maximilian would meet him with his army, set him -up as Duke of Milan, and resign the Empire in his -favour. This preposterous scheme did not for a moment -dazzle the good sense of the English counsellors. Pace, -in announcing it to Wolsey, pointed out that the Emperor -spoke without the consent of the Electors, that Maximilian -was thoroughly untrustworthy, and that Henry -in such an enterprise might imperil his hold upon the -English Crown, "which," writes Pace with pardonable -pride, "is this day more esteemed than the Emperor's -crown and all his empire." Henry was of the same -opinion; and Maximilian failed on this plea "to pluck -money from the king craftily." Pace remained, and -jingled English money in Maximilian's ear, as a means -of preventing him from turning to France; but not a -penny was Maximilian allowed to touch, to Sir Robert -Wingfield's great annoyance. Pace so far succeeded, that -when, in November 1516, Francis I. made an alliance -with the Swiss, five of the cantons stood aloof. Pace -was rewarded for his labours and sufferings by being -made a secretary of state. Sir Robert Wingfield received -a severe rebuke from the king, which sorely disturbed -his self-complacency. But it is characteristic of Wolsey's -absence of personal feeling that Wingfield was not -recalled from his post. Wolsey saw that he had been no -more foolish than most other Englishmen would have -been in his place.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile a change had taken place in the affairs -of Europe which turned the attention of France and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">{44}</a></span> -England alike in a new direction. Ferdinand the -Catholic died in January 1516, and the preponderance of -France had so alarmed him that he laid aside his plan of -dividing the power of the House of Austria by instituting -his second grandson, Ferdinand, King of Spain. After -the battle of Marignano he changed his will in favour -of his eldest grandson, the Archduke Charles, who now -added the Spanish kingdoms to his possession of the -Netherlands. The young prince had just emancipated -himself from the tutelage of Maximilian, but was under -the influence of ministers who pursued a purely Flemish -policy, and longed to give peace to the Netherlands by -an alliance with France. England was connected with -Flanders by commercial interests, and long negotiations -had been conducted with the Flemish Government for a -close alliance. But Charles's advisers were won over by -France, and Charles himself was attracted by the hope -of a French marriage. His position was difficult, as he -was poor and helpless; he could not even go to take -possession of the Spanish Crowns without help from one -side or the other. Had he been older and wiser he -would have seen that it was safer to accept the gold of -Henry VIII., from whose future projects he had nothing -to fear, rather than try and secure a precarious peace for -the Netherlands by an alliance with France. However, -Charles turned a cold ear to the English ambassadors, -and his ministers secretly brought about a treaty with -France, which was signed at Noyon in August 1516.</p> - -<p>The Treaty of Noyon was a further rebuff to Wolsey, -England was passed by in silence, and a tempting bait -was laid to draw Maximilian also into the French -alliance, and so leave England entirely without allies. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">{45}</a></span> -Maximilian had been for some time at war with Venice -about the possession of the towns of Brescia and Verona. -The Treaty of Noyon provided that the Venetians should -pay the Emperor 200,000 crowns and remain in possession -of the disputed territory. Maximilian used this offer -to put himself up to auction; he expressed his detestation -of the peace of Noyon, but pleaded that unless -Henry came to his help he would be driven by -poverty to accept the proffered terms. Henry answered -by a proposal that Maximilian should earn the -price he fixed upon his services: let him come into the -Netherlands, and work the overthrow of the unworthy -ministers who gave such evil advice to their sovereign. -Maximilian stipulated for the allowance which he was to -receive for the expenses of a journey to the Netherlands, -for which he began to make preparations. He raised all -possible doubts and difficulties, and received all the money -he could extract on any pretext from Henry VIII.; at -last he secretly signed the Treaty of Noyon in December, -and drew his payments from both parties so long as he -could keep his game unsuspected.</p> - -<p>But Wolsey was not so much deceived as Maximilian -thought, and showed no discomfiture when Maximilian's -shiftiness at length came to light. If Maximilian would -not be faithful it was well that his untrustworthiness -should be openly shown, and Francis I., who was watching -his manœuvres, could not feel proud of his new ally. -He knew what he had to expect from Maximilian when -the 200,000 crowns were spent. The money that had -been spent on Maximilian was not wasted if it gave -him an encouragement to display his feebleness to the -full.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">{46}</a></span> -So Henry maintained a dignified attitude, and -showed no resentment. He received Maximilian's excuses -with cold politeness, and waited for Francis I. to discover -the futility of his new alliances. Maximilian was -clearly of no account. Charles had gained all that he -could gain from his league with France towards quieting -the Netherlands; for his next step, a journey to Spain, -he needed the help of England, and soon dropped his -attitude of indifference. After thwarting England as -much as he could, he was driven to beg for a loan to -cover the expenses of his journey, and England showed -no petty resentment for his past conduct. The loan was -negotiated, Charles's ambassadors were honourably received, -it was even proposed that he should visit -Henry on his way. This honour Charles cautiously -declined on the ground of ill health; but all the other -marks of Henry's goodwill were accepted with gratitude, -and in September 1517 Charles set out on his voyage to -Spain, where he found enough to employ his energies -for some time.</p> - -<p>This conciliatory attitude of England was due to a -perception that the time had come when simple opposition -to France was no longer useful. England had so -far succeeded as to prevent the French ascendency from -being complete; she had stemmed the current, had -shown Francis I. the extent of her resources, and had -displayed unexpected skill. Moreover, she had made -it clear that neither she nor France could form a combination -sufficiently powerful to enable the one to crush -the other, and had given Francis I. a lesson as to the -amount of fidelity he might expect from his allies. -When it was clear to both sides that there was no hope -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">{47}</a></span> -for far-reaching schemes, it was natural for the two -powers to draw together, and seek a reasonable redress -for the grievances which immediately affected them.</p> - -<p>Chief amongst these on the French side was the possession -of Tournai by the English, glorious, no doubt, -as a trophy of English valour, but of very doubtful advantage -to England. Negotiations about its restoration -were begun as early as March 1517, and were conducted -with profound secrecy. Of course Charles hoped to get -Tournai into his own hands, and did not wish it to be -restored to France. It was necessary to keep him in -ignorance of what was going on, and not till he had -sailed to Spain were there any rumours of what was -passing.</p> - -<p>Wolsey and Henry VIII. deceived the ambassadors -of Charles and of Venice by their repeated professions -of hostility against France, and Charles's remonstrances -were answered by equivocations, so that he had no opportunity -for interfering till the matter had been agreed -upon as part of a close alliance between England and -France. The negotiations for this purpose were long and -intricate, and form the masterpiece of Wolsey's diplomatic -skill. They were made more difficult by the outbreak -in England of a pestilence, the sweating sickness, -before which Henry fled from London and moved uneasily -from place to place. Wolsey was attacked by it -in June so seriously that his life was despaired of; -scarcely was he recovered when he suffered from a -second attack, and soon after went on a pilgrimage to -Walsingham to perform a vow and enjoy change of air. -But with this exception, he stuck manfully to his work -in London, where, beside his manifold duties in internal -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">{48}</a></span> -administration, he directed the course of the negotiations -with France.</p> - -<p>In fact Wolsey alone was responsible for the change -of policy indicated by the French alliance. He had -thoroughly carried the king with him; but he was well -aware that his course was likely to be exceedingly unpopular, -and that on him would fall the blame of any -failure. Henry did not even inform his Council of his -plans. He knew that they would all have been opposed -to such a sudden change of policy, which could only be -justified in their eyes by its manifest advantage in the -end. Wolsey was conscious that he must not only conclude -an alliance with France, but must show beyond -dispute a clear gain to England from so doing.</p> - -<p>Wolsey's difficulties were somewhat lessened by the -birth of an heir to the French Crown in February 1518. -France could now offer, as a guarantee for her close -alliance with England, a proposal of marriage between -the Dauphin and Henry's only daughter Mary. Still -the negotiations cautiously went on while Wolsey -drove the hardest bargain that he could. They were -not finished till September, when a numerous body of -French nobles came on a splendid embassy to London. -Never had such magnificence been seen in England before -as that with which Henry VIII. received his new -allies. Even the French nobles admitted that it was -beyond their power to describe. Wolsey entertained -the company at a sumptuous supper in his house at -Westminster, "the like of which," says the Venetian -envoy, "was never given by Cleopatra or Caligula, the -whole banqueting hall being decorated with huge vases -of gold and silver." After the banquet a band of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">{49}</a></span> -mummers, wearing visors on their faces, entered and -danced. There were twelve ladies and twelve gentlemen, -attended by twelve torch-bearers; all were clad -alike "in fine green satin, all over covered with cloth -of gold, undertied together with laces of gold." They -danced for some time and then removed their masks, and -the evening passed in mirth. Such were the festivities -of the English Court, which Shakespeare has reproduced, -accurately enough, in his play of <i>Henry VIII.</i></p> - -<p>But these Court festivities were only preliminary to -the public ceremonies whereby Wolsey impressed the -imagination of the people. The proclamation of the -treaty and the marriage of the Princess Mary by proxy -were both the occasions of splendid ceremonies in -St. Paul's Cathedral. The people were delighted by -pageantry and good cheer; the opposition of old-fashioned -politicians was overborne in the prevailing -enthusiasm; and men spoke only of the triumph of a -pacific policy which had achieved results such as warfare -could not have won. Indeed, the advantages which -England obtained were substantial. France bought -back Tournai for 600,000 crowns, and entered into a -close alliance with England, which cut it off from interference -in the affairs of Scotland, which was included in -the peace so long as it abstained from hostilities. But -more important than this was the fact that Wolsey insisted -on the alliance between France and England being -made the basis of a universal peace. The Pope, the Emperor, -the King of Spain, were all invited to join, and -all complied with the invitation.</p> - -<p>None of them, however, complied with goodwill, -least of all Pope Leo X., whose claim to be the official -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">{50}</a></span> -pacifier of Europe was rudely set aside by the audacious -action of Wolsey. Leo hoped that the bestowal of a -cardinal's hat had established a hold on Wolsey's gratitude; -but he soon found that he was mistaken, and that -his cunning was no match for Wolsey's force. No sooner -had Wolsey obtained the cardinalate than he pressed -for the further dignity of papal legate in England. Not -unnaturally Leo refused to endow with such an office -a minister already so powerful as to be almost independent; -but Wolsey made him pay for his refusal. -Leo wanted money, and the pressure of the Turk on -Southern Europe lent a colour to his demand of clerical -taxation for the purposes of a crusade. In 1517 he sent -out legates to the chief kings of Christendom; but -Henry refused to admit Cardinal Campeggio, saying that -"it was not the rule of this realm to admit legates <i>à -latere</i>." Then Wolsey intervened and suggested that -Campeggio might come if he would exercise no exceptional -powers, and if his dignity were shared by -himself. Leo was forced to yield, and Campeggio's -arrival was made the occasion of stately ceremonies -which redounded to Wolsey's glorification. Campeggio -got little for the crusade, but served to grace the festivities -of the French alliance, and afterwards to convey -the Pope's adhesion to the universal peace. Wolsey -had taken matters out of the Pope's hand, and Leo -was driven to follow his lead with what grace he could -muster. Perhaps as he sighed over his discomfiture he -consoled himself with the thought that the new peace -would not last much longer than those previously made: -if he did, he was right in his opinion.</p> - -<div class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">{51}</a></div> - - <h2>CHAPTER IV<br /> - <span class="small">THE FIELD OF THE CLOTH OF GOLD<br /> - 1518-1520</span></h2> - -<p class="nodent"><span class="smcap">The</span> -object of Wolsey's foreign policy had been attained -by the universal peace of 1518. England had been set -up as the mediator in the politics of Europe. The old -claims of the empire and the papacy had passed away -in the conflict of national and dynastic interests, in which -papacy and empire were alike involved. England, by -virtue of its insular position, was practically outside the -objects of immediate ambition which distracted its Continental -neighbours; but England's commercial interests -made her desirous of influence, and Henry VIII. was -bent upon being an important personage. It was -Wolsey's object to gratify the king at the least expense -to the country, and so long as the king could be exalted -by peaceful means, the good of England was certainly -promoted at the same time. The position of England -as the pacifier of Europe was one well qualified to -develop a national consciousness of great duties to perform; -and it may be doubted if a country is ever great -unless it has a clear consciousness of some great mission.</p> - -<p>Wolsey's policy had been skilful, and the results -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">{52}</a></span> -which he had obtained were glorious; but it was difficult -to maintain the position which he had won. It was -one thing to proclaim a peace; it was another to contrive -that peace should be kept. One important question -was looming in the distance when Wolsey's peace was -signed,—the succession to the empire on Maximilian's -death. Unfortunately this question came rapidly forward -for decision, as Maximilian died suddenly on -12th January 1519, and the politicians of Europe waited -breathlessly to see who would be chosen as his successor.</p> - -<p>The election to the empire rested with the seven -electors, the chief princes of Germany; but if they had -been minded on this occasion to exercise freely their right, -it would have been difficult for them to do so. The empire -had for a century been with the house of Austria, and Maximilian -had schemed eagerly that it should pass to his -grandson Charles. It is true that Charles was already -King of Spain, Lord of the Netherlands, and King of -Naples and Sicily, so that it seemed dangerous to increase -still further his great dominions. But Charles urged his -claim, and his great rival, Francis I. of France, entered -the lists against him. Strange as it may seem that a -French king should aspire to rule over Germany, Francis -I. could urge that he was almost as closely connected -with Germany as was Charles, whose interests were -bound up with those of Spain and the Netherlands. In -the face of these two competitors, it was hard for the -electors to find a candidate of a humbler sort who would -venture to draw upon himself the wrath of their disappointment. -Moreover, the task of ruling Germany -was not such as to attract a small prince. The Turks -were threatening its borders, and a strong man was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">{53}</a></span> -needed to deal with many pressing problems of its -government. The electors, however, were scarcely guilty -of any patriotic considerations; they quietly put up their -votes for auction between Francis and Charles, and -deferred a choice as long as they could.</p> - -<p>Both competitors turned for help to their allies, the -Pope and the King of England, who found themselves -greatly perplexed. Leo X. did not wish to see French -influence increased, as France was a dangerous neighbour -in Italy; nor did he wish to see the empire and -the kingdom of Naples both held by the same man, for -that was against the immemorial policy of the Papacy. -So Leo intrigued and prevaricated to such an extent -that it is almost impossible to determine what he was -aiming at. He managed, however, to throw hindrances -in Wolsey's path, though we cannot be sure that he -intended to do so.</p> - -<p>Wolsey's plan of action was clear, though it was not -dignified. He wished to preserve England's mediating -attitude and give offence to no one; consequently, he -secretly promised his help both to Charles and Francis, -and tried to arrange that each should be ignorant of his -promises to the other. All went well till Leo, in his -diplomatic divagations, commissioned his legate to suggest -to Henry VIII. that it might be possible, after all, -to find some third candidate for the empire, and that he -was ready to try and put off the election for that -purpose, if Henry agreed. Henry seems to have -considered this as a hint from the Pope to become a -candidate himself. He remembered that Maximilian -had offered to resign the empire in his favour, but he -forgot the sufficient reasons which had led him to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">{54}</a></span> -dismiss the proposal as fantastic and absurd. His -vanity was rather tickled with the notion of rivalling -Charles and Francis, and he thought that if the Pope -were on his side, his chances would be as good as theirs.</p> - -<p>We can only guess at Wolsey's dismay when his -master laid this project before him. Whatever Wolsey -thought, he knew that it was useless to offer any opposition. -However much he might be able to influence the -king's opinions in the making, he knew that he must -execute them when they were made. If Henry -had made up his mind to become a candidate for the -empire, a candidate he must be. All that could be done -was to prevent his determination from being hopelessly -disastrous. So Wolsey pointed out that great as were -the advantages to be obtained by gaining the empire, -there were dangers in being an unsuccessful candidate. -It was necessary first to make sure of the Pope, and then -to prosecute Henry's candidature by fair and honourable -means. Francis was spending money lavishly to win -supporters to his side; and Charles was reluctantly compelled -to follow his example lest he should be outbid. -It would be unwise for Henry to squander his money -and simply raise the market price of the votes. Let -him make it clear to the greedy Germans that they -would not see the colour of England's money till the -English king had been really elected.</p> - -<p>So Wolsey sent the most cautious instructions to his -agent in Rome to see if the Pope would take the responsibility -of urging Henry to become a candidate; -but Leo was too cautious, and affected not to understand -the hint. Then in May, Pace, who was now the king's -secretary, was sent to Germany to sound the electors -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">{55}</a></span> -with equal care. He was to approach the electors who -were on Francis's side, as though Henry were in favour -of Francis, and was to act similarly to those who were -in favour of Charles; then he was to hint cautiously -that it might be well to choose some one more closely -connected with Germany, and if they showed any acquiescence, -was to suggest that Henry was "of the -German tongue," and then was to sing his praises. -Probably both Pace and Wolsey knew that it was too -late to do anything serious. Pace reported that the -money of France and Spain was flowing on all sides, -and was of opinion that the empire was "the dearest -merchandise that ever was sold," and would prove "the -worst that ever was bought to him that shall obtain it." -Yet still he professed to have hopes, and even asked for -money to enter the lists of corruption. But this was -needless, as the election at last proceeded quickly. The -Pope came round to the side of Charles as being the -least of two evils, and Charles was elected on 28th June.</p> - -<p>Thus Wolsey succeeded in satisfying his master's -demands without committing England to any breach -with either of her allies. Henry VIII. could scarcely be -gratified at the part that he had played, but Wolsey -could convince him that he had tried his best, and that -at any rate no harm had been done. Though Henry's -proceedings were known to Francis and Charles, -there was nothing at which they could take offence. -Henry had behaved with duplicity, but that was only to -be expected in those days; he had not pronounced himself -strongly against either. The ill-will that had long -been simmering between Charles V. and Francis I. -had risen to the surface, and the long rivalry between -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">{56}</a></span> -the two monarchs was now declared. Each looked for -allies, and the most important ally was England. Each -had hopes of winning over the English king, and Wolsey -wished to keep alive, without satisfying, the hopes of -both, and so establish still more securely the power of -England as holding the balance of the peace of Europe.</p> - -<p>Wolsey's conduct in this matter throws much light -on his relations to the king, and the method by which -he retained his influence and managed to carry out his -own designs. He appreciated the truth that a statesman -must lead while seeming to follow—a truth which applies -equally to all forms of government. Wolsey was responsible -to no one but the king, and so had a better -opportunity than has a statesman who serves a democracy -to obtain permission to carry out a consecutive -policy. But, on the other hand, he was more liable to -be thwarted and interrupted in matters of detail by the -interference of a superior. Wolsey's far-seeing policy -was endangered by the king's vanity and obstinacy; -he could not ask for time to justify his own wisdom, -but was forced to obey. Yet even then he would not -abandon his own position and set himself to minimise -the inconvenience. It is impossible to know how often -Wolsey was at other times obliged to give way to the -king and adopt the second-best course; but in this case -we find clear indications of the process. When he was -driven from his course, he contrived that the deviation -should be as unimportant as possible.</p> - -<p>Wolsey's task of maintaining peace by English mediation -was beset with difficulties now that the breach -between Francis I. and Charles V. was clearly made. It -was necessary for England to be friendly to both, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">{57}</a></span> -not to be drawn by its friendliness towards either to -offend the other. In the matter of the imperial election -English influence had been somewhat on the side of -Charles, and Francis was now the one who needed -propitiation. The treaty with France had provided for -a personal interview between the two kings, and Francis -was anxious that it should take place at once. For -this purpose he strove to win the good offices of -Wolsey. He assured him that in case of a papal election -he could command fourteen votes which should be given -in his favour. Moreover, he conferred on him a signal -mark of his confidence by nominating him his plenipotentiary -for the arrangements about the forthcoming -interview. By this all difficulties were removed, and -Wolsey stood forward before the eyes of Europe as the -accredited representative of the kings of England and -France at the same time. It is no wonder that men -marvelled at such an unheard-of position for an English -subject.</p> - -<p>But nothing that Francis had to give could turn -Wolsey away from his own path. No sooner did he -know that the French interview was agreed upon than -he suggested to Charles that it would be well for -him also to have a meeting with the English king. The -proposal was eagerly accepted, and Wolsey conducted -the negotiations about both interviews side by side. -Rarely did two meetings cause such a flow of ink and -raise so many knotty points. At last it was agreed that -Charles should visit Henry in England in an informal -way before the French interview took place. It was -difficult to induce the punctilious Spaniards to give -way to Wolsey's requirements. It was a hard thing for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">{58}</a></span> -one who bore the high-sounding title of Emperor to agree -to visit a King of England on his own terms. But -Wolsey was resolute that everything should be done in -such a way as to give France the least cause of complaint. -When the Spanish envoys objected to his -arrangements or proposed alterations, he brought them -to their bearings by saying, "Very well; then do not do it -and begone." They were made to feel their dependence -on himself. The interview was of their seeking, and must -be held on terms which he proposed, or not at all. This, -no doubt, was felt to be very haughty conduct on -Wolsey's part; but he had set on foot the scheme of -this double interview, by which Henry was to be -glorified and England's mediatorial position assured. It -was his business to see that his plan succeeded. So he -turned a deaf ear to the offers of the Spanish ambassadors. -He was not to be moved by the promise of -ecclesiastical revenues in Spain. Even when the influence -of Spain was proffered to secure his election to the -Papacy, he coldly refused.</p> - -<p>It has been said that Wolsey was open to bribes, -and his seemingly tortuous policy has been accounted -for by the supposition that he inclined to the side which -promised him most. This, however, is an entire mistake. -Wolsey went his own way; but at the same time he did -not disregard his personal profit. He was too great a -man to be bribed; but his greatness entailed magnificence, -and magnificence is expensive. He regarded it as -natural that sovereigns who threw work upon his -shoulders should make some recognition of his labours. -This was the custom of the time; and Wolsey was by no -means singular in receiving gifts from foreign kings. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">{59}</a></span> -The chief lords of Henry's Court received pensions from -the King of France; and the lords of the French -Court were similarly rewarded by Henry. This was -merely a complimentary custom, and was open and -avowed. Wolsey received a pension from Francis I., -and a further sum as compensation for the bishopric of -Tournai, which he resigned when Tournai was returned -to France. In like manner, Charles V. rewarded him -by a Spanish bishopric; but Wolsey declined the office -of bishop, and preferred to receive a fixed pension -secured on the revenues of the see. This iniquitous -arrangement was carried out with the Pope's consent; -and such like arrangements were by no means rare. -They were the natural result of the excessive wealth of -the Church, which was diverted to the royal uses by a -series of fictions, more or less barefaced, but all tending -to the weakening of the ecclesiastical organisation. Still -the fact remains that Wolsey thought no shame of -receiving pensions from Francis and Charles alike; but -there was nothing secret nor extraordinary in this. -Wolsey regarded it as only obvious that his statesmanship -should be rewarded by those for whom it was -exercised; but the Emperor and the King of France -never hoped that by these pensions they would attach -Wolsey to their side. The promise by which they tried -to win him was the promise of the Papacy; and to this -Wolsey turned a deaf ear. "He is seven times more -powerful than the Pope," wrote the Venetian ambassador; -and perhaps Wolsey himself at this time was of the -same opinion.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile Francis was annoyed when he heard of -these dealings with Charles, and tried to counteract -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">{60}</a></span> -them by pressing for an early date of his meeting with -Henry VIII. It is amazing to find how large a part -domestic events were made to play in these matters of -high policy when occasion needed. Francis urged that -he was very anxious for his queen to be present to -welcome Katharine; but she was expecting her confinement, -and if the interview did not take place soon she -would be unable to appear. Wolsey replied with equal -concern for family affairs, that the Emperor was anxious -to visit his aunt, whom he had never seen, and Henry -could not be so churlish as to refuse a visit from -his wife's relative. Katharine, on her side, was overjoyed -at this renewal of intimacy with the Spanish -Court, to whose interests she was strongly attached, and -tried to prevent the understanding with France, by -declaring that she could not possibly have her dresses -ready under three months. In her dislike of the French -alliance Queen Katharine expressed the popular sentiment. -The people had long regarded France as the -natural enemy of England, and were slow to give up -their prejudices. The nobles grew more and more discontented -with Wolsey's policy, which they did not care -to understand. They only saw that their expectations -of a return to power were utterly disappointed; Wolsey, -backed by officials such as Pace, was all-powerful, and -they were disregarded. Wolsey was working absolutely -single-handed. It is a remarkable proof of his skill that -he was able to draw the king to follow him unhesitatingly, -at the sacrifice of his personal popularity, and in -spite of the representations of those who were immediately -around him.</p> - -<p>Moreover, Wolsey, in his capacity of representative -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">{61}</a></span> -of the Kings of England and France, had in his hands -the entire management of all concerning the coming -interview. He fixed the place with due regard to the -honour of England, almost on English soil. The -English king was not to lodge outside his own territory -of Calais; the spot appointed for the meeting was on -the meadows between Guisnes and Ardres, on the borderland -of the two kingdoms. Wolsey had to decide which of -the English nobles and gentry were to attend the king, -and had to assign to each his office and dignity. The -king's retinue amounted to nearly 4000, and the queen's -was somewhat over 1000. A very slight knowledge of -human nature will serve to show how many people -Wolsey must necessarily have offended. If the ranks -of his enemies were large before, they must have increased -enormously when his arrangements were made -known.</p> - -<p>Still Wolsey was not daunted, and however much -every one, from Francis and Charles, felt aggrieved by his -proceedings, all had to obey; and everything that took -place was due to Wolsey's will alone. The interview -with Charles was simple. On 26th May 1520 he landed -at Dover, and was met by Wolsey; next morning Henry -rode to meet him and escort him to Canterbury, which -was his headquarters; on the 29th Charles rode to -Sandwich, where he embarked for Flanders. What -subjects the two monarchs discussed we can only dimly -guess. Each promised to help the other if attacked by -France, and probably Henry undertook to bring about a -joint-conference of the three sovereigns to discuss their -common interests. The importance of the meeting lay -in its display of friendliness; in the warning which it gave -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">{62}</a></span> -to France that she was not to count upon the exclusive -possession of England's goodwill.</p> - -<p>No sooner was the Emperor gone than Henry embarked -for Calais, and arrived at Guisnes on 4th June. -We need not describe again the "Field of the Cloth of -Gold," to furnish which the art of the Renaissance was -used to deck mediæval pageantry. It is enough to -say that stately palaces of wood clothed the barren -stretch of flat meadows, and that every ornament which -man's imagination could devise was employed to lend -splendour to the scene. No doubt it was barbaric, wasteful, -and foolish; but men in those days loved the sight -of magnificence, and the display was as much for the -enjoyment of countless spectators as for the self-glorification -of those who were the main actors. In those days -the solace of a poor man's life was the occasional enjoyment -of a stately spectacle; and after all, splendour -gives more pleasure to the lookers-on than to the -personages of the show.</p> - -<p>Most splendid among the glittering throng was the -figure of Wolsey, who had to support the dignity of -representative of both kings, and spared no pains to do -it to the full. But while the jousts went on, Wolsey -was busy with diplomacy; there were many points relating -to a good understanding between France and -England, which he wished to arrange,—the projected -marriage of the Dauphin with Mary of England, the -payment due from France to England on several heads, -the relations between France and Scotland and the like. -More important than these was the reconciliation of -Charles with Francis, which Wolsey pressed to the -utmost of his persuasiveness, without, however, reaching -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">{63}</a></span> -any definite conclusion. Charles was hovering on the -Flemish border, ready at a hint from Wolsey to join -the conference; but Wolsey could find no good reasons -for giving it, and when the festivities came to an end on -24th June, it might be doubted if much substantial good -had resulted from the interview. No doubt the French -and English fraternised, and swore friendship over their -cups; but tournaments were not the happiest means of -allaying feelings of rivalry, and the protestations of -friendship were little more than lip-deep. Yet Wolsey -cannot be blamed for being over-sanguine. It was at -least a worthy end that he had before him,—the removal -of long-standing hostility, the settlement of old disputes, -the union of two neighbouring nations by the assertion -of common aims and common interests. However we -may condemn the methods which Wolsey used, at least -we must admit that his end was in accordance with the -most enlightened views of modern statesmanship.</p> - -<p>When Henry had taken leave of Francis, he -waited in Calais for the coming of Charles, whose visit -to England was understood to be merely preliminary -to further negotiations. Again Henry held the important -position; he went to meet Charles at Gravelines, -where he stayed for a night, and then escorted -Charles as his guest to Calais, where he stayed from -10th to 14th July. The result of the conference was a -formal treaty of alliance between the two sovereigns, -which Charles proposed to confirm by betrothing -himself to Henry's daughter Mary. As she was a -child of four years old, such an undertaking did not bind -him to much; but Mary was already betrothed to the -Dauphin, while Charles was also already betrothed to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">{64}</a></span> -Charlotte of France, so that the proposal aimed at a double -breach of existing relationships and treaties. Henry -listened to this scheme, which opened up the way -for further negotiation, and the two monarchs parted -with protestations of friendship. It was now the turn -of Francis to hang about the place where Henry was -holding conference with his rival, in hopes that he -too might be invited to their discussions. He had to -content himself with hearing that Henry rode a steed -which he had presented to him, and that his face did -not look so contented and cheerful as when he was on -the meadows of Guisnes. In due time he received from -Henry an account of what had passed between himself -and the Emperor. Henry informed him of Charles's -marriage projects, and of his proposal for an alliance -against France, both of which Henry falsely said that he -had rejected with holy horror.</p> - -<p>Truly the records of diplomacy are dreary, and the -results of all this display, this ingenious scheming, and -this deceit seem ludicrously small. The upshot, however, -was that Wolsey's ideas still remained dominant, and -that the position which he had marked out for England -was still maintained. He had been compelled to change -the form of his policy, but its essence was unchanged. -European affairs could no longer be directed by a -universal peace under the guarantee of England; so -Wolsey substituted for it a system of separate alliances -with England, by which England exercised a mediating -influence on the policy of the two monarchs, whose -rivalry threatened a breach of European peace. He -informed Francis of the schemes of Charles, that he might -show him how much depended on English mediation. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">{65}</a></span> -He so conducted matters that Charles and Francis -should both be aware that England could make advantageous -terms with either, that her interests did not -tend to one side rather than the other, that both should -be willing to secure her goodwill, and should shrink -from taking any step which would throw her on the -side of his adversary. It was a result worth achieving, -though the position was precarious, and required constant -watchfulness to maintain.</p> - -<div class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">{66}</a></div> - - <h2>CHAPTER V<br /> - <span class="small">THE CONFERENCE OF CALAIS<br /> - 1520-1521</span></h2> - -<p class="nodent"><span class="smcap">The</span> -most significant point in the mediatorial policy of -Wolsey was the fact that it threw the Papacy entirely -into the shade. What Wolsey was doing was the -traditional business of the Pope, who could not openly -gainsay a policy which he was bound to profess coincided -with his own. So Leo X. followed Wolsey's lead of keeping -on good terms with France and the Emperor alike; -but Leo had no real wish for peace. He wished to -gain something in Italy for the Medici, and nothing was -to be gained while France and Spain suspended hostilities. -Only in time of war could he hope to carry out -his own plans by balancing one combatant against the -other. Charles's ambassador was not wrong in saying -that Leo hated Wolsey more than any other man; and -Leo tried to upset his plans by drawing nearer to the -imperial side.</p> - -<p>It required very little to provoke war between Francis -and Charles; either would begin the attack if the -conditions were a little more favourable, or if he could -secure an ally. But Charles was weak owing to the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">{67}</a></span> -want of unity of interest in his unwieldy dominions. -Germany was disturbed by the opinions of Luther; -Spain was disturbed by a revolt of the cities against -long-standing misgovernment. Charles was not ready -for war, nor was Francis much better provided. His -coffers were empty through his lavish expenditure, and -his Government was not popular. Really, though both -wished for war, neither was prepared to be the aggressor; -both wanted the vantage of seeming to fight in self-defence.</p> - -<p>It was obvious that Charles had made a high bid -for the friendship of England when he offered himself -as the husband of the Princess Mary. Wolsey had taken -care that Francis was informed of this offer, which -necessarily led to a long negotiation with the imperial -Court. Really Charles's marriage projects were -rather complicated; he was betrothed to Charlotte of -France; he had made an offer for Mary of England; but -he wished to marry Isabella of Portugal for no loftier -reason than the superior attractions of her dowry. His -proposal for Mary of England was prompted by nothing -save the desire to have Henry as his ally against -France; if he could manage by fair promises to induce -Henry to go to war his purpose would be achieved, -and he could still go in quest of the Portuguese dower. -So when Tunstal, the Master of the Rolls, went as English -envoy to discuss the matter, Charles's Council raised all -sorts of difficulties. Let the English king join a league -with the Pope and the Emperor against France; then the -Pope would grant his dispensation, which was necessary, -owing to the relationship between Charles and Mary. -Tunstal was bidden by Wolsey to refuse such conditions. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">{68}</a></span> -England would not move until the marriage had been -concluded, and would not join in any league with the -Pope till his dispensation was in Henry's hand. The -separate alliance of England and the Emperor must be put -beyond doubt to England's satisfaction before anything -else could be considered. Wolsey commissioned Tunstal -to adopt a lofty tone. "It would be great folly," he says, -"for this young prince, not being more surely settled in -his dominions, and so ill-provided with treasure and -good councillors, the Pope also being so brittle and -variable, to be led into war for the pleasure of his -ministers." Truly Wolsey thought he had taken the -measure of those with whom he dealt, and spoke with -sufficient plainness when occasion needed. But Charles's -chancellor, Gattinara, a Piedmontese, who was rising -into power, was as obstinate as Wolsey, and rejected -the English proposals with equal scorn. "Your -master," he said to Tunstal, "would have the Emperor -break with France, but would keep himself free; he -behaves like a man with two horses, one of which he -rides, and leads the other by the hand." It was clear -that nothing could be done, and Wolsey with some -delight recalled Tunstal from his embassy. The closer -alliance with the Emperor was at an end for the present; -he had shown again that England would only forego her -mediating position on her own terms.</p> - -<p>At the same time he dealt an equal measure of rebuff -to France. Before the conference at Guisnes Francis -had done some work towards rebuilding the ruined walls -of Ardres on the French frontier. After the conference -the work was continued till England resented it as an -unfriendly act. Francis was obliged to give way, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">{69}</a></span> -order the building to be stopped. Neither Francis nor -Charles were allowed to presume on the complacency of -England, nor use their alliance with her to further their -own purposes.</p> - -<p>The general aspect of affairs was so dubious that it -was necessary for England to be prepared for any emergency, -and first of all Scotland must be secured as far as -possible. Since the fall of James IV. at Flodden Field, -Scotland had been internally unquiet. Queen Margaret -gave birth to a son a few months after her husband's -death, and, to secure her position, took the unwise step -of marrying the Earl of Angus. The enemies of Angus -and the national party in Scotland joined together to -demand that the Regency should be placed in firmer -hands, and they summoned from France the Duke of -Albany, a son of the second son of James III., who had -been born in exile, and was French in all the traditions -of his education. When Albany came to Scotland as -Regent, Queen Margaret and Angus were so assailed -that Margaret had to flee to England for refuge in 1515, -leaving her son in Albany's care. She stayed in England -till the middle of 1517, when she was allowed to return -to Scotland on condition that she took no part in public -affairs. About the same time Albany returned to France, -somewhat weary of his Scottish charge. By his alliance -with Francis Henry contrived that Albany should -not return to Scotland; but he could not contrive to -give his sister Margaret the political wisdom which was -needed to draw England and Scotland nearer together. -Margaret quarrelled with her husband Angus, and only -added another element of discord to those which previously -existed. The safest way for England to keep -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">{70}</a></span> -Scotland helpless was to encourage forays on the Border. -The Warden of the Western Marches, Lord Dacre of -Naworth, was admirably adapted to work with Wolsey -for this purpose. Without breaking the formal peace -which existed between the two nations, he developed -a savage and systematic warfare, waged in the shape -of Border raids, which was purposely meant to devastate -the Scottish frontier, so as to prevent a serious -invasion from the Scottish side. Still Henry VIII. was -most desirous to keep Scotland separate from France; -but the truce with Scotland expired in November 1520. -Wolsey would gladly have turned the truce into a perpetual -peace; but Scotland still clung to its French -alliance, and all that Wolsey could achieve was a prolongation -of the truce till 1522. He did so, however, -with the air of one who would have preferred war; and -Francis I. was induced to urge the Scots to sue for peace, -and accept as a favour what England was only too glad -to grant.</p> - -<p>At the same time an event occurred in England which -showed in an unmistakable way the determination of -Henry to go his own way and allow no man to question -it. In April 1520 the Duke of Buckingham, one of -the wealthiest of the English nobles, was imprisoned -on an accusation of high treason. In May he was -brought to trial before his peers, was found guilty, and -was executed. The charges against him were trivial if -true; the witnesses were members of his household who -bore him a grudge. But the king heard their testimony -in his Council, and committed the duke to the Tower. -None of the nobles of England dared differ from their -imperious master. If the king thought fit that Buckingham -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">{71}</a></span> -should die, they would not run the risk of putting -any obstacle in the way of the royal will. Trials for -treason under Henry VIII. were mere formal acts of registration -of a decision already formed.</p> - -<p>The Duke of Buckingham, no doubt, was a weak and -foolish man, and may have done and said many foolish -things. He was in some sense justified in regarding -himself as the nearest heir to the English throne if -Henry left no children to succeed him. Henry had -been married for many years, and as yet there was -no surviving child save the Princess Mary. It was -unwise to talk about the succession to the Crown after -Henry's death; it was criminal to disturb the minds of -Englishmen who had only so lately won the blessings -of internal peace. If the Duke of Buckingham had -really done so, he would not be undeserving of punishment; -but the evidence against him was slight, and its -source was suspicious. No doubt Buckingham was -incautious, and made himself a mouthpiece of the discontent -felt by the nobles at the French alliance and their -own exclusion from affairs. No doubt he denounced -Wolsey, who sent him a message that he might say -what he liked against himself, but warned him to -beware what he said against the king. It does not seem -that Wolsey took any active part in the proceedings -against the Duke, but he did not do anything to save -him. The matter was the king's matter, and as such it -was regarded by all. The nobles, who probably agreed -with Buckingham's opinions, were unanimous in pronouncing -his guilt; and the Duke of Norfolk, with tears -streaming down his cheeks, condemned him to his doom. -The mass of the people were indifferent to his fate, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">{72}</a></span> -were willing that the king should be sole judge of the -precautions necessary for his safety, with which the -internal peace and outward glory of England was entirely -identified. Charles and Francis stood aghast at -Henry's strong measures, and were surprised that he -could do things in such a high-handed manner with -impunity. If Henry intended to let the statesmen -of Europe know that he was not to be diverted from -his course by fear of causing disorders at home he -thoroughly succeeded. The death of Buckingham was -a warning that those who crossed the king's path and -hoped to thwart his plans by petulant opposition were -playing a game which would only end in their own ruin.</p> - -<p>Free from any fear of opposition at home, Wolsey -could now give his attention to his difficult task abroad. -Charles V. had been crowned at Aachen, and talked of -an expedition to Rome to receive the imperial crown. -Francis I. was preparing for a campaign to assert the -French claims on Milan. Meanwhile he wished to -hamper Charles without openly breaking the peace. -He stirred up a band of discontented barons to attack -Luxembourg, and aided the claimant to the crown of -Navarre to enter his inheritance. War seemed now -inevitable; but Wolsey remained true to his principles, -and urged upon both kings that they should submit -their differences to the mediation of England. Charles -was busied with the revolt of the Spanish towns, and -was not unwilling to gain time. After a show of reluctance -he submitted to the English proposals; but Francis, -rejoicing in the prospect of success in Luxembourg -and Navarre, refused on the ground that Charles was -not in earnest. Still Francis was afraid of incurring -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">{73}</a></span> -England's hostility, and quailed before Wolsey's threat -that if France refused mediation, England would be -driven to side with the Emperor. In June 1521 he -reluctantly assented to a conference to be held at Calais, -over which Wolsey should preside, and decide between -the pleas urged by representatives of the two hostile -monarchs.</p> - -<p>If Wolsey triumphed at having reached his goal, his -triumph was of short duration. He might display -himself as a mediator seeking to establish peace, but he -knew that peace was well-nigh impossible. While the -negotiations were in progress for the conference which -was to resolve differences, events were tending to make -war inevitable. When Wolsey began to broach his -project, Francis was desirous of war and Charles was -anxious to defer it; but Charles met with some success -in obtaining promises of help from Germany in -the Diet of Worms, and when that was over, he heard -welcome news which reached him gradually from all -sides. The revolt of the Spanish towns was dying away; -the aggressors in Luxembourg had been repulsed; the -troops of Spain had won signal successes in Navarre. -His embarrassments were certainly disappearing on all -sides. More than this, Pope Leo X., after long wavering, -made up his mind to take a definite course. No doubt -he was sorely vexed to find that the position which he -hankered after was occupied by England; and if he -were to step back into the politics of Europe, he could -not defer a decision much longer. He had wavered -between an alliance with France and Venice on the one -side, or with the Emperor on the other. The movement -of Luther in Germany had been one of the questions for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">{74}</a></span> -settlement in the Diet of Worms, and Luther had been -silenced for a time. Leo awoke in some degree to -the gravity of the situation, and saw the advantage of -making common cause with Charles, whose help in -Germany was needful. Accordingly he made a secret -treaty with the Emperor for mutual defence, and was -anxious to draw England to the same side. The -religious question was beginning to be of importance, -and Francis I. was regarded as a favourer of -heretics, whereas Henry VIII. was strictly orthodox, -was busy in suppressing Lutheran opinions at home, -and was preparing his book which should confute Luther -for ever.</p> - -<p>Another circumstance also greatly affected the attitude -of Charles, the death of his minister Chièvres, who -had been his tutor in his youth, and continued to -exercise great influence over his actions. Charles -was cold, reserved, and ill-adapted to make friends. -It was natural that one whom he had trusted from -his boyhood should sway his policy at the first. -Chièvres was a Burgundian, whose life had been spent -in saving Burgundy from French aggression, and the -continuance of this watchful care was his chief object till -the last. His first thought was for Burgundy, and to -protect that he wished for peace with France and opposed -an adventurous policy. On his death in May 1521 -Charles V. entered on a new course of action. He felt -himself for the first time his own master, and took his -responsibilities upon himself. He seems to have admitted -to himself that the advice of Chièvres had not -always been wise, and he never allowed another minister -to gain the influence Chièvres had possessed. He contented -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">{75}</a></span> -himself with officials who might each represent some -part of his dominions, and whose advice he used in turns, -but none of whom could claim to direct his policy as a -whole.</p> - -<p>Chief of these officials was a Savoyard, Mercurino -della Gattinara, whose diplomatic skill was now of great -service to the Emperor. Gattinara was a man devoted -to his master's interests, and equal to Wolsey in resoluteness -and pertinacity. Hitherto Wolsey had had the -strongest will amongst the statesmen of Europe, and had -reaped all the advantages of his strength. In Gattinara -he met with an opponent who was in many ways his -match. It is true that Gattinara had not Wolsey's genius, -and was not capable of Wolsey's far-reaching schemes; -but he had a keen eye to the interests of the moment, -and could neither be baffled by <i>finesse</i> nor overborne by -menaces. His was the hand that first checked Wolsey's -victorious career.</p> - -<p>So it was that through a combination of causes the -prospects of peace suddenly darkened just as Wolsey -was preparing to stand forward as the mediator of -Europe. Doubtless he hoped, when first he put forward -the project of a conference, that it might be the means -of restoring his original design of 1518, a European -peace under the guarantee of England. Since that had -broken down he had been striving to maintain England's -influence by separate alliances; he hoped in the -conference to use this position in the interests of peace. -But first of all the alliance with the Emperor must be -made closer, and the Emperor showed signs of demanding -that this closer alliance should be purchased by a breach -with France. If war was inevitable, England had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">{76}</a></span> -most to gain by an alliance with Charles, to whom its -friendship could offer substantial advantages, as England, -in case of war, could secure to Charles the means of -communicating between the Netherlands and Spain, -which would be cut off if France were hostile and the -Channel were barred by English ships. Moreover the -prospect of a marriage between Charles and the Princess -Mary was naturally gratifying to Henry; while English -industry would suffer from any breach of trading -relations with the Netherlands, and the notion of war -with France was still popular with the English.</p> - -<p>So Wolsey started for Calais at the beginning of -August with the intention of strengthening England's -alliance with the Emperor, that thereby England's influence -might be more powerful. Charles on the -other hand was resolved on war; he did not wish for -peace by England's mediation, but he wished to draw -England definitely into the league between himself and -the Pope against France. Wolsey knew that much -depended on his own cleverness, and nerved himself for -the greatest caution, as Francis was beginning to be -suspicious of the preparations of Charles, and the -attitude of affairs was not promising for a pacific -mediation.</p> - -<p>This became obvious at the first interview of Wolsey -with the imperial envoys, foremost amongst whom was -Gattinara. They were commissioned to treat about the -marriage of Charles with the Princess Mary, and about -a secret undertaking for war against France; but their -instructions contained nothing tending to peace. The -French envoys were more pacific, as war was not popular -in France.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">{77}</a></span> -On 7th August the conference was opened under -Wolsey's presidency; but Gattinara did nothing save -dwell upon the grievances of his master against France; -he maintained that France had been the aggressor in -breaking the existing treaty; he had no powers to -negotiate peace or even a truce, but demanded England's -help, which had been promised to the party first aggrieved. -The French retorted in the same strain, but it was clear -that they were not averse to peace, and were willing -to trust to Wolsey's mediation. Wolsey saw that he -could make little out of Gattinara. He intended to visit -the Emperor, who had come to Bruges for the purpose, -as soon as he had settled with the imperial envoys the -preliminaries of an alliance; now he saw that the -only hope of continuing the conference lay in winning -from Charles better terms than the stubborn Gattinara -would concede. So he begged the French envoys to -remain in Calais while he visited the Emperor and -arranged with him personally for a truce. As the -French were desirous of peace, they consented.</p> - -<p>On 16th August Wolsey entered Bruges in royal -state, with a retinue of 1000 horsemen. Charles came -to the city gate to meet him, and received him almost -as an equal. Wolsey did not dismount from his -horse, but received Charles's embrace seated. He was -given rooms in Charles's palace, and the next day at -church Charles sat by Wolsey's side and shared the same -kneeling stool with him. Their private conferences -dealt solely with the accord between England and the -Emperor. Wolsey saw that it was useless to urge -directly the cause of peace, and trusted to use for this -purpose the advantages which his alliance would give. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">{78}</a></span> -He succeeded, however, in considerably modifying the -terms which had been first proposed. He diminished -the amount of dowry which Mary was to receive on her -marriage, and put off her voyage to the Emperor till she -should reach the age of twelve, instead of seven, which -was first demanded. Similarly he put off the period -when England should declare war against France till -the spring of 1523, though he agreed that if war -was being waged between Francis and Charles in -November, England should send some help to Charles. -Thus he still preserved England's freedom of action, and -deferred a rupture with France. Every one thought that -many things might happen in the next few months, and -that England was pledged to little. Further, Wolsey -guarded the pecuniary interests of Henry by insisting -that if France ceased to pay its instalments for the -purchase of Tournai, the Emperor should make good -the loss. He also stipulated that the treaty should be -kept a profound secret, so that the proceedings of the -conference should still go on.</p> - -<p>Wolsey was impressed by Charles, and gave a true -description of his character to Henry: "For his age -he is very wise and understanding his affairs, right -cold and temperate in speech, with assured manner, -couching his words right well and to good purpose when -he doth speak." We do not know what was Charles's -private opinion of Wolsey. He can scarcely have -relished Wolsey's lofty manner, for Wolsey bore himself -with all the dignity of a representative of his king. -Thus, the King of Denmark, Charles's brother-in-law, was -in Bruges, and sought an interview with Wolsey, who -answered that it was unbecoming for him to receive in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">{79}</a></span> -his chamber any king to whom he was not commissioned; -if the King of Denmark wished to speak with -him, let him meet him, as though by accident, in the -garden of the palace.</p> - -<p>When the provisions of the treaty had been drafted, -Wolsey set out for Calais on 26th August, and was -honourably escorted out of Bruges by the Emperor himself. -On his return the business of the conference began, -and was dragged on through three weary months. The -imperial envoys naturally saw nothing to be gained by -the conference except keeping open the quarrel with -France till November, when Henry was bound to -send help to the Emperor if peace were not made. -Wolsey remained true to his two principles: care for -English interests, and a desire for peace. He secured -protection for the fishery of the Channel in case of war, -and he cautiously strove to lead up both parties to see their -advantage in making a truce if they could not agree -upon a peace. It was inevitable that these endeavours -should bring on Wolsey the suspicions of both. The -French guessed something of the secret treaty from the -warlike appearance which England began to assume, and -cried out that they were being deceived. The imperial -envoys could not understand how one who had just -signed a treaty with their master, could throw obstacles -in their way and pursue a mediating policy of his own. -Really both sides were only engaged in gaining time, -and their attention was more fixed upon events in the -field than on any serious project of agreement.</p> - -<p>When in the middle of September the French arms -won some successes, Gattinara showed himself inclined to -negotiate for a truce. The conference, which hitherto -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">{80}</a></span> -had been merely illusory, suddenly became real, and -Wolsey's wisdom in bargaining that England should -not declare war against France till the spring of 1523 -became apparent. He could urge on Gattinara that it -would be wise to agree to a truce till that period was -reached; then all would be straightforward. So Wolsey -adjourned the public sittings of the conference, and -negotiated privately with the two parties. The French -saw in a year's truce only a means of allowing the Emperor -to prepare for war, and demanded a substantial -truce for ten years. Wolsey used all his skill to -bring about an agreement, and induced Gattinara to -accept a truce for eighteen months, and the French -to reduce their demands to four years. But Charles -raised a new difficulty, and claimed that all conquests -made in the war should be given up. The only conquest -was Fontarabia, on the border of Navarre, which -was still occupied by the French. Francis not unnaturally -declined to part with it solely to obtain a -brief truce, as Charles had no equivalent to restore. -Wolsey used every argument to induce the Emperor -to withdraw his claim; but he was obstinate, and -the conference came to an end. It is true that Wolsey -tried to keep up appearances by concluding a truce for -a month, that the Emperor might go to Spain and consult -his subjects about the surrender of Fontarabia.</p> - -<p>So Wolsey departed from Calais on 25th November, -disappointed and worn out. As he wrote himself, "I -have been so sore tempested in mind by the untowardness -of the chancellors and orators on every side, putting so -many difficulties and obstacles to condescend to any -reasonable conditions of truce and abstinence of war, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">{81}</a></span> -that night nor day I could have no quietness nor rest." -There is no doubt that Wolsey wrote what he felt. He -had laboured hard for peace, and had failed. If he -hoped that the labours of the conference might still be -continued by his diplomacy in England, that hope was -destroyed before he reached London. On 1st December -the imperial troops captured Tournai, which they had -been for some time besieging, and news came from Italy -that Milan also had fallen before the forces of the -Emperor and the Pope. Charles had seemed to Wolsey -unreasonable in his obstinacy. He had refused a truce -which he had every motive of prudence for welcoming; -and now events proved that he was justified. Not -only had Francis been foiled in his attempts to embarrass -his rival, but success had followed the first steps -which Charles had taken to retaliate. The time for -diplomacy was past, and the quarrel must be decided by -the sword.</p> - -<p>So Wolsey saw his great designs overthrown. He -was a peace minister because he knew that England -had nothing to gain from war. He had striven to keep -the peace of Europe by means of England's mediation, -and his efforts had been so far successful as to give -England the first place in the counsels of Europe. But -Wolsey hoped more from diplomacy than diplomacy -could do. Advice and influence can do something to -check the outbreak of war when war is not very seriously -designed; but in proportion as great interests are -concerned, attempts at mediation are useless unless they -are backed by force. England was not prepared for -war, and had no troops by whom she could pretend to -enforce her counsels. When the two rival powers began -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">{82}</a></span> -to be in earnest, they admitted England's mediation -only as a means of involving her in their quarrel. -Wolsey was only the first of a long series of English -ministers who have met with the same disappointment -from the same reason. England in Wolsey's days had -the same sort of interest in the affairs of the Continent -as she has had ever since. Wolsey first taught her to -develop that interest by pacific counsels, and so long as -that has been possible, England has been powerful. -But when a crisis comes England has ever been slow to -recognise its inevitableness; and her habit of hoping -against hope for peace has placed her in an undignified -attitude for a time, has drawn upon her reproaches for -duplicity, and has involved her in war against her will.</p> - -<p>This was now the net result of Wolsey's endeavours, -a result which he clearly perceived. His efforts -of mediation at Calais had been entirely his own, -and he could confide to no one his regret and his -disappointment. Henry was resolved on war when -Wolsey first set forth, and if Wolsey had succeeded in -making a truce, the credit would have been entirely -his own. He allowed Henry to think that the conference -at Calais was merely a pretext to gain time for -military preparations; if a truce had been made he -would have put it down to the force of circumstances; -as his efforts for a truce had failed, he could take credit -that he had done all in his power to establish the king's -reputation throughout Christendom, and had fixed the -blame on those who would not follow his advice. It is -a mark of Wolsey's conspicuous skill that he never forgot -his actual position, and never was so entirely absorbed -in his own plans as not to leave himself a ready -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">{83}</a></span> -means for retreat. His schemes had failed; but he -could still take credit for having furthered other ends -which were contrary to his own. Henry was well contented -with the results of Wolsey's mission, and showed -his satisfaction in the customary way of increasing -Wolsey's revenues at the expense of the Church. The -death was announced of the Abbot of St. Alban's, and -the king, in answer to Wolsey's request, ordered the -monks to take Wolsey for their abbot, saying, "My lord -cardinal has sustained many charges in this his voyage, -and hath expended £10,000." So kings were served, -and so they recompensed their servants.</p> - -<div class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">{84}</a></div> - - <h2>CHAPTER VI<br /> - <span class="small">THE IMPERIAL ALLIANCE<br /> - 1521-1523</span></h2> - -<p class="nodent"><span class="smcap">The</span> -failure of Wolsey's plans was due to the diplomacy -of Gattinara and to the obstinacy of Charles V., who -showed at the end of the negotiations at Calais an unexpected -readiness to appreciate his obligations towards -his dominions as a whole, by refusing to abandon -Fontarabia lest thereby he should irritate his Spanish -subjects. It was this capacity for large consideration -that gave Charles V. his power in the future; his motives -were hard to discover, but they always rested on a view -of his entire obligations, and were dictated by reasons -known only to himself. Even Wolsey did not understand -the Emperor's motives, which seemed to him entirely -foolish. He allowed himself to take up a haughty position, -which deeply offended Charles, who exclaimed -angrily, "This cardinal will do everything his own -way, and treats me as though I were a prisoner." -Charles treasured up his resentment, of which Wolsey -was entirely unconscious, and was determined not to -allow so masterful a spirit to become more powerful.</p> - -<p>He soon had an opportunity of acting on this determination, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">{85}</a></span> -as the unexpected death of Pope Leo X. on -1st December naturally awakened hopes in Wolsey's -breast. It was impossible that the foremost statesman -in Europe should not have had the legitimate aspiration -of reaching the highest office to which he could attain. -But though Wolsey was ready when the opportunity -came to press his own claims with vigour, it cannot be -said with fairness that his previous policy had been in -any way directed to that end, or that he had swerved -in the least from his own path to further his chances for -the papal office. Indeed he had no reason for so doing, -as Leo was only forty-six years old when he died, and -his death was entirely unforeseen. Moreover, we know -that when the Spanish envoys offered Wolsey the Emperor's -help towards the Papacy in 1520, Wolsey refused -the offer; since then Charles at Bruges had repeated -the offer without being asked. Now that a vacancy -had arisen, it was natural for Wolsey to attach some -weight to this promise, and Henry expressed himself -warmly in favour of Wolsey's election, and urged his -imperial ally to work by all means for that end. He -sent to Rome his favourite secretary Pace to further it -by pressing representations to the cardinals.</p> - -<p>It does not seem that Wolsey was very sanguine in -his expectations of being elected. Leo X. had died at a -moment of great importance for Charles V.; in fact his -death had been brought about by the imprudence which -he showed in manifesting his delight at the success of the -imperial arms against Milan, and his prospect of the overthrow -of France. It was necessary for Charles that a Pope -should be elected who would hold to Leo's policy, and -would continue the alliance with England. The man -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">{86}</a></span> -who held in his hand the threads of Leo X.'s numerous -intrigues was his cousin, Cardinal Giulio de' Medici, and -Wolsey admitted the advantages to be gained by his -election. Wolsey at once declared that he submitted -his candidature to the decision of Henry VIII. and the -Emperor; if they thought that he was the best person to -promote their interests he would not shrink from the -labour; but he agreed that if his candidature were not -likely to be acceptable to the cardinals, the two monarchs -should unite in favour of Cardinal Medici. Charles's -ambassador wrote him that it would be well to act -carefully, as Wolsey was watching to see how much faith -he could put in the Emperor's protestations of goodwill.</p> - -<p>So Charles was prepared, and acted with ambiguous -caution. He put off communicating with Henry as long -as he could; he regretted that he was in the Netherlands -instead of Germany, whence he could have made his -influence felt in Rome; he secretly ordered his ambassador -in Rome to press for the election of Cardinal -Medici, but gave him no definite instructions about any -one else; finally he wrote a warm letter in favour of -Wolsey, which he either never sent at all, or sent too -late to be of any use, but which served as an enclosure -to satisfy Henry VIII. Wolsey was not deceived by -this, and knew how papal elections might be influenced. -He told the Spanish ambassador that, if his master were -in earnest, he should order his troops to advance against -Rome, and should command the cardinals to elect his -nominee; he offered to provide 100,000 ducats to cover -the expenses of such action. When it came to the point -Wolsey was a very practical politician, and was under -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">{87}</a></span> -no illusions about the fair pretences of free choice which -surrounded a papal election. He treated it as a matter -to be settled by pressure from outside, according to the -will of the strongest. There is something revoltingly -cynical in this proposal. No doubt many men thought -like Wolsey, but no one else would have had the boldness -to speak out. Wolsey's outspokenness was of no -avail at the time, but it bore fruits afterwards. He -taught Henry VIII. to conceive the possibility of a short -way of dealing with refractory popes. He confirmed -his willing pupil in the belief that all things may be -achieved by the resolute will of one who rises above -prejudice and faces the world as it is. When he fell he -must have recognised that it was himself who trained the -arm which smote him.</p> - -<p>In spite of Wolsey's advice Charles did not allow -Spanish influence to be unduly felt in the proceedings of -the conclave. Rarely had the cardinals been more undecided, -and when they went into the conclave on -27th December, it was said that every one of them was -a candidate for the Papacy. The first point was to -exclude Cardinal Medici, and it could be plausibly urged -that it was dangerous to elect two successive popes from -the same family. Medici's opponents succeeded in -making his election impossible, but could not agree upon -a candidate of their own; while Medici tried to bring -about the election of some one who would be favourable -to the Emperor. At last in weariness the cardinals -turned their thoughts to some one who was not present. -Wolsey was proposed, and received seven votes; but -Medici was waiting his time, and put forward Cardinal -Adrian of Utrecht, who had been Charles's tutor, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">{88}</a></span> -and was then governing Spain in his master's name. -Both parties agreed on him, chiefly because he was -personally unknown to any of the cardinals, had -given no offence, was well advanced in years, and was -reckoned to be of a quiet disposition, so that every one -had hopes of guiding his counsels. It was clear that the -imperialists were strongest in the conclave, and of all -the imperialist candidates Adrian was the least offensive -to the French. One thing is quite clear, that Charles V. -had not the least intention of helping Wolsey.</p> - -<p>Wolsey probably knew this well enough, and was not -disappointed. He bore the Emperor no ill-will for his -lukewarmness; indeed he had no ground for expecting -anything else. Wolsey's aim was not the same as that -of Charles, and Charles had had sufficient opportunity -to discover the difference between them. Probably -Wolsey saw that the alliance between England and the -Emperor would not be of long duration, as there was no -real identity of interests. Henry VIII. was dazzled for -a moment with the prospect of asserting the English -claims on France; he was glad to find himself at one -with his queen, who was overjoyed at the prospect of a -family alliance with her own beloved land of Spain. -The English nobles rejoiced at an opportunity to display -their prowess, and hoped in time of war to recover the -influence and position of which they had been deprived -by an upstart priest. The sentiment of hostility to -France was still strong amongst the English people, and -the allurements of a spirited foreign policy were many. -But as a matter of fact England was ill prepared for -war; and though the people might throw up their caps -at first, they would not long consent to pay for a war -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">{89}</a></span> -which brought them no profits. And the profits were -not likely to be great, for Charles had no wish to see -England's importance increased. He desired only English -help to achieve his own purposes, and was no more -trustworthy as an ally than had been his grandfather -Ferdinand.</p> - -<p>However, war had been agreed upon, and all that -Wolsey could do was to try and put off its declaration -until he had secured sufficient assurance that English -money was not to be spent to no purpose. Charles V., -who was in sore straits for money, asked for a loan -from England, to which Wolsey answered that England -could not declare war till the loan was repaid. He -insisted that no declaration of war should be made till the -Emperor had fulfilled his promise to pay a visit to England, -a promise which Charles's want of money rendered -him unable for some time to keep.</p> - -<p>But however much Wolsey might try to put off the -declaration of war, it was inevitable. Francis could -not be expected, for all Wolsey's fine promises, to continue -his payments for Tournai to so doubtful an -ally as Henry, nor could he resist from crippling -England as far as he could. The Duke of Albany went -back to Scotland; and in the beginning of May Francis -ordered the seizure of goods lying at Bordeaux for shipment -to England. This led to retaliation on the part of -England, and war was declared against France on -28th May 1522.</p> - -<p>This coincided with the visit of Charles V. to London, -where he was magnificently entertained for a month, -while the treaty of alliance was being finally brought -into shape by Wolsey and Gattinara. Wolsey contented -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">{90}</a></span> -himself with providing that the alliance did not go -further than had been agreed at Bruges, and that England's -interests were secured by an undertaking from -Charles that he would pay the loss which Henry VIII. -sustained by the withdrawal of the French instalments -for Tournai. When the treaty was signed it was Wolsey -who, as papal legate, submitted both princes to ecclesiastical -censures in case of a breach of its provisions. -Moreover, Charles granted Wolsey a pension of 9000 -crowns in compensation for his loss from Tournai, and -renewed his empty promise of raising him to the -Papacy.</p> - -<p>It was one thing to declare war and another to carry -it on with good effect. England, in spite of all the -delays which Wolsey had contrived to interpose, was -still unprepared. It was late in the autumn before -forces could be put in the field, and the troops of -Charles V. were too few for a joint undertaking of any -importance. The allies contented themselves with invading -Picardy, where they committed useless atrocities, -burning houses, devastating the country, and working -all the mischief that they could. They did not advance -into the centre of France, and no army met them in the -field; in the middle of October they retired ingloriously. -It is hard to discover the purpose of such an expedition. -The damage done was not enough to weaken France -materially, and such a display of barbarity was ill suited -to win the French people to favour Henry VIII.'s claim -to be their rightful lord. If Francis I. had been unpopular -before, he was now raised to the position of a -national leader whose help was necessary for the protection -of his subjects.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">{91}</a></span> -The futile result of this expedition caused mutual -recriminations between the new allies. The imperialists -complained that the English had come too late; the -English answered that they had not been properly -supported. There were no signs of mutual confidence; -and the two ministers, Wolsey and Gattinara, were -avowed enemies, and did not conceal their hostility. -The alliance with the Emperor did not show signs of -prospering from the beginning.</p> - -<p>The proceedings of the Earl of Surrey and the direction -of the campaign were not Wolsey's concern. He -was employed nearer home, in keeping a watchful eye -on Scotland, which threatened to be a hindrance to -Henry VIII.'s great undertakings abroad. The return -of the Duke of Albany in December 1521 was a direct -threat of war. Albany was nominally regent, but had -found his office troublesome, and had preferred to spend -the last five years in the gaieties of the French Court -rather than among the rugged nobles of Scotland. They -were years when France was at peace with England and -had little interest in Scottish affairs; so Queen Margaret -might quarrel with her husband at leisure, while the -Scottish lords distributed themselves between the two -parties as suited them best. But when war between -France and England was approaching, the Duke of -Albany was sent back by Francis I. to his post as agent -for France in Scottish affairs. Queen Margaret welcomed -him with joy, hoping that he would further her plan of -gaining a divorce from the Earl of Angus. Before this -union of forces the English party in Scotland was powerless. -It was in vain that Henry VIII. tried by menaces to -influence either his sister or the Scottish lords. As soon -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">{92}</a></span> -as the English forces sailed for France Albany prepared -to invade England.</p> - -<p>It was lucky for Henry VIII. that he was well served -on the Borders by Lord Dacre of Naworth, who managed -to show the Scots the measure of Albany's incapacity. -Dacre began negotiations with Albany, to save time; and -when, in September, the Scottish forces passed the -Border, Albany was willing to make a truce. As a -matter of fact, England was totally unprepared to repel -an invasion, and Albany might have dictated his own -terms. But Dacre, in Carlisle, which he could not defend, -maintained his courage, and showed no signs of -fear. He managed to blind Albany to the real state of -affairs, and kept him from approaching to the crumbling -walls of Carlisle. He advanced to the Debatable Land -to meet him, and "with a high voice" demanded the -reason of his coming; and the parley thus begun ended -in the conclusion of a month's truce. Wolsey was overjoyed -at this result, but yet found it necessary to intercede -with the king for Dacre's pardon, as he had no -authority to make terms with the enemy; and Dacre -was not only forgiven, but thanked. This futile end to -an expedition for which 80,000 soldiers had been raised -ruined Albany's influence, and he again retired to France -at the end of October.</p> - -<p>Wolsey at once saw the risk which England had run. -A successful invasion on the part of the Scots would -have been a severe blow to England's military reputation; -and Wolsey determined to be secure on the -Scottish side for the future. The Earl of Surrey, on his -return from his expedition in France, was put in charge -of the defences of the Border, and everything was done -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">{93}</a></span> -to humour Queen Margaret, and convince her that she -had more to gain from the favour of her brother than -from the help of the Duke of Albany. Moreover, Wolsey, -already convinced of the uselessness of the war against -France, was still ready to gain from it all that he could, -and strove to use the threat of danger from Scotland as -a means of withdrawing from war and gaining a signal -triumph. Francis I., unable to defend himself, tried to -separate his enemies, and turned to Charles V. with -offers of a truce. When this was refused, he repeated -his proposals to England, and Wolsey saw his opportunity. -He represented to Charles that so long as -England was menaced by Scotland she could send little -effective help abroad; if Scotland were crushed she -would be free again. He suggested that the Emperor -had little to win by military enterprises undertaken with -such slight preparation as the last campaign; would he -not make truce for a year, not comprehending the realm -of Scotland?</p> - -<p>The suggestion was almost too palpable. Gattinara -answered that Henry wished to use his forces for his -private advantage, and neglected the common interest -of the alliance. Again bitter complaints were made of -Wolsey's lukewarmness. Again the two allies jealously -watched each other lest either should gain an advantage -by making a separate alliance with France. And while -they were thus engaged the common enemy of Christendom -was advancing, and Rhodes fell before the Turkish -arms. It was in vain that Adrian VI. lamented and -wept; in vain he implored for succours. Fair promises -alone were given him. Europe was too much intent -on the duel between Francis and Charles to think -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">{94}</a></span> -seriously of anything else. The entreaties of the Pope -were only regarded by all parties as a good means of -enabling them to throw a decent veil over any measure -which their own interests might prompt. They might -declare that it was taken for the sake of the holy war; -they might claim that they had acted from a desire to -fulfil the Pope's behest.</p> - -<p>So things stood in the beginning of 1523, when an -unexpected event revived the military spirit of Henry -VIII., and brought the two half-hearted allies once more -closely together, by the prospect which it afforded of -striking a deadly blow at France. The chief of the -nobles of France, the sole survivor of the great feudatories, -the Constable of Bourbon, was most unwisely affronted -by Francis I., at a time when he needed to rally all his -subjects round him. Not only was Bourbon affronted, -but also a lawsuit was instituted against him, which -threatened to deprive him of the greater part of his -possessions. Bourbon, who could bring into the field -6000 men, did not find his patriotism strong enough to -endure this wrong. He opened up secret negotiations -with Charles, who disclosed the matter to Henry. -Henry's ambition was at once fired. He saw Francis I., -hopelessly weakened by a defection of the chief nobles, -incapable of withstanding an attack upon the interior of -his land, so that the English troops might conquer the -old provinces which England still claimed, and victory -might place upon his head the crown of France.</p> - -<p>Wolsey was not misled by this fantastic prospect, but -as a campaign was imminent, took all the precautions -he could that it should be as little costly as possible to -England, and that Charles should bear his full share of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">{95}</a></span> -the expense. He demanded, moreover, that Bourbon -should acknowledge Henry VIII. as the rightful King of -France—a demand which was by no means acceptable to -Charles. He sent an envoy of his own to confer with -Bourbon, but his envoy was delayed on the way, so that -the agreement was framed in the imperial interests alone, -and the demands of Henry were little heeded. The -agreement was that Bourbon should receive the hand of -one of the Emperor's sisters, and should receive a subsidy -of 200,000 crowns to be paid equally by Henry and -Charles; the question of the recognition of Henry -as rightful King of France was to be left to the -decision of the Emperor.</p> - -<p>The plan of the campaign was quickly settled. -Charles, with 20,000 men, was to advance into Guienne; -Henry, with 15,000 English, supported by 6000 Netherlanders, -was to advance through Picardy; 10,000 -Germans were to advance through Burgundy; and -Bourbon was to head a body of dissatisfied nobles of -France. It was an excellent plan on paper; and, indeed, -the position of France seemed hopeless enough. Francis -I. had squandered his people's money, and was exceedingly -unpopular; Wolsey's diplomacy had helped to win -over the Swiss to the imperial alliance; and the indefatigable -secretary Pace had been sent to Venice to -detach the republic from its connexion with France. It -was believed that Wolsey was jealous of Pace's influence -with Henry VIII., and contrived to keep him employed -on embassies which removed him from the Court. At -all events, he certainly kept him busily employed till his -health gave way under the excessive pressure. To lend -greater weight to Pace's arguments, Wolsey descended -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">{96}</a></span> -to an act of overbearing insolence. Some Venetian -galleys trading with Flanders put in at Plymouth during -a storm; they were laid under an embargo, and were -detained on many flimsy pretexts. It was in vain that -the Venetian ambassador remonstrated; Wolsey always -had a plausible answer. Probably he wished to show -Venice that its trading interests required the friendship -of England. At all events the galleys were not -released till Venice was on the point of joining the -imperial alliance. Even then Wolsey had the meanness -to carry off a couple of guns from each vessel, and Venice -had to make a present of them to the English king with -as much grace as the circumstances allowed. This little -incident certainly shows Wolsey's conduct at its worst, -and confirms the impression of contemporaries, that he -had to some degree the insolence of an upstart, and -sometimes overrode the weak in a way to leave behind -a bitter feeling of resentment.</p> - -<p>However, Venice joined the Emperor, and Pope -Adrian VI., who had pursued hitherto a policy of -pacification, was at last overborne by the pressure of -England and the Emperor, so that he entered into a -defensive league against France. Thus France was -entirely isolated. Distrusted at home and unbefriended -abroad, she seemed to be a prey to her enemies; -and Henry's hopes rose so high that he gleefully -looked forward to being recognised as "governor of -France," and that "they should by this means make a -way for him as King Richard did for his father." -Wiser men shook their heads at the king's infatuation. -"I pray God," wrote More to Wolsey, "if it be good -for his Grace and for this realm that then it may prove -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">{97}</a></span> -so; and else in the stead thereof I pray God send his -grace an honourable and profitable peace."</p> - -<p>The spirit that breathes through this prayer is not a -martial spirit, and no doubt More's feelings represented -those of Wolsey, who, though carried away by the -king's military zeal, had little hopes of any great -success, and such hopes as he had were rapidly destroyed. -The campaign did not begin till the end of -September; the contingent from the Netherlands was -late in appearing and was ill supplied with food. Till the -last moment Wolsey urged, as the first object of the -campaign, the siege of Boulogne, which, if successful, -would have given England a second stronghold on the -French coast; but Wolsey was overruled, and an expedition -into the interior of France was preferred. It was -a repetition of the raid made in the last year, and was -equally futile. The army advanced to Montdidier, and -expected tidings of its confederate; but nothing was -to be heard of Bourbon; his lanzknechts began to -devastate France and then disbanded. The army of -Charles V. contented itself with taking Fontarabia, and -did not co-operate with the English forces. After the -capture of Montdidier the troops, who were attacked -by sickness, and had difficulty in finding provisions, -withdrew to the coast; and the Duke of Suffolk brought -back his costly army without having obtained anything -of service to England. This expedition, which was to -do so much, was a total failure—there was positively -nothing to be shown in return for all the money -spent.</p> - -<p>Again the wisdom of Wolsey's policy was fully justified. -He was right in thinking that England had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">{98}</a></span> -neither troops nor generals who were sufficient for an -expedition on the Continent, where there was nothing -tangible to be gained. So long as England was a -neutral and mediating power she could pursue her own -interests; but her threats were more efficacious than her -performances. She could not conquer unaided, and her -allies had no intention of allowing her to win more -than empty glory. Even this had been denied in the -last campaigns. England had incurred debts which -her people could ill afford to pay, and had only lowered -her reputation by a display of military incompetence. -Moreover, her expedition against France involved her -in the usual difficulties on the side of Scotland. Again -there was a devastating war along the Border; again -the Duke of Albany was sent from France and raised -an army for the invasion of England. But this time -Wolsey had taken his precautions, and the Earl of -Surrey was ready to march against him. When in -November Albany crossed the Tweed and besieged the -Castle of Wark, Surrey took the field, and again Albany -showed his incapacity as a leader. He retired before -Surrey's advance, and wished to retire to France, -but was prevented by the Scottish lords. Again the -Border raids went on with their merciless slaughter -and plunder, amidst which was developed the sternness -and severity which still mark the character of the -northern folk.</p> - -<p>Still, though the Scots might be defeated in the -field, their defeat and suffering only served to strengthen -the spirit of national independence. The subjugation -of Scotland to England was hindered, not helped, by the -alliance with the Emperor, which only drew Scotland -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">{99}</a></span> -nearer to France, and kept alive the old feeling of -hostility. It was hard to see what England had to gain -from the imperial alliance, and events soon proved that -Charles V. pursued his own interests without much -thought of the wishes of Henry VIII.</p> - -<p>On 14th September died Pope Adrian VI., a weary -and disappointed man. Again there was a prospect of -Wolsey's election to the papacy; again it might be -seen how much Charles V. would do for his English -ally. Wolsey had little hope of his good offices, and -was his own negotiator in the matter. He was not -sanguine about his prospects of success, as he knew -that Cardinal Medici was powerful in Rome; and the -disasters of the pontificate of Adrian VI. led the -cardinals to wish for a return to the old policy of Leo -X., of which Medici held the threads. So two letters -were sent to the English representatives in Rome, one -in behalf of Wolsey, the other in behalf of Medici. If -things were going for Medici, Wolsey was not to be -pressed; only in case of a disagreement was Wolsey to -be put forward, and then no effort was to be spared; -money was to be of no object, as Henry would make -good any promises made on his behalf to secure Wolsey's -election.</p> - -<p>The conclave was protracted; it sat from 1st October -to 17th November, and there was ample opportunity -for Charles to have made his influence felt in -Wolsey's behalf. He professed to Henry that he was -doing so. He wrote a letter recommending Wolsey to -his envoy in Rome, and then gave orders that the -courier who carried the letter should be detained on the -way. Really his influence was being used for Medici, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">{100}</a></span> -and though a strong party in the conclave opposed -Medici's election, it does not appear that Wolsey was -ever put forward as a competitor. The cardinals would -hear nothing of a foreigner, and the stubbornness of -Medici's party was at length rewarded by his election. -There is no trace that Wolsey was keenly disappointed -at this result. In announcing it to Henry VIII., he wrote, -"For my part, as I take God to record, I am more -joyous thereof than if it had fortuned upon my person, -knowing his excellent qualities most meet for the same, -and how great and sure a friend your Grace and the -Emperor be like to have of him, and I so good a -father."</p> - -<p>Few popes came to their office amid greater expectations, -and few more entirely disappointed them than -did Guilio de' Medici. Clement VII., whose election -Charles, Henry, and Wolsey united in greeting with -joy, suffered in a brief space entire humiliation at the -hands of Charles, caused the downfall of Wolsey, and -drove Henry to sever the bond between the English -Church and the Holy See. It is impossible not to -think how different would have been the course of -events if Wolsey had presided over the destinies of the -Church.</p> - -<div class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">{101}</a></div> - - <h2>CHAPTER VII<br /> - <span class="small">RENEWAL OF PEACE<br /> - 1523-1527</span></h2> - -<p class="nodent"><span class="smcap">The</span> -events of the year 1523 had practically made an -end of the imperial alliance. Henry VIII. was not in a -position to go to war again, and his confidence in -Charles V.'s good intentions towards him was dispelled. -Charles and Francis had had enough of war, and both -of them secretly desired peace, but neither would make -the first move towards it. Wolsey watched their movements -keenly, and strove that English interests should -not be entirely sacrificed in the pacification which seemed -imminent. He strove to induce Charles to allow proposals -of peace to proceed from England, which should -arbitrate on the differences between him and Francis. -He urged that in any negotiations which Charles himself -undertook he was bound to consider how Henry -could be recompensed for his losses. Moreover, he -secretly opened up negotiations of his own with the -French Court, and used the imperial alliance as a means -to heighten England's value to France.</p> - -<p>The more Wolsey watched events the more he -became convinced that the best thing was to make a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">{102}</a></span> -separate peace with France, yet in such a way as to -avoid an open breach with the Emperor. There were -other reasons besides the failure of military expeditions, -and the distrust in any good result from their continuance, -which impelled Wolsey to a pacific policy. He -knew only too well that war was impossible, and that -the country could not bear the continued drain on its -resources. If Henry VII. had developed the royal power -by a parsimony which enabled him to be free from -parliamentary control, Henry VIII. had dazzled his -people by the splendour of royalty, and had displayed his -magnificence to such an extent that Englishmen were -beginning to doubt if they could afford much longer -to be so important, or rather if England's importance in -Continental affairs were worth all the money that it -cost. Of late years the weight of taxation had become -oppressive, and the expenses of the last campaign were -difficult to meet.</p> - -<p>There was no difference between the national revenue -and the royal revenue in Wolsey's days. The king took -all the money he could get, and spent it as he thought -good; if he went to war he expected his people to pay -for it. In an ordinary way the king was well provided -for by his feudal dues and the proceeds of customs, -tonnage and poundage, and the tax on wool, wool-fells, -and leather. When extraordinary expenses were incurred -Parliament was summoned, and granted taxes to -the king. Their vote was reckoned on an old assessment -of tenths and fifteenths of the value of chattels -possessed by the baronage and the commons; and when -Parliament made this grant the clergy in their convocation -granted a tenth of clerical incomes. The value of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">{103}</a></span> -a tenth and fifteenth was £30,000; of a clerical tenth -£10,000; so that the usual grant in case of an emergency -amounted to £40,000 from the whole realm. For his -expedition of 1513 Henry obtained a vote of two tenths -and fifteenths, besides a subsidy of a graduated income -and property tax which was estimated to produce -£160,000, and this had to be supplemented by a further -grant of tenths and fifteenths in 1515.</p> - -<p>It was in 1515 that Wolsey became Chancellor, and -with that office assumed the entire responsibility for -all affairs of state. He managed to introduce some -order into the finances, and during the years of pacific -diplomacy things went tolerably well. But the French -expeditions were costly, and in April 1523 Parliament -had to be summoned to pay the king's debts. The war -against France was popular, and men were willing to -contribute.</p> - -<p>So on 15th April Henry VIII. opened Parliament, -and Tunstal, Bishop of London, delivered the usual -oration in praise of the king and grief over the evils of -the time. The Commons departed, and elected as their -Speaker Sir Thomas More, who had already abandoned -the quiet paths of literature for the stormy sea of -politics. The king's assent was given in the usual -manner to his appointment, and the session was adjourned. -The Commons doubtless began to take financial -matters under their consideration, but it was thought -desirable that they should have a definite statement of -the national needs. On 29th April Wolsey went to the -House, and after urging the importance of the interests -at stake in the war, proposed a subsidy of £800,000, to -be raised according to an old method, by a tax of four -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">{104}</a></span> -shillings in the pound on all goods and lands. Next -day there was much debate on this proposal; it was -urged that the sudden withdrawal of so large an amount -of ready money would seriously affect the currency, and -was indeed almost impossible. A committee was appointed -to represent to Wolsey that this was the sense -of the House, and beg him to induce the king to -moderate his demands. Wolsey answered that he would -rather have his tongue pulled out with red-hot pincers -than carry such a message to the king.</p> - -<p>The Commons in a melancholy mood renewed their -debate till Wolsey entered the House and desired to -reason with those who opposed his demands. On this -Sir Thomas More, as Speaker, defended the privilege of -the House by saying, "That it was the order of that -House to hear and not to reason save among themselves." -Whereupon Wolsey was obliged to content -himself with answering such objections as had come to -his ear. He argued, it would seem with vigour, that the -country was much richer than they thought, and he -told them some unpleasant truths, which came with ill -grace from himself, about the prevalence of luxury. -After his departure the debate continued till the House -agreed to grant two shillings in the pound on all incomes -of £20 a year and upwards; one shilling on all between -£20 and £2; and fourpence on all incomes under £2; -this payment to be extended over two years. This was -increased by a county member, who said, "Let us -gentlemen of £50 a year and upwards give the king -of our lands a shilling in the pound, to be paid in -two years." The borough members stood aloof, and -allowed the landholders to tax themselves an extra -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">{105}</a></span> -shilling in the pound if they chose to do so. This -was voted on 21st May, and Parliament was prorogued -till 10th June. Meanwhile popular feeling was greatly -moved by rumours of an unprecedented tax, and what -was really done was grossly exaggerated on all sides. -As the members left the House an angry crowd greeted -them with jeers. "We hear say that you will grant -four shillings in the pound. Do so, and go home, we advise -you." Really the members had done the best they -could, and worse things were in store for them. For -when the session was resumed the knights of the shire -showed some resentment that they had been allowed to -outdo the burgesses in liberality. They proposed that -as they had agreed to pay a shilling in the pound on -land assessed over £50 in the third year, so a like payment -should be made in the fourth year on all goods -over the value of £50. There was a stormy debate on -this motion; but Sir Thomas More at length made -peace, and it was passed. Thus Wolsey, on the whole, -had contrived to obtain something resembling his -original proposal, but the payments were spread over a -period of four years. After this Wolsey, at the prorogation -of Parliament, could afford to thank the Commons -on the king's behalf, and assure them that "his -Grace would in such wise employ their loving contribution -as should be for the defence of his realm and -of his subjects, and the persecution and pressing of his -enemy."</p> - -<p>Yet, however Wolsey might rejoice in his success, he -knew that he had received a serious warning, which he -was bound to lay to heart. He had been faithful to the -king, and had done his best to carry out his views. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">{106}</a></span> -The war with France was none of his advising, and he -had no hopes of any advantage from it; yet he was willing -to take all the blame of measures which inwardly he -disapproved. He stood forward and assumed the unpopularity -of taxation, whose necessity he deplored. -Henry spent the nation's money at his pleasure, and -Wolsey undertook the ungrateful task of squeezing -supplies from a reluctant Parliament, while the king -sat a benevolent spectator in the background. Henry -took all the glory, and left Wolsey to do all the -unpleasant work. Wolsey stood between the national -temper and the king; he felt that he could not stand -under the odium of accomplishing many more such reconciliations. -England had reached the limit of its aspirations -after national glory. For the future Wolsey must -maintain the king's honour without appealing to the -national pocket.</p> - -<p>There was no prospect of obtaining further supplies -from Parliament, and the best way to pay the expenses -of a futile war was by making a lucrative peace. Wolsey -tried to induce Francis I. to renew his financial agreement -with Henry VIII. which the war had broken off; -and to bring pressure to bear upon him for this purpose, -was willing to continue with Charles V. negotiations -for a fresh undertaking.</p> - -<p>So in June the unwearied Pace was sent to Bourbon's -camp to promise England's help on terms which Wolsey -knew were sure to be refused. England would again -join in a campaign against France in the north, provided -Bourbon, by an invasion of Provence, succeeded in raising -a rebellion against Francis I., and would take an oath of -allegiance to the English king as lord of France. Bourbon -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">{107}</a></span> -sorely needed money, and did all he could to win over -Pace. He secretly took an oath of fidelity, not of allegiance; -and Pace was impressed with admiration of his genius -and believed in his chances of success. Wolsey was -coldly cautious towards Pace's enthusiasm, and the result -was a breach between them. Pace openly blamed Wolsey, -as Wingfield had done before, and pressed for money -and an armed demonstration. Wolsey soberly rebuked -his lack of judgment by setting before him a well-considered -survey of the political chances. His caution proved -to be justified, as Bourbon's invasion of Provence was a -failure. Wolsey gained all that he needed by his pretence -of helping Bourbon; he induced the French -Court to undertake negotiations seriously by means of -secret envoys who were sent to London.</p> - -<p>Still Wolsey did not hide from himself the difficulties -in the way of an alliance with France which -would satisfy Henry VIII. or bring substantial advantage -to the country. However, on one point he managed -to obtain an immediate advantage. He always kept -his eye on Scotland, and now used the first signs of returning -friendliness on the part of France to further -his scheme of restoring English influence in that -country. In June the Duke of Albany was recalled to -France, and Wolsey set to work to win back Queen -Margaret to her brother's cause. He seems to have -despaired of blandishments, and contrived a way to -have a more powerful weapon. Margaret's husband, -the Earl of Angus, had been sent by Albany to France, -where he was carefully guarded. On the first signs -of renewed friendliness between England and France a -hint from Wolsey procured him an opportunity of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">{108}</a></span> -escaping to England. With Angus at his disposal -Wolsey urged Margaret to be reconciled to her -husband, and terrified her by the prospect of alternately -restoring him to Scotland. By playing cleverly on her -personal feelings, Wolsey led her by degrees to accept -his own plan for freeing Scotland from Albany and -French interference. He urged that the young king was -now old enough to rule for himself, and promised Margaret -help to secure her supremacy in his council. At -the same time he won over the Scottish lords by the -prospect of a marriage between James and Mary of England, -who was still Henry VIII.'s heir. In August -James V. was set up as king, and the Scottish Parliament -approved of the English marriage. Again Wolsey -won a signal triumph, and accomplished by diplomacy -what the sword had been unable to achieve.</p> - -<p>We need not follow the complicated diplomacy of the -year 1524, which was transferred to Italy, whither Francis -I. had pursued Bourbon and was engaged in the siege -of Pavia. It is enough to say that Wolsey pursued a -cautious course: if Francis won the day in Italy he was -ready to treat with him liberally: if the imperial arms -prevailed, then he could sell England's alliance more -dearly. But this cautious attitude was displeasing -to Charles, whose ambassador in London, De Praet, -complained without ceasing of the growing coldness of -Henry and Wolsey. Wolsey kept a sharp watch on -De Praet, and resented his keen-sightedness; finally, -in February 1525, De Praet's despatches were intercepted, -and he was called before the Council, when -Wolsey charged him with untruth. De Praet answered -by complaining that his privileges as an ambassador had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">{109}</a></span> -been violated. He was ordered to confine himself to his -own house till the king had written to the Emperor -about his conduct.</p> - -<p>This was indeed an unheard-of treatment for the ambassador -of an ally, and we can scarcely attribute it -merely to personal spite on the part of so skilled a -statesman as Wolsey. Perhaps it was a deliberate plan -to cause a personal breach between Henry and the -Emperor. No doubt Henry's own feelings were towards -Charles rather than Francis, and it seems probable that -Wolsey wished to show his master that Charles was only -trying to make use of his friendship for his own purposes. -The despatches of Charles's envoy were opened and their -contents made known to Henry for some time before -Wolsey took any open action. He acted when he saw -his master sufficiently irritated, and he probably suggested -that the best way to give Charles a lesson was -by an attack upon his ambassador. This proposal -agreed with the high-handed manner of action which -Henry loved to adopt. It gave him a chance of -asserting his own conception of his dignity, and he -challenged Charles to say if he identified himself with -his ambassador's sentiments.</p> - -<p>Under any circumstances it was an audacious step, and -as things turned out it was an unfortunate one. Within -a few days the news reached England that Francis -had been attacked at Pavia by the imperial forces, had -been entirely routed, and was a prisoner in the hands -of Charles. Though Wolsey was prepared for some success -of the imperial arms, he was taken aback at the decisiveness -of the stroke. His time for widening the breach -between Charles and Henry had not been well chosen.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">{110}</a></span> -However, Charles saw that he could not pursue his -victory without money, and to obtain money he must -adopt an appearance of moderation. So he professed in -Italy willingness to forget the past, and he avoided a -quarrel with England. He treated the insult to his -ambassador as the result of a personal misunderstanding. -Henry complained of De Praet's unfriendly -bearing; Charles assured him that no offence was -intended. Both parties saved their dignity; De Praet -was recalled, and another ambassador was sent in his -stead. Wolsey saw that he had been precipitate, and -hastened to withdraw his false step; Henry lent -him his countenance, but can scarcely have relished -doing so. Wolsey knew that his difficulties were increased. -The victory of Charles again drew Henry to -his side and revived his projects of conquest at the -expense of France, now left helpless by its king's captivity. -As the defection of Bourbon had formerly -awakened Henry's hopes, so now did the captivity -of Francis. Again Wolsey's pacific plans were shattered; -again he was driven to undertake the preparations for a -war of which his judgment disapproved.</p> - -<p>Indeed Wolsey knew that war was absolutely impossible -for want of money; but it was useless to say so to -the king. He was bound to try and raise supplies by -some means or other, and his experience of the last Parliament -had shown him that there was no more to be -obtained from that source. In his extremity Wolsey -undertook the responsibility of reviving a feudal obligation -which had long been forgotten. He announced -that the king purposed to pass the sea in person, and -demanded that the goodwill of his subjects should provide -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">{111}</a></span> -for his proper equipment. But the goodwill of the -people was not allowed the privilege of spontaneous -generosity. Commissioners were appointed in every -shire to assess men's property, and require a sixth part of -it for the king's needs. Wolsey himself addressed the -citizens of London. When they gave a feeble assent to -his request for advice, "whether they thought it convenient -that the king should pass the sea with an army -or not," he proceeded, "Then he must go like a prince, -which cannot be without your aid." He unfolded his proposals -for a grant of 3s. 4d. in the pound on £50 and -upwards, 2s. 8d. on £20 and upwards, and 1s. in the pound -on £1 and upwards. Some one pleaded that the times -were bad. "Sirs," said Wolsey, "speak not to break what -is concluded, for some shall not pay even a tenth; and it -were better that a few should suffer indigence than the -king at this time should lack. Beware, therefore, and -resist not, nor ruffle not in this case; otherwise it may -fortune to cost some their heads." This was indeed a -high-handed way of dealing with a public meeting, -which was only summoned to hear the full measure of -the coming calamity. We cannot wonder that "all -people cursed the cardinal and his adherents as subverters -of the laws and liberty of England." Nor was -Wolsey ignorant of the unpopularity which he incurred; -but there was no escape possible. He rested only on the -king's favour, and he knew that the king's personal affection -for him had grown colder. He was no longer the -king's friend and tutor, inspiring him with his own lofty -ideas and slowly revealing his far-reaching schemes. -Late years had seen Wolsey immersed in the business of -the State, while the king pursued his own pleasures, surrounded -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">{112}</a></span> -by companions who did their utmost to undermine -Wolsey's influence. They advocated war, while he -longed for peace; they encouraged the royal extravagance, -while he worked for economy; they favoured the -imperial alliance and humoured Henry's dreams of the -conquest of France, while Wolsey saw that England's -strength lay in a powerful neutrality. The king's plans -had deviated from the lines which Wolsey had designed, -and the king's arbitrary temper had grown more -impatient of restraint. Wolsey had imperceptibly -slipped from the position of a friend to that of a servant, -and he was dimly conscious that his continuance in the -royal service depended on his continued usefulness. -Whatever the king required he was bound to provide.</p> - -<p>So Wolsey strained every nerve to fill the royal -coffers by the device of an "Amicable Loan," which raised -a storm of popular indignation. Men said with truth -that they had not yet paid the subsidy voted by Parliament, -and already they were exposed to a new exaction. -Coin had never been plentiful in England, and at -that time it was exceptionally scarce. The commissioners -in the different shires all reported the exceeding difficulty -which they met with in the discharge of their unpleasant -duty. It soon became clear to Wolsey that his demand -had overshot the limits of prudence, and that money -could not be raised on the basis of the parliamentary -assessment without the risk of a rebellion. Accordingly -Wolsey withdrew from his original proposal. He sent -for the mayor and corporation of London and told them, -in the fictitious language in which constitutional procedure -is always veiled, "I kneeled down to his Grace, -showing him both your good minds towards him and also -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">{113}</a></span> -the charge you continually sustain, the which, at my -desire and petition, was content to call in and abrogate -the same commission." The attempt to raise money on -the basis of each man's ratable value was abandoned, -and the more usual method of a benevolence was substituted -in its stead.</p> - -<p>This, however, was not much more acceptable. -Again Wolsey summoned the mayor and corporation; -but they had now grown bolder, and pleaded that benevolences -had been abolished by the statute of Richard III. -Wolsey angrily answered that Richard was a usurper -and a murderer of his nephews; how could his acts -be good? "An it please your Grace," was the answer, -"although he did evil, yet in his time were many good -acts made not by him only, but by the consent of the -body of the whole realm, which is Parliament." There -was nothing more to be said, and Wolsey had to content -himself with leaving every man to contribute -privily what he would. It did not seem that this spontaneous -liberality went far to replenish the royal -exchequer.</p> - -<p>What happened in London was repeated in different -forms in various parts of England. In Norwich there -was a tumult, which it needed the presence of the Duke -of Norfolk to appease. He asked the confused assembly -who was their captain, and bade that he should speak. -Then out spake one John Greene, a man of fifty years. -"My lord, since you ask who is our captain, forsooth, -his name is Poverty; for he and his cousin Necessity -have brought us to this doing. For all these persons -and many more live not of ourselves, but we live by the -substantial occupiers of this country; and yet they give -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">{114}</a></span> -us so little wages for our workmanship that scarcely we -be able to live; and thus in penury we pass the time, -we, our wives and children: and if they, by whom we -live, be brought in that case that they of their little cannot -help us to earn our living, then must we perish and -die miserably. I speak this, my lord: the clothmakers -have put away all their people, and a far greater number, -from work. The husbandmen have put away their servants -and given up household; they say the king asketh -so much that they be not able to do as they have done -before this time, and then of necessity must we die -wretchedly."</p> - -<p>John Greene's speech expressed only too truly the -condition of affairs in a period of social change. The -old nobility had declined, and the old form of life -founded on feudalism was slowly passing away. Trade was -becoming more important than agriculture; the growth -of wool was more profitable than the growth of corn. It -is true that England as a whole was growing richer, and -that the standard of comfort was rising; but there was -a great displacement of labour, and consequent discontent. -The towns had thriven at the expense of the -country; and in late years the war with France had -hindered trade with the Netherlands. The custom -duties had diminished, the drain of bullion for war -expenses had crippled English commerce. There had -been a succession of bad seasons, and every one had -begun to diminish his establishment and look more carefully -after his expenditure.</p> - -<p>All this was well known to the Duke of Norfolk, and -was laid before the king. The commissions were recalled, -pardons were granted to the rioters, and the loan was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">{115}</a></span> -allowed to drop. But Wolsey had to bear all the odium -of the unsuccessful attempt, while the king gained all the -popularity of abandoning it. Yet Henry VIII. resented -the failure, and was angry with Wolsey for exposing him -to a rebuff. In spite of his efforts Wolsey was ceasing -to be so useful as he had been before, and Henry began -to criticise his minister. Brave and resolute as Wolsey -was, his labours and disappointments began to tell upon -him. Since the failure of the Conference of Calais he -had been working not at the development of a policy -which he approved, but at the uncongenial task of -diminishing the dangers of a policy which he disapproved. -The effects of this constant anxiety told upon -his health and spirits, and still more upon his temper. -He might be as able and as firm as ever, but he no -longer had the same confidence in himself.</p> - -<p>It was perhaps this feeling which led Wolsey to show -the king the extremity of his desire to serve him by -undertaking the desperate endeavour to wring more -money from an exhausted people. Wolsey had done his -utmost to satisfy the king; he had accepted without a -murmur the burden of popular hatred which the attempt -was sure to bring. There is a pathos in his words, -reported by an unfriendly hand, addressed to the -council: "Because every man layeth the burden from -him, I am content to take it on me, and to endure the -fume and noise of the people, for my goodwill towards -the king, and comfort of you, my lords and other the -king's councillors; but the eternal God knoweth all." -Nor was it enough that he submitted to the storm; he -wished to give the king a further proof of his devotion. -Though others might withhold their substance, yet he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">{116}</a></span> -would not. He offered the king his house at Hampton -Court, which he had built as his favourite retreat, -and had adorned to suit his taste. It was indeed a royal -gift, and Henry had no scruple in accepting it. But the -offer seems to show an uneasy desire to draw closer a -bond which had been gradually loosened, and renew an -intimacy which was perceptibly diminishing.</p> - -<p>However, in one way Wolsey had a right to feel -satisfaction even in his ill-success. If money was not -to be had, war was impossible, and Wolsey might now -pursue his own policy and work for peace. He had to -face the actual facts that England was allied to Charles, -who had won a signal victory over Francis, and had -in his hands a mighty hostage in the person of the -King of France. His first object was to discover Charles -V.'s intentions, and prevent him from using his advantage -solely for his own profit. Bishop Tunstal and Sir -Richard Wingfield were sent to Charles with orders -to put on a bold face, and find whether Charles thought -of dethroning Francis or releasing him for a ransom. In -the first case, they were to offer military aid from -England; in the second, they were to claim for England -a large share in the concessions to be wrung out of -Francis. The English demands were so exorbitant -that though they may have satisfied the fantastic aspirations -of Henry, Wolsey must have known them to -be impossible. Under cover of a friendly proposal to -Charles he was really preparing the way for a breach.</p> - -<p>Charles on his side was engaged in playing a similar -game. In spite of his success at Pavia he was really -helpless. He had no money, and the captivity of the -French king awakened so much alarm in Europe that -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">{117}</a></span> -he felt compelled to use his advantage moderately. As -a first measure he needed money, and saw no chance of -obtaining it save by marrying Isabella of Portugal, who -would bring him a dowry of 1,000,000 golden crowns. For -this purpose he must free himself from the engagement -of the treaty of Windsor, by which he was betrothed to -Mary of England. So he acted as Wolsey was acting. -He professed a great desire to carry out his engagement -as a means of getting rid of it, and sent ambassadors to -ask that Mary and her dowry should be given up to him, -with a further loan of 200,000 ducats.</p> - -<p>The two embassies had crossed on the way, and -Henry received Charles's communication as an answer -to his demands. In this way it served Wolsey's -purpose admirably, for it showed clearly enough that the -interests of Henry and Charles were not the same. -Charles was bent upon pursuing his own advantage, and -was still willing to use Henry as a useful ally; but -Henry saw nothing to be gained from the alliance, and -the time had come when some tangible gain was to be -secured from all his expenditure. Hitherto he had been -personally on Charles's side, but in his conferences with -the imperial envoys in the month of June he made it -clear that his patience was exhausted. Henceforth he -accepted Wolsey's views of peace with France. If -Charles was striving to make what he could out of the -captivity of the French king, then England might as -well join in the scramble. The misfortune of France -was England's opportunity. If Charles was not willing -to share his gains with Henry, then Henry must pick up -what he could for himself. It was an unwelcome conclusion -for Charles, who hoped to bring the pressure of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">{118}</a></span> -irresistible necessity to bear on his captive. If England -also joined in the bidding its competition would run -down his price.</p> - -<p>Moreover, this resolution of Henry made a great -change in his domestic relations. Queen Katharine was -devoted to her nephew's interests, and had exercised considerable -influence over her husband. They talked -together about politics, and Henry liked to move amidst -acquiescent admiration. All that was now at an end, -as Katharine could not change her sympathies, and had -not the tact to disguise her disapprobation. From this -time forward Henry did not treat her with the affection -and familiarity which had been his wont, and when he -made up his mind he did not scruple to emphasise his -decision by his acts. He had not been a faithful husband, -but hitherto his infidelity had not been a cause of -domestic discord. He had an illegitimate son, Henry -Fitzroy, by Elizabeth Blunt, one of the Queen's ladies-in-waiting; -and on 15th June he created this boy of -six years old Duke of Richmond. This he did with a -display of pomp and ceremony which must have been -very offensive to the Queen; nor was the offence diminished -when, a month afterwards, the boy was created -Lord High Admiral of England. Such an act was, to -say the least, a taunt to Katharine that she had borne no -son; it was a public proclamation of the king's disappointment -and discontent with his matrimonial lot. -The luckless Katharine could make no complaint, and -was forced to submit to the king's will; but we cannot -doubt that she put down to Wolsey what was not his due, -and that Wolsey had to bear the hatred of her friends -for the king's change of policy, and all that flowed from it.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">{119}</a></span> -However, Wolsey's course was now clearly to dissolve -the imperial alliance without causing a breach. For this -purpose he used Charles's desire for his Portuguese -marriage. He offered to release Charles from his -engagement to Mary on condition that the treaty was -annulled, that he paid his debts to Henry, and concluded -a peace with France to England's satisfaction. Charles -refused to take any step so decided, and the negotiations -proceeded. But Wolsey's attention was not so much -directed to Charles as to France, where Louise, the king's -mother, was desperately striving to procure her son's -release. In their dealings with France there was a -keen rivalry between England and the Emperor, which -should succeed in making terms soonest. In this competition -Wolsey had one advantage; he had already -learned the stubbornness of the national spirit of France, -and its willingness to submit to anything rather than -territorial loss. So, while Charles haggled for provinces, -Wolsey demanded money. He told the French envoys -that in order to make peace, without having won laurels -to justify it, Henry could not take less than 2,000,000 -crowns, and he would hear of no abatement. There -was much discussion of all the old claims of England for -compensation from France, but Wolsey knew the necessity -of the moment, and carried all his points.</p> - -<p>When the terms were agreed upon there was another -discussion about the security to be given. Francis was -a prisoner in Spain, and though his mother was regent, a -doubt might be thrown upon her capacity to ratify such -an important treaty. Wolsey would admit no doubts -in the matter. He knew that peace with France would -not be popular, but he was determined that his master -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">{120}</a></span> -should see its advantage in the substantial form of ready -money with good security for its payment. Besides -ratification by the regent he demanded the personal -security of several French nobles, of towns and local -estates. At length he was satisfied. The treaty was -signed on 30th August, and was published on 6th September. -Henry was to receive 2,000,000 crowns in -annual instalments of 50,000; the treaty included -Scotland as an ally of France, and it was stipulated that -the Duke of Albany was not to return. Scotland, left -unprotected, was bound to follow France, and in January -1526 peace was signed with Scotland to the satisfaction -of both countries.</p> - -<p>Wolsey could congratulate himself on the result of -his work. Again he had won for England a strong -position, by setting her in the forefront of the opposition -to the overweening power of the empire. Again had -England's action done much to restore the equilibrium -of Europe. This had been achieved solely by Wolsey's -diplomacy. Charles V. had received a blow which he -could neither parry nor resent. The French treaty -with England deprived Charles of the means of exercising -irresistible pressure upon Francis, and encouraged -the Italian States to form an alliance against the Emperor. -Francis, weary of his long captivity, signed the treaty -of Madrid, and obtained his freedom in February 1526. -But he previously protested against it as extorted by -violence, and refused to surrender an inch of French -territory notwithstanding his promises. Charles gained -little by his victory at Pavia. His hands were again -full, as the Turks invaded Hungary, and Francis -joined the Italian League against him. He still had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">{121}</a></span> -every motive to keep on good terms with England, and -Wolsey had no desire to precipitate a breach.</p> - -<p>So Wolsey's policy for the future was one of caution -and reserve. The king withdrew more and more from -public affairs, and spent his time in hunting. His relations -with Katharine became day by day more irksome, -and he tried to forget his domestic life by leading a life -of pleasure. Wolsey strove to hold the balance between -Charles and Francis without unduly inclining to either -side. Both wished to be on good terms with England, -for neither was free from anxiety. The sons of Francis -were hostages in Spain, and Charles was hampered by -the opposition of the Italian League. Of this League -Henry VIII. was a member, but he declined to give it -any active support. The Italians, as usual, were divided, -and Clement VII. was not the man to direct their distracted -councils successfully. In September 1526 a small force -of Spaniards, aided by a party amongst the Roman -barons, surprised Rome, sacked the papal palace, and -filled Clement with terror. Charles V. disavowed -any share in this attack, and excused himself before -Henry's remonstrances. But as Clement did not -entirely amend his ways, the experiment was repeated -on a larger scale. In May 1527 the imperial troops -under the Duke of Bourbon and the German general -George Frundsberg captured and plundered Rome, and -took the Pope prisoner. This unwonted deed filled -Europe with horror. It seemed as if the Emperor had -joined the enemies of the Church.</p> - -<p>During this period Wolsey had been cautiously -drawing nearer to France. At first he only contemplated -strengthening the ties which bound the two countries -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">{122}</a></span> -together; but in the beginning of 1527 he was willing -to form a close alliance with France, which must lead to -a breach with the Emperor. French commissioners -came to London, and a proposal was made that Francis -should marry Mary, then a child of ten, though he was -betrothed to the Emperor's sister Eleanor. Wolsey's -demands were high: a perpetual peace between the two -countries, a perpetual pension of 50,000 crowns to the -English king, a tribute of salt, and the surrender of -Boulogne and Ardres. In the course of the discussion -the son of Francis, the Duke of Orleans, was substituted -for the father as Mary's husband; on all other points -Wolsey had his will, and never did he show himself a -more consummate master of diplomacy. The treaty -was signed on 30th April. The debts of Charles were -transferred to Francis, and Wolsey could show that he -had made a substantial gain.</p> - -<p>Doubtless Wolsey intended that this peace with -France should form the basis of a universal peace, which -he never ceased to pursue. The success of Charles V. -in Italy, and subsequent events at home, rapidly dispelled -his hopes. Already the selfwill of Henry VIII. had -driven him to consent to measures which were against -his judgment; the same selfwill, turned to domestic -and personal affairs, was already threatening to involve -Wolsey in a matter whose far-reaching effects no man -could foresee.</p> - -<div class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">{123}</a></div> - - <h2>CHAPTER VIII<br /> - <span class="small">WOLSEY'S DOMESTIC POLICY</span></h2> - -<p class="nodent"><span class="smcap">We</span> -have been following the laborious career of Wolsey -in his direction of foreign affairs. He held in his hands -the threads of complicated negotiations, by which he -was endeavouring to assure England's power on the -Continent, not by means of war but by skilful diplomacy. -In doing this he had to guard the commercial -relations of England with the Netherlands, and had also -to bow before the selfwill of the king, who insisted -on pursuing fantastic designs of personal aggrandisement. -Still he steered a careful course amidst many -difficulties, though when he looked back upon his -labours of thirteen years he must have owned to serious -disappointment. Perhaps he sometimes asked himself -the question, if foreign policy was worthy of the best -attention of an English minister, if he had not erred in -adventuring on such large schemes abroad. There was -much to do at home; many useful measures of reform -awaited only a convenient season. He had hoped, when -first he began his course, to have seen England long -before this time peaceful and powerful, the arbiter of -European affairs, a pattern to other kingdoms, dealing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">{124}</a></span> -honestly and sagaciously with the pressing needs of the -time. He had laboured incessantly for that end, but it -was as far off as ever. The year 1527 saw England -exhausted by useless wars, and Europe plunged in irreconcilable -strife. Wolsey's dream of a united Europe, -cautiously moved by England's moderating counsels, had -vanished before forces which he could not control.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile domestic reforms had been thrust into the -background. Wolsey was keenly alive to their importance, -and had a distinct policy which he wished to -carry out. He had carefully gathered into his hands -the power which would enable him to act, but he could -not find the time for definite action. Something he -contrived to do, so as to prepare the way for more; but -his schemes were never revealed in their entirety, though -he trained the men who afterwards carried them out, -though in a crude and brutal shape.</p> - -<p>England was passing through a period of social change -which necessitated a re-adjustment of old institutions. -The decay of feudalism in the Wars of the Roses had been -little noticed, but its results had been profound. In the -sphere of government the check exercised by the barons -on the Crown was destroyed. Henry VII. carefully -depressed the baronage and spared the pockets of the -people, who were willing to have the conduct of affairs -in the hands of the king so long as he kept order and -guarded the commercial interests, which were more and -more absorbing national energies. The nation wished -for a strong government to put down anarchy and maintain -order; but the nation was not willing to bear -the cost of a strong government on constitutional principles. -Henry VII. soon found that he might do what -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">{125}</a></span> -he liked provided he did not ask for money; he might -raise supplies by unconstitutional exactions on individuals -provided he did not embarrass the bulk of the middle -classes, who were busied with trade. The nobles, the -rich landowners, the wealthy merchants, were left to the -king's mercies; so long as the pockets of the commons -were spared they troubled themselves no further.</p> - -<p>Henry VII. recognised this condition of national -feeling, and pursued a policy of levelling class privileges -and cautiously heeding the popular interests; by these -means he established the royal power on a strong basis, -and carried on his government through capable officials, -who took their instructions from himself. Some of the -old nobles held office, but they gradually were reduced -to the same level as the other officials with whom they -consorted. The power of the old nobility passed silently -away.</p> - -<p>With this political change a social change corresponded. -The barons of former years were great in proportion to -the number of their retainers and the strength of their -castles. Now retainers were put down by the Star -Chamber; and the feudal lord was turned into the -country gentleman. Land changed hands rapidly; -opulent merchants possessed themselves of estates. The -face of the country began to wear a new look, for the -new landlords did not desire a numerous tenantry but a -large income. The great trade of England was wool, -which was exported to Flanders. Tillage lands were -thrown into pasture; small holders found it more -difficult to live on their holdings; complaints were -heard that the country was being depopulated. England -was slowly passing through an economic change which -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">{126}</a></span> -involved a displacement of population, and consequent -misery on the labouring classes. No doubt there was -a great increase in national prosperity; but prosperity -was not universally diffused at once, and men were keenly -conscious of present difficulties. Beneath the surface of -society there was a widespread feeling of discontent.</p> - -<p>Moreover, amongst thinking men a new spirit was beginning -to prevail. In Italy this new spirit was manifest by -quickened curiosity about the world and life, and found -its expression in a study of classical antiquity. Curiosity -soon led to criticism; and before the new criticism the -old ideas on which the intellectual life of the Middle -Ages was built were slowly passing away. Rhetoric took -the place of logic, and the study of the classics superseded -the study of theology. This movement of thought -slowly found its way to England, where it began to influence -the higher minds.</p> - -<p>Thus England was going through a crisis politically, -socially, and intellectually, when Wolsey undertook the -management of affairs. This crisis was not acute, and -did not call for immediate measures of direction; but -Wolsey was aware of its existence, and had his own -plans for the future. We must regret that he put -foreign policy in the first place, and reserved his constructive -measures for domestic affairs. The time seemed -ripe for great achievements abroad, and Wolsey was -hopeful of success. He may be pardoned for his lofty -aspirations, for if he had succeeded England would have -led the way in a deliberate settlement of many questions -which concerned the wellbeing of the whole of Christendom. -But success eluded Wolsey's grasp, and he fell -from power before he had time to trace decidedly the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">{127}</a></span> -lines on which England might settle her problems for -herself; and when the solution came it was strangely -entangled in the personal questions which led to Wolsey's -fall from power. Yet even here we may doubt if the -measures of the English Reformation would have been -possible if Wolsey's mind had not inspired the king and -the nation with a heightened consciousness of England's -power and dignity. Wolsey's diplomacy at least tore -away all illusions about Pope and Emperor, and the -opinion of Europe, and taught Henry VIII. the measure -of his own strength.</p> - -<p>It was impossible that Wolsey's powerful hand should -not leave its impression upon everything which it touched. -If Henry VIII. inherited a strong monarchy, Wolsey -made the basis of monarchical power still stronger. It -was natural that he should do so, as he owed his own -position entirely to the royal favour. But never had -any king so devoted a servant as had Henry VIII., in -Wolsey; and this devotion was not entirely due to -motives of selfish calculation or to personal attraction. -Wolsey saw in the royal power the only possible means -of holding England together and guiding it through the -dangers of impending change. In his eyes the king -and the king alone could collect and give expression to -the national will. England itself was unconscious of its -capacities, and was heedless about the future. The -nobles, so far as they had any policy, were only desirous -to win back their old position. The Church was no -longer the inspirer of popular aspirations or the bulwark -of popular freedom. Its riches were regarded with a -jealous eye by the middle classes, who were busied with -trade; the defects of its organisation had been deplored -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">{128}</a></span> -by its most spiritually-minded sons for a century; its -practices, if not its tenets, awakened the ridicule of men -of intelligence; its revenues supplied the king with -officials more than they supplied the country with faithful -pastors; its leaders were content to look to the king -for patronage and protection. The traders of the towns -and the new landlords of the country appreciated the -growth of their fortunes in a period of internal quiet, -and dreaded anything that might bring back discord. -The labouring classes felt that redress of their grievances -was more possible from a far-off king than from landlords -who, in their eyes, were bent upon extortion. -Every class looked to the king, and was confident in his -good intentions. We cannot wonder that Wolsey saw -in the royal power the only possible instrument strong -enough to work reforms, and set himself with goodwill -to make that instrument efficacious.</p> - -<p>So Wolsey was in no sense a constitutional minister, -nor did he pay much heed to constitutional forms. Parliament -was only summoned once during the time that -he was in office, and then he tried to browbeat Parliament -and set aside its privileges. In his view the only -function of Parliament was to grant money for the -king's needs. The king should say how much he needed, -and Parliament ought only to advise how this sum might -most conveniently be raised. We have seen that Wolsey -failed in his attempt to convert Parliament into a submissive -instrument of royal despotism. He under-estimated -the strength of constitutional forms and the -influence of precedent. Parliament was willing to do -its utmost to meet the wishes of the king, but it would -not submit to Wolsey's high-handed dictation. The -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">{129}</a></span> -habits of diplomacy had impaired Wolsey's sagacity in -other fields; he had been so busy in managing emperors -and kings that he had forgotten how to deal with his -fellow-countrymen. He was unwise in his attempt to -force the king's will upon Parliament as an unchangeable -law of its action. Henry VIII. looked on and learned -from Wolsey's failure, and when he took the management -of Parliament into his own hands he showed himself -a consummate master of that craft. His skill in this -direction has scarcely been sufficiently estimated, and -his success has been put down to the servility of Parliament. -But Parliament was by no means servile under -Wolsey's overbearing treatment. If it was subservient -to Henry the reason is to be found in his excellent -tactics. He conciliated different interests at different -times; he mixed the redress of acknowledged grievances -with the assertion of far-reaching claims; he decked out -selfish motives in fair-sounding language; he led men on -step by step till they were insensibly pledged to measures -more drastic than they approved; he kept the -threads of his policy in his own hands till the only -escape from utter confusion was an implicit confidence in -his wisdom; he made it almost impossible for those who -were dissatisfied to find a point on which they could -establish a principle for resistance. He was so skilful that -Parliament at last gave him even the power over the -purse, and Henry, without raising a murmur, imposed -taxes which Wolsey would not have dared to -suggest. It is impossible not to feel that Henry, perhaps -taught in some degree by Cromwell, understood the -temper of the English people far better than Wolsey -ever did. He established the royal power on a broader -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">{130}</a></span> -and securer basis than Wolsey could have erected. -Where Wolsey would have made the Crown independent -of Parliament, Henry VIII. reduced Parliament to be a -willing instrument of the royal will. Wolsey would -have subverted the constitution, or at least would have -reduced it to a lifeless form; Henry VIII. so worked -the constitutional machinery that it became an additional -source of power to his monarchy.</p> - -<p>But though Wolsey was not successful in his method -of making the royal power supreme over Parliament, he -took the blame of failure upon himself, and saved the -king's popularity. Wolsey's devotion to his master was -complete, and cannot be assigned purely to selfish -motives. Wolsey felt that his opinions, his policy, his -aspirations had been formed through his intercourse with -the king; and he was only strong when he and his -master were thoroughly at one. At first the two men -had been in complete agreement, and it cost Wolsey -many a pang when he found that Henry did not entirely -agree with his conclusions. After the imperial alliance -was made Wolsey lost much of his brilliancy, his dash, -and his force. This was not the result of age, or fatigue, -or hopelessness so much as of the feeling that he and the -king were no longer in accord. Like many other strong -men, Wolsey was sensitive. He did not care for popularity, -but he felt the need of being understood and -trusted. He gave the king his affection, and he craved -for a return. There was no one else who could understand -him or appreciate his aims, and when he felt that he -was valued for his usefulness rather than trusted for -what he was in himself, the spring of his life's energy -was gone.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">{131}</a></span> -Still Wolsey laboured in all things to exalt the royal -power, for in it he saw the only hope of the future, -and England endorsed his opinion. But Wolsey was -too great a man to descend to servility, and Henry -always treated him with respect. In fact Wolsey always -behaved with a strong sense of his personal dignity, and -carried stickling for decorum to the verge of punctiliousness. -Doubtless he had a decided taste for splendour -and magnificence, but it is scarcely fair to put this down -to the arrogance of an upstart, as was done by his -English contemporaries. Wolsey believed in the influence -of outward display on the popular mind, and did his -utmost to throw over the king a veil of unapproachable -grandeur and unimpeachable rectitude. He took upon -himself the burden of the king's responsibilities, and -stood forward to shield him against the danger of losing -the confidence of his people. As the king's representative -he assumed a royal state; he wished men to -see that they were governed from above, and he strove to -accustom them to the pomp of power. In his missions -abroad, and in his interviews with foreign ambassadors, he -was still more punctilious than in the matters of domestic -government. If the king was always to be regarded as -the king, Wolsey, as the mouthpiece of the royal will, -never abated his claims to honour only less than royal; -but he acted not so much from self-assertion as from -policy. At home and abroad equally the greatness of -the royal power was to be unmistakably set forth, and -ostentation was an element in the game of brag to which -a spirited foreign policy inevitably degenerates. It was -for the king's sake that Wolsey magnified himself; he -never assumed an independent position, but all his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">{132}</a></span> -triumphs were loyally laid at the king's feet. In this -point, again, Wolsey overshot the mark, and did not -understand the English people, who were not impressed in -the manner which he intended. When Henry took the -government more directly into his own hands he managed -better for himself, for he knew how to identify the royal -will with the aspirations of the people, and clothed his -despotism with the appearance of paternal solicitude. -He made the people think that he lived for them, and -that their interests were his, whereas Wolsey endeavoured -to convince the people that the king alone could guard -their interests, and that their only course was to put -entire confidence in him. Henry saw that men were -easier to cajole than to convince; he worked for no -system of royal authority, but contented himself with -establishing his own will. In spite of the disadvantage -of a royal education, Henry was a more thorough Englishman -than Wolsey, though Wolsey sprang from the -people.</p> - -<p>It was Wolsey's teaching, however, that prepared -Henry for his task. The king who could use a minister -like Wolsey and then throw him away when he was no -longer useful, felt that there was no limitation to his -self-sufficiency.</p> - -<p>Wolsey, indeed, was a minister in a sense which had -never been seen in England before, for he held in his -hand the chief power alike in Church and State. Not -only was he chancellor, but also Archbishop of York, and -endowed beside with special legatine powers. These powers -were not coveted merely for purposes of show: Wolsey -intended to use them, when opportunity offered, as a -means of bringing the Church under the royal power as -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">{133}</a></span> -completely as he wished to subject the State. He had -little respect for the ecclesiastical organisation as such; -he saw its obvious weaknesses, and wished to provide a -remedy. If he was a candidate for the Papacy, it was -from no desire to pursue an ecclesiastical policy of his -own, but to make the papal power subservient to England's -interests. He was sufficiently clear-sighted to perceive -that national aspirations could not much longer be -repressed by the high-sounding claims of the Papacy; he -saw that the system of the Church must be adapted to -the conditions of the time, and he wished to avert a -revolution by a quiet process of steady and reasonable -reform. He was perhaps honest in saying that he was -not greatly anxious for the Papacy; for he knew that -England gave him ample scope for his energies, and he -hoped that the example of England would spread -throughout Europe. So at the beginning of his career -he pressed for legatine powers, which were grudgingly -granted by Leo X., first for one year, and afterwards -for five; till the gratitude of Clement VII. conferred -them for life. Clothed with this authority, and working -in concert with the king, Wolsey was supreme over -the English Church, and perhaps dreamed of a future in -which the Roman Pontiff would practically resign his -claims over the northern churches to an English delegate, -who might become his equal or superior in actual power.</p> - -<p>However this might be, he certainly contemplated the -reform of the English Church by means of a judicious -mixture of royal and ecclesiastical authority. Everything -was propitious for such an undertaking, as the -position of the Church was felt to be in many ways -anomalous and antiquated. The rising middle class had -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">{134}</a></span> -many grievances to complain of from the ecclesiastical -courts; the new landlords looked with contempt on the -management of monastic estates; the new learning -mocked at the ignorance of the clergy, and scoffed at the -superstitions of a simpler past which had survived unduly -into an age when criticism was coming into fashion. -The power of the Church had been great in days when -the State was rude and the clergy were the natural -leaders of men. Now the State was powerful and enjoyed -men's confidence; they looked to the king to satisfy their -material aspirations, and the Church had not been very -successful in keeping their spiritual aspirations alive. -It was not that men were opposed to the Church, but -they judged its privileges to be excessive, its disciplinary -courts to be vexatious, its officials to be too numerous, and -its wealth to be devoted to purposes which had ceased -to be of the first importance. There was a general desire -to see a re-adjustment of many matters in which the -Church was concerned; and before this popular sentiment -churchmen found it difficult to assert their old pretensions, -and preferred to rest contentedly under the protection -of the Crown.</p> - -<p>A trivial incident shows the general condition -of affairs with sufficient clearness. One of the claims -which on the whole the clergy had maintained was -the right of trial before ecclesiastical courts; and the -greater leniency of ecclesiastical sentences had been a -useful modification of the severity of the criminal law, so -that benefit of clergy had been permitted to receive -large extension of interpretation. Further, the sanctity -of holy places had been permitted to give rights of -sanctuary to criminals fleeing from justice or revenge. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">{135}</a></span> -Both of these expedients had been useful in a rude state -of society, and had done much to uphold a higher standard -of humanity. But it was clear that they were only -temporary expedients which were needless and even -harmful as society grew more settled and justice was -regularly administered. Henry VII. had felt the need -of diminishing the rights of sanctuary, which gave a -dangerous immunity to the numerous rebels against -whom he had to contend, and he obtained a bull for that -purpose from Pope Innocent VIII. The example which -he set was speedily followed, and an Act was passed by -the Parliament of 1511, doing away with sanctuary and -benefit of clergy in the case of those who were accused of -murder.</p> - -<p>It does not seem that the Act met with any decided -opposition at the time that it was passed; but there -were still sticklers for clerical immunities, who regarded -it as a dangerous innovation, and during the session of -Parliament in 1515 the Abbot of Winchcombe preached -a sermon in which he denounced it as an impious measure. -Henry VIII. adopted a course which afterwards stood -him in good stead in dealing with the Church; he submitted -the question to a commission of divines and temporal -peers. In the course of the discussion Standish, -the Warden of the Friars Minors, put the point clearly -and sensibly by saying, "The Act was not against the -liberty of the Church, for it was passed for the weal -of the whole realm." The clerical party were not -prepared to face so direct an issue, and answered that it -was contrary to the decretals. "So," replied Standish, -"is the non-residence of bishops; yet that is common -enough." Baffled in their appeal to law the bishops fell -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">{136}</a></span> -back upon Scripture, and quoted the text, "Touch not -mine anointed." Again Standish turned against them -the new critical spirit, which destroyed the old arguments -founded on isolated texts. David, he said, used -these words of all God's people as opposed to the heathen; -as England was a Christian country the text covered the -laity as well as the clergy. It was doubtless galling to -the clerical party to be so remorselessly defeated by one -of their own number, and their indignation was increased -when the temporal lords on the commission -decided against the Abbot of Winchcombe and ordered -him to apologise.</p> - -<p>The bishops vented their anger on Standish, and -summoned him to answer for his conduct before Convocation, -whereon he appealed to the king. Again Henry -appointed a commission, this time exclusively of laymen, -to decide between Standish and his accusers. They -reported that Convocation, by its proceeding against one -who was acting as a royal commissioner, had incurred -the penalties of præmunire, and they added that the -king could, if he chose, hold a parliament without the -lords spiritual, who had no place therein save by virtue -of their temporal possessions. Probably this was intended -as a significant hint to the spirituality that they -had better not interfere unduly with parliamentary -proceedings. Moreover, at the same time a case had -occurred which stirred popular feeling against the ecclesiastical -courts. A London merchant had been arrested -by the chancellor of the Bishop of London on a charge -of heresy, and a few days after his arrest was found -hanging dead in his cell. Doubtless the unhappy man -had committed suicide, but there was a suspicion that -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">{137}</a></span> -his arrest was due to a private grudge on the part of the -chancellor, who was accused of having made away with -him privily. Popular feeling waxed high, and the lords -who gave their decision so roundly against Convocation -knew that they were sure of popular support.</p> - -<p>Henry was not sorry of an opportunity of teaching -the clergy their dependence upon himself, and he -summoned the bishops before him that he might read -them a lesson. Wolsey's action on this occasion is -noticeable. He seems to have been the only one who saw -the gravity of the situation, and he strove to effect a -dignified compromise. Before the king could speak -Wolsey knelt before him and interceded for the clergy. -He said that they had designed nothing against the -king's prerogative, but thought it their duty to uphold -the rights of the Church; he prayed that the matter -might be referred to the decision of the Pope. Henry -answered that he was satisfied with the arguments of -Standish. Fox, Bishop of Winchester, turned angrily on -Standish, and Archbishop Warham plucked up his -courage so far as to say feebly, "Many holy men have -resisted the law of England on this point and have -suffered martyrdom." But Henry knew that he had -not to deal with a second Becket, and that the days of -Becket had gone by for ever. He would have nothing -to say to papal intervention or to clerical privilege; the -time had come for the assertion of royal authority, and -Henry could use his opportunity as skilfully as the most -skilful priest. "We," said he, "are by God's grace king -of England, and have no superior but God; we will -maintain the rights of the Crown like our predecessors; -your decrees you break and interpret at your pleasure: -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">{138}</a></span> -but we will not consent to your interpretation any more -than our predecessors have done." The immemorial -rights of the English Crown were vaguer and more formidable -than the rights of the Church, and the bishops -retired in silence. Henry did not forget the service -rendered him by Standish, who was made Bishop of St. -Asaph in 1518.</p> - -<p>In this incident we have a forecast of the subsequent -course of events—the threat of præmunire, the assertion -of the royal supremacy, the submission of the clergy. -Nothing was wanting save a sufficient motive to work a -revolution in the ancient relations between Church and -State. Wolsey alone seems to have seen how precarious -was the existing position of the Church. He knew -that the Church was wrong, and that it would have to -give way, but he wished to clothe its submission with a -semblance of dignity, and to use the papal power, not as -a means of guarding the rights of the Church, but as a -means of casting an air of ecclesiastical propriety over -their abandonment. Doubtless he proposed to use his -legatine power for that purpose if the need arose; but -he was loyal to the Church as an institution, and did not -wish it to fall unreservedly to the tender mercies of the -king. He saw that this was only to be avoided by a -judicious pliancy on the Church's part, which could gain -a breathing-space for carrying out gradual reforms.</p> - -<p>The fact that Wolsey was a statesman rather than an -ecclesiastic gave him a clear view of the direction which -a conservative reformation should pursue. He saw that -the Church was too wealthy and too powerful for the -work which it was actually doing. The wealth and -power of the Church were a heritage from a former age, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">{139}</a></span> -in which the care for the higher interests of society fell -entirely into the hands of the Church because the State -was rude and barbarous, and had no machinery save for -the discharge of rudimentary duties. Bishops were the -only officials who could curb the lawlessness of feudal -lords; the clergy were the only refuge from local -tyranny; monks were the only landlords who cleared -the forests, drained the marshes, and taught the pursuits -of peace; monastery schools educated the sons of peasants, -and the universities gave young men of ability a -career. All the humanitarian duties of society were -discharged by the Church, and the Church had -grown in wealth and importance because of its readiness -to discharge them. But as the State grew -stronger, and as the power of Parliament increased, it -was natural that duties which had once been delegated -should be assumed by the community at large. It was -equally natural that institutions which had once been -useful should outlast their usefulness and be regarded -with a jealous eye. By the end of the reign of Edward -I. England had been provided with as many monastic -institutions as it needed, and the character of monasticism -began to decline. Benefactions for social purposes from -that time forward were mainly devoted to colleges, hospitals, -and schools. The fact that so many great churchmen -were royal ministers shows how the energy of the -Church was placed at the disposal of the State and -was by it absorbed. The Church possessed revenues, -and a staff of officials which were too large for the -time, in which it was not the only worker in the field of -social welfare. It possessed rights and privileges which -were necessary for its protection in days of anarchy and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">{140}</a></span> -lawlessness, but which were invidious in days of more -settled government. Moreover, the tenure of so much -land by ecclesiastical corporations like monasteries, was -viewed with jealousy in a time when commercial competition -was becoming a dominant motive in a society -which had ceased to be mainly warlike.</p> - -<p>From this point of view Wolsey was prepared for -gradual changes in the position of the Church; but he -did not wish those changes to be revolutionary, nor did -he wish them to be made by the power of the State. -He knew the real weakness of the Church and the practical -omnipotence of the king; but he hoped to unite the -interests of the Crown and of the Church by his own -personal influence and by his position as the trusted -minister of king and Pope alike.</p> - -<p>He did not, however, deceive himself about the practical -difficulties in the way of a conservative reform, -which should remove the causes of popular discontent, -and leave the Church an integral part of the State -organisation. He knew that the ecclesiastical system, -even in its manifest abuses, was closely interwoven with -English society, and he knew the strength of clerical -conservatism. He knew also the dangers which beset -the Church if it came across the royal will and pleasure. -If any reform were to be carried out it must be by raising -the standard of clerical intelligence. Already many -things which had accorded with the simpler minds of an -earlier age had become objects of mockery to educated -laymen. The raillery of Erasmus at the relics of St. -Thomas of Canterbury and the Virgin's milk preserved -at Walsingham expressed the difference which had arisen -between the old practices of religion and the belief of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">{141}</a></span> -thoughtful men. It would be well to divert some of the -revenues of the Church from the maintenance of idle and -ignorant monks to the education of a body of learned -clergy.</p> - -<p>This diversion of monastic property had long been -projected and attempted. William of Wykeham endowed -his New College at Oxford with lands which he purchased -from monasteries. Henry VI. endowed Eton and -King's College with revenues which came from the suppression -of alien priories. In 1497 John Alcock, Bishop -of Ely, obtained leave to suppress the decrepit nunnery -of St. Rhadegund in Cambridge and use its site for the -foundation of Jesus College. Wolsey only carried -farther and made more definite the example which had -previously been set when in 1524 he obtained from Pope -Clement VII. permission to convert into a college the -monastery of St. Frideswyde in Oxford. Soon after he -obtained a bull allowing him to suppress monasteries -with fewer than seven inmates, and devote their revenues -to educational purposes.</p> - -<p>Nor was Wolsey the only man who was of opinion -that the days of monasticism were numbered. In 1515 -Bishop Fox of Winchester contemplated the foundation -of a college at Oxford in connection with the monastery -of St. Swithin at Winchester. He was dissuaded from -making his college dependent on a monastery by his -brother bishop, Oldham of Exeter, who said, "Shall we -build houses and provide livelihoods for a company of -bussing monks, whose end and fall we ourselves may -live to see? No, no: it is meet to provide for the -increase of learning, and for such as by learning shall do -good to Church and commonwealth." Oldham's advice -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">{142}</a></span> -prevailed, and the statutes of Fox's college of Brasenose -were marked by the influence of the new learning as -distinct from the old theology.</p> - -<p>Still Wolsey's bull for the wholesale dissolution of -small monasteries was the beginning of a process which -did not cease till all were swept away. It introduced a -principle of measuring the utility of old institutions and -judging their right to exist by their power of rendering -service to the community. Religious houses whose -shrunken revenues could not support more than seven -monks, according to the rising standard of monastic -comfort, were scarcely likely to maintain serious discipline -or pursue any lofty end. But it was the very -reasonableness of this method of judgment which rendered -it exceedingly dangerous. Tried by this standard, -who could hope to escape? Fuller scarcely exaggerates -when he says that this measure of Wolsey's "made all -the forest of religious foundations in England to shake, -justly fearing that the king would fell the oaks when -the cardinal had begun to cut the underwood." It -would perhaps have required too much wisdom for the -monks to see that submission to the cardinal's pruning-knife -was the only means of averting the clang of the -royal axe.</p> - -<p>The method which Wolsey pursued was afterwards -borrowed by Henry VIII. Commissioners were sent -out to inquire into the condition of small monasteries, -and after an unfavourable report their dissolution -was required, and their members were removed to a -larger house. The work was one which needed care and -dexterity as well as a good knowledge of business. -Wolsey was lucky in his agents, chief amongst whom -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">{143}</a></span> -was Thomas Cromwell, an attorney whose cleverness -Wolsey quickly perceived. In fact most of the men who -so cleverly managed the dissolution of the monasteries -for Henry had learned the knack under Wolsey, who -was fated to train up instruments for purposes which -he would have abhorred.</p> - -<p>The immediate objects to which Wolsey devoted the -money which he obtained by the dissolution of these -useless monasteries were a college in his old university of -Oxford and another in his native town of Ipswich. The -two were doubtless intended to be in connection with -one another, after the model of William of Wykeham's -foundations at Winchester and Oxford, and those of -Henry VI. at Eton and Cambridge. This scheme was -never carried out in its integrity, for on Wolsey's fall -his works were not completed, and were involved in his -forfeiture. Few things gave him more grief than the -threatened check of this memorial of his greatness, and -owing to his earnest entreaties his college at Oxford was -spared and was refounded. Its name, however, was -changed from Cardinal College to Christ Church, and it -was not entirely identified with Wolsey's glory. The -college at Ipswich fell into abeyance.</p> - -<p>Wolsey's design for Cardinal College was on a magnificent -scale. He devised a large court surrounded by -a cloister, with a spacious dining-hall on one side. The -hall was the first building which he took in hand, and -this fact is significant of his idea of academic life. He -conceived a college as an organic society of men living -in common, and by their intercourse generating and expressing -a powerful body of opinion. Contemporaries -mocked and said, "A fine piece of business; this cardinal -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">{144}</a></span> -projected a college and has built a tavern." They -did not understand that Wolsey was not merely adding -to the number of Oxford colleges, but was creating a -society which should dominate the University, and be -the centre of a new intellectual movement. For this -purpose Wolsey devised a foundation which should be at -once ecclesiastical and civil, and should set forward his -own conception of the relations between the Church and -the intellectual and social life of the nation. His foundation -consisted of a dean, sixty canons, six professors, -forty petty canons, twelve chaplains, twelve clerks, and -sixteen choristers; and he proposed to fill it with men -of his own choice, who would find there a fitting sphere -for their energies.</p> - -<p>Wolsey was a man well adapted to hold the balance -between the old and the new learning. He had been -trained in the theology of the schools, and was a student -of St. Thomas Aquinas; but he had learned by the -training of life to understand the new ideas; he grasped -their importance, and he foresaw their triumph. He -was a friend of the band of English scholars who brought -to Oxford the study of Greek, and he sympathised with -the intellectual aspirations of Grocyn, Colet, More, and -Erasmus. Perhaps he rather sympathised than understood; -but his influence was cast on their side when the -opposition to the new learning broke out in the University -and the Trojans waged a desperate and at first a -successful war against the Greeks. The more ignorant -among the clerical teachers objected to any widening of -the old studies, and resented the substitution of biblical -or patristic theology for the study of the schoolmen. -They dreaded the effects of the critical method, and were -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">{145}</a></span> -not reassured when Grocyn, in a sermon at St. Paul's -Cathedral, declared that the writings attributed to -Dionysius the Areopagite were spurious. A wave of -obscurantism swept over Oxford, and, as Tyndale puts it, -"the barking curs, Dun's disciples, the children of darkness, -raged in every pulpit against Greek, Latin, and -Hebrew." Wolsey used the king's authority to rebuke -the assailants of learning; but the new teachers withdrew -from Oxford, and Wolsey saw that if the new learning -was to make way it must have a secure footing. Accordingly -he set himself to get the universities into his -power, and in 1517 proposed to found university lectureships -in Oxford. Hitherto the teaching given in the -universities had been voluntary; teachers arose and -maintained themselves by a process of natural selection. -Excellent as such a system may seem, it did not lead to -progress, and already the Lady Margaret, Countess of -Richmond, Henry VII.'s mother, had adopted the advice -of Bishop Fisher, and founded divinity professorships -in the two universities. Wolsey wished to -extend this system and organise an entire staff of -teachers for university purposes. We do not know how -far he showed his intention, but such was his influence -that Oxford submitted its statutes to him for revision. -Wolsey's hands were too full of other work for him to -undertake at once so delicate a matter; but he meant -undoubtedly to reorganise the system of university -education, and for this purpose prevailed on Cambridge -also to entrust its statutes to his hands. Again he had -prepared the way for a great undertaking, and had dexterously -used his position to remove all obstacles, and prepare -a field for the work of reconstruction. Again he was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">{146}</a></span> -prevented from carrying out his designs, and his educational -reform was never actually made. We can only -trace his intentions in the fact that he brought to -Oxford a learned Spaniard, Juan Luis Vives, to lecture -on rhetoric, and we may infer that he intended to -provide both universities with a staff of teachers chosen -from the first scholars of Europe.</p> - -<p>Another matter gives another indication of Wolsey's -desire to remove the grievances felt against the Church. -If the monasteries were survivals of a time when the -Church discharged the humanitarian duties of society, -the ecclesiastical courts were in a like manner survivals -of a time when the civil courts were not yet able to -deal with many points which concerned the relations -between man and man, or which regulated individual -conduct. Thus marriage was a religious ceremony, and -all questions which arose from the marriage contract -were decided in the ecclesiastical courts. Similarly wills -were recognised by the Church, as resting on the moral -basis of mutual confidence, long before the State was prepared -to acknowledge their validity. Besides these -cases which arose from contract, the Church exercised a -disciplinary supervision over its members for the good of -their souls, and to avoid scandals in a Christian community. -On all these points the principles of the Church -had leavened the conceptions of the State, and the civil -jurisdiction had in many matters overtaken the ecclesiastical. -But the clerical courts stood stubbornly upon -their claim to greater antiquity, and the activity of -ecclesiastical lawyers found plenty of work to do. Disciplinary -jurisdiction was unduly extended by a class of -trained officials, and was resented by the growing independence -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">{147}</a></span> -of the rising middle class. No doubt the -ecclesiastical courts needed reform, but the difficulties in -the way of reforming legal procedure are always great. -Wolsey faced the problem in a way which is most -characteristic of his statesmanship. He strove to bring -the question to maturity for solution by getting the -control of the ecclesiastical courts into his own hands. -For this purpose he used his exceptional position as -Papal Legate, and instituted a legatine court which should -supersede the ordinary jurisdiction. Naturally enough -this brought him into collision with Archbishop Warham, -and his fall prevented him from developing his policy. -His attempt only left the ecclesiastical courts in worse -confusion, and added to the strength of the opposition, -which soon robbed them of most of their powers. -It added also to Wolsey's unpopularity, and gave a -shadow of justice to the unworthy means which were -used for his destruction.</p> - -<p>In fact, wherever we look, we see that in domestic -affairs Wolsey had a clear conception of the objects to be -immediately pursued by a conservative reformer. But a -conservative reformer raises as much hostility as does a -revolutionist, for the mass of men are not sufficiently -foreseeing or sufficiently disinterested willingly to abandon -profitable abuses. They feel less animosity against -the open enemy who aims avowedly at their destruction, -than against the seeming friends who would deprive -them of what they consider to be their rights. The -clergy submitted more readily to the abolition of their -privileges by the king than they would have submitted -to a reform at the hands of Wolsey. They could understand -the one; they could not understand the other. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">{148}</a></span> -This was natural, for Wolsey had no lofty principles -to set before them; he had only the wisdom of a keen-sighted -statesman, who read the signs of the times. -Indeed he did not waste his time in trying to persuade -others to see with his eyes. He could not have ventured -to speak out and say that the Church must choose between -the tender mercies of the royal power and submission to -the discretion of one who, standing between the king -and the Pope, was prepared to throw a semblance of -ecclesiastical recognition over reforms which were inevitable. -It is clear that Wolsey was working for the one -possible compromise, and he hoped to effect it by his own -dexterity. Secure of the royal favour, secure through his -political importance of the papal acquiescence in the use -which he made of his legatine power, standing forward -as the chief ecclesiastic in England, he aimed at accomplishing -such reforms as would have brought into harmony -the relations between Church and State. He did -not hope to do this by persuasion, but by power, and had -taken steps to lay his hand cautiously on different parts -of the ecclesiastical organisation. With this idea before -him we may safely acquit Wolsey of any undue ambition -for the papal office; he doubted whether his influence -would be increased or not by its possession.</p> - -<p>In everything that Wolsey did he played for the -highest stakes, and risked all upon the hope of ultimate -success. He trusted to justify himself in the long-run, -and was heedless of the opposition which he called forth. -Resting solely upon the royal favour, he did not try to -conciliate, nor did he pause to explain. Men could not -understand his ends, but they profoundly disliked his -means. The suppression of small monasteries, which -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">{149}</a></span> -might be useless but served to provide for younger sons -or dependants of country families, was very unpopular, -as coming from a cardinal who enjoyed the revenues of -many ecclesiastical offices whose duties he did not discharge. -The setting up of a legatine court was hateful -to the national sentiment of Englishmen, who saw in it -only another engine of ecclesiastical oppression. The -pomp and magnificence wherewith Wolsey asserted a greatness -which he mainly valued as a means of doing his -country service, was resented as the vulgar arrogance of -an upstart. Wolsey's ideas were too great to pay any -heed to the prejudices of Englishmen which, after all, -have determined the success of all English ministers, and -which no English statesman has ever been powerful -enough to disregard.</p> - -<div class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">{150}</a></div> - - <h2>CHAPTER IX<br /> - <span class="small">THE KING'S DIVORCE<br /> - 1527-1529</span></h2> - -<p class="nodent"><span class="smcap">If</span> -Wolsey hoped that the peace with France, which he -had so successfully concluded in the beginning of 1527, -would enable him to reassert England's influence on the -Continent, and would give him an opportunity for the -work of domestic reform, he was sorely disappointed. A -new matter arose, not entirely unexpected, but which -widened into unexpected issues, and consumed Wolsey's -energies till it led to his fall. The project of the king's -divorce was suddenly mooted; and this personal matter, -before it was ripe for settlement, gradually drew into its -sphere all the questions concerning England's foreign -and domestic policy which Wolsey's statesmanship had -been trying to solve by wise and well-considered means. -Wolsey had been gathering into his hands the threads of -a complicated policy, each one of which required dexterous -handling, in accordance with a great design. He -found himself suddenly called upon to act precipitately -for the accomplishment of a small matter, which brought -all the difficulties of his position prominently forward, -and gave him no time for that skilful diplomacy in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">{151}</a></span> -which he excelled. Moreover, when the project was -started neither Henry nor Wolsey could have foreseen -the complications which would arise; still less could -Wolsey have known the obstinacy which the faintest -opposition to the royal will would develop in the king, -or the extent to which he could persuade himself that -the satisfaction of the royal pleasure was the sole purpose -of the existence of the power of the State. At first -Henry had sympathised with Wolsey's far-reaching -schemes. Latterly he had at all events been willing to -allow Wolsey to have his own way on the whole. The -time came when he showed himself a hard taskmaster, -and demanded that Wolsey should at all costs satisfy his -personal desires in a matter which he persuaded himself -was all-important to the nation at large.</p> - -<p>Viewed according to the general notions of the time, -there was nothing very surprising in the fact that Henry -VIII. should wish for a divorce. Royal marriages were -made and unmade from motives of expediency; it was -only a question of obtaining a decent plea. The sons -of Katharine had died in infancy, and Mary was the only -heir of the English throne; it was a matter of importance -to the future of England that the succession to the -throne should be clearly established. If Henry had -remained attached to his wife this consideration would -not have been put forward; but Henry was never famed -for constancy. He was in the prime of life, while -Katharine was over forty. He had developed in character, -not for the better, while she remained true to the -narrow traditions of her early training. She was an -excellent housewife, conscientious, decorous, and capable; -but she was devoted to the political interests of Spain, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">{152}</a></span> -and admired her nephew Charles. While the imperial -alliance was warmly pursued by Henry she was -happy; when Henry's zeal for Charles began to -fade she felt offended, and was not judicious in the -display of her political bias. Henry was more and more -annoyed by his wife's discontent, and the breach between -them rapidly widened. When Henry broke with -Charles and allied himself with France he seems to -have felt that his domestic peace was at an end, and he -was not the man to shrink from the effort to re-establish -it upon another basis.</p> - -<p>Perhaps none of these considerations would have -moved Henry to take prompt action if his desires -had not been kindled by a new object of his affection. -He had not been a faithful husband, and Katharine seems -to have been indulgent to his infidelities. In the course -of 1526 he was captivated by the charms of Anne Boleyn, -as he had formerly been captivated by her sister Mary. -But Anne had learned that the king was fickle, and she -resolved that she would not be so easily won as to be -lightly abandoned. She skilfully managed to make herself -agreeable to the king till his passion for her became -so violent that he was prepared to accept her terms and -make her his lawful wife.</p> - -<p>Wolsey was not in favour of this plan; but he was -not opposed to getting rid of the political influence -of Katharine, and he believed that the king's fancy -for Anne Boleyn would rapidly pass away. Whatever -his own personal opinion might be, he did not venture -to gainsay the king in a matter on which he was resolved, -and he lent himself to be an instrument in a matter -which involved him in measures which became more and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">{153}</a></span> -more discreditable. The first idea of the king was to -declare his marriage with Katharine unlawful, on the -ground that she had previously been his brother's wife; -but he was cognisant of that when he married her and -had applied for a papal dispensation to remedy that -source of invalidity. Doubtless some plea might be -discovered to enable the Pope to set aside the dispensation -granted by his predecessor. But whatever technical -grounds might be used to justify the Pope's decision in -the king's favour, the Pope could not be expected to act -in such a manner as to offend the Powers of Europe and -shock the moral sense of Englishmen. Wolsey did not -hide from himself that there were three hindrances in -the way of legalising the king's divorce. The opinion -of England was not in its favour; Charles V. was likely -to resent the affront which it would put upon his aunt, -and the Pope could not afford to alienate one who was -becoming all-powerful in Italy that he might win the -distant friendship of the English king; Francis I. had -just made a treaty with Henry VIII., by which the hand -of Mary had been promised to his son, and he was not -likely to wish to see Mary declared to be illegitimate. -These were serious elements of opposition, which it -would require considerable skill to overcome.</p> - -<p>The first measure which suggested itself to Henry and -Wolsey was to put the king's plea into shape, and endorse -it with the authority of the English Church. For this -purpose a suit was secretly instituted against the king -in Wolsey's legatine court. Henry was solemnly informed -that a complaint had been made to Wolsey, as -censor of public morals, that he had cohabited for -eighteen years with his brother's wife. Henry consented -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">{154}</a></span> -that Archbishop Warham should be joined with Wolsey -as assessor, and named a proctor who should plead his -cause. Three sessions of this court were held with the -profoundest secrecy in May; but in spite of all the -attempts at secrecy the imperial ambassador discovered -what was going on. The object of this procedure seems -to have been to produce a sentence from the legate's -court in England which should be confirmed by the -Pope without right of appeal. If the Pope had been -a free agent he might conceivably have adopted this -course; but the news soon reached England that Rome -had been sacked by Bourbon, and that the Pope was -trembling before Charles V. In this turn of affairs it -was useless to proceed farther on the supposition that -he would unhesitatingly comply with the wishes of -Henry and Wolsey. A court sitting in secret would -have no influence on English opinion, and Wolsey proposed -that its sittings should be suspended, and the -opinions of the English bishops be taken as a means of -educating public opinion.</p> - -<p>But Katharine had been informed of the king's intentions -concerning her, and showed a purpose of defending -her rights. It would be very awkward if she were the -first to make the matter public, and were to appeal to -the Pope or her kinsman Charles. The question would -then become a political question, and Henry was not -prepared with allies. So on 22d June the king broached -his difficulties to Katharine. He told her of his scruples, -and of his intentions of submitting them to the decision -of canonists and theologians; meanwhile they had -better live apart. Katharine burst into tears, and the -king vaguely tried to assure her that all was being done -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">{155}</a></span> -for the best, and begged her to keep the matter secret. -His only object was to prevent her from taking any -open steps till he had assured himself of the countenance -of the French king to his plans. For this purpose -Wolsey was sent on an embassy, ostensibly to settle -some questions raised by the French treaty, really to -concert with Francis I. a scheme for bringing to bear -upon the Pope a pressure which should be strong enough -to counteract the influence of Charles V. So, on 3d July, -Wolsey left London on his last diplomatic mission. Men -who saw Wolsey set out with more than his accustomed -state, escorted by nine hundred horsemen, thought, doubtless, -that the cardinal's greatness was as high as ever; -but those who watched more closely saw him in the -splendid ceremonial of the Church of Canterbury "weep -very tenderly," for his mind was ill at ease. He must -have felt that he was going to use his talents for a bad -end, and that all patriotism and nobility had vanished -from his aim. On his way to Dover he had a conference -with Archbishop Warham, whom he instructed about -the conduct to be observed towards the queen. Then -at Rochester he sounded Bishop Fisher, the most holy -and upright of the English bishops, who had already -been asked by Katharine to give her counsel, though -she had not ventured to tell him what was the subject -on which she wished for his advice. So Wolsey told -his own story; that the king's conscience was disquiet, -and that he wished to have his scruples set at -rest by the opinions of learned men. He represented -that Katharine by her hastiness was throwing difficulties -in the way of the king's considerate procedure, and -threatened to publish the matter, and so create an open -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">{156}</a></span> -scandal. Fisher believed Wolsey's tale, and was beguiled -into a belief of the king's good intentions, which -the queen could not understand. About the validity of -Henry's marriage Wolsey could not get from Fisher an -opinion contrary to the authority of a papal dispensation; -but he contrived to alienate Fisher from sympathy -with Katharine, and so left the queen without a -friend while he proceeded to machinate against her in -France.</p> - -<p>We have from one of Wolsey's attendants, George -Cavendish, his gentleman-usher, a full account of -Wolsey's journey in France. On one point he gives -us valuable insight into Wolsey's character where -Wolsey has been much misrepresented. He tells us -how at Calais he summoned his attendants and addressed -them about their behaviour. He explained -that the services which he required from them were not -personal but official, and his words were those of a -statesman who understood, but did not over-estimate, the -value of external things. "Ye shall understand," he -said, "that the king's majesty, upon certain weighty -considerations, hath for the more advancement of his -royal dignity assigned me in this journey to be his -lieutenant-general, and what reverence belongeth to the -same I will tell you. That for my part I must, by -virtue of my commission of lieutenantship, assume and -take upon me, in all honours and degrees, to have all -such service and reverence as to his highness's presence -is meet and due, and nothing thereof to be neglected or -omitted by me that to his royal estate is appurtenant. -And for my part, ye shall see me that I will not omit -one jot thereof." Then he added some wise advice -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">{157}</a></span> -about the courtesies to be observed in their intercourse -with the French.</p> - -<p>When matters of etiquette had thus been arranged, -Wolsey rode out of Calais on 22d July, and pursued his -journey to Abbeville, where he awaited the arrival of -Francis I. at Amiens. On 4th August he entered Amiens, -and was received with royal honours. His interviews -with Francis and the queen-mother were most satisfactory -on matters of general policy: the English -alliance was firmly accepted, and all questions between -the two Crowns were in a fair way towards settlement. -Wolsey waited till the political alliance was firmly established -before he broached the personal matter of the -divorce. Meanwhile he meditated on the schemes which -might be pursued by the allied kings to satisfy -Henry's desires. He proposed that they should join in -demanding from Charles V. that he should restore the -Pope's independence, in the hope that the Pope when -freed from constraint would be willing to show his -gratitude by complying with Henry's demands. If -they failed in procuring the Pope's release, they should -declare the papal power to be in abeyance, and summon -the cardinals to meet at Avignon, where, under Wolsey's -presidency, they should transact such business as the -Pope in his captivity was unable to discharge.</p> - -<p>Either of these methods was technically decorous; -but they did not much commend themselves to Henry -VIII., whose passion for Anne Boleyn daily increased, -and who was impatient of any procedure that involved -delay. So Henry listened coldly to Wolsey's proposals -for a "sure, honourable, and safe" termination of the -"king's matter," as the divorce was now called: he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">{158}</a></span> -wished for a "good and brief conclusion," and gave ear -to the advice of Anne Boleyn and her friends. It was -easy for them to point out that Wolsey was an old-fashioned -statesman, full of prejudice where the Church -was concerned. They urged that the king could do -better for himself, and could deal more expeditiously -with the Pope than could a churchman who was bound -to adopt a humble attitude towards his ecclesiastical -superior. So Henry determined to take the matter -into his own hands, and send his secretary Knight to -negotiate with the Pope without Wolsey's intervention.</p> - -<p>Wolsey, meanwhile, in ignorance of the King's intentions, -but distressed at the difficulties which he foresaw, -followed the French Court to Compiegne, where he -divided his time between diplomatic conflicts, festivities, -and the despatch of business. One morning, Cavendish -tells us, "He rose early about four of the clock, sitting -down to write letters into England unto the king, commanding -one of his chaplains to prepare him to mass, -insomuch that the said chaplain stood revested until -four of the clock at afternoon; all which season my -lord never rose once even to eat any meat, but continually -wrote his letters, with his own hands, having all -that time his nightcap and kerchief on his head. And -about the hour of four of the clock, at afternoon, he -made an end of writing, and commanded one Christopher -Gunner, the king's servant, to prepare him without -delay to ride empost into England with his letters, -whom he despatched away or ever he drank. And that -done he went to mass, and said his other divine service -with his chaplain, as he was accustomed to do; and then -went straight into a garden; and after he had walked -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">{159}</a></span> -the space of an hour or more, and said his evensong, he -went to dinner and supper all at once; and making a -small repast, he went to his bed, to take his rest for the -night."</p> - -<p>While Wolsey was thus labouring in this thorny -matter, he received a visit from Knight on his way to -Rome. Knight's instructions were to demand from the -Pope a dispensation for Henry to marry again before -the divorce from Katharine had been pronounced; failing -this, to marry immediately after his marriage with -Katharine was declared invalid. Further, he was to -ask the Pope to issue a bull delegating his spiritual -authority to Cardinal Wolsey during his captivity. No -doubt this was an expeditious way to cut existing difficulties; -but it was too expeditious to suit the traditions -of the Papal Court. Its obvious clumsiness showed that -it was not the work of Wolsey's hand; and it was -unwise for the king to inform the Pope that he was -trying to act without Wolsey's knowledge.</p> - -<p>Though Wolsey was left in ignorance of the nature -of Knight's instructions, he could not but suspect that -the king was acting without his full knowledge. He -finished his work at Compiegne and returned to England -at the end of September. He at once repaired to the -Court at Richmond, and sent to tell the king of his -arrival. Hitherto the king had always retired to a -private room when he received the cardinal alone. -Now Anne Boleyn was with the king in the great -hall, and scarcely had Wolsey's message been delivered -than she broke in, "Where else should the cardinal -come than here where the king is?" The king confirmed -her command, and Wolsey found himself ushered -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">{160}</a></span> -into the hall, where Henry sat amusing himself with -Anne and his favourites. Serious talk was out of the -question. Wolsey was no longer first in the king's -confidence. He went away feeling that Anne Boleyn -was his political rival, whom he could only overcome by -serving better than she could serve herself. Henceforth -he had two masters instead of one, and he did not deceive -himself that the continuance of his power depended -solely on his usefulness in the matter of the divorce.</p> - -<p>As Wolsey showed himself compliant, Anne Boleyn -treated him graciously while she waited to hear the -result of Knight's mission to Rome. It was not easy -for him to enter the city, which was in possession of the -Spaniards, and when he entered it he could not hold -any personal communication with Clement VII., who was -shut up in the Castle of St. Angelo. On 9th December -Clement escaped to Orvieto, where Knight soon joined -him, and showed his incapacity for the work which had -been confided to him by revealing to the papal officials -the whole details of the matter, which he ought to -have kept secret. Clement saw at once the value of -Henry's conscientious scruples, and learned that he was -moved solely by a desire to marry Anne Boleyn, a -connection which could not be excused by any paramount -reasons of political expediency. However anxious the -Pope might be to oblige the English king, there were -limits to his complacency, and Knight had not the wits -to cast a fair appearance over a disgraceful matter. Yet -Clement did not wish to offend Henry by refusing -his request at once. The demand for a dispensation -empowering the king to marry at once had already -been dropped at Wolsey's instance. Knight carried -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">{161}</a></span> -with him a form of dispensation allowing Henry to -marry as soon as his marriage with Katharine was dissolved. -This form was amended by one of the cardinals, -and was signed by the Pope. Knight started -back to England, convinced that he had done his business -excellently, and was bearing to the king the permission -which he desired.</p> - -<p>When the documents were placed in Wolsey's hands -he saw at once that they were worthless. What Henry -wanted was permission for Wolsey to decide the question -in the Pope's behalf, and permission for himself to -act at once as soon as Wolsey's decision was pronounced. -The documents which he received did not bar Katharine's -right of appeal; consequently Wolsey's decision -would be of no effect, and the king could not lawfully -marry again pending the appeal. In fact, the Pope -reserved the entire decision of the matter in his own -hand.</p> - -<p>It was a small matter for Wolsey to triumph over a -man like Knight; but Knight's failure showed Henry -and Anne Boleyn that they must put their confidence in -Wolsey after all. So in February 1528 Wolsey had to -begin again from the beginning, and had to undo the -mischief which Knight's bungling had made. He chose -as his agents his secretary, Stephen Gardiner, and -Edward Foxe, one of the king's chaplains. They were -instructed to ask that the Pope would join with Wolsey -some special legate, and give them power to pronounce a -final judgment. For this purpose they were to plead -Henry's cause with all earnestness, and say that the king -was moved only by the scruples of his conscience; at the -same time they were to praise the virtues of Anne -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">{162}</a></span> -Boleyn, and say that the king was solely moved by considerations -of his duty to his country in his desire to -marry her. Further, they were to insist on the dishonour -which would be done to the Holy See if the -Pope, through fear of Charles V., were to refuse to do -justice. If the king could not obtain justice from the -Pope he would be compelled to seek it elsewhere, and -live outside the laws of Holy Church; and however reluctant, -he would be driven to this for the quiet of his -conscience.</p> - -<p>Truly these pleas were sorely contradictory. Henry -was ready to acknowledge to the fullest extent the papal -power of granting dispensations, and was ready to submit -to the justice of the Pope as the highest justice upon -earth. But this was solely on condition that the Pope -gave decision according to his wishes. He regarded the -Papacy as an excellent institution so long as it was on -his own side. If it refused to see the justice of his -pleas, then he fell back as strenuously as did Luther on -the necessity of satisfying his own conscience, and to do -so he was ready, if need were, to break with the Church. -Truly the movement in Germany had affected public -opinion more than was supposed when Wolsey could -hold such language to the Pope. He did not know what -a terrible reality that curious conscience of Henry would -become. His words were a truer prophecy than he -dreamed.</p> - -<p>However, this line of argument was stubbornly pursued -by Gardiner even in the Pope's presence. Clement -at Orvieto was not surrounded by the pomp and -splendour customary to his office. The English envoys -found him in a little room, seated on a wooden bench -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">{163}</a></span> -which was covered with "an old coverlet not worth -twenty pence." But he did not see his way to a restoration -of his dignity by an unhesitating compliance with -the demands of the English king; on the other hand, -the mere fact that his fortunes had sunk so low demanded -greater circumspection. He was not likely to -escape from dependence on Charles V. by making himself -the tool of Francis I. and Henry VIII.; such a proceeding -would only lead to the entire destruction of the -papal authority. Its restoration must be achieved by -holding the balance between the opposing Powers of -Europe, and Henry VIII.'s desire for a divorce gave the -Pope an opportunity of showing that he was still a personage -of some importance. Dynastic questions still -depended on his decree, and he could use Henry's -application as a means of showing Charles that he -had something to fear from the Papacy, and that it -was his policy to make the Papacy friendly to himself. -So Clement resolved to adopt a congenial course of -temporising, in the hope that he might see his advantage -in some turn of affairs. No doubt he thought that -Henry's matter would soon settle itself; either his passion -for Anne Boleyn would pass away, or he would make -her his mistress. The stubbornness of Henry, his strange -hold upon formal morality while pursuing an immoral -course of conduct, his imperious selfwill, which grew by -opposition—these were incalculable elements which might -have upset the plans of wiser men than Clement VII.</p> - -<p>So the Pope acted the part of the good simple man -who wishes to do what is right. He lamented his own -ignorance, and proposed to consult those who were more -learned in canon law than himself. When Gardiner -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">{164}</a></span> -said that England asked nothing but justice, and if it -were refused would be driven to think that God had taken -away from the Holy See the key of knowledge, and -would begin to adopt the opinion of those who thought -that pontifical laws, which were not clear to the -Pope himself, might well be committed to the flames, -Clement sighed, and suggested a compromise. Then he -added, with a smile, that though canonists said "the -Pope has all laws in the cabinet of his breast," yet God -had not given him the key to open that cabinet; he -could only consult his cardinals.</p> - -<p>Gardiner's outspoken remonstrances were useless -against one who pleaded an amiable incompetence. -Against the churnings of Henry's conscience Clement -set up the churnings of his own conscience, and no -one could gainsay the Pope's right to a conscience as -much as the English king. After pursuing this course -during the month of March the Pope at length with -sighs and tears devised a compromise, in which he feared -that he had outstepped the bounds of discretion. He -accepted one of the documents which the English envoys -had brought, the permission for the king to marry whom -he would as soon as his marriage with Katharine had -been dissolved. He altered the terms of the other -document, which provided for the appointment of a commission -with plenary powers to pronounce on the validity -of the king's marriage; he granted the commission, but -did not give it plenary power; at the same time he chose -as the commissioner who was to sit with Wolsey Cardinal -Campeggio, who was the protector of England in the -Papal Court, and who was rewarded for his services by -holding the bishopric of Hereford. In this way he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">{165}</a></span> -showed every mark of goodwill to Henry short of acquiescing -entirely in the procedure which he proposed; -but he kept the final decision of the matter in his own -hands.</p> - -<p>Gardiner was not wholly pleased with this result of -his skill and firmness: after all his efforts to obtain a -definite solution the Pope had managed to escape from -giving any binding promise. Still, Foxe put a good -face on Gardiner's exploits when he returned to England -in the end of April. Henry and Anne Boleyn were -delighted, and Wolsey, though he was more dissatisfied -than Gardiner, thought it best to be hopeful. He tried -to bind the Pope more firmly, and instructed Gardiner -to press that the law relating to Henry's case should be -laid down in a papal decretal, so that the legates should -only have to determine the question of fact; this decretal -he promised to keep entirely secret; besides this, he urged -that there should be no delay in sending Campeggio.</p> - -<p>During these months of expectancy Wolsey condescended -to ingratiate himself with Anne Boleyn, who had -become a political personage of the first importance. -Anne was sure of Wolsey's devotion to her interests so -long as they were also the king's, and could not dispense -with Wolsey's skill. So she was kindly, and wrote -friendly letters to Wolsey, and asked for little gifts of -tunny-fish and shrimps. The English Court again -resembled an amiable family party, whose members -were all of one mind. In the course of the summer -they were all thrown into terror by an outbreak -of the "Sweating Sickness," which devastated the -country. Anne Boleyn was attacked, though not -severely; and Henry showed that his devotion to her -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">{166}</a></span> -did not proceed to the length of risking his own precious -life for her sake. He fled to Waltham, and Anne was -left with her father; Henry protested by letter his unalterable -affection, but kept out of harm's way till all -risk of infection was past. At the same time he showed -great solicitude for Wolsey's health, as did also Anne -Boleyn. It seemed as though Wolsey were never more -useful or more highly esteemed.</p> - -<p>Yet, strangely enough, this outbreak of the plague -drew upon Wolsey the most significant lesson which he -had yet received of his own real position and of Henry's -resoluteness to brook no check upon his royal will. -Amongst others who perished in the sickness was the -Abbess of Wilton, and Anne Boleyn wished that the -vacant office should be given to one of the nuns of the -abbey, Eleanor Carey, sister of William Carey, who had -married Anne's sister Mary. Wolsey was informed of -the wishes of Anne and of the king on this point; but -on examination found that Eleanor's life and character -were not such as to fit her for the office. He therefore -proposed to confer it on the prioress, Isabella Jordan. -It would seem, however, that Eleanor's friends were -determined to efface in some degree the scandal which -their unwise haste had occasioned, and they retaliated -by spreading reports injurious to the character of the -prioress. Wolsey did not believe these reports; but -Anne Boleyn and the king agreed that if their nominee -was to be set aside, the cardinal's nominee should be set -aside likewise, and Wolsey was informed of the king's -decision. Perhaps Wolsey failed to understand the -secret motives which were at work; perhaps he had so -far committed himself before receiving the king's message -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">{167}</a></span> -that he could not well go back; perhaps he conscientiously -did what he thought right. Anyhow, he -appointed Isabella Jordan, and sent her appointment to -the king for confirmation; further, he gave as his excuse -that he had not understood the king's will in the matter.</p> - -<p>To his extreme surprise and mortification the king -took the opportunity thus afforded of reading him a -lecture on his presumption, and reminding him that he -was expected to render implicit obedience. Matters -were no longer arranged between Henry and Wolsey -alone; Anne Boleyn was a third party, and the king's -pride was engaged in showing her that his word was -law. When Henry took his pen in hand he assumed -the mantle of royal dignity, and he now gave Wolsey a -sample of the royal way of putting things which was so -effectual in his later dealings with his Parliament. He -began by assuring Wolsey that the great love he bore -him led him to apply the maxim, "Whom I love I -chasten;" he spoke therefore not in displeasure but for -Wolsey's good. He could not but be displeased that -Wolsey had acted contrary to his orders; he was the -more displeased that Wolsey had pleaded ignorance as -an excuse for his disobedience. He overwhelmed him -with quotations from his letters on the subject, and went -on, "Ah, my lord, it is a double offence both to do ill -and colour it too; but with men that have wit it cannot be -accepted so. Wherefore, good my lord, use no more that -way with me, for there is no man living that more hateth -it." He then went on to tell Wolsey that there were many -rumours current about the means which he was employing -to raise money from religious houses for the foundation -of his new colleges; he told him this because "I -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">{168}</a></span> -dare be bolder with you than many that mumble it -abroad." He showed that he had not forgotten the -refusal of the monasteries to help in the Amicable -Grant: why should they now give money to Wolsey unless -they had some interested motive in doing so? He -advised Wolsey to look closely into the matter, and -ended, "I pray you, my lord, think not that it is upon -any displeasure that I write this unto you. For surely -it is for my discharge afore God, being in the room that -I am in; and secondly, for the great zeal I bear unto -you, not undeserved on your behalf. Wherefore, I -pray you, take it so; and I assure you, your fault -acknowledged, there shall remain in me no spark of displeasure; -trusting hereafter you shall recompense that -with a thing much more acceptable to me."</p> - -<p>This letter came upon Wolsey as a sudden revelation -of his true position. It showed him the reality of all the -vague doubts and fears which he had for some time been -striving to put from him. He was crushed into abjectness, -which he did not even strive to conceal from others. -He took the immediate matters of complaint seriously -to heart, and wished to annul the appointment of Isabella -Jordan, which the king ruled to be unnecessary; -on that point he was satisfied with having asserted a -principle. But he advised Wolsey to receive no more -gifts for his colleges from religious houses, and Wolsey -promised not to do so. "Thereby I trust, nor by any -other thing hereafter unlawfully taken, your poor -cardinal's conscience shall not be spotted, encumbered, -or entangled; purposing, with God's help and your -gracious favour, so to order the rest of my poor life that -it shall appear to your Highness that I love and dread -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">{169}</a></span> -God and also your Majesty." This was a lamentable -prostration of the moral authority of the chief churchman -in England before the king, and showed Wolsey's weakness. -He knew that he had not demeaned himself as -befitted his priestly office; and though he may have felt -that no man in England had less right than the king to -reprove his conduct on moral grounds, still he could not -plead that he was above reproach. In the particular -matter of which he was accused—extorting money from -the religious houses in return for immunities granted in -virtue of his legatine power—there is no evidence that -Wolsey was guilty. But he could not say that he had a -conscience void of offence; he had acted throughout his -career as a statesman and a man of the world. If the -king chose to hold him up to moral reprobation he -had no valid defence to offer. He had disregarded the -criticisms of others that he might serve the king more -faithfully; but if the king took upon himself the office -of critic he had nothing to urge. It was because Henry -had taken the measure of churchmen such as Wolsey -that he ventured in later times to hold such lofty language -in addressing the clergy. Henry was always superior -to the weakness of imagining that his own conduct -needed any defence, or his own motives any justification.</p> - -<p>Wolsey, though forgiven with royal graciousness, -was profoundly depressed, and could not recover his -sense of security. The future was to him big with -menaces, and perhaps he looked most sadly upon his -designs which yet remained unrealised. He saw that his -activity must henceforth work in a smaller sphere, and -that he must make haste to finish what he had on hand. -The ugly business of the divorce looked to him still uglier. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">{170}</a></span> -Either he would fail in his efforts to move the Pope, -in which case he lost his hold upon the king at once, or, -if he succeeded, he saw that the reign of Anne Boleyn -meant the end of his own uncontested influence. The -king's letter was at least significant of that: he would -never have raised a question about so trivial a matter if -he had not wished to justify his absolute power in the -eyes of one who was to him all-important.</p> - -<p>So Wolsey faced the future; he put his aspirations -on a lower level, and wished only to garner certainly -some of the fruits of his life-long labour. He told the -French ambassador, Du Bellay, "that if God permitted -him to see the hatred of these two nations (France and -England) extinguished, and firm amity established, as -he hopes it will shortly be, with a reform of the laws -and customs of the country, such as he would effect if -peace were made, and the succession of the kingdom -assured, especially if this marriage took place, and an -heir male were born of it, he would at once retire, and -serve God for the rest of his life; and that, without any -doubt, on the first honourable occasion he could find, he -would give up politics." Doubtless Wolsey was genuine -in these utterances, and felt that he was resigning much -when he reduced his designs within the limits which he -here set forth. But limited as they were, they still contained -an entire scheme for the reconstruction of English -politics. Wolsey's plans remained complete, however -much he might be willing to reduce them; he was incapable -of being a mere attendant upon chance.</p> - -<p>For the present he was awaiting with growing anxiety -the coming of Cardinal Campeggio, which was delayed, -according to the Pope's policy of procrastination. First -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">{171}</a></span> -the cardinal had to contend against the difficulties created -by the disorderly state of Italy; then he was delayed by -an attack of the gout, which made his movements slow; -and he did not reach London till 8th October. When -he came he was not prepared to act at once, nor did he -treat Wolsey as an equal but rather as a subordinate in -the work of the commission. In fact, Campeggio behaved -as judge, and Wolsey as the king's advocate. Campeggio's -instructions were first to try and persuade the -king to lay aside his purpose of a divorce. He soon saw -that this was useless, and Wolsey plainly warned him -with prophetic instinct. "Most reverend lord, beware -lest, in like manner as the greater part of Germany, -owing to the harshness and severity of a certain cardinal, -has become estranged from the Apostolic See and the -faith, it should be said that another cardinal has given -the same occasion to England, with the same result."</p> - -<p>Failing to shake the king's determination, the next -course which Campeggio was ordered to pursue was to -persuade the queen to comply with the king's wishes. -Katharine was still treated with outward respect, but was -cut off from all friends and advisers, and subjected to a -secret and galling persecution. Still she maintained a -resolute spirit, and withstood the pleadings of Wolsey -and Campeggio, who urged her to give way and withdraw -to a monastery, for the quieting of the king's -conscience. Katharine replied that there was nothing of -which his conscience need be afraid, and that she intended -"to live and die in the estate of matrimony to -which God had called her." The obstinacy of Katharine -was as invincible as the obstinacy of Henry; and Katharine -had right on her side.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">{172}</a></span> -Nothing remained save for the legates to proceed to -the trial of the case; and in the trial Campeggio's -instructions bade him procrastinate to the utmost in -hopes the king might give way before the long delay. -Wolsey had foreseen this possibility when he demanded -that Campeggio should bring with him a decretal defining -the law as applicable to the case. This decretal -Campeggio was instructed to show the king, but keep in -his own hands, so that it was useless for Wolsey's purpose. -His first object was to get hold of this decretal, -and he wrote urgently to the Pope asking that it should -be delivered into the king's hands, and shown to the -Privy Council. "Without the Pope's compliance," he -sadly wrote, "I cannot bear up against this storm." But -Clement VII. felt that he was more dependent on Charles -V. than on Henry VIII., and declared that he had granted -the decretal merely to be shown to the king and then -burned; he had never consented that it be shown to the -king's counsellors. When he was further pressed he -tossed his arms and said, with great agitation, "I do -consider the ruin that hangs over me; I repent what I -have done. If heresies arise, is it my fault? My conscience -acquits me. None of you have any reason to -complain. I have performed my promise, and the king -and the cardinal have never asked anything in my power -which I have not granted with the utmost readiness; but -I will do no violence to my conscience. Let them, if -they like, send the legate back again, on the pretext that -he will not proceed in the cause, and then do as they -please, provided they do not make me responsible for -injustice."</p> - -<p>Here the Pope touched upon a noticeable feature of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">{173}</a></span> -the case. Henry was bound upon a course which -was neither legally nor morally right, though national -interests might to some degree be pleaded in its behalf. -He was, however, resolved to be legally and morally -justified in his own eyes and in the eyes of others. He -would not content himself with setting aside the law, -and leaving it to others to prove him in the wrong. The -Papal Court was slow to justify him; it would have -been slower to condemn him. Most men would have -been satisfied with this knowledge, and would have -acted upon it. But Henry was not only minded to do -what he wished, but was resolved that what he wished -should be declared absolutely right. He was determined -that there should be no doubt about the legitimacy of -his children by Anne Boleyn; and some recognition is -due to him for not allowing his desires to overcome his -patriotism, and leave to England the deplorable legacy -of a disputed succession. As a man, Henry did not -strive to subject his desires to the law of right; as a -king, he was bent upon justifying his own caprice so -that it should not do hurt to his royal office, or offend -his duty to his kingdom. Henry sinned, but he was -bent on sinning royally, and believed that so he could -extenuate his sin.</p> - -<p>Not only was Campeggio ordered not to part with -the decretal, but he was bidden to destroy it. Meanwhile -a new feature of the case emerged. It became -known that, besides the bull of dispensation granted to -Henry VII., an ampler brief had been issued in confirmation -of it to Ferdinand of Spain, of which the -original was contained in the Spanish archives. Henry -VIII. insisted on its production, in the hopes of destroying -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">{174}</a></span> -it or casting doubts on its authenticity, and new -negotiations were begun about this brief, which had the -effect of wasting time and deferring the trial of the -case. Further, on Clement VII.'s return to Rome in -May he was attacked by illness, and his death was -reported. Nothing could be done by the legates till -they were assured of his recovery.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile Henry was growing more and more impatient, -and made it clear to Wolsey that if the proceedings -did not lead to his divorce all the blame would -be laid at Wolsey's door. Anne Boleyn also began to -suspect Wolsey's good intentions towards herself, and -thought that he was responsible for these repeated delays. -Wolsey could no longer doubt that his all was staked on -the issue of the trial, which at length began at Blackfriars -on 18th June 1529. Katharine appeared, and protested -against the jurisdiction of the court. For the purpose of -deciding this point it was necessary that both parties -should appear in person; and on 21st June Henry and -Katharine both were present. The king demanded -instant judgment for the easing of his conscience; -Katharine first knelt before the king and asked for pity, -then she appealed to Rome, where only the cause could -be decided without partiality or suspicion. The legates -overruled her appeal, and on her non-appearance declared -her contumacious.</p> - -<p>The summoning of the king and queen was merely a -formal incident in the procedure of the court, but it -strangely impressed itself upon men's minds. The king, -whom they regarded as the fountain of law, was called -to plead before one of his own subjects and a foreign -priest. Apart from any thought of the question at issue, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">{175}</a></span> -or its rights and wrongs, Englishmen marvelled at this -indignity, and felt that ecclesiastical law was some foreign -thing which they could not fathom. No doubt the impression -then wrought upon their minds accounts in some -measure for the acceptance of the royal supremacy, as -being at least more intelligible than the actual working -of the outworn theory of the supremacy of the Pope.</p> - -<p>Moreover, the suppliant attitude of Katharine -awakened a strong feeling of compassion, which on -28th June found expression from the upright Bishop of -Rochester, John Fisher, who appeared to plead Katharine's -cause, and declared himself ready to follow the -example of John the Baptist and lay down his life, if -need be, to maintain the sanctity of matrimony. Others -followed his example, and the signs of some dislike to -the king's proceedings amongst Englishmen encouraged -Campeggio to fall back upon his policy of procrastination, -which the impetuous zeal of Wolsey was striving -to overcome.</p> - -<p>Henry grew more and more angry at the signs of -opposition to his will which met him on every side, and -Wolsey had to bear the brunt of the royal wrath. -Cavendish tells how one day Wolsey left the king's -presence and took his barge. The Bishop of Carlisle, -who was with him, remarked that the day was hot. -"Yea," quoth my lord cardinal, "if ye had been as well -chafed as I have been within this hour ye would say it -was very hot." He went home "to his naked bed," -where in two hours' time he was found by Lord Wiltshire, -who brought a message from the king, bidding -him and Campeggio "repair unto the queen at Bridewell, -into her chamber, to persuade her by their wisdoms, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">{176}</a></span> -advising her to surrender the whole matter unto the -king's hands by her own will and consent, which should -be much better to her honour than to stand to the trial -of law and be condemned, which would seem much to -her slander and defamation." Wolsey vainly complained -of the folly of the lords of the Council in putting such -fancies into the king's head: he was bound to rise and -obey. Sadly he sought Campeggio, and with a sense of -deep humiliation the two judges set out to make another -attempt to browbeat an accused who had already refused -to submit to their judicial authority.</p> - -<p>On 23d July it was expected that the court would give -its decision. The king was present in a gallery, and -after the reading of the pleas his counsel demanded -judgment. Campeggio rose and declared that as the -vacation of the Roman courts began at the end of July -and lasted till October, he must follow that custom, and -adjourn the sittings of the court for two months. On -this the Duke of Suffolk slapped the table and exclaimed, -"It was never merry in England whilst we had cardinals -among us." Wolsey was not the man to brook an -insult, especially from one whom he had greatly benefited. -"Sir," he said, "of all men within this realm ye have -least cause to dispraise or be offended at cardinals: for -if I, a simple cardinal, had not been, you should have -had at this present no head upon your shoulders, -wherein you should have a tongue to make any such -report of us, who intend you no manner of displeasure."</p> - -<p>But though Wolsey could still wear a bold face when -attacked, he knew that the future was hopeless. His -enemies were daily gaining ground. His place, as the -king's trusted counsellor, was taken by Stephen Gardiner, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">{177}</a></span> -whom he had trained, and who was now the -king's secretary and Anne Boleyn's chief agent. The -old nobles, headed by the Duke of Norfolk, had made -common cause with the relations of Anne Boleyn, and -saw their opportunity of avenging themselves for all the -slights which Wolsey had put upon them. Henry was -unwilling to abandon all hopes of his divorce through -the legatine court, and spared Wolsey for a time; but -Wolsey knew that the ground was slipping from under -him. The Pope resolved to revoke the cause to Rome, -and recall the powers granted to the legates; it required -all Wolsey's efforts to prevent the issue of a citation to -Henry to appear before the Roman court.</p> - -<p>Moreover, Wolsey had the additional pang of seeing -all the fruits of his diplomatic activity abandoned before -the absorbing interest of this miserable matter of the -king's domestic life. If there was one object which was -dear to Wolsey's heart, it was to secure England's power -in Europe by a close alliance with France. For this -purpose he had made great sacrifices, and he thought -that he had some claim on Francis I.'s gratitude. Yet -Francis was negotiating for peace with Charles V., and -a conference was being held at Cambrai between his -mother Louise and Charles's aunt Margaret. Wolsey -sorely longed to be present at that conference and protect -the interests of England; but Henry VIII. had no -interest in such matters, and only regarded Wolsey's -wish as a sign that he was lukewarm in his efforts for -the divorce. Moreover, Francis I. defamed him to the -English envoy, the Duke of Suffolk, and did his best to -foster the king's suspicion of Wolsey's zeal in "the -great matter." He knew that to deprive Henry of his -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">{178}</a></span> -acute adviser was the readiest means of hiding his own -proceedings. The conference at Cambrai was an abandonment -of the methods of diplomacy and a return to -the old usages of the days of chivalry. Two women -took counsel together about family affairs, and their -object was to remove domestic difficulties. Really -Francis I. was weary of a profitless warfare, and agreed -to abandon Italy to Charles V. Henry VIII. was appeased -by a transference of the debt of Charles V. to -the shoulders of Francis I., and this promise of more -money seems to have satisfied the English king. Early -in August the peace was signed, and Henry was included -in its provisions. If a testimony were needed -that entirely English diplomacy depended upon Wolsey, -it would be found in Henry's short-sightedness at -this time. He did not try to influence the proceedings -at Cambrai, but allowed himself to be hoodwinked -by Francis I., even in the point about which he was -most interested. The peace of Cambrai left Charles V. -supreme in Italy, and restored in name the authority of -the Pope, which the two sovereigns declared themselves -resolved to maintain. Its practical result was to make -the Pope more anxious to please Charles, who was -now most closely connected with his political interests, -and to free him from the dread of an alliance between -Henry and Francis, which might have brought pressure -to bear upon his action in the divorce. Clement -had now no special motive for trying to conciliate the -English king, and it was clear to all Europe that Wolsey -no longer guided England's policy.</p> - -<p>It was not only that Wolsey had failed in the matter -of the divorce, but his failure had brought to light the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">{179}</a></span> -true nature of the policy which he was pursuing, and -had shown that it was not adapted to the turn which -affairs were taking under the influence of the king's -personal desires. Wolsey had planned a conservative -reform, to be carried out gradually. England, respected -on the Continent, and holding the balance between -France and the Empire, was gradually to assert its -power and independence by setting up a strong monarchy -which should overawe the Papacy, and without -any formal breach with past traditions, should remodel -its ecclesiastical institutions, and put its relations to the -Papacy on a new footing. Henry VIII. had so far -entered into the spirit of this plan as to regard the -existing state of things as of little moment, and his -wishes led him to try and anticipate the future. This -was the most disastrous thing that could have befallen -Wolsey: it is the danger which besets all attempts at -conservative reform. It is hard to train men in the -ideas of future change, and expect them to submit -patiently to present fetters. Henry brusquely demanded -too much from the Pope, and the Pope in his -alarm offered too little. Wolsey tried to mediate, but -he was too closely allied with Henry for the Pope to -trust him, and when his object was clearly seen in a -small matter he was deprived of the means by which he -hoped to win. His method was framed for large operations -on a large field; it was not suited for the petty -task which was suddenly imposed upon him. Yet if it -failed there it was sure to be condemned altogether, and -the future would belong to the more revolutionary forces -which he had been trying to hold in check.</p> - -<p>So in proportion as Wolsey failed about the divorce, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">{180}</a></span> -the threads of his different but converging schemes fell -from his hands. What was the profit to Henry of -Wolsey's intricate foreign policy if it did not allow him -to get a divorce when he pleased? Why should he -deal tenderly with the papal authority when it threw -such obstacles in his way? Why should he spare the -Church when its bishops protested against him? Why -should he permit the slow transformation of the monasteries -when with a little trouble their spoil would fall -into his hands? Why should he trust to Wolsey, who -had already failed him in his need, when he had men -like Gardiner, with clear heads about matters of details, -to serve him at his need? Above all, why should -Wolsey's fine-drawn plans stand between him and his -people's affections, and lead him to do what Englishmen -neither understood nor approved? These were the -questions with which Henry was plied. Wolsey had -been only too successful and too consistent. If his -policy was abandoned in aught, it must be abandoned -in all. When Henry let fall Wolsey's foreign policy, -and made no effort to influence the peace of Cambrai, -there was no further need of Wolsey in England's -councils, and his rule was practically at an end.</p> - -<p>Still Wolsey was permitted to retain his offices. -Campeggio had not yet departed; something might -still be done. The king had for some time avoided -seeing Wolsey, and was engaged in wandering from -place to place in the company of Anne Boleyn. At -last, in the middle of September, Campeggio prepared -to return to Rome, and accompanied by Wolsey went -to take leave of the king, who was then at Grafton in -Northamptonshire. There they arrived on 19th September, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">{181}</a></span> -and Campeggio was shown to his room, but Wolsey -was informed that there was no room provided for him. -He was relieved from his astonishment by a groom of -the stole, who said, "I assure you, sir, here is very -little room in this house, scantly sufficient for the king. -However, I beseech your grace to accept mine for a -season." When Wolsey and Campeggio were ushered -into the king's presence they found the lords of the -Council eagerly watching the king's behaviour. If they -expected any signs of the royal displeasure they were -disappointed, as Henry received Wolsey most graciously, -and drew him aside into a window, where he talked -with him privately.</p> - -<p>The king dined privately with Anne Boleyn, and -Wolsey dined with the lords of the Council. In course -of conversation he hinted at his own intentions for the -future by saying, "It were well done if the king -would send his chaplains and bishops to their cures and -benefices." The Duke of Norfolk eagerly assented, and -Wolsey went on to say that he would gladly go to his -bishopric of Winchester. Then Norfolk showed his -fears by saying, "Nay, to your see of York, whence -comes both your greatest honour and charge." Already -Wolsey's foes were scheming to remove him as far as -possible from the royal presence.</p> - -<p>Every one was eagerly watching and listening for the -smallest indications of the royal pleasure; and Cavendish -was told that Anne Boleyn at dinner with the -king showed her dissatisfaction at Wolsey's kindly reception. -She denounced the cardinal in no measured -terms, but without any immediate result, as after dinner -the king called Wolsey into his private room and talked -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">{182}</a></span> -with him for some time; "the which blanked his -enemies very sore, and made them to stir the coals, -being in doubt what this matter would grow into, -having now none other refuge to trust to but Mistress -Anne, in whom was all their whole and firm trust and -affiance." Wolsey rode off to "Master Empson's house, -called Euston, three miles from Grafton," where he -spent the night, and received a visit from Gardiner, -who was thought to come as a spy; but Wolsey talked -to him about indifferent subjects, and showed that his -sense of personal dignity was still strong.</p> - -<p>Next morning he rode early to the Court, and saw -the king for a short time; but Anne Boleyn had prepared -a picnic at Hatwell Park, and carried off Henry with -her, that Wolsey might not have much opportunity for -private talk. The king bade a hurried farewell to -Wolsey and Campeggio, and then rode away with Anne, -while the legates returned to London. Campeggio did -not reach Dover till 8th October, and before he was -allowed to embark his luggage was ransacked by the -king's officials.</p> - -<p>This extraordinary violation of the privileges of an -ambassador was characteristic of the unscrupulous meanness -to which Henry was now ready to descend. He -hoped to find amongst Campeggio's papers the Pope's -decretal about the law of the divorce. If he had found -it Wolsey might still have been useful. He might have -been compelled to continue the proceedings of the -legatine court, and give judgment in Henry's favour, -sheltering himself under the terms of the commission, -and applying the interpretation of the decretal. In this -way the first measures wrung out of the Pope when he -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">{183}</a></span> -wished to be conciliating might have been used in a -high-handed fashion against the conclusions of his settled -policy. But Campeggio had already been instructed by -the Pope to burn the decretal. Nothing was found as -the result of the search, which only revealed the cardinal's -poverty. He had come to England ill provided, and had -gained nothing from the royal bounty.</p> - -<p>This unworthy device seems to have been of Henry's -own devising; and as soon as he heard of its failure -Wolsey's doom was sealed. The king had treated him -graciously, to the dismay even of Anne Boleyn, a few -days before; now he abandoned him to his enemies, -who had their weapons of attack in readiness. On 9th -October the king's attorney sued for a writ of <i>præmunire</i> -against Wolsey, on the ground that his acts done as -legate were contrary to the statute. After this Wolsey's -ruin was a foregone conclusion.</p> - -<div class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">{184}</a></div> - - <h2>CHAPTER X<br /> - <span class="small">THE FALL OF WOLSEY<br /> - 1529-1530</span></h2> - -<p class="nodent"><span class="smcap">When</span> -the storm broke over his head Wolsey had no -hope of escape. His position as an English minister was -due entirely to the king's favour, and when that favour -was withdrawn he was entirely helpless. Outside the -king there was no motive power in English politics at -this period. There was no party in the State strong -enough to bring any influence to bear upon him: he was -likely to be moved by nothing save the dread of a -popular rising, and there was no chance of a popular -rising in Wolsey's favour. On the other hand, Wolsey -had been contented to take upon his own shoulders the -responsibility of all that was most unpopular in the -king's proceedings. The demands created by the king's -extravagance were put down to his extortionate nature; -the debts incurred by a policy which he disapproved -were supposed to be the results of his influence; even -the divorce was attributed to his ill-will against the -Emperor and his love for France. The current of -popular opinion ran strong against Wolsey. He had -made few friends and many enemies. His enemies were -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">{185}</a></span> -powerful, his friends were powerless. No one in -England could lend him any help.</p> - -<p>It is true that the charge brought against him was -most iniquitous. He had obtained his legatine authority -through the king's urgent request; he had used it solely -at the king's orders, and in the king's behalf. But he -knew that such a plea would not be regarded, as the -king's courts would simply register the king's will. -There was no other course than entire submission, and -before the king Wolsey had no thought of personal -dignity. He wrote to Henry as a lowly suppliant, -"For surely, most gracious king, the remembrance of my -folly, with the sharp sword of your Highness's displeasure, -hath so penetrated my heart that I cannot but -lamentably cry, It is enough; now stay, most merciful -king, your hand." Such loyalty, such entire submission, -is to our minds inconceivable, and only shows how the -possession of absolute power debases not only those who -are invested with it but those who are brought in contact -with them. Wolsey might indeed lament his "folly" -in putting any trust in princes; he had served his -master only too well, and met with the basest ingratitude -for all the sacrifices of his own wishes and his own -principles.</p> - -<p>Still he hoped by his submission to save something. -If sentence were pronounced against him, under the -charge of <i>præmunire</i>, his goods would be forfeited, and his -acts invalidated. If he threw himself upon the king's -mercy he might at least save his two colleges, and might -be permitted to serve his country on a smaller scale. -What was coming he could not foresee. There would be -open war between Henry and the Papacy, waged with -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">{186}</a></span> -new weapons and fraught with danger to the English -Church. "It is the intention of these lords," wrote the -French ambassador, "when Wolsey is dead or destroyed, -to get rid of the Church and spoil the goods of both. -I suppose they mean to do grand things." The days of -revolution were at hand, and Wolsey might still have -some power to check its excesses.</p> - -<p>His submission led to no immediate results. On 16th -October the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk demanded the -surrender of the great seal, and ordered Wolsey to depart -to his house at Esher. Wolsey would humble himself -before the king, but not before others, and calmly asked -them for their authority. They answered that they had -the king's commission by word of mouth. "The great -seal of England," said Wolsey, "was delivered me by -the king's own person, to enjoy during my life, with the -ministration of the office and high room of chancellorship -of England; for my surety whereof I have the -king's letters-patent to show." High words were used -by the dukes, but in the end they departed, and reappeared -next day with letters from the king. On reading -them Wolsey delivered up the seal, and expressed himself -content to withdraw to Esher.</p> - -<p>Before departing he made an inventory of all his -plate and tapestries, that it might be ready for the -king to take possession. He further signed an indenture -acknowledging that on the authority of bulls obtained -from Rome, which he published in England contrary to -the statute, he had unlawfully vexed the prelates of the -realm and other of the king's subjects, thereby incurring -the penalties of <i>præmunire</i>, by which also he deserved to -suffer perpetual imprisonment at the king's pleasure, and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">{187}</a></span> -to forfeit all his lands, offices, and goods. He besought -the king, in part recompense of his offences, to take into -his hands all his temporal possessions. Then he entered -his barge in the presence of a crowd, which was sorely -disappointed not to see him take the way to the Tower.</p> - -<p>When Wolsey arrived at Putney he was greeted by a -messenger from the king, who brought him as a token a -ring, with a message "that the king bade him be of good -cheer, for he should not lack. Although the king hath -dealt with you unkindly, he saith that it is for no displeasure -that he beareth you, but only to satisfy the -minds of some which he knoweth be not your friends. -Also ye know right well that he is able to recompense -you with twice as much as your goods amounteth unto: -and all this he bade me that I should show you. Therefore, -sir, take patience; and for my part, I trust to see -you in better estate than ever ye were." When Wolsey -heard this he dismounted from his mule and knelt in the -mud in sign of thankfulness. He gave a present to the -messenger, and grieved that he had no worthy gift to -send to the king. Presently he bethought himself of -a jester belonging to his household. "If ye would at -my request present the king with this poor fool, I trust -his Highness would accept him well, for surely for a -nobleman's pleasure he is worth a thousand pounds." -It is a relief to find in this dismal story some signs of -human feeling. "The poor fool took on so, and fired so -in such a rage when he saw that he must needs depart -from my lord," that six tall yeomen had to be sent as an -escort to convey him safely to the Court.</p> - -<p>It is needless to seek for a motive for Henry's conduct -in sending this delusive message; probably he did it -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">{188}</a></span> -through an amiable desire to make himself generally -agreeable. No man likes to feel that he is acting villainously; -perhaps Henry's conscience felt all the pleasure -of having performed a virtuous action when he heard of -Wolsey's gratitude for such a small mercy. Henry VIII. -was nothing if he was not conscientious; but he made -large drafts on his conscience, and paid them back in -small coin. Probably we have here the record of such a -payment.</p> - -<p>Certainly Henry did nothing to give his goodwill -towards Wolsey any practical expression; he did -not even send him any money to provide his household -with the necessaries of life. For a month they remained -"without beds, sheets, tablecloths, cups, and dishes to -eat their meat or lie in," and ultimately had to borrow -them. What most distressed Wolsey, who had been -accustomed to munificence, was that he had not even -money to pay the wages of his household before he dismissed -them sadly from his service. In his straits one -of his officials came to his aid, and showed his tact and -management in affairs of business. Thomas Cromwell, -the son of a London citizen, spent an adventurous youth -in business on the Continent, and settled in London as -a small attorney and a money-lender. Wolsey had -found out his ability, and employed him to manage the -dissolution of the monasteries, and transact the business -connected with the foundation of his colleges. No doubt -this gave him opportunities of spreading his own business, -and making himself useful friends. In anticipation -of the future he contrived to get himself elected as -member of the Parliament for which Henry VIII. issued -writs upon the suspension of the legatine court.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">{189}</a></span> -Cromwell accompanied Wolsey to Esher, and was -much moved by the thought of the loss which his -patron's fall was likely to inflict upon himself. On -1st November Cavendish found him leaning in the window -"with a primer in his hand, saying our Lady -mattins. He prayed not more earnestly than the tears -distilled from his eyes." He lamented that he was in disdain -with most men for his master's sake, and surely -without just cause; but he was resolved that afternoon -to ride to London, and so to the Court, "where I will -either make or mar, or I come again." After dinner he -talked with Wolsey about his household, and then -showed his power of gaining popularity at the expense -of others. "Have you not," he exclaimed, "a number -of chaplains, to whom ye have departed very liberally -with spiritual promotions? and yet have your poor -servants taken much more pains for you in one day than -all your idle chaplains have done in a year. Therefore -if they will not freely and frankly consider your liberality, -and depart with you of the same goods gotten in your -service, now in your great indigence and necessity, it is -pity that they live." Wolsey agreed; he summoned his -household, and addressed them in a dignified speech; he -gave them a month's holiday, that they might seek some -more profitable service. Then Cromwell said that they -lacked money, and himself tendered five pounds towards -their payment, adding, "Now let us see what your chaplains -will do." The example was contagious, and contributions -poured in. The household was paid, and -departed full of thankfulness to Cromwell. Then, after -a private conversation with Wolsey, Cromwell rode off -to London to "make or mar."</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">{190}</a></span> -Parliament met on 3d November, and Wolsey's enemies -hoped that its first business would be Wolsey's impeachment. -For this, however, Henry VIII. was not prepared, -though he did not openly forbid it. He was not sure of -the capacity of his new advisers, and perhaps felt that he -might have further need of Wolsey's services. Anyhow it -was better to keep his opponents in constant fear of his -return to power. They were bound together rather by -opposition to Wolsey than by any agreement amongst -themselves; and Henry was not very sanguine about -their administrative success. The Duke of Norfolk, the -uncle of Anne Boleyn, was president of the Council, and -Suffolk was vice-president. The chancellorship was -given to Sir Thomas More, who was well fitted by his -literary reputation and high character to calm the fears -of moderate men, and show Europe that the English -king had no lack of eminent servants. The chancellorship -of the duchy of Lancashire was given to the treasurer -of the household, Sir William Fitzwilliam, a -capable official. Gardiner preferred an ecclesiastical post, -and succeeded to the bishopric of Winchester, which -Wolsey was bidden to resign. It still remained to be -seen if Norfolk, Suffolk, and More could fill the place of -Wolsey.</p> - -<p>Parliament was opened by the king; and the chancellor, -according to custom, made a speech. In the course of it -More showed that a man of letters does not necessarily -retain his literary taste in politics, and that high -character does not save a statesman from the temptation -to catch a passing cheer by unworthy taunts at his defeated -adversary. He spoke of the king as shepherd of -his people, and went on, "As you see that amongst a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">{191}</a></span> -great flock of sheep some be rotten and faulty, which the -good shepherd sendeth from the good sheep, so the great -wether which is of late fallen, as you all know, so craftily, -so scabbedly, yea, and so untruly juggled with the king, -that all men must needs guess and think that he thought -in himself that he had no wit to perceive his crafty -doing, or else that he presumed that the king would not -see nor know his fraudulent juggling and attempts. But -he was deceived; for his Grace's sight was so quick and -penetrating that he saw him, yea, and saw through him, -both within and without, so that all things to him were -open; and according to his deserts he hath had a gentle -correction."</p> - -<p>This speech of More served as introductory to a Bill -which was brought into the Upper House for disabling -Wolsey from being restored to his former dignities and -place in the king's Council. It was founded upon a -series of articles which had been drawn up by his -enemies long before, and were a tissue of frivolous or -groundless charges. The Bill passed the Lords, but on -its introduction into the Commons was opposed by -Cromwell, who knew that the king did not wish it to be -passed. It answered its purpose of casting a stigma on -Wolsey, and justifying Henry's conduct towards him; -but Henry did not intend to deprive himself of the -power of employing Wolsey again if he should prove -useful. So Cromwell served the king while he served -Wolsey, and served himself at the same time by a display -of zeal for his fallen master which raised him in -men's esteem, "so that at length, for his honest behaviour -in his master's cause, he grew into such estimation in -every man's opinion, that he was esteemed to be the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">{192}</a></span> -most faithfullest servant to his master of all others, -wherein he was of all men greatly commended." Moreover, -he managed to make friends by the sure tie of -self-interest. He advised Wolsey to buy off the hostility -of important men by granting them pensions out of -the revenues of his see: as he chose the recipients of -the money and negotiated the grants he gained more -gratitude than Wolsey gained profit out of the transaction. -Wolsey believed that his prospects depended -on Cromwell's zeal, and the great cardinal became submissive -to the direction of one whom he had raised. -He abode at Esher in a state of feverish anxiety, sometimes -receiving a present and a gracious message from -the king, often irritated by Cromwell, who deluded him -by a cheap display of zeal, grieving most of all at the -uncertainty of the fortunes of his great colleges, which -he still wished to leave as a memorial to posterity of the -schemes which he intended.</p> - -<p>Parliament was prorogued in the middle of December, -and the Bill against Wolsey was allowed to drop. The -king and Anne Boleyn were delighted with the cardinal's -house at York Place, of which they took possession, -and Wolsey was still left in uncertainty about his future. -Anxiety preyed upon his health, and at Christmas he fell -ill. The news of his illness seems to have brought some -remorse to Henry, who sent his own physician, and eagerly -asked for tidings, saying, "I would not lose him for -twenty thousand pounds." Doctor Buttes answered, -"Then must your Grace send him some comfortable -message as shortly as is possible." The king gave Buttes -a favourite ring from his own finger, saying, "Tell him -that I am not offended with him in my heart nothing at -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">{193}</a></span> -all, and that shall he perceive, and God send him life very -shortly." He asked Anne Boleyn to send also a "token -with comfortable words," and Anne at his command -obeyed, overcoming her reluctance by the thought that -the cardinal was on his deathbed.</p> - -<p>Doctor Buttes's prescription was a good one, and with -revived hopes Wolsey speedily recovered. On 2d -February 1530 the king sent him some furniture for his -house and chapel. On 12th February he received a full -pardon for his offences, and on 14th February was -restored to the archbishopric of York and its possessions -excepting York Place, which the king retained for himself. -He entreated to be allowed to keep also the -bishopric of Winchester and the Abbey of St. Alban's; -but Gardiner had his eye on Winchester, and the Dukes -of Norfolk and Suffolk were anxious that Wolsey should -not hold a post which might bring him into the neighbourhood -of the king. He was compelled to resign both -these offices, and recognised in this the power of his foes.</p> - -<p>The damp air of Esher was hurtful to his health, and -he received permission to change his residence to Richmond -Lodge. There he stayed until the state of the -roads allowed him to take his journey northwards, -which the Duke of Norfolk pressed him to do in forcible -language. "Show him," he said to Cromwell, "that if -he go not away shortly, I will, rather than he should -tarry still, tear him with my teeth." When Wolsey -heard this he said, "Marry, Thomas, then it is time to -be going, if my lord of Norfolk take it so. Therefore -I pray you go to the king and say that I would with all -my heart go to my benefice at York but for want of -money." Wolsey's immediate necessities were grudgingly -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">{194}</a></span> -supplied by the lords of the Council, and in the beginning -of Passion Week he began his journey to York. -He was received with courtesy by the gentry on the -way. The manor-house at Southwell, where he resolved -to live, required some repairs, and he could not occupy -it till 5th June.</p> - -<p>In his house at Southwell Wolsey received the neighbouring -gentry, and made himself popular amongst them. -He lived simply, and applied himself to the discharge of -the duties of his office with great success. A pamphlet -published in 1536 says of him: "Who was less beloved -in the north than my lord cardinal before he was -amongst them? Who better beloved after he had been -there a while? He gave bishops a right good example -how they might win men's hearts. There were few -holy days but he would ride five or six miles from his -house, now to this parish church, now to that, and there -cause one or other of his doctors to make a sermon unto -the people. He sat amongst them and said mass before -all the parish; he saw why churches were made; he -began to restore them to their right and proper use; he -brought his dinner with him, and bade divers of the -parish to it. He inquired whether there were any -debate or grudge between any of them. If there were, -after dinner he sent for the parties to the church and -made them all one." It is an attractive picture of -episcopal activity which is here set before us. We wish -that Wolsey had been great enough to realise the pleasure -of these simple duties so thoroughly as to wean himself -from the allurements of political ambition. But Wolsey -in his retirement was something like Machiavelli in -exile: he found some satisfaction for his activity in the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">{195}</a></span> -doings of peasants, but he went home and hankered for -the great life of politics which was denied him. He -meditated still how he could overthrow his enemies and -return to the more complex problems in which he had -been trained.</p> - -<p>At the end of the summer Wolsey removed from -Southwell to another manor-house at Scrooby, where he -continued the same mode of life. All this time his actions -were jealously watched by his enemies, who suspected -him of trying to gain popularity and raise up a party in -his favour. They did their best to keep him in perpetual -annoyance by threats of legal proceedings touching the -possessions of the see of York. The king paid no heed -to him save to exact all the money he could from his -forfeiture. Amongst other things which the king -claimed was the payment of Wolsey's pension from the -French king; and his care for Wolsey's health at -Christmas may have been due to the fact that he -thought that Wolsey's life had a pecuniary value to himself. -He presently dissolved Wolsey's college at Ipswich, -and seized all its lands and possessions. It was a bitter -blow to Wolsey to see his plans thus overthrown. He -had hoped to found an institution which should promote -education where it was sorely needed in the eastern -counties. It was the beginning of a project which would -have led to the foundation of local universities, which it -has been reserved to our own day to revive. If Wolsey -had remained in power monastic revenues would have -been increasingly diverted to educational purposes, and -England would have been provided with colleges which -would have grown with local needs. The dissolution of -the college at Ipswich checked this process at the beginning, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">{196}</a></span> -and negatived any scheme for the slow transformation -of the monasteries into institutions which were in -accordance with national needs.</p> - -<p>Cardinal College at Oxford met with better fortune. -Wolsey pleaded hard for its preservation, and the authorities -of the college made a stand in its behalf. The king -was not yet prepared to seize the lands of the dissolved -monastery of St. Frideswyde, or of the old Canterbury -Hall, which had been absorbed, and it could be shown -that he would lose as much as he would gain by attempting -an accurate division of the property of the college. -He agreed to "have an honourable college there, but not -so great and of such magnificence as my lord cardinal -intended to have, for it is not thought meet for the -common weal of our realm." The site of the college -and a portion of its revenues were saved from the commissioners -who were realising Wolsey's forfeiture; but -the name of Christ Church obliterated that of Cardinal -College, and Henry VIII. endeavoured as far as he could -to associate the foundation with himself and dissociate it -from Wolsey.</p> - -<p>This persistent disregard of the ideas which Wolsey -had striven to put forward weighed heavily on his -spirits. "I am put from my sleep and meat," he wrote, -"for such advertisements as I have had of the dissolution -of my colleges." It was not only the sense of -personal disappointment which afflicted him; it was the -hopeless feeling that all his policy was being reversed. -Wolsey was in his way a churchman, and hoped as a -statesman to bring the Church into accordance with the -national needs. He saw that only in this way could the -existing resources of the Church be saved from the hand -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">{197}</a></span> -of the spoiler. The king's desire to seize upon the -revenues of his colleges showed him that Henry had -cast away the principles which Wolsey had striven to -enforce, that he had broken through the limits which -Wolsey had endeavoured to set, and that when once -he had tasted his prey his appetite was likely to be insatiable. -This taught Wolsey that his own future was -hopeless. On the lower level to which the king had -sunk he was not likely to need the cardinal's aid. -Wolsey's great schemes for the future were to make way -for a policy mainly dictated by present greed. Henry -VIII. had discovered how great his power was, and -intended to use it for the satisfaction of his own desires.</p> - -<p>So Wolsey turned himself more attentively to the -duties of his episcopal office, hoping thereby to make -some amends for past neglect, and fill up with useful -work the remainder of his days. His poverty had prevented -him from taking possession of his cathedral, as -he had no money to defray the expenses of his installation. -By the end of September he had managed to -scrape together £1500, and set out from Scrooby to -York. On his way he was busied with confirmations. -At St. Oswald's Abbey he confirmed children from eight -in the morning till noon; after dinner he returned to -the church at one, and continued his confirmation till -four, when he was constrained for weariness to sit down -in a chair. Next morning before his departure he confirmed -a hundred children more; and as he rode on his -way he found at Ferrybridge two hundred children waiting -for confirmation at a stone cross standing upon the -green. It was late in the evening before he reached -Cawood Castle, seven miles from York. There he was -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">{198}</a></span> -visited by the Dean of York, and made arrangements for -his installation.</p> - -<p>This ceremony, however, was not to take place. -Wolsey's enemies were implacable, especially the Duke -of Norfolk, who was alarmed at the renewal of Wolsey's -popularity in the north, and at the signs of vigour which -he showed. His actions were jealously watched and -eagerly criticised to find some opportunity for a charge -against him, which was at last found in Wolsey's communications -with foreign envoys. It would seem that Wolsey -could not reconcile himself to political inactivity, and -trusted that the influence of Francis I., for whom he had -done so much, would be used in his favour. But Francis -treated Wolsey with the proverbial ingratitude of -politicians. Wolsey had been a friend of France, but -his friendship had been costly, and Francis I. found that -the new ministers were equally friendly to France, and -did not demand so much in return. In truth, Henry, -though he had abandoned Wolsey for his failure in -the matter of the divorce, had not been better served -by his new advisers, who had no other course to follow -than that which Wolsey had marked out—to use the -close alliance with France as a means of bringing pressure -to bear upon the Pope. So Norfolk was obsequious -to Francis, who preferred to deal with a man of Norfolk's -calibre rather than acknowledge a master in -Wolsey.</p> - -<p>Of this Wolsey was ignorant; and he no longer showed -his old dexterity in promoting his own interests. He -made the mistake of trusting to the old methods of -diplomacy when his position was no longer that of a -minister, and when he had been removed from actual -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">{199}</a></span> -touch of current affairs. He opened up communications -with the French envoy by means of a Venetian physician, -Agostino, who was a member of his household. He even -communicated with the imperial envoy as well. However -harmless these communications might be, they were -certainly indiscreet, and were capable of being represented -to the king as dangerous. Norfolk gained some information, -either from the French envoy or from Agostino, -and laid before the king charges against Wolsey, "that -he had written to Rome to be reinstated in his possessions, -and to France for its favour; and was returning to his -ancient pomp, and corrupting the people." There was -not much in these charges; but Norfolk was afraid of -Wolsey in the background, and quailed before the king's -bursts of petulance, in which he said that the cardinal -knew more about the business of the State than any of -his new advisers. Henry was quite satisfied with the -proceeds of spoiling Wolsey, and was glad to keep him -in reserve; but the suggestion that Wolsey was intriguing -with foreign Courts sorely angered him, and -he gave orders that Wolsey be brought to trial to -answer for his conduct.</p> - -<p>So Sir Walter Walshe was sent with a warrant to the -Earl of Northumberland, and arrived as Wolsey was -busied at Cawood with the preliminaries of his installation. -On 4th November, when Wolsey had retired from -dinner and was sitting in his own room over his dessert, -the Earl of Northumberland appeared, and demanded -the keys of the castle from the porter. He entered the -hall, and posted his servants to guard all the doors. -Wolsey, in ignorance of what was in store for him, met -Northumberland and offered him hospitality, expressing -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">{200}</a></span> -his delight at the unexpected visit. When they were -alone the Earl, "trembling, said, with a very faint and -soft voice, unto my lord, laying his hand upon his arm, -'My lord, I arrest you of high treason.'" For a time -Wolsey stood speechless with astonishment, then he asked -to see the warrant, which Northumberland had not -brought with him. As he was speaking Sir Walter -Walshe opened the door and thrust into the room the -physician Agostino, whom he had made prisoner. Wolsey -asked him about the warrant, and when he recognised -him as one of the gentlemen of the king's privy chamber, -he submitted to the royal commands without asking -further for the production of the warrant. Then he -delivered up his keys to Northumberland.</p> - -<p>Agostino was at once sent to London tied under a -horse's belly—a mode of conveyance which was doubtless -calculated to refresh his memory. When he arrived -in London he was taken to the Duke of Norfolk's house, -and showed himself ready to bear witness against Wolsey. -"Since they have had the cardinal's physician in their -hands," writes the imperial envoy, "they have found -what they sought. Since he has been here he has lived -in the Duke of Norfolk's house like a prince, and is -singing the tune they wished."</p> - -<p>There was not the same need of haste in bringing -Wolsey to London, for even with Agostino's help Norfolk -was doubtful if the evidence against Wolsey would be -sufficient to ensure his condemnation to death; and he -did not wish to give Wolsey the opportunity of a trial -when he might still be formidable. His imprisonment -in the Tower at the royal pleasure would only bring him -nearer to the king, who might at any moment make use of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">{201}</a></span> -him as he threatened. Really, Norfolk was somewhat -embarrassed at the success of his scheme; and Wolsey, -in a conversation with Cavendish, showed a flash of his -old greatness. "If I may come to my answer," he said, -"I fear no man alive; for he liveth not upon the earth -that shall look upon this face and shall be able to accuse -me of any untruth; and that know my enemies full well, -which will be an occasion that I shall not have indifferent -justice, but they will rather seek some other sinister way -to destroy me."</p> - -<p>It was this thought that unnerved Wolsey, worn out -as he was by disappointment, humiliated by his helplessness, -and harassed by a sense of relentless persecution. -Still he retained his dignity and kindliness, and -when on the evening of 7th November he was told to -prepare for his journey, he insisted upon bidding farewell -to his household. The Earl of Northumberland -wished to prevent this, and only gave way through fear -of a tumult if he persisted in his refusal. The servants -knelt weeping before Wolsey, who "gave them comfortable -words and worthy praises for their diligent faithfulness -and honest truth towards him, assuring them -that what chance soever should happen unto him, that -he was a true man and a just to his sovereign lord." -Then shaking each of them by the hand he departed.</p> - -<p>Outside the gate the country folk had assembled to -the number of three thousand, who cried, "God save -your grace. The foul evil take all them that hath thus -taken you from us; we pray God that a very vengeance -may light upon them." Thus they ran crying after him -through the town of Cawood, they loved him so well. -After this moving farewell Wolsey rode through the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">{202}</a></span> -gathering darkness to Pomfret, where he was lodged in -the abbey. Thence he proceeded through Doncaster to -Sheffield Park, where he was kindly received by the -Earl of Shrewsbury, whose guest he was for eighteen -days. Once a day the earl visited him and tried to -comfort him, but Wolsey refused all human comfort, and -applied himself diligently to prayer. While he was at -Sheffield Park his health, which never had been good, -began to give way, and he suffered from dysentery, -which was aggravated by an unskilful apothecary.</p> - -<p>As he was thus ailing there arrived Sir William -Kingston, Constable of the Tower, with a guard of -twenty-four soldiers; he had received a commission -from the king to bring Wolsey as a prisoner to the -Tower. It would seem from this that Agostino's confessions -had been skilfully raised to fan the royal -wrath, and Henry gave this sign that he was prepared -to treat his former minister as a traitor. The Earl of -Shrewsbury did his best to treat the coming of Kingston -as a trivial incident, and sent Cavendish to break -the news gently to his master. Cavendish gave the -message as he was bidden. "Forsooth my lord of -Shrewsbury, perceiving by your often communication -that ye were always desirous to come before the king's -Majesty, and now as your assured friend, hath travailed -so with his letters unto the king, that the king hath -sent for you by Master Kingston and twenty-four of -the guard to conduct you to his Highness." Wolsey -was not deceived. "Master Kingston," he repeated, and -smote his thigh. When Cavendish made a further -attempt to cheer him he cut him short by saying, "I -perceive more than you can imagine or can know. Experience -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">{203}</a></span> -hath taught me." When Kingston was introduced -and knelt before him, Wolsey said, "I pray you -stand up, and leave your kneeling unto a very wretch -replete with misery, not worthy to be esteemed, but for -a vile object utterly cast away, without desert; and -therefore, good Master Kingston, stand up, or I will -myself kneel down by you." After some talk Wolsey -thanked Kingston for his kind words. "Assure yourself -that if I were as able and as lusty as I have been but of -late, I would not fail to ride with you in post. But all -these comfortable words which ye have spoken be but -for a purpose to bring me to a fool's paradise; I know -what is provided for me."</p> - -<p>With a mind thus agitated the sufferings of the -body increased. When Wolsey took his journey next day -all regarded him as a dying man. The soldiers of the -guard, "as soon as they espied their old master in such -a lamentable estate, lamented him with weeping eyes. -Whom my lord took by the hands, and divers times by -the way as he rode he would talk with them, sometime -with one and sometime with another." That night he -reached Hardwick Hall, in Notts, a house of the Earl of -Shrewsbury, and the next day rode to Nottingham. On -the way from thence to Leicester he was so feeble that -he could scarcely sit upon his mule. It was dark on -Saturday night when he reached Leicester Abbey, where -the abbot greeted him by torchlight. "Father Abbot," -he said, "I am come hither to leave my bones among -you." Kingston had to carry him upstairs to his bed, -which he never quitted again.</p> - -<p>All Sunday his malady increased, and on Monday -morning Cavendish, as he watched his face, thought -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">{204}</a></span> -him drawing fast to his end. "He perceiving my shadow -upon the wall by his bedside asked who was there. -'Sir, I am here,' quoth I. 'What is it of the clock?' -said he. 'Forsooth, sir,' said I, 'it is past eight of -the clock in the morning.'—'Eight of the clock, eight -of the clock,' said he, rehearsing divers times. 'Nay, -nay, it cannot be eight of the clock; for by eight of -the clock ye shall lose your master, for my time -draweth near that I must depart out of this world.'"</p> - -<p>But the dying man was not to depart without a reminder -of the pitiless character of the master whom he -had served so well. When Wolsey left Cawood the -Earl of Northumberland remained behind to examine -his papers; amongst them he found a record that -Wolsey had in his possession £1500, but he reported -to the king that he could not find the money. Such -was Henry's keenness as his own minister of finance -that he could not await Wolsey's arrival in London, -but wrote off instantly to Kingston, bidding him examine -Wolsey how he came by the money, and discover where -it was. In obedience to the royal command Kingston -reluctantly visited the dying man, who told him that he -had borrowed the money of divers friends and dependants -whom he did not wish to see defrauded; the -money was in the keeping of an honest man, and he -asked for a little time before disclosing where it was.</p> - -<p>In the night he often swooned, but rallied in the -morning and asked for food. Some chicken broth was -brought him, but he remembered that it was a fast-day, -being St. Andrew's Eve. "What though it be," said -his confessor, "ye be excused by reason of your sickness."—"Yea," -said he, "what though? I will eat no -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">{205}</a></span> -more." After this he made his confession, and about -seven in the morning Kingston entered to ask further -about the money. But seeing how ill Wolsey was, -Kingston tried to comfort him. "Well, well," said -Wolsey, "I see the matter against me how it is framed, -but if I had served God so diligently as I have done -the king, he would not have given me over in my gray -hairs. Howbeit, this is the just reward that I must -receive for my worldly diligence and pains that I had -to do him service, only to satisfy his vain pleasure, not -regarding my godly duty. Wherefore, I pray you, with -all my heart, to have me most humbly commended unto -his royal Majesty, beseeching him in my behalf to call -to his most gracious remembrance all matters proceeding -between him and me from the beginning of the -world unto this day, and the progress of the same, and -most chiefly in the weighty matter now depending (<i>i.e.</i> -the divorce); then shall his conscience declare whether -I have offended him or no. He is sure a prince of a -royal courage, and hath a princely heart; and rather -than he will either miss or want any part of his will or -appetite he will put the loss of one-half of his realm in -danger. For I assure you I have often kneeled before -him in his privy chamber on my knees the space of -an hour or two, to persuade him from his will and -appetite; but I could never bring to pass to dissuade -him therefrom. Therefore, Master Kingston, if it chance -hereafter you to be one of his Privy Council, as for -your wisdom and other qualities ye are meet to be, -I warn you to be well advised and assured what matter -ye put in his head, for ye shall never put it out again." -He went on to bid him warn the king against the spread of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">{206}</a></span> -the pernicious sect of Lutherans as harmful to the royal -authority and destructive of the order of the realm. -Then as his tongue failed him he gasped out, "Master -Kingston, farewell. I can no more, but wish all things -to have good success. My time draweth on fast. I may -not tarry with you. And forget not, I pray you, what -I have said and charged you withal, for when I am dead -ye shall peradventure remember my words much better." -His breath failed him and his eyes grew fixed. The -abbot came to administer supreme unction, and as the -clock struck eight Wolsey passed away. "And calling -to our remembrance his words the day before, how he -said that at eight of the clock we should lose our master, -one of us looked upon another supposing that he prophesied -of his departure."</p> - -<p>Kingston sent a message to tell the king of Wolsey's -death, and hastened the preparations for his funeral. -His body was placed in a coffin of boards, vested in his -archiepiscopal robes, with his mitre, cross, and ring. It -lay in state till five in the afternoon, when it was carried -into the church and was placed in the Lady Chapel, -where it was watched all night. At four in the morning -mass was sung, and by six the grave had closed over -the remains of Wolsey.</p> - -<p>It would be consoling to think that a pang of genuine -sorrow was felt by Henry VIII. when he heard of the -death of Wolsey; but unfortunately there is no ground -for thinking so, and all that is on record shows us that -Henry's chief care still was to get hold of the £1500, -which was all that remained of Wolsey's fortune. -Cavendish was taken by Kingston to Hampton Court, -where he was summoned to the king, who was engaged -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">{207}</a></span> -in archery in the park. As Cavendish stood against -a tree sadly musing Henry suddenly came behind him -and slapped him on the back, saying, "I will make an -end of my game, and then I will talk with you." Soon -he finished his game and went into the garden, but kept -Cavendish waiting for some time outside. The interview -lasted more than an hour, "during which time he examined -me of divers matters concerning my lord, wishing that -liever than twenty thousand pounds that he had lived. -Then he asked me for the fifteen hundred pounds which -Master Kingston moved to my lord before his death." -Cavendish told him what he knew about it, and said -that it was deposited with a certain priest. "Well, -then," said the king, "let me alone, and keep this gear -secret between yourself and me, and let no man be privy -thereof; for if I hear more of it, then I know by whom -it is come to knowledge. Three may keep counsel if -two be away; and if I thought that my cap knew my -counsel I would cast it into the fire and burn it." -Henry spoke freely, and these words disclose the secret -of his strength. Every politician has a method of his -own by which he hides his real character and assumes -a personality which is best fitted for his designs. Henry -VIII. beneath an air of frankness and geniality concealed -a jealous and watchful temperament, full of crafty -designs for immediate gain, resolute, avaricious, and -profoundly self-seeking.</p> - -<p>As we have been so much indebted to Cavendish -for an account of Wolsey's private life, especially in his -last days, it is worth while to follow Cavendish's fortunes. -The king promised to take him into his own service, and -to pay him his wages for the last year, amounting to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">{208}</a></span> -£10. He bade him ask it of the Duke of Norfolk. -As he left the king he met Kingston coming from the -Council, whither Cavendish also was summoned. Kingston -implored him to take heed what he said. The -Council would examine him about Wolsey's last words; -"and if you tell them the truth you shall undo yourself." -He had denied that he heard anything, and -warned Cavendish to do the same. So Cavendish -answered the Duke of Norfolk that he was so busied in -waiting on Wolsey that he paid little heed to what he -said. "He spoke many idle words, as men in such -extremities do, the which I cannot now remember." He -referred them to Kingston's more accurate memory. It -is a dismal picture of Court life which is here presented -to us. On every side was intrigue, suspicion, and deceit. -Wolsey's last words were consigned to oblivion; for the -frankness that was begotten of a retrospect in one who -had nothing more to hope or fear was dangerous in a -place whence truth was banished.</p> - -<p>When the Council was over Norfolk talked with -Cavendish about his future. Cavendish had seen enough -of public life, and had no heart to face its dangers. The -figure of Wolsey rose before his eyes, and he preferred -to carry away into solitude his memories of the vanity -of man's ambition. His only request was for a cart and -horse to carry away his own goods, which had been -brought with Wolsey's to the Tower. The king was -gracious, and allowed him to choose six cart-horses and -a cart from Wolsey's stable. He gave him five marks -for his expenses, paid him £10 for arrears of wages, -and added £20 as a reward. "I received all these things -accordingly, and then I returned into my country."</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">{209}</a></span> -It says much for Wolsey that he chose as his personal -attendant a man of the sweet, sensitive, retiring type of -George Cavendish, though it was not till after his fall -from power that he learned the value of such a friend. -No less significant of the times is the profound impression -which Wolsey's fate excited on the mind of Cavendish, -who in the retirement of his own county of Suffolk -lived with increasing sadness through the changes which -befell England and destroyed many of the memories -which were dearest to his heart. No one then cared to -hear about Wolsey, nor was it safe to recall the thought -of the great Cardinal of England to the minds of men -who were busied in undoing his work. Not till the days -of Mary did Cavendish gather together his notes and -sketch the fortunes of one whose figure loomed forth -from a distant past, mellowed by the mists of time, and -hallowed by the pious resignation which was the only -comfort that reflection could give to the helpless recluse. -The calm of a poetic sadness is expressed in the pages of -Cavendish's <i>Memoir</i>. Wolsey has become to him a type -of the vanity of human endeavour, and points the moral -of the superiority of a quiet life with God over the manifold -activities of an aspiring ambition. But Cavendish -did not live to see the time when such a sermon, preached -on such a text, was likely to appeal to many hearers. -His work remained in manuscript, of which copies -circulated amongst a few. One such copy, it is clear, -must have reached the hands of Shakespeare, who, with -his usual quickness of perception, condensed as much as -his public could understand into his portrait of Wolsey -in the play of <i>Henry VIII.</i> When the <i>Memoir</i> was first -printed in 1641 it was garbled for party purposes. The -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">{210}</a></span> -figure of Wolsey was long left to the portraiture of -prejudice, and he was regarded only as the type of the -arrogant ecclesiastic whom it was the great work of the -Reformation to have rendered impossible in the future. -Wolsey, the most patriotic of Englishmen, was branded -as the minion of the Pope, and the upholder of a foreign -despotism. When Fiddes, in 1724, attempted, on the -strength of documents, to restore Wolsey to his due -position amongst England's worthies, he was accused of -Popery. Not till the mass of documents relating to the -reign of Henry VIII. was published did it become possible -for Dr. Brewer to show the significance of the -schemes of the great cardinal, and to estimate his merits -and his faults.</p> - -<div class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">{211}</a></div> - - <h2>CHAPTER XI<br /> - <span class="small">THE WORK OF WOLSEY</span></h2> - -<p class="nodent"><span class="smcap">"No</span> -statesman of such eminence ever died less lamented," -is Dr. Brewer's remark on Wolsey's death. Indeed, the -king had forgotten his old servant; his enemies rejoiced -to be rid of a possible rival; the men whom he had -trained in politics were busy in seeking their own -advancement, which was not to be promoted by tears -for a fallen minister; the people had never loved him, -and were indifferent about one who was no longer -powerful. In a time of universal uncertainty every -one was speculating on the future, and saw that the -future was not to be determined by Wolsey or by -Wolsey's ideas. Not without reason has the story of -Wolsey's fall passed into a parable of the heartlessness -of the world.</p> - -<p>For Wolsey lived for the world as few men have ever -done; not for the larger world of intellectual thought or -spiritual aspiration, but for the actual, immediate world -of affairs. He limited himself to its problems, but within -its limits he took a wider and juster view of the problems -of his time than any English statesman has ever done. -For politics in the largest sense, comprising all the relations -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">{212}</a></span> -of the nation at home and abroad, Wolsey had -a capacity which amounted to genius, and it is doubtful -if this can be said of any other Englishman. There -have been many capable administrators, many excellent -organisers, many who bravely faced the difficulties of -their time, many who advocated particular reforms and -achieved definite results. But Wolsey aimed at doing all -these things together and more. Taking England as he -found her, he aimed at developing all her latent possibilities, -and leading Europe to follow in her train. In this -project there was nothing chimerical or fantastic, for -Wolsey's mind was eminently practical. Starting from the -existing condition of affairs, he made England for a time -the centre of European politics, and gave her an influence -far higher than she could claim on material grounds. -Moreover, his far-reaching schemes abroad did not -interfere with strict attention to the details of England's -interests. His foreign policy was to promote English -trade, facilitate the union of Scotland, keep peace at -small expense, prepare the way for internal re-organisation, -and secure the right of dealing judiciously with -ecclesiastical reform. Wolsey's plans all hung together. -However absorbed he might be in a particular point it -was only part of a great design, and he used each advantage -which he gained as a means of strengthening -England's position for some future undertaking. He -had a clear view of the future as a whole; he knew -not only what he wished to make of England but of -Europe as well. He never worked at a question from -one motive only; what failed for one purpose was made -useful for another; his resources were not bounded by -the immediate result.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">{213}</a></span> -Politics to him was not a pursuit, it was a passion. -He loved it as an artist loves his art, for he found in it -a complete satisfaction for his nature. All that was best, -and all that was worst, in Wolsey sprang from this exceptional -attitude towards statecraft, which he practised -with enthusiasm, not in the spirit of cold calculation. -The world is accustomed to statesmen who clothe the -results of calculation in the language of enthusiasm; -Wolsey's language was practical and direct, his passionate -aspirations were restrained within his own bosom.</p> - -<p>Thus there is a largeness and distinction about -Wolsey's aims, a far-reaching patriotism, and an admirable -lucidity. He was indeed a political artist, who -worked with a free hand and a certain touch. He was -absorbed in his art as a painter over his picture, and he -did not shrink as the full size of his canvas was gradually -enrolled. He set himself to dominate Europe, and was -fearless and self-contained. He gave himself entirely to -his work, and in his eyes the nobility of his end justified -any means. But he was sensitive, as all artists are, and -could not work under cramped conditions. When he was -restricted to the small matter of the divorce his hand lost -its cunning. He was, though he knew it not, fitted to -serve England, but not fitted to serve the English king. -He had the aims of a national statesman, not of a royal -servant.</p> - -<p>Wolsey's misfortune was that his lot was cast on -days when the career of a statesman was not distinct -from that of a royal servant. He owed his introduction -to politics solely to royal favour, and neither -had nor could obtain any other warrant for his position. -For good or evil England was identified with her king, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">{214}</a></span> -and it was long before it could be otherwise. Certainly -Wolsey had no wish that it should be otherwise, and his -subservience to the royal will seems to us to be unworthy -of his greatness. But Wolsey associated his political -life with the king's goodwill, and Henry was to him a -symbol of all that was best and most intelligent in -England. His deviations from his own policy in obedience -to the king were not more degrading or more -inevitable than are the calculations of the modern -statesman about the exact limits of the field of practical -politics. A statesman has not only to form projects, -he has to secure a force behind him which will enable -him to give them effect. Each age recognises this fact, -and acts accordingly. There is nothing more intrinsically -base in Wolsey's subservience to the royal will -than in the efforts of modern statesmen to bid against -one another for an opportunity of carrying out what -they think to be the will of the people. No politician -has a complete command of his field of action; his high-mindedness -and purity must be tested by the degree of -compromise which consciously or unconsciously he makes -between his love of power and his knowledge or his -conscience. The utmost that can be demanded of him -is that he should not, to keep his place, deliberately act -contrary to what he believes to be wise or knows to be -right.</p> - -<p>In his general conduct of politics Wolsey was true to -his principles, and though occasionally thwarted, he still -pursued the same ends. The matter of the divorce was -sprung upon him, and it would have been well for -Wolsey's fame if he had retired rather than involve himself -in the unworthy proceedings to which it led. But -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">{215}</a></span> -the temptation to all men to think themselves necessary -in the sphere which they have made their own is a subtle -one; and those who begin by hoping that they may -minimise inevitable mischief, end by being dragged into -the mire. To a statesman this temptation is great in -proportion to the largeness of his ultimate aim. He -resents that his schemes should be ruined by a temporary -derangement of the perspective of affairs; he believes -that his practised hand can easily solve a trumpery -difficulty; the excellence of his intentions in the long-run -justifies an occasional sacrifice on the shrine of -present necessity. If he does some things amiss, after -all he is not responsible for them; they are disagreeable -incidents in his tenure of office.</p> - -<p>So Wolsey regarded the divorce; and he is not greatly -to be blamed for agreeing to promote it. He saw great -national advantages in a divorce; he knew that it -would be well for England if Henry VIII. left male -issue; he did not like the political influence of Katharine; -he saw that Henry was not likely to be happy in her -society. It would have been difficult for him to find in -the proposal itself a sufficient reason for withdrawing -from politics even if he could have done so with safety. -Not even Wolsey could foresee the king's obstinacy and -tenacity of purpose, the depth of meanness to which he -would sink, and to which he would drag all around him. -Wolsey found himself powerless to resist, and the -growing consciousness of moral turpitude practised to no -purpose degraded him in his own eyes and robbed him -of his strength. When once the divorce question was -started Wolsey was pushed on to his ruin by a power -of imperious wickedness which debased others without -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">{216}</a></span> -losing its own self-respect. The dictates of public opinion -are, after all, not so very different from the commands of -an absolute king. Both may destroy their victims, and -go on their own way with heads erect.</p> - -<p>So when we speak of the fall of Wolsey we mean -more than his irrevocable loss of power. He had lost -his inner strength, and no longer kept his hold upon -affairs. He knew that he was sullied and unnerved; that -he had sunk from the position of a leader to that of -one who tremblingly follows and devises shifty plans that -he may still exercise the semblance of his old authority. -He knew that in his negotiations about the divorce he -staked everything that he had gained, and that the -result, whatever it was, would be disastrous to his great -designs. If he had succeeded he would have degraded -the Papacy; and when Henry had once learned how -easy it was for him to get his own way, he would have -used his knowledge to the full, and Wolsey would have -been powerless to direct him. When Wolsey became -the instrument of the king's selfwill, he hoped that a -few disappointments would wear out his obstinacy; when -he saw Henry's growing resoluteness and complete selfwill -he knew that for himself the future was hopeless. -Still he had not the magnanimity to resign himself to -his disappointment. He clung to power when power had -ceased to be useful for his plans. He clung to power, -because the habits of office had become to him a second -nature. He vainly strove to find satisfaction in the discharge -of his episcopal duties; he vainly tried to content -himself with the simple affairs of simple men. He -had given himself entirely to the material world, and -had estranged himself from the spiritual world, which -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">{217}</a></span> -was to him thin and unsubstantial to the last. He -could not refrain from casting longing glances behind -him, and his last days are pitiable. The words of the -dying man are often quoted as showing the misery of -those who trust in princes' favour. But they are not -merely an echo of a far-off state of things which has -passed by for ever. "To serve one's country" may have a -loftier and more noble sound than "to serve one's king," -but the meaning is not necessarily different. The -thought in Wolsey's heart was this—"If I had served -the spiritual interests of my country as I have striven to -serve its material interests my conscience would be -more at rest." For Wolsey was a true patriot, and had -noble aims. Much as he might deaden his conscience, -he did not extinguish it; and his last judgment of -himself expressed the sad conviction that neither his -patriotism nor the nobility of his aims had saved him -from actions which he could not justify, and which his -conscience loudly condemned.</p> - -<p>We have called Wolsey a political artist: and this, -which makes his career attractive, is the secret of his -unpopularity. Wolsey's designs did not arise from -the pressure of absolute necessity, and their meaning -was not apparent to his contemporaries. Englishmen -thought then, as they think now, that England should -disregard foreign affairs and develop her own resources; -or if foreign affairs are undertaken they demand the -success of English arms, and claim to be repaid in current -coin or palpable advantages. Wolsey believed that the -establishment of England's power on the Continent was -necessary for the increase of English trade, and was a -preliminary for the wise solution of those questions which -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">{218}</a></span> -were most urgent in domestic politics. He was the -last English statesman of the old school, which regarded -England not as a separate nation, but as an integral part -of Western Christendom. He did not look upon questions -as being solely English questions: he did not aim -merely at reforming English monasteries or asserting a -new position for the English Church. But he thought -that England was ripe for practically carrying out reforms -which had long been talked of, and remedying -abuses which had long been lamented; and he hoped -that England in these respects would serve as a model -to the rest of Europe. Only if England was in full -accord with European sentiment, was powerful, and was -respected, could this be done. Wolsey did not prefer -foreign politics on their own account, but he found them -to be the necessary preliminary for any lasting work on -the lines which he contemplated. As regards Church -matters he was strictly practical. He had no belief in -reforming councils, or pragmatic sanctions, or Gallican -liberties; he cared little for England's weapon of -<i>præmunire</i>. He did not look upon the Pope as a -powerful adversary who was to be held at arm's length; -he regarded him as a man to be managed and converted -into a useful ally. Wolsey was entirely Erastian. Power -was to him the important thing in human affairs, and all -power was the same; he believed much more in the -divine right of Henry VIII. than in the divine right of -Clement VII. merely because Henry's power seemed to -him practically to be greater. However poetical Wolsey's -main ideas might be, he had no illusions about the -actual facts of politics.</p> - -<p>The Englishmen of his own day did not appreciate -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">{219}</a></span> -Wolsey's aims, and supposed that his foreign policy was -for the gratification of his own vanity, or was the result -of a desire to gain the Papacy. No one understood him -in his own time. He bore the burden of everything that -was done, and all the causes of popular discontent were -laid at his door. If the loyalty of Wolsey seems strange -to our eyes, still more inexplicable is the loyalty of the -English people, who could believe in Henry's good intentions, -and could suppose that he was entirely ruled -by Wolsey contrary to his own inclinations. Wolsey was -universally hated; by the nobles as an upstart, by the -people as a tyrant, by Churchmen as a dangerous reformer, -by the Lutherans as a rank Papist. While he -was in power he kept in restraint various elements of -disorder; but he shared the fate of those who rule -without identifying themselves with any party. When -his power came to an end no minister could assume his -place or pick up the threads which fell from his hands. -It was left to Henry VIII., who had learned more from -Wolsey than any one else, to direct England's fortunes -on a lower level of endeavour. We may admire his -clear head and his strong hand; we may even prefer the -results of his solution to those which Wolsey would have -wrought; but we must confess that personal motives -held the chief place in his mind, and that considerations -of the common weal came only in the second place. For -Henry VIII. abandoned Wolsey's idea of a European -settlement of ecclesiastical questions, and gradually -undertook a national settlement on lines drawn solely -with reference to his own desires and his own interest. -In this simpler matter it was possible for him to enjoy -some measure of success, and this was chiefly due to the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">{220}</a></span> -preparation which Wolsey had made. For the work of -a statesman is never entirely thrown away; if his own -plans fail, he leaves the way open for others who may -use his means for widely different ends.</p> - -<p>Wolsey was the creator of the forces which worked -the great change in England in the sixteenth century. -He obtained for England a position in the esteem of -Europe which he had meant to use for the direction -of Europe generally. Henry used that position for -the assertion of England's right to settle its own affairs -for itself; and the position proved strong enough to -ward off foreign interference, and to carry England safely -through the first period of a dangerous crisis. It was -because Wolsey had laid a sure foundation that England -emerged from her separatist policy, isolated, it is true, -but not excluded from European influence. Again, -Wolsey exalted the royal power, because he believed -that it alone could rise above the separate interests of -classes, and could give a large expression to the national -weal. Henry profited by Wolsey's labours to pursue -exclusively his own interests, yet he learned enough -to interweave them dexterously with some national interests -in such a way that they could not practically be -disentangled, and that he had sufficient adherents to put -down opposition when it arose. Even the preliminary -steps which Wolsey had taken were carefully followed. -His scheme for the gradual conversion of monasteries -into more useful institutions was revived, and men believed -that it would be imitated: the very agents that -he had trained for the work of turning monasteries into -educational establishments were employed in sweeping -the monastic revenues into the royal coffers. So it -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">{221}</a></span> -was with all other things. Henry learned Wolsey's -methods, and popularised Wolsey's phrases. He clothed -his own self-seeking with the dignity of Wolsey's designs; -the hands were the hands of Henry, but the voice was an -echo of the voice of Wolsey.</p> - -<p>The new England that was created in the sixteenth -century was strangely unlike that which Wolsey had -dreamed of, yet none the less it was animated by his -spirit. His ideal of England, influential in Europe -through the mediatorial policy which her insular position -allowed her to claim, prosperous at home through -the influence which she obtained by her far-sighted -wisdom and disinterestedness—this is Wolsey's permanent -contribution to the history of English politics.</p> - -<div class="index"> - -<h2>INDEX</h2> - -<ul> - - <li>Adrian VI., Pope, election of, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>; - <ul><li>enters league against France, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Agostino, Wolsey's physician, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li> - - <li>Albany, James, Duke of, made Regent of Scotland, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>; - <ul><li>allied with Queen Margaret, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> - <li>retreats before Lord Dacre, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li> - <li>retires from Wark, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li> - <li>recalled to France, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Alcock, John, Bishop of Ely, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li> - - <li>Amicable Loan, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li> - - <li>Angus, Archibald, Earl of, marries Queen-Dowager Margaret, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>; - <ul><li>in France and England, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Ardres, fortification of, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Bainbridge, Thomas, Archbishop of York, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>-39.</li> - - <li>Blunt, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> - - <li>Boleyn, Anne, Henry VIII.'s passion for, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>; - <ul><li>her influence over Henry VIII., <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, - <a href="#Page_165">165</a>-168.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Bourbon, Constable of, revolts from Francis I., <a href="#Page_94">94</a>; - <ul><li>negotiations of Pace with, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li> - <li>in Italy, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Bruges, Wolsey meets Charles V. at, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> - - <li>Buckingham, Duke of, executed, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> - - <li>Buttes, Doctor, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Calais, meeting of Henry VIII. and Charles V. at, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>; - <ul><li>conference at, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>-82.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Cambrai, League of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, - <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>; - <ul><li>conference at, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Campeggio, Cardinal, sent to England, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>; - <ul><li>his action about the divorce, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>-173;</li> - <li>his interview with Henry VIII., <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li> - <li>seizure of his baggage, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Cardinal College, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, - <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li> - - <li>Carey, Eleanor, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> - - <li>Cavendish, George, memoir of Wolsey quoted, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, - <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>-205; - <ul><li>his interview with Henry VIII., <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li> - <li>later life of, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Cawood Castle, Wolsey at, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>-201.</li> - - <li>Charles, Prince of Castile, betrothed to Mary of England, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>; - <ul><li>betrothed to Renée of France, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> - <li>King of Spain, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li> - <li>goes to Spain, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> - <li>elected Emperor Charles V., <a href="#Page_52">52</a>-54;</li> - <li>seeks interview with Henry VIII., <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> - <li>pensions Wolsey, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> - <li>in England, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> - <li>meets Henry VIII. at Calais, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> - <li>his marriage projects, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> - <li>attacked by Francis I., <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> - <li>meets Wolsey at Bruges, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> - <li>his policy in papal election, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>-88;</li> - <li>visits London, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> - <li>allied with Henry VIII., <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> - <li>negotiations with, about marriage, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>-118;</li> - <li>makes peace of Cambrai, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Charles VIII., <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li> - - <li>Chièvres, death of, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> - - <li>Clement VII., Pope, attacked in Rome, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>; - <ul><li>visited by Knight at Orvieto, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li> - <li>embassy of Gardiner to, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li> - <li>his hesitation about the divorce, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Cromwell, Thomas, early life of, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>; - <ul><li>parts from Wolsey, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> - <li>speaks in Wolsey's behalf, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Dacre, Lord, Warden of the Western Marches, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>; - <ul><li>defends Carlisle against Albany, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>De Praet, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li> - - <li>Dorset, Marquis of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>; - <ul><li>commands in Guienne, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Erasmus, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li> - - <li>Esher, Wolsey at, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, - <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> - - </ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Ferdinand, King of Aragon, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>; - <ul><li>allied with Maximilian, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> - <li>joins Holy League, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> - <li>deserts Henry VIII. in Guienne, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> - <li>allies with France, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> - <li>dies, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Fisher, John, Bishop of Rochester, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, - <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> - - <li>Fitzroy, Henry, Duke of Richmond, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> - - <li>Flodden Field, Battle of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li> - - <li>Fox, Richard, Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, - <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li> - - <li>Francis I., King of France, accession of, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>; - <ul><li>wins Duchy of Milan, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> - <li>makes treaty of Noyon, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li> - <li>candidate for the empire, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>-55;</li> - <li>seeks interview with Henry VIII., <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> - <li>pensions Wolsey, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> - <li>at Field of Cloth of Gold, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> - <li>attacks Charles V., <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> - <li>his unpopularity, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> - <li>captured at Pavia, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li> - <li>signs treaty of Madrid, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> - <li>makes peace with England, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li> - <li>interview of Wolsey with, at Amiens, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li> - <li>makes peace of Cambrai, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Frundsberg, George, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Gardiner, Stephen, ambassador to Clement VII., <a href="#Page_161">161</a>-163; - <ul><li>king's favourite, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> - <li>made Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Gattinara, Ercurino della, negotiates with Tunstal, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>; - <ul><li>his position with Charles V., <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> - <li>at conference of Calais, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, - <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Gigli, Silvestro dei, Bishop of Worcester, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li> - - <li>Greene, John, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li> - - <li>Guienne, scheme for conquest of, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>; - <ul><li>its failure, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Guisnes, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Hampton Court, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> - - <li>Henry VII., policy of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, - <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>-30, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> - - <li>Henry VIII., accession of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>; - <ul><li>joins Holy League, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> - <li>his Council, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> - <li>his expedition into France, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> - <li>abandoned by Ferdinand and Maximilian, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> - <li>allies with Louis XII., <a href="#Page_32">32</a>-35;</li> - <li>asks for Wolsey's cardinalate, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> - <li>his dealings with Maximilian, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>-45;</li> - <li>a candidate for the empire, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>-55;</li> - <li>allies with Charles V., <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> - <li>costliness of his policy, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> - <li>his management of Parliament, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li> - <li>question of his divorce, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> - <li>rebukes Wolsey, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>-170;</li> - <li>his last interview with Wolsey, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Howard, Sir Edward, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Ipswich, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>; - <ul><li>college of, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Isabella of Portugal, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>James V., set up King of Scotland, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li> - - <li>Jordan, Isabella, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> - - <li>Julius II., Pope, and Italian politics, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Katharine, Queen of England, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>; - <ul><li>confides in Wolsey, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> - <li>Regent of England, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> - <li>opposed to French alliance, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> - <li>signs of her breach with king, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> - <li>divorce question moved, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>-153;</li> - <li>her attitude before the legatine court, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Kingston, Sir William, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>-207.</li> - - <li>Knight, secretary, sent to Rome, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>-161.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Lady Margaret Professorships, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li> - - <li>League, the Italian, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li> - - <li>—— of Cambrai, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, - <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li> - - <li>—— the Holy, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li> - - <li>Legate, Wolsey nominated, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>; - <ul><li>his legatine courts, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Leicester Abbey, death of Wolsey at, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>-206.</li> - - <li>Leo X., Pope, accession of, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>; - <ul><li>refuses Wolsey's cardinalate, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> - <li>creates Wolsey cardinal, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> - <li>annoyed at Wolsey's success, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> - <li>sides with Charles V., <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, - <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> - <li>death of, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Lincoln, Wolsey Dean of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>; - <ul><li>Bishop of, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Longueville, Duke of, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> - - <li>Louis XI., King of France, his policy, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> - - <li>Louis XII., King of France, and League of Cambrai, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>; - <ul><li>his dealings with Julius II., <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> - <li>defeated in Italy, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> - <li>makes truce with Ferdinand and Maximilian, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> - <li>marries Mary of England, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> - <li>dies, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Louise of Savoy, mother of Francis I., makes peace with England, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li> - - <li>Lymington, Wolsey Vicar of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Madrid, Treaty of, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li> - - <li>Magdalen College, Oxford, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li> - - <li>Margaret, queen of James IV. of Scotland, marries Earl of Angus, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>; - <ul><li>allies with Albany, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> - <li>managed by Wolsey, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Marignano, battle of, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li> - - <li>Mary, Princess, daughter of Henry VII., married to Louis XII., <a href="#Page_32">32</a>; - <ul><li>marries Duke of Suffolk, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Mary, Princess, daughter of Henry VIII., married by proxy to Dauphin, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>; - <ul><li>betrothed to Charles V., <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> - <li>betrothed to Duke of Orleans, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Maximilian, Emperor, joins Italian League, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>; - <ul><li>allied with Ferdinand, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> - <li>relations of Henry VII. with, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> - <li>at Terouenne, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> - <li>deserts Henry VIII., <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> - <li>makes a futile expedition against Milan, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-42;</li> - <li>signs peace of Noyon, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> - <li>dies, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Medici, Guilio dei, candidate for the Papacy, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>; - <ul><li>elected Clement VII., <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Montdidier, capture of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li> - - <li>More, Sir Thomas, Speaker in 1523, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>-105; - <ul><li>Chancellor, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Nanfan, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li> - - <li>Norfolk, Thomas Howard I., Duke of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li> - - <li>Norfolk, Thomas Howard II., Duke of, puts down tumult, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>; - <ul><li>plots against Wolsey, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li> - <li>receives great seal from Wolsey, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li> - <li>president of the Council, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Norwich, tumult in, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li> - - <li>Noyon, Treaty of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Oxford, Wolsey's influence in, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>-147.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Pace, Richard, his mission to Maximilian, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>-43; - <ul><li>mission to the German Elector, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> - <li>mission to Venice, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> - <li>mission to Bourbon, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Parliament, of 1523, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>; - <ul><li>Wolsey's attitude to, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Paulet, Sir Amyas, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li> - - <li>Pavia, battle of, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li> - - <li>Picardy, invasion of, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> - - <li>Putney, Wolsey at, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Rhodes, captured by Turks, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li> - - <li>Richmond Lodge, Wolsey at, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> - - <li>Ruthal, Bishop of Durham, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>St. Alban's, Wolsey made Abbot of, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - - <li>Sanctuary, right of, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li> - - <li>Scrooby, Wolsey at, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li> - - <li>Sheffield Park, Wolsey at, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li> - - <li>Southwell, Wolsey at, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> - - <li>Spinelly, Thomas, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - - <li>Standish, Henry, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>-138.</li> - - <li>Stile, John, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - - <li>Suffolk, Charles Brandon, Duke of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>; - <ul><li>ambassador to France, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> - <li>marries Mary of England, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> - <li>commander in France, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> - <li>insults Wolsey, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> - <li>receives great seal from Wolsey, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Surrey, Thomas Howard I., Earl of, member of Henry VII.'s Council, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>; - <ul><li>created Duke of Norfolk (<i>q.v.</i>) 1514.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Surrey, Thomas Howard II., Earl of, commander in France, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>; - <ul><li>put in charge of the Border, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li> - <li>takes the field against Albany, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li> - <li>succeeded Duke of Norfolk (<i>q.v.</i>) 1524.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Swiss troops in Milan, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Terouenne, capture of, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> - - <li>Tournai, capture of, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>; - <ul><li>Wolsey, Bishop of, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> - <li>ceded to France, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>-49;</li> - <li>captured by, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Tunstal, Cuthbert, ambassador to Charles V., <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>; - <ul><li>speech as chancellor, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Venice, attacked by League of Cambrai, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>; - <ul><li>England's dealings with, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li></ul> - </li> - - <li>Vives, Juan Luis, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>Walshe, Sir Walter, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li> - - <li>Walsingham, Wolsey's pilgrimage to, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> - - <li>Warham, Archbishop, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, - <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li> - - <li>Wingfield, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, - <a href="#Page_41">41</a>-43, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> - - <li>Worms, Diet of, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> - - <li>Wykeham, William of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -<ul> - - <li>York, archbishopric of, given to Wolsey, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> - -</ul> - -</div> - - <p class="print-pub">THE END</p> - - <p class="print-pub"><i>Printed by</i> <span class="smcap">R. & R. 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