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diff --git a/old/53603-0.txt b/old/53603-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 5f306ea..0000000 --- a/old/53603-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,21149 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Volume IV -(of 9), by Thomas Jefferson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Volume IV (of 9) - Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, - Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private - -Author: Thomas Jefferson - -Editor: H. A. Washington - -Release Date: November 26, 2016 [EBook #53603] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON, VOL 4 *** - - - - -Produced by David Edwards, Melissa McDaniel and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - -Transcriber's Note: - - Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have - been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - Inconsistent or incorrect accents and spelling in passages in French, - Latin and Italian have been left unchanged. - - [Illustration] captions were provided by the transcriber. - - The following possible inconsistencies/printer errors/archaic - spellings/different names for different entities were pointed - out by the proofers, and left as printed: - - Page 291: Leblane should be Leblanc? - - Page 311: Ciracchi and Carrachi (in the same letter)? - - Page 332: Quixotte should be Quixote? - - Page 396: A line (or lines) seem to be missing at the bottom of page 396 - after "The compensations to collectors depend on you, and not on". - - Page 435: Kosciugha should be Kosciusko? - - Page 461: Mr. Pintency at Madrid should be Mr. Pinckney at Madrid? - - Page 468: Browze Trist should possibly be Browse Trist? - - Page 484: Ponchartrain should be Pontchartrain? - - Page 486: Chace should possibly be Chase? - - - - - THE - WRITINGS - OF - THOMAS JEFFERSON: - - BEING HIS - AUTOBIOGRAPHY, CORRESPONDENCE, REPORTS, MESSAGES, - ADDRESSES, AND OTHER WRITINGS, OFFICIAL - AND PRIVATE. - - PUBLISHED BY THE ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS ON THE - LIBRARY, - FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS, - DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE. - - WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES, TABLES OF CONTENTS, AND A COPIOUS INDEX - TO EACH VOLUME, AS WELL AS A GENERAL INDEX TO THE WHOLE, - - BY THE EDITOR - H. A. WASHINGTON. - - - VOL. IV. - - - NEW YORK: - H. W. DERBY, 625 BROADWAY. - 1861. - - - - - Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by - TAYLOR & MAURY - In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of - Columbia. - - - STEREOTYPED BY - THOMAS B. SMITH, - 216 William St., N. Y. - - - - -CONTENTS TO VOL. IV. - - - BOOK II. - - PART III.--CONTINUED.--LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE - UNITED STATES DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH.--(1790-1826,)--3. - - Adams, J., letter written to, 153. - - Adams, Samuel, letters written to, 321, 389. - - Adams, Mrs., letters written to, 545, 555, 560. - - Attorney General of United States, letter written to the, 97. - - - Barlow, Joel, letters written to, 369, 437. - - Barton, B. S., letters written to, 353, 470. - - Bell, Colonel, letter written to, 174. - - Bloodworth, Timothy, letter written to, 523. - - Brackenridge, John, letters written to, 318, 341, 498. - - Brown, Morgan, letter written to, 310. - - Buchan, Earl of, letter written to, 493. - - Burr, Colonel, letters written to, 184, 340, 349. - - - Cabanis, M., letter written to, 496. - - Campbell, Colonel Arthur, letter written to, 197. - - Carmichael & Short, letter written to, 9. - - Carolina, South, Governor of, letter written to the, 97. - - Carr, P., letter written to, 235. - - Church, Mr., letter written to, 94. - - Ciracchi, Mr., letter written to, 82. - - Claiborne, Governor, letters written to, 486, 551, 558. - - Clarke, Daniel, letter written to, 497. - - Clinton, Governor, letter written to, 520. - - Cooper, Thomas, letter written to, 452. - - Coxe, Tenche, letters written to, 104, 345, 332. - - Coxe, Mr., letter written to, 69. - - - Dearborne, Lieutenant, letter written to, 356. - - Departments, Heads of, letter written to, 415. - - Dexter, Samuel, letter written to, 359. - - Dickinson, John, letters written to, 365, 424. - - D'Ivernois, Monsieur, letter written to, 113. - - Dowse, Edward, letter written to, 477. - - Duane, Mr., letter written to, 590. - - Duke & Co., letter written to, 51. - - Dunbar, William, letters written to, 347, 537, 577. - - Dupont, M., letter written to, 456. - - - Eddy, &c., Messrs., letter written to, 387. - - Edwards, Dr. J., letters written to, 98, 164. - - - Fitzhugh, Peregrine, letters written to, 169, 216. - - - Gates, General, letters written to, 178, 212, 494. - - Gallatin, Albert, letters written to, 427, 439, 449, 478, 518, - 543, 566, 588. - - Genet, M., letters written to, 27, 67, 70, 72, 75, 84, 86, 90, 99. - - Gerry, Elbridge, letters written to, 170, 187, 266, 390, 536. - - Giles, William B., letters written to, 118, 125, 132, 380. - - Gilmer, Dr., letters written to, 5, 23. - - Giroud, Mr., letter written to, 175. - - Gore, Mr., letter written to, 55. - - Granger, Gideon, letters written to, 330, 395, 542. - - - Hammond, Mr., letters written to, 56, 64, 76, 78, 94. - - Harrison, Governor, letter written to, 471. - - Hawkins, Colonel, letters written to, 325, 465. - - Hite, Mr., letter written to, 145. - - Humboldt, Baron, letter written to, 544. - - - Innis, Henry, letter written to, 314. - - - Jackson, General, letter written to, 463. - - Jackson, Major William, letter written to, 357. - - Jaudenes & Viar, letter written to, 21. - - Jefferson, George, letter written to, 388. - - Jones, Dr. Walter, letter written to, 392. - - Judges of Supreme Court, letter written to the, 22. - - - King, Rufus, letter written to, 442, 528. - - Knox, General, letter written to, 385. - - Kosciusko, General, letters written to, 248, 294, 430. - - - La Fayette, M., letters written to, 144, 363. - - Langdon, John, letter written to, 163. - - Latrobe, Mr., letter written to, 535. - - Lewis, Jr., James, letter written to, 240. - - Lewis, Captain Meriwether, letters written to, 492, 515, 521. - - Lewis, Colonel N., letter written to, 276. - - Lincoln, Levi, letters written to, 398, 405, 427, 450, 504. - - Lithson, Mr., letter written to, 563. - - Livingston, E., letter written to, 328. - - Livingston, R. R., letters written to, 295, 337, 360, 408, 431, - 447, 460, 510. - - Logan, Mr., letter written to, 575. - - Lomax, T., letters written to, 300, 361. - - - Macon, Nathaniel, letter written to, 396. - - Madison, Bishop, letter written to, 299. - - Madison, James, letters written to, 8, 23, 52, 63, 83, 102, 107, - 110, 116, 121, 130, 135, 136, 150, 154, 161, 166, 179, 182, - 189, 193, 205, 207, 209, 211, 214, 218, 220, 221, 226, 230, - 232, 234, 236, 238, 243, 249, 258, 261, 262, 278, 280, 291, - 307, 322, 324, 342, 344, 355, 550, 557, 583, 584, 587. - - Marsh, Amos, letter written to, 417. - - Marshall, John, letter written to, 364. - - Mason, Stephen Thompson, letter written to, 257. - - Mazzei, P., letters written to, 139, 552. - - McGregory, Uriah, letter written to, 333. - - McKean, Governor, letters written to, 349, 368. - - Mercer, J. F., letters written to, 562, 198. - - Monroe, James, letters written to, 6, 17, 134, 140, 148, 199, - 241, 263, 282, 354, 366, 401, 419, 444, 446, 453. - - Morris, Governeur, letter written to, 31, 71. - - - Nemours, Dupont d', letters written to, 435, 508. - - Nicholas, P. N., letter written to, 327. - - Nicholas, Wilson C., letters written to, 107, 304, 305, 505. - - Nicholson, Mr., letters written to, 484, 567. - - Niles, Nathaniel, letter written to, 376. - - Noland, Mr., letter written to, 252. - - - Odit, Mr., letter written to, 122. - - - Page, J., letter written to, 377. - - Page, Governor, letter written to, 547. - - Page, Mann, letters written to, 119, 203. - - Paine, Thomas, letters written to, 370, 582. - - Parker, Mr., letter written to, 309. - - Patterson, Mr., letter written to, 225. - - Pendleton, Mr., letter written to, 228. - - Pendleton, Edward, letters written to, 274, 287, 293. - - Pictet, Mr., letter written to, 462. - - Pinckney, Thomas, letter written to, 176. - - Pinckney, Mr., letters written to, 58, 85. - - Priestley, Joseph, letters written to, 311, 316, 373, 440, 475, 524. - - - Randolph, E., letters written to, 101, 192, 301. - - Randolph, John, letter written to, 517. - - Representatives, Speaker of the House of, letter written to the, 365. - - Reyneval, Monsieur de, letter written to, 371. - - Rhode island, General Assembly of, letter written to, 397. - - R. N., letters written to, 319, 358. - - Robinson, Moses, letter written to, 370. - - Rodgers & Slaughter, Doctors, letter written to, 589. - - Rowan, A. H., letter written to, 256. - - Rutledge, Edward, letters written to, 124, 151, 189. - - Rush, Dr. Benjamin, letters written to, 165, 335, 382, 425, 479, 507. - - - Say, N., letter written to, 526. - - Senate, Gentlemen of, letter written to, 362. - - Senate, President _pro. tem._ of, letters written to, 364, 423. - - Shipman, Elias, and others, letter written to, 402. - - Short, William, letter written to, 413. - - Sibley, Dr., letter written to, 580. - - Sinclair, Sir John, letter written to, 490. - - Smith, Samuel, letter written to, 253. - - Soderstrom, Mr., letter written to, 83. - - State, Secretary of, letters written to, 109, 501, 585. - - Stewart, Mr., letter written to, 284. - - Stoddart, Benjamin, letter written to, 360. - - Stroker, French, letter written to, 181. - - Story, Rev. Isaac, letter written to, 422. - - Stuart, A., letter written to, 393. - - Stuart, Colonel, J., letters written to, 149, 195. - - Sullivan, James, letter written to, 167. - - Sullivan, Judge, letter written to, 575. - - - Taylor, John, letters written to, 245, 259, 565. - - Tazewell, H., letters written to, 120, 160. - - Treasury, Secretary of, letters written to, 528, 559. - - Tucker, St. George, letter written to, 196. - - Tyler, Judge, letters written to, 548, 574. - - - Volney, Mr., letters written to, 156, 569. - - - Warren, General, letter written to, 375. - - Waring, Benjamin, letter written to, 378. - - Washington, General, letters written to, 3, 26, 28, 88, 92, 100, - 103, 105, 141. - - White, Alexander, letter written to, 201. - - White, Hugh, letter written to, 394. - - Williams, David, letter written to, 512. - - Williams, Jonathan, letter written to, 146. - - Williamson, Dr., letters written to, 345, 483. - - Wistar, Dr., letter written to, 350. - - Wythe, George, letters written to, 127, 163. - - - Yznardi, Don Joseph, letter written to, 384. - - - Address lost,--29, 72, 74, 223, 469. - - - - -PART III.--CONTINUED. - -LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE U. S. DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS -DEATH. - -1790-1826. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 28, 1793. - -DEAR SIR,--I should have taken time ere this to have considered the -observations of Mr. Young, could I at this place have done it in such -a way as would satisfy either him or myself. When I wrote the notes of -the last year, I had never before thought of calculating what were the -profits of a capital invested in Virginia agriculture. Yet that appeared -to be what Mr. Young most desired. Lest therefore no other of those, -whom you consulted for him, should attempt such a calculation, I did -it; but being at such a distance from the country of which I wrote, and -having been absent from that and from the subject in consideration many -years, I could only, for my facts, recur to my own recollection, weakened -by time and very different applications, and I had no means here of -correcting my facts. I therefore hazarded the calculation rather as an -essay of the mode of calculating the profits of a Virginia estate, than -as an operation which was to be ultimately relied on. When I went last -to Virginia I put the press-copy of those notes into the hands of the -most skilful and successful farmer in the part of the country of which -I wrote. He omitted to return them to me, which adds another impediment -to my resuming the subject here; but indeed if I had them, I could only -present the same facts, with some corrections and some justifications of -the principles of calculation. This would not and ought not to satisfy Mr. -Young. When I return home I shall have time and opportunity of answering -Mr. Young's enquiries fully. I will first establish the facts as adapted -to the present times, and not to those to which I was obliged to recur by -recollection, and I will make the calculation on rigorous principles. The -delay necessary for this will I hope be compensated by giving something -which no endeavors on my part shall be wanting to make it worthy of -confidence. In the meantime Mr. Young must not pronounce too hastily on -the impossibility of an annual production of £750 worth of wheat coupled -with a cattle product of £125. My object was to state the produce of -a _good_ farm, under _good_ husbandry as practised in my part of the -country. Manure does not enter into this, because we can buy an acre of -new land cheaper than we can manure an old acre. Good husbandry with us -consists in abandoning Indian corn and tobacco, tending small grain, some -red clover, following, and endeavoring to have, while the lands are at -rest, a spontaneous cover of white clover. I do not present this as a -culture judicious in itself, but as _good_ in comparison with what most -people there pursue. Mr. Young has never had an opportunity of seeing how -slowly the fertility of the _original soil_ is exhausted. With moderate -management of it, I can affirm that the James river lowgrounds with the -cultivation of small grain, will never be exhausted: because we know that -under that cultivation we must now and then take them down with Indian -corn, or they become, as they were originally, too rich to bring wheat. -The highlands, where I live, have been cultivated about sixty years. The -culture was tobacco and Indian corn as long as they would bring enough -to pay the labor. Then they were turned out. After four or five years -rest they would bring good corn again, and in double that time perhaps -good tobacco. Then they would be exhausted by a second series of tobacco -and corn. Latterly we have begun to cultivate small grain; and excluding -Indian corn, and following, such of them as were originally good, soon -rise up to fifteen or twenty bushels the acre. We allow that every laborer -will manage ten acres of wheat, except at harvest. I have no doubt but -the coupling cattle and sheep with this would prodigiously improve the -produce. This improvement Mr. Young will be better able to calculate than -anybody else. I am so well satisfied of it myself, that having engaged a -good farmer from the head of Elk, (the style of farming there you know -well,) I mean in a farm of about 500 acres of cleared land and with a -dozen laborers to try the plan of wheat, rye, potatoes, clover, with a -mixture of some Indian corn with the potatoes, and to push the number -of sheep. This last hint I have taken from Mr. Young's letters which you -have been so kind as to communicate to me. I have never before considered -with due attention the profit from that animal. I shall not be able to put -the farm into that form exactly the ensuing autumn, but against another -I hope I shall, and I shall attend with precision to the measures of the -ground and of the product, which may perhaps give you something hereafter -to communicate to Mr. Young which may gratify him, but I will furnish the -ensuing winter what was desired in Mr. Young's letter of Jan. 17, 1793. I -have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most -obedient humble servant. - - -TO DR. GILMER. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 25, 1793. - -DEAR DOCTOR,--* * * * * Dumourier was known to be a scoundrel in grain. -I mentioned this from the beginning of his being placed at the head -of the armies; but his victories at length silenced me. His apostasy -has now proved that an unprincipled man, let his other fitnesses be -what they will, ought never to be employed. It has proved too that the -French army, as well as nation, cannot be shaken in their republicanism. -Dumourier's popularity put it to as severe a proof as could be offered. -Their steadiness to their principles insures the issue of their revolution -against every effort but by the way of famine. Should that take place the -effect would be incalculable; because our machine, unsupported by food, is -no longer under the control of reason. This crisis, however, is now nearly -over, as their harvest is by this time beginning. As far as the last -accounts come down, they were retiring to within their own limits; where -their assignats would do for money, (except at Mentz,) England too is -issuing her paper, not founded like the assignats, on land, but on pawns -of thread, ribbons, &c. They will soon learn the science of depreciation, -and their whole paper system vanish into nothing, on which it is bottomed. -My affectionate respects to Mrs. Gilmer, and am, dear Doctor, yours, -sincerely. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 28, 1793. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge your favor of May 28. I believe that -through all America there has been but a single sentiment on the subject -of peace and war, which was in favor of the former. The Executive here -has cherished it with equal and unanimous desire. We have differed -perhaps as to the conduct exactly adapted to the securing it. We have as -yet no indirections of the intentions or even the wishes of the British -government. I rather believe they mean to hold themselves up, and be led -by events. In the meanwhile Spain is so evidently _picking a quarrel_ -with us, that we see a war absolutely inevitable with her. We are making -a last effort to avoid it, but our cabinet is without any decision -in their expectations of the result. This may not be known before the -last of October, earlier than which I think you will meet. You should -therefore calculate your domestic measures on this change of position. -If France collected within her own limits shall maintain her ground there -steadily, as I think she will, (barring the effect of famine which no one -can calculate,) and if the bankruptcies of England proceed to the length -of an universal crush of their paper, which I also think they will, she -will leave Spain the bag to hold; she is emitting assignats also, that -is to say exchequer bills, to the amount of five millions English, or -one hundred and twenty-five millions French; and these are not founded -on land as the French assignats are, but on pins, thread, buckles, hops, -and whatever else you will pawn in the exchequer of double the estimated -value. But we all know that five millions of such stuff forced for sale -on the market of London, where there will be neither cash nor credit, will -not pay storage. This paper must rest then ultimately on the credit of the -nation as the rest of their public paper does, and will sink with that. -If either this takes place, or the confederacy is unsuccessful, we may be -clear of war with England. With respect to the increase of our shipping, -our merchants have no need, you know, of a permission to buy up foreign -bottoms. There is no law prohibiting it, and when bought they are American -property, and as such entitled to pass freely by our treaties with some -nations, and by the law of nations with all. Such accordingly, by a -determination of the Executive, will receive American passports. They will -not be entitled indeed to import goods on the low duties of _home-built_ -vessels, the laws having confined that privilege to these only. We have -taken every possible method to guard against fraudulent conveyances, -which, if we can augment our shipping to the extent of our own carriage, -it would not be our interest to cover. I enclose you a note from Freneau, -explaining the interruption of your papers. I do not augur well of the -mode of conduct of the new French minister; I fear he will enlarge the -evils of those disaffected to his country. I am doing everything in my -power to moderate the impetuosity of his movements, and to destroy the -dangerous opinions which has been excited in him, that the people of the -United States will disavow the acts of their government, and that he has -an appeal from the Executive to Congress, and from both to the people. -Affairs with the Creeks seem to present war there as inevitable, but -that will await for you. We have no news from the northern commissioners, -but of the delay likely to be attempted by the Indians; but as we never -expected peace from the negotiation, I think no delay will be admitted -which may defeat our preparations for a campaign. Crops here are likely -to be good, though the beginning of the harvest has been a little wet. I -forgot whether I informed you that I had chosen a house for you, and was -determined in the choice by the southern aspect of the back buildings, the -only circumstance of difference between the two presented to my choice. -Give my best love to Mrs. Monroe, and be assured of the affectionate -esteem of, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO J. MADISON. - - June 29, 1793. - -SIR,--I wrote you on the 23d, and yesterday I received yours of the 17th, -which was the more welcome as it acknowledged mine of the 9th, about the -safety of which I was anxious. I now risk some other papers, the sequel of -those conveyed in that. The result I know not. We are sending a courier to -Madrid to make a last effort for the preservation of honorable peace. The -affairs of France are recovering their solidity, and from the steadiness -of the people on the defection of so popular and capital a commander as -Dumourier, we have a proof that nothing can shake this republicanism. -Hunger is to be expected; but the silence of the late papers on that -head, and the near approach of harvest, makes us hope they will weather -that rock. I do not find that there has been serious insurrection but in -Brittany, and where the noblesse having been as numerous as the people, -and indeed being almost the people, the counter-revolutionary spirit has -been known always to have existed since the night in which titles were -suppressed. The English are trying to stop the torrent of bankruptcies -by an emission of five millions of exchequer bills, loaned on the -pawn-broking plan, consequently much inferior to the assignats in value. -But that paper will sink to an immediate level with their other public -paper, and consequently can only complete the ruin of those who take it -from government at par, and on a pledge of pins, buckles, &c., of little -value, which will not sell so as to pay storage in a country where there -is no specie, and we may say no paper of confidence. Every letter which -comes expresses a firm belief that the whole paper system will now vanish -into that nothing on which it is bottomed. For even the public faith is -nothing as the mass of paper bottomed on it is known to be beyond its -possible redemption. I hope this will be a wholesome lesson to our future -Legislature. The war between France and England has brought forward the -Republicans and Monocrats in every State, so that their relative numbers -are perfectably visible. - - -TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 30, 1793. - -GENTLEMEN,--I have received from Messrs. Viar and Jaudenes the -representatives of Spain at this place, a letter, which, whether -considered in itself, or as the sequel of several others, conveys to us -very disagreeable prospects of the temper and views of their court towards -us. If this letter is a faithful expression of that temper, we presume -it to be the effect of egregious misrepresentations by their agents in -America. Revising our own dispositions and proceedings towards that power, -we can find in them nothing but those of peace and friendship for them; -and conscious that this will be apparent from a true statement of facts, -I shall proceed to give you such a one, to be communicated to the court -of Madrid. If they find it very different from that conveyed to them by -others, they may think it prudent to doubt, and to take and to give time -for mutual inquiry and explanation. I shall proceed to give you this -statement, beginning it from an early period. - -At the commencement of the late war, the United States laid it down -as a rule of their conduct, to engage the Indian tribes within their -neighborhood to remain strictly neutral. They accordingly strongly -pressed it on them, urging that it was a family quarrel with which they -had nothing to do, and in which we wished them to take no part; and we -strengthened these recommendations by doing them every act of friendship -and good neighborhood, which circumstances left in our power. With some, -these solicitations prevailed; but the greater part of them suffered -themselves to be drawn into the war against us. They waged it in their -usual cruel manner, murdering and scalping men, women and children, -indiscriminately, burning their houses, and desolating the country. They -put us to vast expense, as well by the constant force we were obliged to -keep up in that quarter, as by the expeditions of considerable magnitude -which we were under the necessity of sending into their country from time -to time. - -Peace being at length concluded with England, we had it also to conclude -with them. They had made war on us without the least provocation or -pretence of injury. They had added greatly to the cost of that war. They -had insulted our feelings by their savage cruelties. They were by our -arms completely subdued and humbled. Under all these circumstances, we -had a right to demand substantial satisfaction and indemnification. We -used that right, however, with real moderation. Their limits with us under -the former government were generally ill defined, questionable, and the -frequent cause of war. Sincerely desirous of living in their peace, of -cultivating it by every act of justice and friendship, and of rendering -them better neighbors by introducing among them some of the most useful -arts, it was necessary to begin by a precise definition of boundary. -Accordingly, at the treaties held with them, our mutual boundaries were -settled; and notwithstanding our just right to concessions adequate to the -circumstances of the case, we required such only as were inconsiderable; -and for even these, in order that we might place them in a state of -perfect conciliation, we paid them a valuable consideration, and granted -them annuities in money which have been regularly paid, and were equal to -the prices for which they have usually sold their lands. - -Sensible, as they were, of the wrong they had done, they expected to make -some indemnification, and were, for the most part, satisfied with the mode -and measure of it. In one or two instances, where a dissatisfaction was -observed to remain as to the boundaries agreed on, or doubts entertained -of the authority of those with whom they were agreed, the United States -invited the parties to new treaties, and rectified what appeared to be -susceptible of it. This was particularly the case with the Creeks. They -complained of an inconvenient cession of lands on their part, and by -persons not duly representing their nation. They were therefore desired -to appoint a proper deputation to revise their treaty; and that there -might be no danger of any unfair practices, they were invited to come -to the seat of the General Government, and to treat with that directly. -They accordingly came. A considerable proportion of what had been ceded, -was, on the revision, yielded back to them, and nothing required in -lieu of it; and though they would have been better satisfied to have had -the whole restored, yet they had obtained enough to satisfy them well. -Their nation, too, would have been satisfied, for they were conscious -of their aggression, and of the moderation of the indemnity with which -we had been contented. But at that time came among them an adventurer -of the name of Bowles, who, acting from an impulse with which we are -unacquainted, flattered them with the hope of some foreign interference, -which should undo what had been done, and force us to consider the naked -grant of their peace as a sufficient satisfaction for their having made -war on us. Of this adventurer the Spanish government rid us; but not -of his principles, his practices, and his excitements against us. These -were more than continued by the officers commanding at New Orleans and -Pensacola, and by agents employed by them, and bearing their commission. -Their proceedings have been the subject of former letters to you, and -proofs of these proceedings have been sent to you. Those, with others now -sent, establish the facts, that they called assemblies of the southern -Indians, openly persuaded them to disavow their treaties, and the limits -therein established, promised to support them with all the powers which -depended on them, assured them of the protection of their sovereign, -gave them arms in great quantities for the avowed purpose of committing -hostilities on us, and promised them future supplies to their utmost -need. The Chickasaws, the most steady and faithful friends of these -States, have remained unshaken by these practices. So also have the -Chocktaws, for the most part. The Cherokees have been teased into some -expressions of discontent, delivered only to the Spanish Governors, or -their agents; while to us they have continued to speak the language of -peace and friendship. One part of the nation only, settled at Cuckamogga -and mixed with banditti and outcasts from the Shawanese and other -tribes, acknowledging control from none, and never in a state of peace, -have readily engaged in the hostilities against us to which they were -encouraged. But what was much more important, great numbers of the Creeks, -chiefly their young men, have yielded to these incitements, and have -now, for more than a twelvemonth, been committing murders and desolations -on our frontiers. Really desirous of living in peace with them, we have -redoubled our efforts to produce the same disposition in them. We have -borne with their aggressions, forbidden all returns of hostility against -them, tied up the hands of our people, insomuch that few instances of -retaliation have occurred even from our suffering citizens; we have -multiplied our gratifications to them, fed them when starving, from the -produce of our own fields and labor. No longer ago than the last winter, -when they had no other resource against famine, and must have perished in -great numbers, we carried into their country and distributed among them, -gratuitously, ten thousand bushels of corn; and that too, at the same -time, when their young men were daily committing murders on helpless women -and children on our frontiers. And though these depredations now involve -more considerable parts of the nation, we are still demanding punishment -of the guilty individuals, and shall be contented with it. These acts -of neighborly kindness and support on our part have not been confined -to the Creeks, though extended to them in much the greatest degree. Like -wants among the Chickasaws had induced us to send to them also, at first, -five hundred bushels of corn, and afterwards, fifteen hundred more. Our -language to all the tribes of Indians has constantly been, to live in -peace with one another, and in a most especial manner, we have used our -endeavors with those in the neighborhood of the Spanish colonies, to be -peaceable towards those colonies. I sent you on a former occasion the copy -of a letter from the Secretary of War to Mr. Seagrove, one of our agents -with the Indians in that quarter, merely to convey to you the general -tenor of the conduct marked out for those agents; and I desired you, in -placing before the eyes of the Spanish ministry the very contrary conduct -observed by their agents here, to invite them to a reciprocity of good -offices with our Indian neighbors, each for the other, and to make our -common peace the common object of both nations. I can protest that such -have hitherto been the candid and zealous endeavors of this government, -and that if its agents have in any instance acted in another way, it has -been equally unknown and unauthorized by us, and that were even probable -proofs of it produced, there would be no hesitation to mark them with -the disapprobation of the government. We expected the same friendly -condescension from the court of Spain, in furnishing you with proofs of -the practices of the Governor de Carondelet in particular practices avowed -by him, and attempted to be justified in his letter. - -In this state of things, in such dispositions towards Spain and towards -the Indians, in such a course of proceedings with respect to them, and -while negotiations were instituted at Madrid for arranging these and all -other matters which might affect our friendship and good understanding, we -received from Messrs. de Viar and Jaudenes their letter of May the 25th, -which was the subject of mine of May the 31st to you; and now again we -have received that of the 18th instant, a copy of which is enclosed. This -letter charges us, and in the most disrespectful style, with - -1. Exciting the Chickasaws to war on the Creeks. - -2. Furnishing them with provisions and arms. - -3. Aiming at the occupation of a post at the Ecores amargas. - -4. Giving medals and marks of distinction to several Indians. - -5. Meddling with the affairs of such as are allies of Spain. - -6. Not using efficacious means to prevent these proceedings. - -I shall make short observations on these charges. - -1. Were the first true, it would not be unjustifiable. The Creeks have -now a second time commenced against us a wanton and unprovoked war, and -the present one in the face of a recent treaty, and of the most friendly -and charitable offices on our part. There would be nothing out of the -common course of proceeding then, for us to engage allies, if we needed -any, for their punishment. But we neither need, nor have sought them. The -fact itself is utterly false, and we defy the world to produce a single -proof of it. The declaration of war by the Chickasaws, as we are informed, -was a very sudden thing, produced by the murder of some of their people -by a party of Creeks, and produced so instantaneously as to give nobody -time to interfere, either to promote or prevent a rupture. We had, on -the contrary, most particularly exhorted that nation to preserve peace, -because in truth we have a most particular friendship for them. This will -be evident from a copy of the message of the President to them, among the -papers now enclosed. - -2. The gift of provisions was but an act of that friendship to them, -when in the same distress, which had induced us to give five times as -much to the less friendly nation of the Creeks. But we have given arms -to them. We believe it is the practice of every white nation to give arms -to the neighboring Indians. The agents of Spain have done it abundantly, -and, we suppose, not out of their own pockets, and this for purposes -of avowed hostility on us; and they have been liberal in promises of -further supplies. We have given a few arms to a very friendly tribe, not -to make war on Spain, but to defend themselves from the atrocities of -a vastly more numerous and powerful people, and one which, by a series -of unprovoked and even unrepelled attacks on us, is obliging us to look -towards war as the only means left of curbing their insolence. - -3. We are aiming, as is pretended, at an establishment on the Mississippi, -at the Ecores amargas. Considering the measures of this nature with which -Spain is going on, having, since the proposition to treat with us on -the subject, established posts at the Walnut hills and other places for -two hundred miles upwards, it would not have been wonderful if we had -taken countervailing measures. But the truth is, we have not done it. We -wished to give a fair chance to the negotiation going on, and thought it -but common candor to leave things in _statu quo_, to make no innovation -pending the negotiation. In this spirit we forbid, and deterred even by -military force, a large association of our citizens, under the name of -the Yazoo companies, which had formed to settle themselves at those very -Walnut hills, which Spain has since occupied. And so far are we from -meditating the particular establishment so boldly charged in this letter, -that we know not what place is meant by the Ecores amargas. This charge -then is false also. - -4. Giving medals and marks of distinction to the Indian chiefs. This is -but blindly hinted at in this letter, but was more pointedly complained of -in the former. This has been an ancient custom from time immemorial. The -medals are considered as complimentary things, as marks of friendship to -those who come to see us, or who do us good offices, conciliatory of their -good will towards us, and not designed to produce a contrary disposition -towards others. They confer no power, and seem to have taken their origin -in the European practice, of giving medals or other marks of friendship to -the negotiators of treaties and other diplomatic characters, or visitors -of distinction. The British government, while it prevailed here, practised -the giving medals, gorgets, and bracelets to the savages, invariably. We -have continued it, and we did imagine, without pretending to know, that -Spain also did it. - -5. We meddle with the affairs of Indians in alliance with Spain. We are -perfectly at a loss to know what this means. The Indians on our frontier -have treaties both with Spain and us. We have endeavored to cultivate -their friendship, to merit it by presents, charities, and exhortations to -peace with their neighbors, and particularly with the subjects of Spain. -We have carried on some little commerce with them, merely to supply their -wants. Spain too has made them presents, traded with them, kept agents -among them, though their country is within the limits established as ours -at the general peace. However, Spain has chosen to have it understood that -she has some claim to some parts of that country, and that it must be -one of the subjects of our present negotiations. Out of respect for her -then, we have considered her pretensions to the country, though it was -impossible to believe them serious, as coloring pretensions to a concern -with those Indians on the same ground with our own, and we were willing to -let them go on till a treaty should set things to right between us. - -6. Another article of complaint is, that we have not used efficacious -means to suppress these practices. But if the charge is false, or the -practice justifiable, no suppression is necessary. - -And lastly, these gentlemen say that on a view of these proceedings of the -United States with respect to Spain and the Indians, their allies, they -foresee that our peace with Spain is very problematical in future. The -principal object of the letter being _our_ supposed excitements of the -Chickasaws against the Creeks and _their_ protection of the latter, are -we to understand from this that if we arm to repulse the attacks of the -Creeks on ourselves it will disturb our peace with Spain? That if we will -not fold our arms and let them butcher us without resistance, Spain will -consider it as a cause of war? This is, indeed, so serious an intimation, -that the President has thought it could no longer be treated with -subordinate characters, but that his sentiments should be conveyed to the -government of Spain itself, through you. - -We love and we value peace; we know its blessings from experience. We -abhor the follies of war, and are not untried in its distresses and -calamities. Unmeddling with the affairs of other nations, we had hoped -that our distance and our dispositions would have left us free, in the -example and indulgence of peace with all the world. We had, with sincere -and particular dispositions, courted and cultivated the friendship of -Spain. We have made to it great sacrifices of time and interest, and -were disposed to believe she would see her interests also in a perfect -coalition and good understanding with us. Cherishing still the same -sentiments, we have chosen, in the present instance, to ascribe the -intimations in this letter to the particular character of the writers, -displayed in the peculiarity of the style of their communications, and -therefore, we have removed the cause from them to their sovereign, in -whose justice and love of peace we have confidence. If we are disappointed -in this appeal, if we are to be forced into a contrary order of things, -our mind is made up. We shall meet it with firmness. The necessity of our -position will supersede all appeal to calculation now, as it has done -heretofore. We confide in our own strength, without boasting of it; we -respect that of others, without fearing it. If we cannot otherwise prevail -on the Creeks to discontinue their depredations, we will attack them in -force. If Spain chooses to consider our defence against savage butchery -as a cause of war to her, we must meet her also in war, with regret, but -without fear; and we shall be happier, to the last moment, to repair with -her to the tribunal of peace and reason. - -The President charges you to communicate the contents of this letter -to the court of Madrid, with all the temperance and delicacy which the -dignity and character of that court render proper; but with all the -firmness and self-respect which befit a nation conscious of its rectitude, -and settled in its purpose. - -I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and -respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - PHILADELPHIA, July 14, 1793. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of June 27th, has been duly received. You have -most perfectly seized the _original_ idea of the proclamation. When first -proposed as a declaration of neutrality, it was opposed, first, because -the Executive had no power to declare neutrality. Second, as such a -declaration would be premature, and would lose us the benefit for which -it might be bartered. It was urged that there was a strong impression -in the minds of many that they were free to join in the hostilities on -the side of France, others were unapprised of the danger they would be -exposed to in carrying contraband goods, &c. It was therefore agreed that -a proclamation should issue, declaring that we were in a state of peace, -admonishing the people to do nothing contravening it, and putting them on -their guard as to contraband. On this ground it was accepted or acquiesced -in by all, and E. R., who drew it, brought it to me, the draught, to -let me see there was no such word as _neutrality_ in it. Circumstances -forbid other verbal criticisms. The public, however, soon took it up as -a declaration of neutrality, and it came to be considered at length as -such. The arming privateers in Charleston, with our means entirely, and -partly our citizens, was complained of in a memorial from Mr. Hammond. -In our consultation it was agreed we were by treaty _bound_ to prohibit -the enemies of France from arming in our ports, and were free to prohibit -France also, and that by the laws of neutrality we are bound to permit or -forbid the same things to both, as far as our treaties would permit. All, -therefore, were forbidden to arm within our ports, and the vessels armed -before the prohibition were on the advice of a majority ordered to leave -our ports. With respect to our citizens who had joined in hostilities -against a nation with whom we are at peace, the subject was thus viewed. -Treaties are law. By the treaty with England we are in a state of peace -with her. He who breaks that peace, if within our jurisdiction, breaks -the laws, and is punishable by them. And if he is punishable he ought to -be punished, because no citizen should be free to commit his country to -war. Some vessels were taken within our bays. There, foreigners as well -as natives are liable to punishment. Some were committed in the high -seas. There, as the sea is a common jurisdiction to all nations, and -divided _by persons_, each having a right to the jurisdiction over their -own citizens only, our citizens only were punishable by us. But they -were so, because within our jurisdiction. Had they gone into a _foreign -land_ and committed a hostility, they would have been clearly out of -our jurisdiction and unpunishable by the existing laws. As the armament -in Charleston had taken place before our citizens might have reflected -on the case, only two were prosecuted, merely to satisfy the complaint -made, and to serve as a warning to others. But others having attempted -to arm another vessel in New York after this was known, all the persons -concerned in the latter case, foreign as well as native, were directed -to be prosecuted. The Attorney General gave an official opinion that -the act was against law, and coincided with all our private opinions; -and the lawyers of this State, New York and Maryland, who were applied -to, were unanimously of the same opinion. Lately Mr. Rawle, Attorney of -the United States in this district, on a conference with the District -Judge, Peters, supposed the law more doubtful. New acts, therefore, of -the same kind, are left unprosecuted till the question is determined by -the proper court, which will be during the present week. If they declare -the act no offence against the laws, the Executive will have acquitted -itself towards the nation attacked by their citizens, by having submitted -them to the sentence of the laws of their country, and towards those -laws by an appeal to them in a case which interested the country, and -which was at least doubtful. I confess I think myself that the case is -punishable, and that, if found otherwise, Congress ought to make it so, -or we shall be made parties in every maritime war in which the piratical -spirit of the banditti in our ports can engage. I will write you what -the judicial determination is. Our prospects with Spain appear to me, -from circumstances taking place on this side the Atlantic, absolutely -desperate. Measures are taken to know if they are equally so on the other -side, and before the close of the year that question will be closed, and -your next meeting must probably prepare for the new order of things. I -fear the disgust of France is inevitable. We shall be to blame in past. -But the new minister much more so. His conduct is indefensible by the -most furious Jacobin. I only wish our countrymen may distinguish between -him and his nation, and if the case should ever be laid before them, may -not suffer their affection to the nation to be diminished. H., sensible -of the advantage they have got, is urging a full appeal by the Government -to the people. Such an explosion would manifestly endanger a dissolution -of the friendship between the two nations, and ought therefore to be -deprecated by every friend to our liberty; and none but an enemy to it -would wish to avail himself of the indiscretions of an individual to -compromit two nations esteeming each other ardently. It will prove that -the agents of the two people are either great bunglers or great rascals, -when they cannot preserve that peace which is the universal wish of both. -The situation of the St. Domingo fugitives (aristocrats as they are) calls -aloud for pity and charity. Never was so deep a tragedy presented to the -feelings of man. I deny the power of the general government to apply money -to such a purpose, but I deny it with a bleeding heart. It belongs to -the State governments. Pray urge ours to be liberal. The Executive should -hazard themselves here on such an occasion, and the Legislature when it -meets ought to approve and extend it. It will have a great effect in doing -away the impression of other disobligations towards France. I become daily -more convinced that all the West India islands will remain in the hands of -the people of color, and a total expulsion of the whites sooner or later -take place. It is high time we should pursue the bloody scenes which our -children certainly, and possibly ourselves, (south of Potomac,) have to -wade through, and try to avert them. We have no news from the continent -of Europe later than the 1st of May. My love to Mrs. Monroe. Tell her they -are paving the street before your new house. Adieu. Yours affectionately. - - -TO MESSRS. DE VIAR AND JAUDENES. - - PHILADELPHIA, July 14, 1793. - -GENTLEMEN,--I have laid before the President your letters of the 11th -and 13th instant. Your residence in the United States has given you an -opportunity of becoming acquainted with the extreme freedom of the press -in these States. Considering its great importance to the public liberty, -and the difficulty of subjecting it to very precise rules, the laws have -thought it less mischievous to give greater scope to its freedom, than to -the restraint of it. The President has therefore no authority to prevent -publications of the nature of those you complain of in your favor of -the 11th. I can only assure you that the government of the United States -has no part in them, and that all its expressions of respect towards his -Catholic Majesty, public and private, have been as uniform as their desire -to cultivate his friendship has been sincere. - -With respect to the letters I have had the honor of receiving from you -for some time past, it must be candidly acknowledged that their complaints -were thought remarkable, as to the matters they brought forward as well as -the manner of expressing them. A succession of complaints, some founded -on small things taken up as great ones, some on suggestions contrary -to our knowledge of things, yet treated as if true on very inconclusive -evidence, and presented to view as rendering our peace very problematical, -indicated a determination to find cause for breaking the peace. The -President thought it was high time to come to an eclaircissement with your -government directly, and has taken the measure of sending a courier to -Madrid for this purpose. This of course transfers all explanation of the -past to another place. But the President is well pleased to hope from your -letters of the 11th and 13th, that all perhaps had not been meant which -had been understood from your former correspondence, and will be still -more pleased to find these and all other difficulties between the two -countries settled in such a way as to insure their future friendship. - -I beg you to accept assurances of my particular esteem, and of the real -respect with which I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, your most obedient, -and most humble servant. - - -TO THE CHIEF JUSTICE AND JUDGES OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - PHILADELPHIA, July 18, 1793. - -GENTLEMEN,--The war which has taken place among the powers of Europe, -produces frequent transactions within our ports and limits, on which -questions arise of considerable difficulty, and of greater importance to -the peace of the United States. These questions depend for their solution -on the construction of our treaties, on the laws of nature and nations, -and on the laws of the land; and are often presented under circumstances -which do not give a cognizance of them to the tribunals of the country. -Yet their decision is so little analogous to the ordinary functions of the -executive, as to occasion much embarrassment and difficulty to them. The -President would, therefore, be much relieved, if he found himself free to -refer questions of this description to the opinions of the judges of the -Supreme Court of the United States, whose knowledge of the subject would -secure us against errors dangerous to the peace of the United States, -and their authority insure the respect of all parties. He has therefore -asked the attendance of such judges as could be collected in time for the -occasion, to know, in the first place, their opinion, whether the public -may with propriety be availed of their advice on these questions? And -if they may, to present, for their advice, the abstract questions which -have already occurred, or may soon occur, from which they will themselves -strike out such as any circumstances might, in their opinion, forbid them -to pronounce on. - -I have the honor to be, with sentiments of great esteem and respect, -Gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant. - - -TO J. MADISON. - - July 21, 1792. - -I wrote you on the 14th, since which I have no letter from you. It appears -that two considerable engagements took place between France and the -combined armies on the 1st and 8th of May. In the former, the French have -had rather the worst of it, as may be concluded by their loss of cannon -and loss of ground. In the latter, they have had rather the best, as is -proved by their remaining on the ground, and their throwing relief into -Conde, which had been the object of both battles. The French attacked in -both. They have sent commissioners to England to sound for peace. General -Felix Wimpfen is one. There is a strong belief that the bankruptcies and -demolitions of manufacturers through the three kingdoms, will induce -the English to accede to peace. E. R. is returned. The affair of the -loan has been kept suspended, and is now submitted to him. He brings -very flattering information of the loyalty of the people of Virginia -to the general government, and thinks the whole indisposition there is -directed against the Secretary of the Treasury _personally_, not against -his measures. On the whole he has quieted uneasiness here. I have never -been able to get a sight of Billy till yesterday. He has promised to -bring me the bill of your ploughs, which shall be paid. Adieu. Yours -affectionately. - - -TO MR. GENET. - - PHILADELPHIA, July 24, 1793. - -SIR,--Your favor of the 9th instant, covering the information of Silvat -Ducamp, Pierre Nouvel, Chouquet de Savarence, Gaston de Nogere and G. -Blustier, that being on their passage from the French West Indies to the -United States, on board merchant vessels of the United States, with slaves -and merchandise, of their property, these vessels were stopped by British -armed vessels and their property taken out as lawful prize, has been -received. - -I believe it cannot be doubted, but that by the general law of nations, -the goods of a friend found in the vessel of an enemy are free, and the -goods of an enemy found in the vessel of a friend are lawful prize. -Upon this principle, I presume, the British armed vessels have taken -the property of French citizens found in our vessels, in the cases -above mentioned, and I confess I should be at a loss on what principle -to reclaim it. It is true that sundry nations, desirous of avoiding the -inconveniences of having their vessels stopped at sea, ransacked, carried -into port and detained, under pretence of having enemy goods aboard, have -in many instances introduced by their special treaties another principle -between them, that enemy bottoms shall make enemy goods, and friendly -bottoms friendly goods; a principle much less embarrassing to commerce, -and equal to all parties in point of gain and loss. But this is altogether -the effect of particular treaty, controlling in special cases the general -principle of the law of nations, and therefore taking effect between -such nations only as have so agreed to control it. England has generally -determined to adhere to the rigorous principle, having, in no instance, -as far as I recollect, agreed to the modification of letting the property -of the goods follow that of the vessel, except in the single one of her -treaty with France. We have adopted this modification in our treaties -with France, the United Netherlands and Russia; and therefore, as to -them, our vessels cover the goods of their enemies, and we lose our goods -when in the vessels of their enemies. Accordingly, you will be pleased to -recollect, that in the late case of Holland and Mackie, citizens of the -United States, who had laden a cargo of flour on board a British vessel, -which was taken by the French frigate l'Ambuscade and brought into this -port, when I reclaimed the cargo it was only on the ground that they were -ignorant of the declaration of war when it was shipped. You observed, -however, that the 14th article of our treaty had provided that ignorance -should not be pleaded beyond two months after the declaration of war, -which term had elapsed in this case by some days, and finding that to -be the truth, though their real ignorance of the declaration was equally -true, I declined the reclamation, as it never was in my view to reclaim -the cargo, nor apparently in yours, to offer to restore it, by questioning -the rule established in our treaty, that enemy bottoms make enemy goods. -With England, Spain, Portugal and Austria, we have no treaties; therefore, -we have nothing to oppose to their acting according to the general law -of nations, that enemy goods are lawful prize though found in the bottom -of a friend. Nor do I see that France can suffer on the whole; for though -she loses her goods in our vessels when found therein by England, Spain, -Portugal, or Austria, yet she gains our goods when found in the vessels -of England, Spain, Portugal, Austria, the United Netherlands, or Prussia; -and I believe I may safely affirm that we have more goods afloat in the -vessels of these six nations, than France has afloat in our vessels; -and consequently, that France is the gainer, and we the loser by the -principle of our treaty. Indeed, we are the losers in every direction of -that principle; for when it works in our favor, it is to save the goods -of our friends, when it works against us, it is to lose our own; and we -shall continue to lose while the rule is only partially established. When -we shall have established it with all nations, we shall be in a condition -neither to gain nor lose, but shall be less exposed to vexatious searches -at sea. To this condition we are endeavoring to advance; but as it depends -on the will of other nations as well as our own, we can only obtain it -when they shall be ready to concur. - -I cannot, therefore, but flatter myself, that on revising the cases of -Ducamp and others, you will perceive that their losses result from the -state of war, which has permitted their enemies to take their goods, -though found in our vessels; and consequently, from circumstances over -which we have no control. - -The rudeness to their persons, practised by their enemies, is certainly -not favorable to the character of the latter. We feel for it as much as -for the extension of it to our own citizens, then companions, and find in -it a motive the more for requiring measures to be taken which may prevent -repetitions of it. - -I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient humble -servant. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - PHILADELPHIA, July 31, 1793. - -DEAR SIR,--When you did me the honor of appointing me to the office I now -hold, I engaged in it without a view of continuing any length of time, -and I pretty early concluded on the close of the first four years of our -Republic as a proper period for withdrawing; which I had the honor of -communicating to you. When the period, however, arrived, circumstances had -arisen, which, in the opinion of some of my friends, rendered it proper -to postpone my purpose for awhile. These circumstances have now ceased -in such a degree as to leave me free to think again of a day on which I -may withdraw without its exciting disadvantageous opinions or conjectures -of any kind. The close of the present quarter seems to be a convenient -period, because the quarterly accounts of the domestic department are -then settled of course, and by that time, also, I may hope to receive from -abroad the materials for bringing up the foreign account to the end of its -third year. At the close, therefore, of the ensuing month of September, -I shall beg leave to retire to scenes of greater tranquility, from those -which I am every day more and more convinced that neither my talents, tone -of mind, nor time of life fit me. I have thought it my duty to mention the -matter thus early, that there may be time for the arrival of a successor, -from any part of the Union from which you may think proper to call one. -That you may find one more able to lighten the burthen of your labors, -I most sincerely wish; for no man living more sincerely wishes that your -administration could be rendered as pleasant to yourself, as it is useful -and necessary to our country, nor feels for you a more rational or cordial -attachment and respect than, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble -servant. - - -TO MR. GENET. - - PHILADELPHIA, August 7, 1793. - -SIR,--In a letter of June the 5th, I had the honor to inform you that the -President, after reconsidering, at your request, the case of vessels armed -within our ports to commit hostilities on nations at peace with the United -States, had finally determined that it could not be admitted, and desired -that all those which had been so armed should depart from our ports. It -being understood afterwards, that these vessels either still remained -in our ports, or had only left them to cruise on our coasts and return -again with their prizes, and that another vessel, the Little Democrat, -had been since armed at Philadelphia, it was desired, in my letter of the -12th of July, that such vessels, with their prizes, should be detained, -till a determination should be had of what was to be done under these -circumstances. In disregard, however, of this desire, the Little Democrat -went out immediately on a cruise. - -I have it now in charge to inform you, that the President considers -the United States as bound, pursuant to positive assurances given in -conformity to the laws of neutrality, to effectuate the restoration of or -to make compensation for prizes, which shall have been made of any of the -parties at war with France, subsequent to the fifth day of June last, by -privateers fitted out of our ports. - -That it is consequently expected, that you will cause restitution to be -made of all prizes taken and brought into our ports subsequent to the -above-mentioned day by such privateers, in defect of which, the President -considers it as incumbent upon the United States to indemnify the owners -of those prizes; the indemnification to be reimbursed by the French -nation. - -That besides taking efficacious measures to prevent the future fitting out -of privateers in the ports of the United States, they will not give asylum -therein to any which shall have been at any time so fitted out, and will -cause restitution of all such prizes as shall be hereafter brought within -their ports by any of the said privateers. - -It would have been but proper respect to the authority of the country, -had that been consulted before these armaments were undertaken. It would -have been satisfactory, however, if their sense of them, when declared, -had been duly acquiesced in. Reparation of the injury to which the United -States have been made so involuntarily instrumental is all which now -remains, and in this your compliance cannot but be expected. - -In consequence of the information given in your letter of the 4th instant, -that certain citizens of St. Domingo, lately arrived in the United States, -were associating for the purpose of undertaking a military expedition from -the territory of the United States, against that island, the Governor of -Maryland, within which State the expedition is understood to be preparing, -is instructed to take effectual measures to prevent the same. - -I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, and -most humble servant. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - August 11, 1793. - -Thomas Jefferson, with his respects to the President, begs leave to -express in writing more exactly what he meant to have said yesterday. A -journey home in the autumn is of a necessity which he cannot control after -the arrangements he has made, and when there, it would be his extreme wish -to remain. But if the continuance in office to the last of December, as -intimated by the President, would, by bringing the two appointments nearer -together, enable him to marshal them more beneficially to the public, and -more to his own satisfaction, either motive will suffice to induce Thomas -Jefferson to continue till that time; he submits it therefore to the -President's judgment, which he will be glad to receive when convenient, as -the arrangements he had taken may require some change. - - -TO ----. - - August 11, 1793. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 3d instant. Yours of July 30th, -came to hand yesterday. Besides the present which goes by post, I -write you another to-day to go by Mr. D. Randolph, who sets out the day -after to-morrow for Monticello, but whether by the direct route or via -Richmond is not yet decided. I shall desire that letter to be sent to -you by express from Monticello. I have not been able to lay my hands on -the newspaper which gave a short but true view of the intention of the -proclamation; however, having occasion to state it in a paper which I -am preparing, I have done it in the following terms, and I give you the -very words from the paper, because just as I had finished so far, 812.15. -called on me. I read it to him. He said it presented fairly his view of -the matter. He recalled to my mind that I had, at the time, opposed its -being made a declaration of neutrality on the ground that the Executive -was not the competent authority for that, and, therefore, that it was -agreed the instrument should be drawn with great care. My statement is in -these words: "On the declaration of war between France and England, the -United States being at peace with both, their situation was so new and -unexperienced by themselves, that their citizens were not, in the first -instant, sensible of the new duties resulting therefrom, and of the laws -it would impose _even on their dispositions_ towards the belligerent -powers. Some of them imagined (and chiefly their transient sea-faring -citizens) that they were free to indulge those dispositions, to take -side with either party, and enrich themselves by depredations on the -commerce of the other, and were meditating enterprises of this nature, -as was said. In this state of the public mind, and before it should -take an erroneous direction difficult to be set right, and dangerous to -themselves and their country, the President thought it expedient, by way -of Proclamation, to remind our fellow-citizens that we were in a state of -peace with all the belligerent powers; that in that state it was our duty -neither to aid nor injure any; to exhort and warn them against acts which -might contravene this duty, and particularly those of positive hostility, -for the punishment of which the laws would be appealed to, and to put -them on their guard also as to the risks they would run if they should -attempt to carry articles of contraband to any." Very soon afterwards we -learnt that he was undertaking the fitting and arming vessels in that -port, enlisting men, foreign and citizens, and giving them commissions -to cruise and commit hostilities against nations at peace with us, that -these vessels were taking and bringing prizes into our ports, that the -consuls of France were assuming to hold courts of admiralty on them, to -try, condemn and authorize their sale as legal prizes, and all this before -Mr. Genet had presented himself or his credentials to the President, -before he was received by him, without his consent or consultation, and -directly in contravention of the state of peace existing and declared to -exist in the President's proclamation, and which it was incumbent on him -to preserve till the Constitutional authority should otherwise declare. -These proceedings became immediately, as was naturally to be expected, -the subject of complaint by the representative here of that power against -whom they would chiefly operate, &c. This was the true sense of the -proclamation in the view of the draughtsman and of the two signers; but -H. had other views. The instrument was badly drawn, and made the P. go -out of his line to declare things which, though true, it was not exactly -his province to declare. The instrument was communicated to me after it -was drawn, but I was busy, and only run an eye over it to see that it was -not made a declaration of neutrality, and gave it back again, without, I -believe, changing a tittle. Pacificus has now changed his signature to -"no Jacobin." Three papers under this signature have been published in -Dunlap. I suppose they will get into Fenno. They are commentaries on the -laws of nations and on the different parts of our treaty with France. As -yet they have presented no very important heresy. Congress will not meet -till the legal day. It was referred to a meeting at my office to consider -and advice on it. I was for calling them. Kin. against it. H. said his -judgment was against it. But he would join any two who should concur so as -to make a majority either way. R. was pointedly against it. We agreed to -give our opinions separately, and though the P. was in his own judgment -for calling them, he acquiesced in the majority. I pass on to the other -letter; so adieu. Yours affectionately. - - -TO GOVERNEUR MORRIS. - - PHILADELPHIA, August 16, 1793. - -SIR,--In my letter of January the 13th, I enclosed to you copies of -several letters which had passed between Mr. Ternant, Mr. Genet and -myself, on the occurrences to which the present war had given rise within -our ports. The object of this communication was to enable you to explain -the principle on which our government was conducting itself towards -the belligerent parties; principles which might not in all cases be -satisfactory to all, but were meant to be just and impartial to all. Mr. -Genet had been then but a little time with us; and but a little more was -necessary to develop in him a character and conduct so unexpected and so -extraordinary, as to place us in the most distressing dilemma, between -our regard for his nation, which is constant and sincere, and a regard for -our laws, the authority of which must be maintained; for the peace of our -country, which the executive magistrate is charged to preserve; for its -honor, offended in the person of that magistrate; and for its character -grossly traduced, in the conversations and letters of this gentleman. In -the course of these transactions, it has been a great comfort to us to -believe, that none of them were within the intentions or expectations of -his employers. These had been too recently expressed in acts which nothing -could discolor, in the letters of the Executive Council, in the letter -and decrees of the National Assembly, and in the general demeanor of the -nation towards us, to describe to them things of so contrary a character. -Our first duty, therefore, was, to draw a strong line between their -intentions and the proceedings of their minister; our second, to lay those -proceedings faithfully before them. - -On the declaration of war between France and England, the United States -being at peace with both, their situation was so new and unexperienced by -themselves, that their citizens were not, in the first instant, sensible -of the new duties resulting therefrom, and of the restraints it would -impose even _on their dispositions_ towards the belligerent powers. Some -of them imagined (and chiefly their transient sea-faring citizens) that -they were free to indulge those dispositions, to take side with either -party, and enrich themselves by depredations on the commerce of the other, -and were meditating enterprises of this nature, as there was reason to -believe. In this state of the public mind, and before it should take an -erroneous direction, difficult to be set right and dangerous to themselves -and their country, the President thought it expedient, through the channel -of a proclamation, to remind our fellow-citizens that we were in a state -of peace with all the belligerent powers, that in that state it was our -duty neither to aid nor injure any, to exhort and warn them against acts -which might contravene this duty, and particularly those of positive -hostility, for the punishment of which the laws would be appealed to; and -to put them on their guard also, as to the risks they would run, if they -should attempt to carry articles of contraband to any. This proclamation, -ordered on the 19th and signed the 22d day of April, was sent to you in my -letter of the 26th of the same month. - -On the day of its publication, we received, through the channel of the -newspapers, the first intimation that Mr. Genet had arrived on the 8th -of the month at Charleston, in the character of Minister Plenipotentiary -from his nation to the United States, and soon after, that he had sent -on to Philadelphia the vessel in which he came, and would himself perform -the journey by land. His landing at one of the most distant ports of the -Union from his points both of departure and destination, was calculated -to excite attention; and very soon afterwards, we learned that he was -undertaking to authorize the fitting and arming vessels in that port, -enlisting men, foreigners and citizens, and giving them commissions to -cruise and commit hostilities on nations at peace with us; that these -vessels were taking and bringing prizes into our ports; that the consuls -of France were assuming to hold courts of admiralty on them, to try, -condemn, and authorize their sale as legal prize, and all this before Mr. -Genet had presented himself or his credentials to the President, before -he was received by him, without his consent or consultation, and directly -in contravention of the state of peace existing, and declared to exist -in the President's proclamation, and incumbent on him to preserve till -the constitutional authority should otherwise declare. These proceedings -became immediately, as was naturally to be expected, the subject of -complaint by the representative here of that power against whom they would -chiefly operate. The British minister presented several memorials thereon, -to which we gave the answer of May the 15th, heretofore enclosed to you, -corresponding in substance with a letter of the same date written to Mr. -Ternant, the minister of France then residing here, a copy of which I -send herewith. On the next day Mr. Genet reached this place, about five -or six weeks after he had arrived at Charleston, and might have been -at Philadelphia, if he had steered for it directly. He was immediately -presented to the President, and received by him as the minister of the -republic; and as the conduct before stated seemed to bespeak a design -of forcing us into the war without allowing us the exercise of any free -will in the case, nothing could be more assuaging than his assurance to -the President at his reception, which he repeated to me afterwards in -conversation, and in public to the citizens of Philadelphia in answer to -an address from them, that on account of our remote situation and other -circumstances, France did not expect that we should become a party to the -war, but wished to see us pursue our prosperity and happiness in peace. -In a conversation a few days after, Mr. Genet told me that M. de Ternant -had delivered him my letter of May the 15th. He spoke something of the -case of the Grange, and then of the armament at Charleston, explained the -circumstances which had led him to it before he had been received by the -government and had consulted its will, expressed a hope that the President -had not so absolutely decided against the measure but that he would hear -what was to be said in support of it, that he would write me a letter on -the subject, in which he thought he could justify it under our treaty; but -that if the President should finally determine otherwise, he must submit; -for that assuredly his instructions were to do what would be agreeable to -us. He accordingly wrote the letter of May the 27th. The President took -the case again into consideration, and found nothing in that letter which -could shake the grounds of his former decision. My letter of June the 5th -notifying this to him, his of June the 8th and 14th, mine of the 17th, -and his again of the 22d, will show what further passed on this subject, -and that he was far from retaining his disposition to acquiesce in the -ultimate will of the President. - -It would be tedious to pursue this and our subsequent correspondence -through all their details. Referring, therefore, for these to the letters -themselves, which shall accompany this, I will present a summary view -only of all the points of difference which have arisen, and the grounds on -which they rest. - -1. Mr. Genet asserts his right of arming in our ports and of enlisting -our citizens, and that we have no right to restrain him or punish them. -Examining this question under the law of nations, founded on the general -sense and usage of mankind, we have produced proofs, from the most -enlightened and approved writers on the subject, that a neutral nation -must, in all things relating to the war, observe an exact impartiality -towards the parties, that favors to one to the prejudice of the other, -would import a fraudulent neutrality, of which no nation would be the -dupe; that no succor should be given to either, unless stipulated by -treaty, in men, arms, or anything else directly serving for war; that -the right of raising troops being one of the rights of sovereignty, and -consequently appertaining exclusively to the nation itself, no foreign -power or person can levy men within its territory without its consent; -and he who does, may be rightfully and severely punished; that if the -United States have a right to refuse the permission to arm vessels and -raise men within their ports and territories, they are bound by the laws -of neutrality to exercise that right, and to prohibit such armaments and -enlistments. To these principles of the law of nations Mr. Genet answers, -by calling them "diplomatic subtleties," and "aphorisms of Vattel and -others." But something more than this is necessary to disprove them; and -till they are disproved, we hold it certain that the law of nations and -the rules of neutrality forbid our permitting either party to arm in our -ports. - -But Mr. Genet says, that the twenty-second article of our treaty allows -him _expressly_ to arm in our ports. Why has he not quoted the very words -of that article _expressly_ allowing it? For that would have put an end -to all further question. The words of the article are, "it shall not be -lawful for any foreign privateers not belonging to subjects of the M. -C. King, nor citizens of the said United States, who have commissions -from any foreign Prince or State in enmity with either nation, to fit -their ships in the ports of either the one or the other of the aforesaid -parties." Translate this from the general terms in which it here -stands, into the special case produced by the present war. "Privateers -not belonging to France or the United States, and having commissions -from the enemies of one of them," are, in the present state of things, -"British, Dutch and Spanish privateers." Substituting these, then, for the -equivalent terms, it will stand thus, "it shall not be lawful for British, -Dutch or Spanish privateers to fit their ships in the ports of the United -States." Is this an _express_ permission to France to do it? Does the -negative to the enemies of France, and silence as to France herself, -imply an affirmative to France? Certainly not; it leaves the question as -to France open, and free to be decided according to circumstances. And if -the parties had meant an affirmative stipulation, they would have provided -for it expressly; they would never have left so important a point to be -inferred from mere silence or implications. Suppose they had desired to -stipulate a refusal to their enemies, but nothing to themselves; what form -of expression would they have used? Certainly the one they have used; an -express stipulation as to their enemies, and silence as to themselves. -And such an intention corresponds not only with the words, but with the -circumstances of the times. It was of value to each party to exclude -its enemies from arming in the ports of the other, and could in no case -embarrass them. They therefore stipulated so far mutually. But each might -be embarrassed by permitting the other to arm in its ports. They therefore -would not stipulate to permit that. Let us go back to the state of things -in France when this treaty was made, and we shall find several cases -wherein France could not have permitted us to arm in her ports. Suppose a -war between these States and Spain. We know, that by the treaties between -France and Spain, the former could not permit the enemies of the latter -to arm in her ports. It was honest in her, therefore, not to deceive -us by such a stipulation. Suppose a war between these States and Great -Britain. By the treaties between France and Great Britain, in force at the -signature of ours, we could not have been permitted to arm in the ports -of France. She could not then have meant in this article to give us such -a right. She has manifested the same sense of it in her subsequent treaty -with England, made eight years after the date of ours, stipulating in the -sixteenth article of it, as in our twenty-second, that foreign privateers, -_not being subjects of either crown_, should not arm against either in the -ports of the other. If this had amounted to an affirmative stipulation -that the subjects of the other crown might arm in her ports _against -us_, it would have been in direct contradiction to her twenty-second -article with us. So that to give to these negative stipulations an -affirmative effect, is to render them inconsistent with each other, and -with good faith; to give them only their negative and natural effect, -is to reconcile them to one another and to good faith, and is clearly to -adopt the sense in which France herself has expounded them. We may justly -conclude, then, that the article only obliges us to refuse this right, -in the present case, to Great Britain and the other enemies of France. It -does not go on to give it to France, either expressly or by implication. -We may then refuse it. And since we are bound by treaty to refuse it to -the one party, and are free to refuse it to that other, we are bound by -the laws of neutrality to refuse it to the other. The aiding either party -then with vessels, arms or men, being unlawful by the law of nations, -and not rendered lawful by the treaty, it is made a question whether our -citizens, joining in these unlawful enterprises, may be punished? - -The United States being in a state of peace with most of the belligerent -powers by treaty, and with all of them by the laws of nature, murders -and robberies committed by our citizens within our territory, or on the -high seas, on those with whom we are so at peace, are punishable equally -as if committed on our own inhabitants. If I might venture to reason a -little formally, without being charged with running into 'subtleties and -aphorisms,' I would say that if one citizen has a right to go to war of -his own authority, every citizen has the same. If every citizen has that -right, then the nation (which is composed of all its citizens) has a right -to go to war, by the authority of its individual citizen. But this is not -true either on the general principles of society, or by our Constitution, -which gives that power to Congress alone, and not to the citizens -individually. Then the first position was not true; and no citizen has -a right to go to war of his own authority; and for what he does without -right, he ought to be punished. Indeed, nothing can be more obviously -absurd than to say, that all the citizens may be at war, and yet the -nation at peace. - -It has been pretended, indeed, that the engagement of a citizen in an -enterprise of this nature, was a divestment of the character of citizen, -and a transfer of jurisdiction over him to another sovereign. Our citizens -are certainly free to divest themselves of that character by emigration -and other acts manifesting their intention, and may then become the -subjects of another power, and free to do whatever the subjects of that -power may do. But the laws do not admit that the bare commission of a -crime amounts of itself to a divestment of the character of citizen, and -withdraws the criminal from their coercion. They would never prescribe an -illegal act among the legal modes by which a citizen might disfranchise -himself; nor render treason, for instance, innocent by giving it the -force of a dissolution of the obligation of the criminal to his country. -Accordingly, in the case of Henfeild, a citizen of these States, charged -with having engaged in the port of Charleston, in an enterprise against -nations at peace with us, and with having joined in the actual commission -of hostilities, the Attorney General of the United States, in an official -opinion, declared that the act with which he was charged was punishable -by law. The same thing has been unanimously declared by two of the -circuit courts of the United States, as you will see in the charges of -Chief Justice Jay, delivered at Richmond, and Judge Wilson, delivered -at Philadelphia, both of which are herewith sent. Yet Mr. Genet, in the -moment he lands at Charleston, is able to tell the Governor, and continues -to affirm in his correspondence here, that no law of the United States -authorizes their government to restrain either its own citizens or the -foreigners inhabiting its territory, from warring against the enemies of -France. It is true, indeed, that in the case of Henfeild, the jury which -tried, absolved him. But it appeared on the trial, that the crime was -not knowingly and wilfully committed; that Henfeild was ignorant of the -unlawfulness of his undertaking; that in the moment he was apprised of -it he showed real contrition; that he had rendered meritorious services -during the late war, and declared he would live and die an American. The -jury, therefore, in absolving him, did no more than the constitutional -authority might have done, had they found him guilty: the Constitution -having provided for the pardon of offences in certain cases, and there -being no case where it would have been more proper than where no offence -was contemplated. Henfeild, therefore, was still an American citizen, and -Mr. Genet's reclamation of him was as unauthorized as the first enlistment -of him. - -2. Another doctrine, advanced by Mr. Genet is, that our courts can take no -cognizance of questions whether vessels, _held by theirs_ as prizes, are -lawful prizes or not; that this jurisdiction belongs exclusively to their -consulates here, which have been lately erected by the National Assembly -into complete courts of admiralty. - -Let us consider, first, what is the extent of jurisdiction which the -consulates of France may rightfully exercise here. Every nation has of -natural right, entirely and exclusively, all the jurisdiction which may -be rightfully exercised in the territory it occupies. If it cedes any -portion of that jurisdiction to judges appointed by another nation, the -limits of their power must depend on the instrument of cession. The United -States and France have, by their consular convention, given mutually to -their consuls jurisdiction in certain cases especially enumerated. But -that convention gives to neither the power of establishing complete courts -of admiralty within the territory of the other, nor even of deciding -the particular question of prize or not prize. The consulates of France, -then, cannot take judicial cognizance of those questions here. Of this -opinion Mr. Genet was when he wrote his letter of May the 27th, wherein -he promises to correct the error of the consul at Charleston, of whom, in -my letters of the 15th instant, I had complained, as arrogating to himself -that jurisdiction; though in his subsequent letters he has thought proper -to embark in the errors of his consuls. - -But the United States, at the same time, do not pretend any right to try -the validity of captures made _on the high seas_, by France, or any other -nation, over its enemies. These questions belong, of common usage, to the -sovereign of the captor, and whenever it is necessary to determine them, -resort must be had to his courts. This is the case provided for in the -seventeenth article of the treaty, which says, that such prizes shall not -be arrested, nor cognizance taken of the validity thereof; a stipulation -much insisted on by Mr. Genet and the consuls, and which we never thought -of infringing or questioning. As the validity of captures then, made _on -the high seas_ by France over its enemies, cannot be tried within the -United States by their consuls, so neither can they by our own courts. Nor -is this the question between us, though we have been misled into it. - -The real question is, whether the United States have not a right to -protect vessels within their waters and on their coasts? The Grange -was taken within the Delaware, between the shores of Jersey and of the -Delaware State, and several miles above its mouth. The seizing her was a -flagrant violation of the jurisdiction of the United States. Mr. Genet, -however, instead of apologizing, takes great merit in his letters for -giving her up. The William is said to have been taken within two miles of -the shores of the United States. When the admiralty declined cognizance of -the case, she was delivered to the French consul according to my letter of -June the 25th, to be kept till the executive of the United States should -examine into the case; and Mr. Genet was desired by my letter of June the -29th, to have them furnished with the evidence on behalf of the captors, -as to the place of capture. Yet to this day it has never been done. The -brig Fanny was alleged to be taken within five miles from our shore; the -Catharine within two miles and a half. It is an essential attribute of the -jurisdiction of every country to preserve peace, to punish acts in breach -of it, and to restore property taken by force within its limits. Were the -armed vessel of any nation to cut away one of our own from the wharves of -Philadelphia, and to chose to call it a prize, would this exclude us from -the right of redressing the wrong? Were it the vessel of another nation, -are we not equally bound to protect it, while within our limits? Were it -seized in any other of our waters, or on the shores of the United States, -the right of redressing is still the same; and humble indeed would be our -condition, were we obliged to depend for that on the will of a foreign -consul, or on negotiation with diplomatic agents. Accordingly, this -right of protection within its waters and to a reasonable distance on its -coasts, has been acknowledged by every nation, and denied to none; and if -the property seized be yet within their power, it is their right and duty -to redress the wrong themselves. France herself has asserted the right -in herself and recognized it in us, in the sixth article of our treaty, -where we mutually stipulate that we will, _by all the means in our power_ -(not by negotiation), protect and defend each other's vessels and effects -in our ports or roads, or on the seas near our countries, and recover and -restore the same to the right owners. The United Netherlands, Prussia and -Sweden, have recognized it also in treaties with us; and, indeed, it is a -standing formula, inserted in almost all the treaties of all nations, and -proving the principle to be acknowledged by all nations. - -How, and by what organ of the government, whether judiciary or executive, -it shall be redressed, is not yet perfectly settled with us. One of -the subordinate courts of admiralty has been of opinion, in the first -instance, in the case of the ship William, that it does not belong to the -judiciary. Another, perhaps, may be of a contrary opinion. The question is -still _sub judice_, and an appeal to the court of last resort will decide -it finally. If finally the judiciary shall declare that it does not belong -to the _civil_ authority, it then results to the executive, charged with -the direction of the _military_ force of the Union, and the conduct of -its affairs with foreign nations. But this is a mere question of internal -arrangement between the different departments of the government, depending -on the particular diction of the laws and Constitution; and it can in -nowise concern a foreign nation to which department these have delegated -it. - -3. Mr. Genet, in his letter of July the 9th, requires that the ship Jane, -which he calls an English privateer, shall be immediately ordered to -depart; and to justify this, he appeals to the 22d article of our treaty, -which provides that it shall not be lawful for any foreign _privateer_ to -fit their ships in our ports, to sell _what they have taken_, or purchase -victuals, &c. The ship Jane is an English merchant vessel, which has been -many years employed in the commerce between Jamaica and these States. She -brought here a cargo of produce from that island, and was to take away -a cargo of flour. Knowing of the war when she left Jamaica, and that our -coast was lined with small French privateers, she armed for her defence, -and took one of those commissions usually called _letters of marque_. She -arrived here safely without having had any rencounter of any sort. Can -it be necessary to say that a merchant vessel is not a privateer? That -though she has arms to defend herself in time of war, in the course of her -regular commerce, this no more makes her a privateer, than a husbandman -following his plough in time of war, with a knife or pistol in his pocket, -is thereby made a soldier? The occupation of a privateer is attack and -plunder, that of a merchant vessel is commerce and self-preservation. -The article excludes the former from our ports, and from selling _what -she has taken_, that is, what she has acquired by war, to show it did not -mean the merchant vessel, and what she had acquired by commerce. Were the -merchant vessels coming for our produce forbidden to have any arms for -their defence, every adventurer who had a boat, or money enough to buy -one, would make her a privateer, our coasts would swarm with them, foreign -vessels must cease to come, our commerce must be suppressed, our produce -remain on our hands, or at least that great portion of it which we have -not vessels to carry away, our ploughs must be laid aside and agriculture -suspended. This is a sacrifice no treaty could ever contemplate, and which -we are not disposed to make out of mere complaisance to a false definition -of the term _privateer_. Finding that the Jane had purchased new carriages -to mount two or three additional guns, which she had brought in her hold, -and that she had opened additional port-holes for them, the carriages were -ordered to be re-landed, the additional port-holes stopped, and her means -of defence reduced, to be exactly the same at her departure as at her -arrival. This was done on the general principle of allowing no party to -arm within our ports. - -4. The seventeenth article of our treaty leaves armed vessels free to -_conduct_, whithersoever they please, the ships and goods taken from their -enemies without paying any duty, and to depart and be conducted freely -to the places expressed in their commissions, which the captain shall be -obliged to show. It is evident, that this article does not contemplate a -freedom _to sell their prizes_ here; but on the contrary, a _departure_ -to some other place, always to be expressed in their commission, where -their validity is to be finally adjudged. In such case, it would be as -unreasonable to demand duties on the goods they had taken from an enemy, -as it would be on the cargo of a merchant vessel touching in our ports for -refreshment or advices; and against this the article provides. But the -armed vessels of France have been also admitted to land and sell their -prize goods here for consumption, in which case, it is as reasonable -they should pay duties, as the goods of a merchantman landed and sold -for consumption. They have however demanded, and as a matter of right, to -sell them free of duty, a right, they say, given by this article of the -treaty, though the article does not give the right to sell at all. Where a -treaty does not give the principal right of selling, the additional one of -selling duty free cannot be given; and the laws in admitting the principal -right of selling, may withhold the additional one of selling duty free. It -must be observed, that our revenues are raised almost wholly on imported -goods. Suppose prize goods enough should be brought in to supply our -whole consumption. According to their construction we are to lose our -whole revenue. I put the extreme case to evince, more extremely, the -unreasonableness of the claim. Partial supplies would affect the revenue -but partially. They would lessen the evil, but not the error, of the -construction; and I believe we may say, with truth, that neither party had -it in contemplation, when penning this article, to abandon any part of its -revenue for the encouragement of the sea robbers of the other. - -5. Another source of complaint with Mr. Genet has been, that the English -take French goods out of American vessels, which he says is against -the law of nations and ought to be prevented by us. On the contrary, -we suppose it to have been long an established principle of the law of -nations, that the goods of a friend are free in an enemy's vessel, and an -enemy's goods lawful prize in the vessel of a friend. The inconvenience -of this principle which subjects merchant vessels to be stopped at sea, -searched, ransacked, led out of their course, has induced several nations -latterly to stipulate against it by treaty, and to substitute another -in its stead, that free bottoms shall make free goods, and enemy bottoms -enemy goods; a rule equal to the other in point of loss and gain, but less -oppressive to commerce. As far as it has been introduced, it depends on -the treaties stipulating it, and forms exceptions, in special cases, to -the general operation of the law of nations. We have introduced it into -our treaties with France, Holland and Prussia; and French goods found -by the two latter nations in American bottoms are not made prize of. It -is our wish to establish it with other nations. But this requires their -consent also, is a work of time, and in the meanwhile, they have a right -to act on the general principle, without giving to us or to France cause -of complaint. Nor do I see that France can lose by it on the whole. For -though she loses _her_ goods when found in our vessels by the nations -with whom we have no treaties, yet she gains _our_ goods, when found in -the vessels of the same and all other nations; and we believe the latter -mass to be greater than the former. It is to be lamented, indeed, that -the general principle has operated so cruelly in the dreadful calamity -which has lately happened in St. Domingo. The miserable fugitives, who, -to save their lives, had taken asylum in our vessels, with such valuable -and portable things as could be gathered in the moment out of the ashes of -their houses and wrecks of their fortunes, have been plundered of these -remains by the licensed sea rovers of their enemies. This has swelled, -on this occasion, the disadvantages of the general principle, that "an -enemy's goods are free prize in the vessels of a friend." But it is one of -those deplorable and unforeseen calamities to which they expose themselves -who enter into a state of war, furnishing to us an awful lesson to avoid -it by justice and moderation, and not a cause or encouragement to expose -our own towns to the same burning and butcheries, nor of complaint because -we do not. - -6. In a case like the present, where the missionary of one government -construes differently from that to which he is sent, the treaties and laws -which are to form a common rule of action for both, it would be unjust -in either to claim an exclusive right of construction. Each nation has an -equal right to expound the meaning of their common rules; and reason and -usage have established, in such cases, a convenient and well-understood -train of proceeding. It is the right and duty of the foreign missionary -to urge his own constructions, to support them with reasons which may -convince, and in terms of decency and respect which may reconcile the -government of the country to a concurrence. It is the duty of that -government to listen to his reasonings with attention and candor, and to -yield to them when just. But if it shall still appear to them that reason -and right are on their side, it follows of necessity, that exercising the -sovereign powers of the country, they have a right to proceed on their -own constructions and conclusions as to whatever is to be done within -their limits. The minister then refers the case to his own government, -asks new instructions, and, in the meantime, acquiesces in the authority -of the country. His government examines his constructions, abandons them -if wrong, insists on them if right, and the case then becomes a matter of -negotiation between the two nations. Mr. Genet, however, assumes a new -and bolder line of conduct. After deciding for himself ultimately, and -without respect to the authority of the country, he proceeds to do what -even his sovereign could not authorize, to put himself within the country -on a line with its government, to act as co-sovereign of the territory; he -arms vessels, levies men, gives commissions of war, independently of them, -and in direct opposition to their orders and efforts. When the government -forbids their citizens to arm and engage in the war, he undertakes to arm -and engage them. When they forbid vessels to be fitted in their ports -for cruising on nations with whom they are at peace, he commissions -them to fit and cruise. When they forbid an unceded jurisdiction to be -exercised within their territory by foreign agents, he undertakes to -uphold that exercise, and to avow it openly. The privateers Citoyen Genet -and Sans Culottes having been fitted out at Charleston (though without the -permission of the government, yet before it was forbidden) the President -only required they might leave our ports, and did not interfere with their -prizes. Instead, however, of their quitting our ports, the Sans Culottes -remains still, strengthening and equipping herself, and the Citoyen -Genet went out only to cruise on our coast, and to brave the authority -of the country by returning into port again with her prizes. Though in -the letter of June the 5th, the final determination of the President was -communicated, that no future armaments in our ports should be permitted, -the Vainqueur de La Bastille was afterwards equipped and commissioned in -Charleston, the Anti-George in Savannah, the Carmagnole in Delaware, a -schooner and a sloop in Boston, and the Polly or Republican was attempted -to be equipped in New York, and was the subject of reclamation by Mr. -Genet, in a style which certainly did not look like relinquishing the -practice. The Little Sarah or Little Democrat was armed, equipped and -manned, in the port of Philadelphia, under the very eye of the government, -as if meant to insult it. Having fallen down the river, and being -evidently on the point of departure for a cruise, Mr. Genet was desired -in my letter of July the 12th, on the part of the President, to detain -her till some inquiry and determination on the case should be had. Yet -within three or four days after, she was sent out by orders from Mr. Genet -himself, and is, at this time, cruising on our coasts, as appears by the -protest of the master of one of our vessels maltreated by her. - -The government thus insulted and set at defiance by Mr. Genet, and -committed in its duties and engagements to others, determined still to -see in these proceedings but the character of the individual, and not to -believe, and it does not believe, that they are by instructions from his -employers. They had assured the British minister here, that the vessels -already armed to our ports should be obliged to leave them, and that no -more should be armed in them. Yet more had been armed, and those before -armed had either not gone away, or gone only to return with new prizes. -They now informed him that the order for departure should be enforced, -and the prizes made contrary to it should be restored or compensated. The -same thing was notified to Mr. Genet in my letter of August the 7th, and -that he might not conclude the promise of compensation to be of no concern -to him, and go on in his courses, he was reminded that it would be a fair -article of account against his nation. - -Mr. Genet, not content with using our force, whether we will or not, in -the military line against nations with whom we are at peace, undertakes -also to direct the civil government; and particularly for the executive -and legislative bodies, to pronounce what powers may or may not be -exercised by the one or the other. Thus, in his letter of June the 8th, -he promises to respect the political opinions of the President, _till -the Representatives shall have confirmed or rejected them_; as if the -President had undertaken to decide what belonged to the decision of -Congress. In his letter of June the 4th, he says more openly, that the -President ought not to have taken on himself to decide on the subject -of the letter, but that it was of importance enough to have consulted -Congress thereon; and in that of June the 22d, he tells the President -in direct terms, that Congress ought already to have been occupied on -certain questions which he had been too hasty in deciding; thus making -himself, and not the President, the judge of the powers ascribed by the -Constitution to the executive, and dictating to him the occasion when he -should exercise the power of convening Congress at an earlier day than -their own act had prescribed. - -On the following expressions, no commentary shall be made: - -July 9. "Les principes philosophiques proclamées par le Président." - -June 22. "Les opinions privées ou publiques de M. le President, et cette -égide ne paroissant, pas suffisante." - -June 22. "Le gouvernement fédéral s'est empressé, poussé par je ne scais -quelle influence." - -June 22. "Je ne puis attribuer, des démarches de cette nature qu'à des -impressions étrangéres dont le tems et la vérité triompheront." - -June 25. "On poursuit avec acharnement, en vertu des instructions de M. le -Président, les armateurs Français." - -June 14. "Ce réfus tend à accomplir le système infernal du roi -d'Angleterre, et des autres rois ses accomplices, pour faire périr par la -famine les Républicains Français avec la liberte." - -June 8. "La lache abandon de ses amis." - -July 25. "En vain le désir de conserver la paix fait-il sacrifier les -intérêts de la France à cet intérêt, du moment; en vain le soif des -richesses l'emporte-t-elle sur l'honneur dans la balance politique de -l'Amerique. Tous ces ménagemens, toute cette condescendance, toute cette -humilité n'aboutissent à rien; nos ennemis on rient, et les Français trop -confiants sont punis pour avoir cru que la nation Americaine, avoit un -pavillon, qu'elle avoit quelque égard pour ses loix, quelque conviction -de ses forces, et qu'elle tenoit au sentiment de sa dignité. Il ne m'est -pas possible de peindre toute ma sensibilité sur ce scandale qui tend à la -diminution de votre commerce, à l'oppression du notre, et à l'abaissement, -à l'avilissement des republiques. Si nos concitoyens ont été trompés, si -vous n'êtes point en état de soutenir la souveraineté de votre peuple, -parlez; nous l'avons garantié quand nous étions esclaves, nous saurons la -rendre redoubtable étant devenus libres." - -We draw a veil over the sensations which these expressions excite. No -words can render them; but they will not escape the sensibility of a -friendly and magnanimous nation, who will do us justice. We see in them -neither the portrait of ourselves, nor the pencil of our friends; but -an attempt to embroil both; to add still another nation to the enemies -of his country, and to draw on both a reproach, which it is hoped will -never stain the history of either. The written proofs, of which Mr. Genet -himself was the bearer, were too unequivocal to leave a doubt that the -French nation are constant in their friendship to us. The resolves of -their National Convention, the letters of their Executive Council, attest -this truth, in terms which render it necessary to seek in some other -hypothesis the solution of Mr. Genet's machinations against our peace and -friendship. - -Conscious, on our part, of the same friendly and sincere dispositions, we -can with truth affirm, both for our nation and government, that we have -never omitted a reasonable occasion of manifesting them. For I will not -consider as of that character, opportunities of sallying forth from our -ports to waylay, rob and murder defenceless merchants and others, who have -done us no injury, and who were coming to trade with us in the confidence -of our peace and amity. The violation of all the laws of order and -morality which bind mankind together, would be an unacceptable offering to -a just nation. Recurring then only to recent things, after so afflicting a -libel, we recollect with satisfaction, that in the course of two years, by -unceasing exertions, we paid up seven years' arrearages and instalments of -our debt to France, which the inefficiency of our first form of government -had suffered to be accumulating; that pressing on still to the entire -fulfilment of our engagements, we have facilitated to Mr. Genet the effect -of the instalments of the present year, to enable him to send relief to -his fellow citizens in France, threatened with famine; that in the first -moment of the insurrection which threatened the colony of St. Domingo, -we stepped forward to their relief with arms and money, taking freely -on ourselves the risk of an unauthorized aid, when delay would have been -denial; that we have received according to our best abilities the wretched -fugitives from the catastrophe of the principal town of that colony, who, -escaping from the swords and flames of civil war, threw themselves on us -naked and houseless, without food or friends, money or other means, their -faculties lost and absorbed in the depth of their distresses; that the -exclusive admission to sell here the prizes made by France on her enemies, -in the present war, though unstipulated in our treaties, and unfounded in -her own practice, or in that of other nations, as we believe; the spirit -manifested by the late grand jury in their proceedings against those -who had aided the enemies of France with arms and implements of war, the -expressions of attachment to his nation, with which Mr. Genet was welcomed -on his arrival and journey from south to north, and our long forbearance -under his gross usurpations and outrages of the laws and authority of -our country, do not bespeak the partialities intimated in his letters. -And for these things he rewards us by endeavors to excite discord and -distrust between our citizens and those whom they have entrusted with -their government, between the different branches of our government, -between our nation and his. But none of these things, we hope, will be -found in his power. That friendship which dictates to us to bear with his -conduct yet a while, lest the interests of his nation here should suffer -injury, will hasten them to replace an agent whose dispositions are such -a misrepresentation of theirs, and whose continuance here is inconsistent -with order, peace, respect, and that friendly correspondence which we hope -will ever subsist between the two nations. His government will see too -that the case is pressing. That it is impossible for two sovereign and -independent authorities to be going on within our territory at the same -time without collision. They will foresee that if Mr. Genet perseveres in -his proceedings, the consequences would be so hazardous to us, the example -so humiliating and pernicious, that we may be forced even to suspend his -functions before a successor can arrive to continue them. If our citizens -have not already been shedding each other's blood, it is not owing to the -moderation of Mr. Genet, but to the forbearance of the government. It is -well known that if the authority of the laws had been resorted to, to stop -the Little Democrat, its officers and agents were to have been resisted -by the crew of the vessel, consisting partly of American citizens. Such -events are too serious, too possible, to be left to hazard, or to what is -more than hazard, the will of an agent whose designs are so mysterious. - -Lay the case then immediately before his government. Accompany it with -assurances, which cannot be stronger than true, that our friendship for -the nation is constant and unabating; that, faithful to our treaties, we -have fulfilled them in every point to the best of our understanding; that -if in anything, however, we have construed them amiss, we are ready to -enter into candid explanations, and to do whatever we can be convinced -is right; that in opposing the extravagances of an agent, whose character -they seem not sufficiently to have known, we have been urged by motives of -duty to ourselves and justice to others, which cannot but be approved by -those who are just themselves; and finally, that after independence and -self-government, there is nothing we more sincerely wish than perpetual -friendship with them. - -I have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, Dear Sir, your most -obedient, and most humble servant.[1] - -FOOTNOTE: - - [1] [A copy of the preceding letter was sent, enclosed by the - Secretary of State, to Mr. Genet.] - - -TO DUKE AND CO. - - PHILADELPHIA, August 21, 1793. - -GENTLEMEN,--Complaint having been made to the government of the United -States of some instances of unjustifiable vexation and spoliation -committed on our merchant vessels by the privateers of the powers at war, -and it being possible that other instances may have happened of which no -information has been given to the government, I have it in charge from -the President to assure the merchants of the United States concerned -in foreign commerce or navigation, that due attention will be paid to -any injuries they may suffer on the high seas, or in foreign countries, -contrary to the law of nations, or to existing treaties, and that on -the forwarding hither well-authenticated evidence of the same, proper -proceedings will be adopted for their relief. The just and friendly -dispositions of the several belligerent powers afford well-founded -expectation that they will not hesitate to take effectual measures for -restraining their armed vessels from committing aggressions and vexations -on our citizens or their property. - -There being no particular portion or description of the mercantile body -pointed out by the law for receiving communications of this nature, I take -the liberty of addressing it to the merchants of Savannah for the State -of Georgia, and of requesting that through them it may be made known to -all those of their State whom it may concern. Information will be freely -received either from the individuals aggrieved or from any associations of -merchants who will be pleased to take the trouble of giving it in a case -so interesting to themselves and their country. - -I have the honor to be, with great respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient -servant. - - -TO J. MADISON. - - August 25, 1793. - -SIR,--You will perceive by the enclosed papers that Genet has thrown -down the gauntlet to the President by the publication of his letter and -my answer, and is himself forcing that appeal to the people, and risking -that disgust which I had so much wished should have been avoided. The -indications from different parts of the continent are already sufficient -to show that the mass of the republican interest has no hesitation to -disapprove of this intermeddling by a foreigner, and the more readily as -his object was evidently, contrary to his professions, to force us into -the war. I am not certain whether some of the more furious republicans may -not schismatize with him. - - -TO J. MADISON. - - September 1, 1793. - -SIR,--My last was of the 25th, since that I have received yours of the -20th, and Col. M's of the 21st. Nothing further has passed with Mr. -Genet, but one of his consuls has committed a pretty serious deed at -Boston, by going with an armed force taken from a French frigate in the -harbor, and rescuing a vessel out of the hands of the marshal who had -arrested her by process from a court of justice; in another instance -he kept off the marshal by an armed force from serving a process on a -vessel. He is ordered, consequently, to be arrested himself, prosecuted -and punished for the rescue, and his exequatur will be revoked. You will -see in the newspapers the attack made on our commerce by the British king -in his _additional instruction_ of June 8. Though we have only newspaper -information of it, _provisional_ instructions are going to Mr. Pinckney -to require a revocation of them, and indemnification for all losses which -individuals may sustain by them in the meantime. Of the revocation I have -not the least expectation. I shall therefore be for laying the whole -business (respecting both nations) before Congress. While I think it -impossible they should not approve of what has been done disagreeable to -the friendly nation, it will be in their power to soothe them by strong -commercial retaliation against the hostile one. Pinching their commerce -will be just against themselves, advantageous to us, and conciliatory -towards our friends of the hard necessities into which their agent has -drawn us. His conduct has given room for the enemies of liberty and of -France, to come forward in a state of acrimony against that nation, which -they never would have dared to have done. The disapprobation of the agent -mingles with the reprehension of his nation, and gives a toleration to -that which it never had before. He has still some defenders in Freneau, -and Greenlief's paper, and who they are I know not: for even Hutcheson and -Dallas give him up. I enclose you a Boston paper, which will give you a -specimen of what all the papers are now filled with. You will recognize -Mr. A---- under the signature of Camillus. He writes in every week's -paper, and generally under different names. This is the first in which -he has omitted some furious incartade against me. Hutcheson says that -Genet has totally overturned the republican interest in Philadelphia. -However, the people going right themselves, if they always see their -republican advocates with them, an accidental meeting with the monocrats -will not be a coalescence. You will see much said, and again said, about -G.'s threat to appeal to the people. I can assure you it is a fact. I -received yesterday the MS. you mentioned to me from F----n. I have only -got a dozen pages into it, and never was more charmed with anything. -Profound arguments presented in the simplest point of view entitle him -really to his ancient signature. In the papers received from you, I have -seen nothing which ought to be changed, except a part of one sentence -not necessary for its object, and running foul of something of which you -were not apprized. A malignant fever has been generated in the filth of -Water street, which gives great alarm. About 70 people had died of it two -days ago, and as many more were ill of it. It has now got into most parts -of the city, and is considerably infectious. At first 3 out of 4 died, -now about 1 out of 3. It comes on with a pain in the head, sick stomach, -then a little chill, fever, black vomiting and stools, and death from the -2d to the 8th day. Everybody who can, is flying from the city, and the -panic of the country people is likely to add famine to disease. Though -becoming less mortal, it is still spreading, and the heat of the weather -is very unpropitious. I have withdrawn my daughter from the city, but am -obliged to go to it every day myself. My threshing machine has arrived at -New York. Mr. Pinckney writes me word that the original from which this -model is copied, threshes 150 bushels of wheat in 8 hours, with 6 horses -and 5 men. It may be moved either by water or horses. Fortunately the -workman who made it (a millwright) is come in the same vessel to settle in -America. I have written to persuade him to go on immediately to Richmond, -offering him the use of my model to exhibit, and to give him letters to -get him into immediate employ in making them. I expect an answer before I -write to you again. I understand that the model is made mostly in brass, -and in the simple form in which it was first ordered, to be worked by -horses. It was to have cost 5 guineas, but Mr. Pinckney having afterwards -directed it to be accommodated to water movement also, it has made it -more complicated, and costs 13 guineas. It will thresh any grain from the -Windsor bean down to the smallest. Adieu. - - -TO MR. GORE. - - PHILADELPHIA, September 2, 1793. - -SIR,--The President is informed through the channel of a letter from -yourself to Mr. Lear, that M. Duplaine, consul of France at Boston, has -lately, with an armed force, seized and rescued a vessel from the officer -of a court of justice, by process from which she was under arrest in his -custody: and that he has in like manner, with an armed force, opposed -and prevented the officer, charged with process from a court against -another vessel, from serving that process. This daring violation of the -laws requires the more attention, as it is by a foreigner clothed with a -public character, arrogating an unfounded right to admiralty jurisdiction, -and probably meaning to assert it by this act of force. You know that by -the law of nations, consuls are not diplomatic characters, and have no -immunities whatever against the laws of the land. To put this altogether -out of dispute, a clause was inserted in our consular convention -with France, making them amenable to the laws of the land, as other -inhabitants. Consequently, M. Duplaine is liable to arrest, imprisonment, -and other punishments, even capital, as other foreign subjects resident -here. The President therefore desires that you will immediately institute -such a prosecution against him, as the laws will warrant. If there be any -doubt as to the character of his offence, whether of a higher or lower -grade, it will be best to prosecute for that which will admit the least -doubt, because an acquittal, though it might be founded merely on the -opinion that the grade of offence with which he is _charged_ is higher -than his _act_ would support, yet it might be construed by the uninformed -to be a judiciary decision against his amenability to the law, or perhaps -in favor of the jurisdiction these consuls are assuming. The process -therefore, should be of the surest kind, and all the proceedings well -grounded. In particular, if an arrest, as is probable, be the first step, -it should be so managed as to leave room neither for escape nor rescue. -It should be attended with every mark of respect, consistent with safe -custody, and his confinement as mild and comfortable also, as that would -permit. These are the distinctions to which a consul is entitled, that is -to say, of a particular decorum of deportment towards him, indicative of -respect to the sovereign whose officer he is. - -The President also desires you will immediately obtain the best evidence -it shall be in your power to procure, under oath or affirmation, of the -transaction stated in your letter, and that in this, you consider yourself -as acting as much on behalf of M. Duplaine as the public, the candid -truth of the case being exactly that which is desired, as it may be the -foundation of an act, the justice of which should be beyond all question. -This evidence I shall be glad to receive within as few days, or even -hours, of delay as possible. - -I am also instructed to ask the favor of you to communicate copies of any -memorials, representations or other written correspondence which may have -passed between the Governor and yourself, with respect to the privateers -and prizes which have been the subject of your letters to Mr. Lear. - -I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient -servant. - - -TO MR. HAMMOND. - - PHILADELPHIA, September 5, 1793. - -SIR,--I am honored with yours of August the 30th. Mine of the 7th of that -month assured you that measures were taking for excluding from all further -asylum in our ports, vessels armed in them to cruise on nations with which -we are at peace, and for the restoration of the prizes, the Lovely Lass, -Prince William Henry, and the Jane of Dublin, and that should the measures -for restitution fail in their effect, the President considers it as -incumbent on the United States, to make compensation for the vessels. - -We are bound by our treaties with three of the belligerent nations, -_by all the means in our power_ to protect and defend their vessels and -effects in our ports or waters, or on the seas near our shores, and to -recover and restore the same to the right owners, when taken from them. If -all the means in our power are used, and fail in their effect, we are not -bound by our treaties with those nations to make compensation. - -Though we have no similar treaty with Great Britain, it was the opinion of -the President that we should use towards that nation the same rule which, -under this article, was to govern us with the other nations; and even to -extend it to captures made on _the high seas_ and brought into our ports, -if done by vessels which had been armed within them. - -Having, for particular reasons, forborne to use _all the measures in our -power_ for the restitution of the three vessels mentioned in my letter of -August the 7th, the President thought it incumbent on the United States -to make compensation for them; and though nothing was said in that letter -of other vessels taken under like circumstances, and brought in after -the 5th of June and _before the date of that letter_, yet where the same -forbearance had taken place, it was and is his opinion that compensation -would be equally due. - -As to prizes made under the same circumstances, and brought in _after the -date of that letter_, the President determined that all the means in our -power should be used for their restitution. If these fail us, as we should -not be bound by our treaties to make compensation to the other powers, in -the analogous case, he did not mean to give an opinion that it ought to be -done to Great Britain. But still, if any cases shall arise subsequent to -that date, the circumstances of which shall place them on similar ground -with those before it, the President would think compensation equally -incumbent on the United States. - -Instructions are given to the Governors of the different States, to -use all the means in their power for restoring prizes of this last -description, found within their ports. Though they will, of course, take -measures to be informed of them, and the General Government has given -them the aid of the Custom House officers for this purpose, yet you -will be sensible of the importance of multiplying the channels of their -information, as far as shall depend on yourself or any person under your -direction, in order that the government may use the means in their power, -for making restitution. Without knowledge of the capture, they cannot -restore it. It will always be best to give the notice to them directly; -but any information which you shall be pleased to send to me also, at any -time, shall be forwarded to them as quickly as the distance will permit. - -Hence you will perceive, Sir, that the President contemplates restitution -or _compensation_, in the cases _before_ the seventh of August, and, -_after_ that date, _restitution_, if it can be effected by any means in -our power; and that it will be important that you should substantiate the -fact that such prizes are in our ports or waters. - -Your list of the privateers illicitly armed in our ports, is, I believe, -correct. - -With respect to losses by detention, waste, spoliation, sustained by -vessels taken as before mentioned between the dates of June the 5th -and August the 7th, it is proposed, as a provisional measure, that the -collector of the customs of the district, and the British consul, or any -other person you please, shall appoint persons to establish the value of -the vessel and cargo, at the times of her capture and of her arrival in -the port into which she is brought, according to their value in that port. -If this shall be agreeable to you, and you will be pleased to signify it -to me, with the names of the prizes understood to be of this description, -instructions will be given accordingly, to the collectors of the customs -where the respective vessels are. - -I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, and -most humble servant. - - -TO MR. PINCKNEY. - - PHILADELPHIA, September 7, 1793. - -SIR,--We have received, through a channel which cannot be considered as -authentic, the copy of a paper, styled "Additional Instructions to the -Commanders of his Majesty's Ships of War and Privateers," &c., dated -at St. James's, June 8, 1793. If this paper be authentic, I have little -doubt but that you will have taken measures to forward it to me. But as -your communication of it may miscarry, and time in the mean will be lost, -it has been thought better that it should be supposed authentic; that on -that supposition I should notice to you its very exceptionable nature, and -the necessity of obtaining explanations on the subject from the British -government; desiring at the same time, that you will consider this letter -as provisionally written only, and as if never written, in the event that -the paper which is the occasion of it be not genuine. - -The first article of it permits all vessels, laden wholly or in part -with corn, flour or meal, bound to any port in France, to be stopped and -sent into any British port, to be purchased by that government, or to -be released only on the condition of security given by the master, that -he will proceed to dispose of his cargo in the ports of some country _in -amity with his Majesty_. - -This article is so manifestly contrary to the law of nations, that nothing -more would seem necessary than to observe that it is so. Reason and usage -have established that when two nations go to war, those who choose to -live in peace retain their natural right to pursue their agriculture, -manufactures, and other ordinary vocations, to carry the produce of their -industry for exchange to all nations, belligerent or neutral, as usual, -to go and come freely without injury or molestation, and in short, that -the war among others shall be, for them, as if it did not exist. One -restriction on their natural rights has been submitted to by nations at -peace, that is to say, that of not furnishing to either party implements -merely of war for the annoyance of the other, nor anything whatever to a -place blockaded by its enemy. What these implements of war are, has been -so often agreed and is so well understood as to leave little question -about them at this day. There does not exist, perhaps, a nation in our -common hemisphere, which has not made a particular enumeration of them in -some or all of their treaties, under the name of contraband. It suffices -for the present occasion, to say, that corn, flour and meal, are not -of the class of contraband, and consequently remain articles of free -commerce. A culture which, like that of the soil, gives employment to such -a proportion of mankind, could never be suspended by the whole earth, or -interrupted for them, whenever any two nations should think proper to go -to war. - -The state of war then existing between Great Britain and France, furnishes -no legitimate right either to interrupt the agriculture of the United -States, or the peaceable exchange of its produce with all nations; and -consequently, the assumption of it will be as lawful hereafter as now, in -peace as in war. No ground, acknowledged by the common reason of mankind, -authorizes this act now, and unacknowledged ground may be taken at any -time, and at all times. We see then a practice begun, to which no time, -no circumstances prescribe any limits, and which strikes at the root of -our agriculture, that branch of industry which gives food, clothing and -comfort to the great mass of the inhabitants of these States. If any -nation whatever has a right to shut up to our produce all the ports of -the earth except her own and those of her friends, she may shut up these -also, and so confine us within our own limits. No nation can subscribe -to such pretensions; no nation can agree, at the mere will or interest -of another, to have its peaceable industry suspended, and its citizens -reduced to idleness and want. The loss of our produce destined for foreign -markets, or that loss which would result from an arbitrary restraint of -our markets, is a tax too serious for us to acquiesce in. It is not enough -for a nation to say, we and our friends will buy your produce. We have a -right to answer, that it suits us better to sell to their enemies as well -as their friends. Our ships do not go to France to return empty. They go -to exchange the surplus of one produce which we can spare, for surplusses -of other kinds which they can spare and we want; which they can furnish on -better terms, and more to our mind, than Great Britain or her friends. We -have a right to judge for ourselves what market best suits us, and they -have none to forbid to us the enjoyment of the necessaries and comforts -which we may obtain from any other independent country. - -This act, too, tends directly to draw us from that state of peace in which -we are wishing to remain. It is an essential character of neutrality to -furnish no aids (not stipulated by treaty) to one party, which we are -not equally ready to furnish to the other. If we permit corn to be sent -to Great Britain and her friends, we are equally bound to permit it to -France. To restrain it would be a partiality which might lead to war with -France; and between restraining it ourselves, and permitting her enemies -to restrain it unrightfully, is no difference. She would consider this as -a mere pretext, of which she would not be the dupe; and on what honorable -ground could we otherwise explain it? Thus we should see ourselves plunged -by this unauthorized act of Great Britain into a war with which we meddle -not, and which we wish to avoid if justice to all parties and from all -parties will enable us to avoid it. In the case where we found ourselves -obliged by treaty to withhold from the enemies of France the right of -arming in our ports, we thought ourselves in justice bound to withhold the -same right from France also, and we did it. Were we to withhold from her -supplies of provisions, we should in like manner be bound to withhold them -from her enemies also; and thus shut to ourselves all the ports of Europe -where corn is in demand, or make ourselves parties in the war. This is a -dilemma which Great Britain has no right to force upon us, and for which -no pretext can be found in any part of our conduct. She may, indeed, feel -the desire of starving an enemy nation; but she can have no right of doing -it at our loss, nor of making us the instruments of it. - -The President therefore desires, that you will immediately enter into -explanations on this subject with the British government. Lay before -them in friendly and temperate terms all the demonstrations of the injury -done us by this act, and endeavor to obtain a revocation of it, and full -indemnification to any citizens of these States who may have suffered by -it in the meantime. Accompany your representations by every assurance of -our earnest desire to live on terms of the best friendship and harmony -with them, and to found our expectations of justice on their part, on a -strict observance of it on ours. - -It is with concern, however, I am obliged to observe, that so marked has -been the inattention of the British court to every application which has -been made to them on any subject, by this government, (not a single answer -I believe having ever been given to one of them, except in the act of -exchanging a minister) that it may become unavoidable, in certain cases, -where an answer of some sort is necessary, to consider their silence as -an answer. Perhaps this is their intention. Still, however, desirous of -furnishing no color of offence, we do not wish you to name to them any -term for giving an answer. Urge one as much as you can without commitment, -and on the first day of December be so good as to give us information -of the state in which this matter is, that it may be received during the -session of Congress. - -The second article of the same instruction allows the armed vessels -of Great Britain to seize for condemnation all vessels, on their first -attempt to enter a blockaded port, except those of Denmark and Sweden, -which are to be prevented only, but not seized, on their first attempt. Of -the nations inhabiting the shores of the Atlantic ocean, and practising -its navigation, Denmark, Sweden and the United States alone are neutral. -To declare then all _neutral_ vessels (for as to the vessels of the -_belligerent_ powers no order was necessary) to be legal prize, which -shall attempt to enter a blockaded port, except those of _Denmark and -Sweden_, is exactly to declare _that the vessels of the United States_ -shall be lawful prize, and those of Denmark and Sweden shall not. It -is of little consequence that the article has avoided naming the United -States, since it has used a description applicable to them, and to them -alone, while it exempts the others from its operation by name. You will be -pleased to ask an explanation of this distinction; and you will be able to -say, in discussing its justice, that in every circumstance, we treat Great -Britain on the footing of the most favored nation where our treaties do -not preclude us, and that even these are just as favorable to her, as hers -are to us. Possibly she may be bound by treaty to admit this exception in -favor of Denmark and Sweden. But she cannot be bound by treaty to withhold -it from us. And if it be withheld merely because not established with us -by treaty, what might not we, on the same ground, have withheld from Great -Britain during the short course of the present war, as well as the peace -which preceded it? - -Whether these explanations with the British government shall be verbal or -in writing, is left to yourself. Verbal communications are very insecure; -for it is only to deny them or to change their terms, in order to do -away their effect at any time. Those in writing have as many and obvious -advantages, and ought to be preferred, unless there be obstacles of which -we are not apprized. - -I have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most -obedient humble servant. - - -TO J. MADISON. - - September 8, 1793. - -I have received and am charmed with No. 5. I thought the introduction -an useful lesson to others as I found it to myself, for I had really, -by constantly hearing the sound, been led into a pretty free use of it -myself. I struck out the passage you desired in the page. I struck out -also the words "and neutrality" in the following passage, "taking the -proclamation _in its proper sense_ as reminding all concerned, that as the -United States were at peace, the laws of peace _and neutrality_ were still -obligatory," also a paragraph of four lines that a minister from France -was hourly expected when the proclamation issued. There was one here at -the time; the other did not arrive in six weeks. To have waited that time -should have given full course to the evil. - -I went through Franklin with enchantment; and what peculiarly pleased -me was, that there was not a sentence from which it could be conjectured -whether it came from north, south, east or west. At last a whole page of -Virginia flashed on me. It was in the section on the state of parties, -and was an apology for the continuance of slavery among us. However, this -circumstance may be justly palliated, it had nothing to do with the state -of parties, with the bank, encumbered a good cause with a questionable -argument. Many readers who would have gone heart and hand with the author -so far, would have flown off in a tangent from that paragraph. I struck -it out. Justify this if you please to those concerned, and if it cannot -be done, say so, and it may still be re-established. I mentioned to you -in my last that a French consul at Boston had rescued a vessel out of the -hands of a Marshal by military force. Genet has, at New York, forbidden -a Marshal to arrest a vessel, and given orders to the French squadron to -protect her by force. Was there ever an instance before of a diplomatic -man overawing and obstructing the course of the law in a country by an -armed force? The yellow fever increases. The week before last about three -a day died. This last week about eleven a day have died; consequently, -from known data about thirty-three a day are taken, and there are about -three hundred and thirty patients under it. They are much scattered -through the town, and it is the opinion of the physicians that there is -no possibility of stopping it. They agree it is a nondescript disease, and -no two agree in any one part of their process of cure. The President goes -off the day after to-morrow, as he had always intended. Knox then takes -flight. Hamilton is ill of the fever, as is said. He had two physicians -out at his house the night before last. - - -TO MR. HAMMOND. - - PHILADELPHIA, September 9, 1793. - -SIR,--I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your two memorials of -the 4th and 6th instant, which have been duly laid before the President of -the United States. - -You cannot be uninformed of the circumstances which have occasioned the -French squadron now in New York to seek asylum in the ports of the United -States. Driven from those where they were on duty, by the superiority -of the adverse party in the civil war which has so unhappily afflicted -the colonies of France, filled with the wretched fugitives from the same -scenes of distress and desolation, without water or provisions for the -shortest voyage, their vessels scarcely in a condition to keep the sea -at all, they were forced to seek the nearest ports in which they could -be received and supplied with necessaries. That they have ever been out -again to cruise, is a fact we have never learned, and which we believe -to be impossible, from the information received of their wants and other -impediments to active service. This case has been noted specially, to show -that no inconvenience can have been produced to the trade of the other -belligerent powers, by the presence of this fleet in our harbors. I shall -now proceed to more general ground. - -France, England and all other nations have a right to cruise on our -coasts; a right not derived from our permission, but from the law of -nature. To render this more advantageous, France has secured to herself, -by a treaty with us, (as she has done also by a treaty with Great Britain, -in the event of a war with us or any other nation) two special rights. -1. Admission for her prizes and privateers into our ports. This, by the -seventeenth and twenty-second articles, is secured to her exclusively -of her enemies, as is done for her in the like case by Great Britain, -were her present war with us instead of Great Britain. 2. Admission for -her public vessels of war into our ports, in cases of stress of weather, -pirates, enemies, or other urgent necessity, to refresh, victual, repair, -&c. This is not exclusive. As then we are bound by treaty to receive the -public armed vessels of France, and are not bound to exclude those of -her enemies, the executive has never denied the same right of asylum in -our ports to the public armed vessels of your nation. They, as well as -the French, are free to come into them in all cases of weather, piracies, -enemies, or other urgent necessity, and to refresh, victual, repair, &c. -And so many are these urgent necessities, to vessels far from their own -ports, that we have thought inquiries into the nature as well as the -degree of the necessities which drive them hither, as endless as they -would be fruitless, and therefore have not made them. And the rather, -because there is a third right, secured to neither by treaty, but due to -both on the principles of hospitality between friendly nations, that of -coming into our ports, not _under the pressure of urgent necessity_, but -whenever their comfort or convenience induces them. On this ground, also, -the two nations are on a footing. - -As it has never been conceived that either would detain their ships of -war in our ports when they were in a condition for action, we have never -conceived it necessary to prescribe any limits to the time of their stay. -Nor can it be viewed as an injury to either party, to let their enemies -lie still in our ports from year's end to year's end, if they choose -it. Thus, then, the public ships of war of both nations enjoy a perfect -equality in our ports; first, in cases of urgent necessity; secondly, in -cases of comfort or convenience; and thirdly, in the time they choose to -continue; and all a friendly power can ask from another is, to extend to -her the same indulgences which she extends to other friendly powers. And -though the admission of the prizes and privateers of France is exclusive, -yet it is the effect of treaty made long ago, for valuable considerations, -not with a view to the present circumstances, nor against any nation in -particular, but all in general, and may, therefore, be faithfully observed -without offence to any; and we mean faithfully to observe it. The same -exclusive article has been stipulated, as was before observed, by Great -Britain in her treaty with France, and indeed is to be found in the -treaties between most nations. - -With respect to the usurpation of admiralty jurisdiction by the consuls of -France, within these States, the honor and rights of the States themselves -were sufficient motives for the executive to take measures to prevent its -continuance, as soon as they were apprized of it. They have been led by -particular considerations to await the effect of these measures, believing -they would be sufficient; but finding at length they were not, such others -have been lately taken as can no longer fail to suppress this irregularity -completely. - -The President is duly sensible of the character of the act of opposition -made to the serving of legal process on the brig William Tell, and he -presumes the representations made on that subject to the minister of -France, will have the effect of opening a free access to the officer -of justice, when he shall again present himself with the precept of his -court. - -I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, and -most humble servant. - - -TO MR. GENET. - - PHILADELPHIA, September 9, 1793. - -SIR,--In my letter of June the 25th, on the subject of the ship William, -and generally of vessels suggested to be taken within the limits of the -protection of the United States by the armed vessels of your nation, I -undertook to assure you it would be more agreeable to the President, that -such vessels should be detained under the orders of yourself or the consul -of France, than by a military guard, until the government of the United -States should be able to inquire into and decide on the fact. In two -separate letters of the 29th of the same month, I had the honor to inform -you of the claims lodged with the executive for the same ship William and -the brig Fanny, to enclose you the evidence on which they were founded, -and to desire that if you found it just, you would order the vessels to -be delivered to the owners; or, if overweighed in your judgment by any -contradictory evidence which you might have or acquire, you would do me -the favor to communicate that evidence; and that the consuls of France -might retain the vessels in their custody, in the meantime, until the -executive of the United States should consider and decide finally on the -subject. - -When that mode of proceeding was consented to for your satisfaction, it -was by no means imagined it would have occasioned such delays of justice -to the individuals interested. The President is still without information, -either that the vessels are restored, or that you have any evidence to -offer as to the place of capture. I am, therefore, Sir, to repeat the -request of early information on this subject, in order that if any injury -has been done those interested, it may be no longer aggravated by delay. - -The intention of the letter of June the 25th having been to permit such -vessels to remain in the custody of the consuls, instead of that of a -military guard (which, in the case of the ship William, appeared to have -been disagreeable to you), the indulgence was of course to be understood -as going only to cases which the executive might take, or keep possession -of, with a military guard, and not to interfere with the authority of -the courts of justice in any case wherein they should undertake to act. -My letter of June the 29th, accordingly, in the same case of the ship -William, informed you that no power in this country could take a vessel -out of the custody of the courts, and that it was only because they -decided not to take cognizance of that case, that it resulted to the -executive to interfere in it. Consequently, this alone put it in their -power to leave the vessel in the hands of the consul. The courts of -justice exercise the sovereignty of this country in judiciary matters; -are supreme in these, and liable neither to control nor opposition from -any other branch of the government. We learn, however, from the enclosed -paper, that the consul of New York, in the first instance, and yourself -in a subsequent one, forbid an officer of justice to serve the process -with which he was charged from his court, on the British brig William -Tell, taken by a French armed vessel within a mile of our shores, as has -been deposed on oath, and brought into New York, and that you had even -given orders to the French squadron there to protect the vessel against -any person who should attempt to take her from their custody. If this -opposition were founded, as is there suggested, on the indulgence of the -letters before cited, it was extending that to a case not within their -purview; and even had it been precisely the case to which they were to be -applied, is it possible to imagine you might assert it within the body of -the country by force of arms? - -I forbear to make the observations which such a measure must suggest, and -cannot but believe that a moment's reflection will evince to you the depth -of the error committed in this opposition to an officer of justice, and -in the means proposed to be resorted to in support of it. I am therefore -charged to declare to you expressly, that the President expects and -requires that the officer of justice be not obstructed in freely and -peaceably serving the process of his court, and that in the meantime the -vessel and her cargo be not suffered to depart till the judiciary, if it -will undertake it, or himself if not, shall decide whether the seizure has -been made within the limits of our protection. - -I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, and -most humble servant. - - -TO MR. COXE. - - September 10, 1793. - -Thomas Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Coxe. He directed a -census to be sent him in the moment of receiving his note of the 5th. With -respect to the placing consuls in the British Islands, we are so far from -being permitted that, that a common mercantile factor is not permitted by -their laws. The experiment of establishing consuls in the colonies of the -European nations has been going on for some time, but as yet we cannot -say it has been formally and fully admitted by any. The French colonial -authority has received them, but they have never yet been confirmed by the -national authority. - - -TO MR. MORRIS. - - PHILADELPHIA, September 11, 1793. - -DEAR SIR,--My late letters to you have been of August 16, 23, and 26, and -a duplicate of the two first will accompany this. Yours lately received -are April 4, 5, 11, 19, May 20, and June 1, being Nos. 26 to 31. I have -little particulars to say to you by this opportunity which may be less -certain than the last. - -The north-western Indians have refused to meet our commissioners, unless -they would agree to the Ohio as our boundary by way of preliminary -article; and this being impossible on account of the army locations -and particular sales on that side the river, the war will go on. We may -shortly expect to hear that General Wayne is in motion. An infectious -and mortal fever is broke out in this place. The deaths under it the week -before last were about forty, the last week about fifty, this week they -will probably be about two hundred, and it is increasing. Every one is -getting out of the city who can. Colonel Hamilton is ill of the fever, but -is on the recovery. The President, according to an arrangement of some -time ago, set out for Mount Vernon on yesterday. The Secretary of War -is setting out on a visit to Massachusetts. I shall go in a few days to -Virginia. When we shall reassemble again may perhaps depend on the course -of this malady, and on that may depend the date of my next letter. - -I have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem and respect, dear -Sir, your most obedient servant. - - -TO MR. GENET. - - September 15, 1793. - -SIR,--The correspondence which has taken place between the Executive -and yourself, and the acts which you have thought proper to do, and to -countenance, in opposition to the laws of the land, have rendered it -necessary, in the opinion of the President, to lay a faithful statement -of them before the government of France, to explain to them the reasons -and the necessity which have dictated our measures, to renew assurances -of that sincere friendship which has suffered no intermission during the -course of these proceedings, and to express our extreme anxiety that none -may be produced on their part. This has accordingly been directed to be -done by the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, in a -letter, a copy of which I now enclose to you;[2] and, in order to bring to -an end what cannot be permitted to continue, there could be no hesitation -to declare in it the necessity of their having a representation here, -disposed to respect the laws and authorities of the country, and to do -the best for their interest which these would permit. An anxious regard -for those interests, and a desire that they may not suffer, will induce -the executive in the meantime to receive your communications in writing, -and to admit the continuance of your functions so long as they shall be -restrained within the limits of the law, as heretofore announced to you, -or shall be of the tenor usually observed towards independent nations by -the representative of a friendly power residing with them. - -The President thought it respectful to your nation as well as yourself, -to leave to yourself the restraining certain proceedings of the consuls -of France within the United States, which you were informed were contrary -to the laws of the land, and therefore not to be permitted. He has seen -with regret, however, that you have been far from restraining these -proceedings, and that the duty has devolved on him of suppressing them -by the authority of the country. I enclose to you the copy of a letter -written to the several consuls and vice-consuls of France, warning them -that this will be done if any repetition of these acts shall render it -necessary. To the consul of France at Boston, no such letter has been -written. A more serious fact is charged on him, which, if proved as there -is reason to expect, will render the revocation of his Exequatur an act of -immediate duty. - -I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient -servant. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [2] See p. 31. - - -TO MR. GENET. - - MONTICELLO, October 3, 1793. - -SIR,--In a former letter which I had the honor of writing you, I mentioned -that information had been received that M. Duplaine, vice-consul of -France, at Boston, had been charged with an opposition to the laws of the -land, of such a character, as if true would render it the duty of the -President immediately to revoke the Exequatur, whereby he is permitted -to exercise the functions of vice-consul in these United States. The -fact has been since inquired into, and I now enclose you copies of the -evidence establishing it; whereby you will perceive how inconsistent -with peace and order it would be, to permit, any longer, the exercise of -functions in these United States by a person capable of mistaking their -legitimate extent so far, as to oppose, by force of arms, the course -of the laws within the body of the country. The wisdom and justice of -the government of France, and their sense of the necessity in every -government, of preserving the course of the laws free and unobstructed, -render us confident that they will approve this necessary arrestation of -the proceedings of one of their agents; as we would certainly do in the -like case, were any consul or vice-consul of ours to oppose with an armed -force, the course of their laws within their own limits. Still, however, -indispensable as this act has been, it is with the most lively concern, -the President has seen that the evil could not be arrested otherwise than -by an appeal to the authority of the country. - -I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, your most obedient, -and most humble servant. - - -TO ----. - - MONTICELLO, October 17, 1793. - -DEAR SIR,--I have carefully considered the question whether the President -may call Congress to any other place than that to which they have -adjourned themselves, and think he cannot have such a right unless it -has been given him by the Constitution, or the laws, and that neither of -these has given it. The only circumstance which he can alter as to their -meeting, is that of _time_ by calling them at an _earlier day_ than that -to which they stand adjourned, but no power to change the place is given. -Mr. Madison happened to come here yesterday, after the receipt of your -letter. I proposed the question to him, and he thinks there was particular -caution intended and used in the direction of the Constitution, to avoid -giving the President any power over the place of meeting; lest he should -exercise it with local partialities. With respect to the Executive, the -Residence law has fixed our office at Philadelphia till the year 1800, -and therefore it seems necessary that we should get as near them as we -may with safety. As to the place of meeting for the Legislature, were we -authorized to decide that question, I should think it right to have it -in some place in Pennsylvania, in consideration of the principles of the -Residence bill, and we might furnish no pretext to that state to infringe -them hereafter. I am quite unacquainted with Reading and its means of -accommodation. Its situation is perhaps as little objectionable as that -of Lancaster, and less so than Trenton or perhaps Wilmington. However, I -think we have nothing to do with the question, and that Congress must meet -in Philadelphia, even if it be in the open fields, to adjourn themselves -to some other place. I am extremely afraid something has happened to Mr. -Bankson, on whom I relied for continuance at my office. For two posts past -I have not received any letter from him, nor dispatches of any kind. This -involves new fears for the duplicates of those to Mr. Morris. I have the -honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and attachment, -dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant. - - -TO ----.[3] - - GERMANTOWN, November 2, 1793. - -I overtook the President at Baltimore, and we arrived here yesterday, -myself fleeced of seventy odd dollars to get from Fredericksburg here, the -stages running no further than Baltimore. I mention this to put yourself -and Monroe on your guard. The fever in Philadelphia has so much abated as -to have almost disappeared. The inhabitants are about returning. It has -been determined that the President shall not interfere with the meeting -of Congress. R. H. and K. were of opinion he had a right to call them -to any place, but that the occasion did not call for it. I think the -President inclined to the opinion. I proposed a proclamation notifying -that the Executive business would be done here till further notice, -which I believe will be agreed. H. R. Lewis, Rawle &c., all concur in the -necessity that Congress should meet in Philadelphia, and vote there their -own adjournment. If it shall then be necessary to change the place, the -question will be between New York and Lancaster. The Pennsylvania members -are very anxious for the latter, and will attend punctually to support -it, as well as to support much for Muhlenburg, and oppose the appointment -of Smith (S. C.) speaker, which is intended by the Northern members. -According to present appearances this place cannot lodge a single person -more. As a great favor, I have got a bed in the corner of the public room -of a tavern; and must continue till some of the Philadelphians make a -vacancy by removing into the city. Then we must give him from four to six -or eight dollars a week for cuddies without a bed, and sometimes without -a chair or table. There is not a single lodging house in the place. Ross -and Willing are alive. Hancock is dead. Johnson of Maryland has _refused_ -Rec. L. and McE. in contemplation; the last least. You will have seen -Genet's letters to Moultree and to myself. Of the last I know nothing but -from the public papers; and he published Moultree's letter and his answer -the moment he wrote it. You will see that his inveteracy against the -President leads him to meditate the embroiling him with Congress. They say -he is going to be married to a daughter of Clinton's. If so, he is afraid -to return to France. Hamilton is ill, and suspicious he has taken the -fever again by returning to his house. He of course could not attend here -to-day; but the President had showed me his letter on the right of calling -Congress to another place. Adieu. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [3] [Probably to Mr. Madison.] - - -TO MR. GENET. - - GERMANTOWN, November 8, 1793. - -SIR,--I have now to acknowledge and answer your letter of September the -13th, wherein you desire that we may define the extent of the line of -territorial protection on the coasts of the United States, observing that -governments and jurisconsults have different views on this subject. - -It is certain that, therefore, they have been much divided in opinion, -as to the distance from their sea coast to which they might reasonably -claim a right of prohibiting the commitment of hostilities. The greatest -distance to which any respectable assent among nations has been at any -time given, has been the extent of the human sight, estimated at upwards -of twenty miles; and the smallest distance, I believe, claimed by any -nation whatever, is the utmost range of a cannon ball, usually stated at -one sea league. Some intermediate distance have also been insisted on, and -that of three sea leagues has some authority in its favor. The character -of our coast, remarkable in considerable parts of it for admitting no -vessels of size to pass the shores, would entitle us in reason to as broad -a margin of protected navigation as any nation whatever. Not proposing, -however, at this time, and without a respectful and friendly communication -with the powers interested in this navigation, to fix on the distance to -which we may ultimately insist on the right of protection, the President -gives instructions to the officers acting under his authority, to consider -those heretofore given them as restrained, for the present, to the -distance of one sea league, or three geographical miles, from the sea -shore. This distance can admit of no opposition, as it is recognized by -treaties between some of the powers with whom we are connected in commerce -and navigation, and is as little or less than is claimed by any of them on -their own coasts. - -Future occasions will be taken to enter into explanations with them, as to -the ulterior extent to which we may reasonably carry our jurisdiction. For -that of the rivers and bays of the United States, the laws of the several -States are understood to have made provision, and they are moreover, as -being land-locked, within the body of the United States. - -Examining by this rule the case of the British brig Fanny, taken on the -8th of May last, it appears from the evidence that the capture was made -four or five miles from the land; and consequently, without the line -provisionally adopted by the President, as before mentioned. - -I have the honor to be, with sentiments of respect and esteem, Sir, your -most obedient, and most humble servant. - - -TO MR. HAMMOND. - - GERMANTOWN, November 10, 1793. - -SIR,--As in cases where vessels are reclaimed by the subjects or citizens -of the belligerent powers as having been taken within the jurisdiction -of the United States, it becomes necessary to ascertain that fact by -testimony taken according to the laws of the United States. The Governors -of the several States to whom the application will be made in the first -instance, are desired immediately to notify thereof the Attorney's of -their respective districts. The Attorney is thereupon instructed to -give notice to the principal agent of both parties who may have come in -with the prize, and also to the consuls of the nations interested, and -to recommend to them to appoint, by mutual consent, arbiters to decide -whether the capture was made within the jurisdiction of the United States, -as stated to you in my letter of the 8th instant; according to whose -award the Governor may proceed to deliver the vessel to the one or the -other party. But in case the parties or consuls shall not agree to name -arbiters, then the Attorney, or some person substituted by him, is to -notify them of the time and place, when and where he will be, in order to -take the depositions of such witnesses as they may cause to come before -him, which depositions he is to transmit for the information and decision -of the President. - -It has been thought best to put this business into such a train as that -the examination of the fact may take place immediately, and before the -witnesses may have again departed from the United States, which would too -frequently happen, and especially in the distant States, if it should be -deferred until information is sent to the Executive, and a special order -awaited to take the depositions. - -I take the liberty of requesting that you will be pleased to give such -instructions to the consuls of your nation as may facilitate the object -of this regulation. I urge it with the more earnestness because as -the attorneys of the districts are for the most part engaged in much -business of their own, they will rarely be able to attend more than one -appointment, and consequently the party who should fail from negligence or -other motive to produce his witnesses, at the time and place appointed, -might lose the benefit of their testimony altogether. This prompt -procedure is the more to be insisted on, as it will enable the President, -by an immediate delivery of the vessel and cargo to the party having -title, to prevent the injuries consequent on long delay. - -I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, and -most humble servant. - - -TO THE MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO GREAT BRITAIN. - - GERMANTOWN, November 14th, 1793. - -SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 7th -instant, on the subject of the British ship Rochampton, taken and sent -into Baltimore by the French privateer the Industry, an armed schooner of -St. Domingo, which is suggested to have augmented her force at Baltimore -before the capture. On this circumstance a demand is granted that the -prize she has made shall be restored. - -Before I proceed to the matters of fact in this case, I will take the -liberty of calling your attention to the rules which are to govern it. -These are, I. That restitution of prizes has been made by the Executive -of the United States only in the two cases, 1st, of capture within their -jurisdiction, by armed vessels, originally constituted such without the -limits of the United States; or 2d, of capture, either within or without -their jurisdiction, by armed vessels, originally constituted such within -the limits of the United States, which last have been called proscribed -vessels. - -II. That all _military equipments_ within the ports of the United States -are forbidden to the vessels of the belligerent powers, even where they -have been constituted vessels of war before their arrival in our ports; -and where such equipments have been made before detection, they are -ordered to be suppressed when detected, and the vessel reduced to her -original condition. But if they escape detection altogether, depart and -make prizes, the Executive has not undertaken to restore the prizes. - -With due care, it can scarcely happen that military equipments of any -magnitude shall escape discovery. Those which are small may sometimes, -perhaps, escape, but to pursue these so far as to decide that the -smallest circumstance of military equipment to a vessel in our ports shall -invalidate her prizes through all time, would be a measure of incalculable -consequences. And since our interference must be governed by some general -rule, and between great and small equipments no practicable line of -distinction can be drawn, it will be attended with less evil on the whole -to rely on the efficacy of the means of prevention, that they will reach -with certainty equipments of any magnitude, and the great mass of those -of smaller importance also; and if some should in the event, escape all -our vigilance, to consider these as of the number of cases which will at -times baffle the restraints of the wisest and best-guarded rules which -human foresight can devise. And I think we may safely rely that since -the regulations which got into a course of execution about the middle of -August last, it is scarcely possible that equipments of any importance -should escape discovery. - -These principles showing that no demand of restitution holds on the -ground of a mere military alteration or an augmentation of force, I will -consider your letter only as a complaint that the orders of the President -prohibiting these, have not had their effect in the case of the Industry, -and enquire whether if this be so, it has happened either from neglect or -connivance in those charged with the execution of these orders. For this -we must resort to facts which shall be taken from the evidence furnished -by yourself and the British vice-consul at Baltimore, and from that which -shall accompany this letter. - -About the beginning of August the Industry is said to have arrived at -Baltimore with the French fleet from St. Domingo; the particular state of -her armament on her arrival is lately questioned, but it is not questioned -that she was an armed vessel of some degree. The Executive having received -an intimation that two vessels were equipping themselves at Baltimore for -a cruise, a letter was on the 6th of August addressed by the Secretary -of War to the Governor of Maryland, desiring an inquiry into the fact. -In his absence the Executive Council of Maryland charged one of their -own body, the honorable Mr. Killy, with the inquiring. He proceeded to -Baltimore, and after two days' examination found no vessel answering -the description of that which was the object of his inquiring. He then -engaged the British vice-consul in the search, who was not able, any -more than himself, to discover any such vessels. Captain Killy, however, -observing a schooner, which appeared to have been making some equipments -for a cruise, to have added to her guns, and made some alteration in -her waist, thought these circumstances merited examination, though the -rules of August had not yet appeared. Finding that his inquiries excited -suspicion, and fearing the vessel might be withdrawn, he had her seized, -and proceeded in investigation. He found that she was the schooner -Industry, Captain Carver, from St. Domingo: that she had been an armed -vessel for three years before her coming here, and as late as April last -had mounted 16 guns; that she now mounted only 12, and he could not learn -that she had procured any of these, or done anything else, essential to -her as a privateer, at Baltimore. He therefore discharged her, and on the -23d of August the Executive Council made the report to the Secretary of -War, of which I enclose you a copy. About a fortnight after this (Sep. -6) you added to a letter on other business a short paragraph, saying that -you had lately received information that a vessel named the Industry had, -within the last five or six weeks, been armed, manned and equipped in the -port of Baltimore. The proceedings before mentioned having been in another -department, were not then known to me. I therefore could only communicate -this paragraph to the proper department. The separation of the Executive -within a few weeks after, prevented any explanations on this subject, -and without them it was not in my power to either controvert or admit the -information you had received under these circumstances. I think you must -be sensible, Sir, that your conclusion from my silence, that I regard the -fact as proved, was a very necessary one. - -New inquiries at that time could not have prevented the departure of the -privateer, or the capture of the Rochampton; for the privateer had then -been out some time. The Rochampton was already taken, and was arriving at -Baltimore, which she did about the day of the date of your letter. After -her arrival, new witnesses had come forward to prove that the Industry -had made some military equipments at Baltimore before her cruise. The -affidavits taken by the British vice-consul, are dated about nine or ten -days after the date of your letter and arrival of the Rochampton, and we -have only to lament that those witnesses had not given their information -to the vice-consul when Mr. Killy engaged his aid in the enquiries he -was making, and when it would have had the effect of our detaining the -privateer till she should have reduced herself to the condition in which -she was when she arrived in our ports, if she had really added anything -to her then force. But supposing the testimony just and full, (though -taken _ex parte_, and not under the legal sanction of our oath,) yet the -Governor's refusal to restore the prize was perfectly proper, for, as has -been before observed, restitution has never been made by the Executive, -nor can be made on a mere clandestine alteration or augmentation of -military equipments, which was all that the new testimony tended to prove. - -Notwithstanding, however, that the President thought the information -obtained on the former occasion had cleared this privateer from any -well-grounded cause of arrest, yet that which you have now offered -opens the possibility that the former was defective. He has therefore -desired new inquiry to be made before a magistrate legally authorized -to administer an oath, and indifferent to both parties; and should the -result be that the vessel did really make any military equipments in our -ports, instructions will be given to reduce her to her original condition, -whenever she shall again come into our ports. - -On the whole, Sir, I hope you will perceive that on the first intimation -through their own channel, and without waiting for information on -your part, that a vessel was making military equipments at Baltimore, -the Executive took the best measures for inquiring into the fact, in -order to prevent or suppress such equipments; that an officer of high -respectability was charged with the inquiry, and that he made it with -great diligence himself, and engaged similar inquiries on the part of -your vice-consul; that neither of them could find that the privateer -had made such equipments, or, of course, that there was any ground for -reducing or detaining her; that at the date of your letter of Sep. 6, -(the first information received from you,) the privateer was departed, -had taken her prize, and that prize was arriving in port; that the new -evidence taken ten days after that arrival can produce no other effect -than the institution of a new inquiry, and a reduction of the force of -the privateer, should she appear to have made any military alterations or -augmentation, on her return into our ports, and that in no part of this -proceeding is there the smallest ground for imputing either negligence or -connivance to any of the officers who have acted in it. - -I have the honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient and -most humble servant. - - -TO MR. CIRACCHI, AT MUNICH. - - PHILADELPHIA, November 14, 1793. - -DEAR SIR,--I have received the favor of your letter of May 29, at Munich, -and it was not till then that I knew to what place or through what channel -to direct a letter to you. The assurances you receive that the monument -of the President would be ordered at the new election, were founded -in the expectation that he meant then to retire. The turbid affairs of -Europe, however, and the intercessions they produced, prevailed on him -to act again, though with infinite reluctance. You are sensible that the -moment of his retirement, kindling the enthusiasm for his character, the -affections for his person, the recollection of his services, would be -that in which such a tribute would naturally be resolved on. This, of -course, is now put off to the end of the next bissextile; but whenever it -arrives, your title to the execution is engraved in the minds of those who -saw your works here. Your purpose, with respect to my bust, is certainly -flattering to me. My family has entered so earnestly into it, that I must -gratify them with the hope, and myself with the permission, to make a just -indemnification to the author. I shall be happy at all times to hear from -you, and to learn that your successes in life are as great as they ought -to be. Accept assurances of my sincere respect and esteem. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - GERMANTOWN, November 17, 1793. - -DEAR SIR,--I have got good lodgings for Monroe and yourself, that is -to say, a good room with a fireplace and two beds, in a pleasant and -convenient position, with a quiet family. They will breakfast you, but -you must mess in a tavern; there is a good one across the street. This is -the way in which all must do, and all I think will not be able to get even -half beds. The President will remain here, I believe, till the meeting of -Congress, merely to form a point of union for them before they can have -acquired information and courage. For at present there does not exist -a single subject in the disorder, no new infection having taken place -since the great rains of the 1st of the month, and those before infected -being dead or recovered. There is no doubt you will sit in Philadelphia, -and therefore I have not given Monroe's letter to Sehal. I do not write -to him, because I know not whether he is at present moving by sea or by -land, and if by the latter, I presume you can communicate to him. Wayne -has had a convoy of twenty-two wagons of provisions, and seventy men cut -off fifteen miles in his rear by the Indians. Six of the men were found -on the spot scalped, the rest supposed taken. He had nearly reached Fort -Hamilton. R. has given notice that he means to resign. Genet, by more and -more denials of powers to the President and ascribing them to Congress, -is evidently endeavoring to sow tares between them, and at any event to -curry favor with the latter, to whom he means to turn his appeal, finding -it was not likely to be well received by the people. Accept both of you my -sincere affection. - - -TO MR. SODERSTROM, CONSUL OF SWEDEN. - - GERMANTOWN, November 20, 1793. - -SIR,--I received last night your favor of the 16th. No particular rules -have been established by the President for the conduct of Consuls with -respect to prizes. In one particular case where a prize is brought -into our ports by any of the _belligerent_ parties, and is reclaimed -of the Executive, the President has hitherto permitted the Consul of -the captor to hold the prize until his determinations is known. But in -all cases respecting a neutral nation, their vessels are placed exactly -on the same footing with our own, entitled to the same remedy from our -courts of justice and the same protection from the Executive, as our own -vessels in the same situation. The remedy in the courts of justice, the -only one which they or our own can have access to, is slower than where -it lies with the Executive, but it is more complete, as damages can be -given by the Court but not by the Executive. The President will gladly -avail himself of any information you can at any time give him where -his interference may be useful to the vessels or subjects of his Danish -Majesty, the desire of the United States being to extend to the vessels -and subjects of that crown, as well as to those of his Swedish Majesty, -the same protections as is given to those of our own citizens. - -I have the honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient -servant. - - -TO MR. GENET. - - GERMANTOWN, November 22, 1793. - -SIR,--In my letter of October the 2d, I took the liberty of noticing -to you, that the commission of consul to M. Dannery, ought to have been -addressed to the President of the United States. He being the only channel -of communication between this country and foreign nations, it is from him -alone that foreign nations or their agents are to learn what is or has -been the will of the nation, and whatever he communicates as such, they -have a right and are bound to consider as the expression of the nation, -and no foreign agent can be allowed to question it, to interpose between -him and any other branch of government, under the pretext of either's -transgressing their functions, nor to make himself the umpire and final -judge between them. I am, therefore, Sir, not authorized to enter into -any discussions with you on the meaning of our Constitution in any part -of it, or to prove to you that it has ascribed to him alone the admission -or interdiction of foreign agents. I inform you of the fact by authority -from the President. I had observed to you, that we were persuaded in -the case of the consul Dannery, the error in the address had proceeded -from no intention in the Executive Council of France to question the -functions of the President, and therefore no difficulty was made in -issuing the commissions. We are still under the same persuasion. But in -your letter of the 14th instant, you _personally_ question the authority -of the President, and in consequence of that, have not addressed to him -the commission of Messrs. Pennevert and Chervi. Making a point of this -formality on your part, it becomes necessary to make a point of it on -ours also; and I am therefore charged to return you those commissions, -and to inform you, that bound to enforce respect to the order of things -established by our Constitution, the President will issue no Exequatur to -any consul or vice-consul, not directed to him in the usual form, after -the party from whom it comes has been apprized that such should be the -address. - -I have the honor to be, with respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most -humble servant. - - -TO MR. PINCKNEY. - - GERMANTOWN, November 27, 1793. - -DEAR SIR,--My last letters to you were of the 11th and 14th of September, -since which I have received yours of July 5, 8, August 1, 15, 27, 28. -The fever, which at that time had given alarm in Philadelphia, became -afterwards far more destructive than had been apprehended, and continued -much longer, from the uncommon drought and warmth of the autumn. On -the first day of this month the President and heads of the department -assembled here. On that day, also, began the first rains which had fallen -for some months. They were copious, and from that moment the infection -ceased, no new subject took it, and those before infected either died or -got well, so that the disease terminated most suddenly. The inhabitants -who had left the city, are now all returned, and business going on again -as briskly as ever. The President will be established there in about a -week, at which time Congress is to meet. - -Our negotiations with the North-Western Indians have completely failed, -so that war must settle our difference. We expected nothing else, and had -gone into negotiations only to prove to all our citizens that peace was -unattainable on terms which any one of them would admit. - -You have probably heard of a great misunderstanding between Mr. Genet and -us. On the meeting of Congress it will be made public. But as the details -of it are lengthy, I must refer for them to my next letter, when possibly -I may be able to send you the whole correspondence in print. We have kept -it merely personal, convinced his nation will disapprove him. To them we -have with the utmost assiduity given every proof of inviolate attachment. -We wish to hear from you on the subject of Marquis de La Fayette, though -we know that circumstances do not admit sanguine hopes. - -The copper by the Sigon and the Mohawk is received. Our coinage of silver -has been delayed by Mr. Cox's inability to give the security required by -law. - -I shall write to you again immediately after the meeting of Congress. I -have the honor to be, with sentiments of great esteem and respect, dear -Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO MR. GENET. - - PHILADELPHIA, November 30, 1793. - -SIR,--I have laid before the President of the United States your letter -of November 25th, and have now the honor to inform you, that most of its -objects being beyond the powers of the Executive, they can only manifest -their dispositions by acting on those which are within their powers. -Instructions are accordingly sent to the district attorneys of the United -States, residing within States wherein French consuls are established, -requiring them to inform the consuls of the nature of the provisions -made by the laws for preventing, as well as punishing, injuries to their -persons, and to advise and assist them in calling these provisions into -activity, whenever the occasions for them shall arise. - -It is not permitted by the law to prohibit the departure of the emigrants -to St. Domingo, according to the wish you now express, any more than it -was to force them away, according to that expressed by you in a former -letter. Our country is open to all men, to come and go peaceably, when -they choose; and your letter does not mention that these emigrants meant -to depart armed, and equipped for war. Lest, however, this should be -attempted, the Governors of the States of Pennsylvania and Maryland are -requested to have particular attention paid to the vessels named in your -letter, and to see that no military expedition be covered or permitted -under color of the right which the passengers have to depart from these -States. - -Provisions not being classed among the articles of contraband, in time -of war, it is possible that American vessels may have carried them to -the ports of Jeremie and La Mole, as they do to other dominions of the -belligerent Powers; but, if they have carried arms also, these, as being -contraband, might certainly have been stopped and confiscated. - -In the letter of May 15th, to Mr. Ternant, I mentioned, that, in answer -to the complaints of the British minister, against the exportation of arms -from the United States, it had been observed that the manufacture of arms -was the occupation and livelihood of some of our citizens; that it ought -not to be expected that a war among other nations should produce such -an internal derangement of the occupations of a nation at peace, as the -suppression of a manufacture which is the support of some of its citizens; -but that, if they should export these arms to nations at war, they would -be abandoned to the seizure and confiscation which the law of nations -authorized to be made of them on the high seas. This letter was handed to -you, and you were pleased, in yours of May 27th, expressly to approve of -the answer which had been given. On this occasion, therefore, we have only -to declare, that the same conduct will be observed which was announced on -that. - -The proposition to permit all our vessels destined for any port in the -French West India islands to be stopped, unless furnished with passports -from yourself, is so far beyond the powers of the Executive, that it will -be unnecessary to enumerate the objections to which it would be liable. I -have the honor to be, &c. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - December 2, 1793. - -Thomas Jefferson, with his respects to the President, has the honor to -send him the letters and orders referred to in Mr. Morris' letter, except -that of the 8th of April, which must be a mistake for some other date, as -the records of the office perfectly establish that no letters were written -to him in the months of March and April but those of March 12 and 15, and -April 20 and 26, now enclosed. The enigma of Mr. Merlino is inexplicable -by anything in his possession. - -He encloses the message respecting France and Great Britain. He first -wrote it fair as it was agreed the other evening at the President's. He -then drew a line with a pen through the passages he proposes to alter, -in consequence of subsequent information, (but so lightly as to leave the -passages still legible for the President,) and interlined the alterations -he proposes. The overtures mentioned in the first alteration, are in -consequence of its having been agreed that they should be mentioned in -general terms only to the two houses. The numerous alterations made the -other evening in the clause respecting our corn trade, with the hasty -amendments proposed in the moment, had so much broken the tissue of the -paragraph, as to render it necessary to new mould it. In doing this, care -has been taken to use the same words as nearly as possible, and also to -insert a slight reference to Mr. Pinckney's proceedings. - -On a severe review of the question, whether the British communication -should carry any such mark of being confidential, as to prevent the -Legislature from publishing them, he is clearly of opinion they ought not. -Will they be kept secret if secrecy is enjoined? certainly not, and all -the offence will be given (if it be possible any should be given) which -would follow their complete publication. If they would be kept secret, -from whom would it be? from our own constituents only, for Great Britain -is possessed of every tittle. Why, then, keep it secret from them? no -ground of support for the Executive will ever be so sure as a complete -knowledge of their proceedings by the people; and it is only in cases -where the public good would be injured, and _because_ it would be injured, -that proceedings should be secret. In such cases it is the duty of the -Executive to sacrifice their personal interests (which would be promoted -by publicity) to the public interest. If the negotiations with England -are at an end, if not given to the public now, when are they to be given? -and what moment can be so interesting? If anything amiss should happen -from the concealment, where will the blame _originate_ at last? It may be -said, indeed, that the President _puts it in the power_ of the Legislature -to communicate these proceedings to _their constituents_; but is it more -their duty to communicate them to their constituents, than it is the -President's to communicate them to _his constituents_? and if they were -desirous of communicating them, ought the President to restrain them by -making the communication confidential? I think no harm can be done by the -publication, because it is impossible England, after doing us an injury, -should _declare war_ against us, merely because we tell our constituents -of it; and I think good may be done, because while it puts it in the -power of the Legislature to adopt peaceable measures of doing ourselves -justice, it prepares the minds of our constituents to go cheerfully into -an acquiescence under the measures, by impressing them with a thorough and -enlightened conviction that they are founded in right. The motive, too, of -proving to the people the impartiality of the Executive between the two -nations of France and England, urges strongly that while they are to see -the disagreeable things which have been going on as to France, we should -not conceal from them what has been passing with England, and induce a -belief that nothing has been doing. - - -TO MR. GENET. - - PHILADELPHIA, December 9, 1793. - -SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 3d instant, -which has been duly laid before the President. - -We are very far from admitting your principle, that the government -on either side has no other right, on the presentation of a consular -commission, than to certify that, having examined it, they find it -according to rule. The governments of both nations have a right, and that -of yours has exercised it as to us, of considering the character of the -person appointed; the place for which he is appointed, and other material -circumstances; and of taking precautions as to his conduct, if necessary; -and this does not defeat the general object of the convention, which, in -stipulating that consuls shall be permitted on both sides, could not mean -to supersede reasonable objections to particular persons, who might at -the moment be obnoxious to the nation to which they were sent, or whose -conduct might render them so at any time after. In fact, every foreign -agent depends on the double will of the two governments, of that which -sends him, and of that which is to permit the exercise of his functions -within their territory; and when either of these wills is refused or -withdrawn, his authority to act within that territory becomes incomplete. -By what member of the government the right of giving or withdrawing -permission is to be exercised here, is a question on which no foreign -agent can be permitted to make himself the umpire. It is sufficient for -him, under our government, that he is informed of it by the executive. - -On an examination of the commissions from your nation, among our records, -I find that before the late change in the form of our government, foreign -agents were addressed sometimes to the United States, and sometimes to the -Congress of the United States, that body being then executive as well as -legislative. Thus the commissions of Messrs. L'Etombe, Holker, Daunemanis, -Marbois, Creve-coeur, and Chateaufort, have all this clause: "Prions -et requerons nos tres chers et grands amis et allies, les Etat Unis de -l'Amerique septentrionale, leurs gouverneurs, et autres officiers, &c. de -laisser jouir, &c. le dit sieur, &c. de la charge de notre consul," &c. On -the change in the form of our government, foreign nations, not undertaking -to decide to what member of the new government their agents should be -addressed, ceased to do it to Congress, and adopted the general address -to the United States, before cited. This was done by the government of -your own nation, as appears by the commissions of Messrs. Mangourit and La -Forest, which have in them the clause before cited. So your own commission -was, not as M. Gerond's and Luzerne's had been, "a nos tres chers, &c. -le President et membres du Congres general des Etats Unis," &c., but "a -nos tres chers, &c. les Etats Unis de l'Amerique," &c. Under this general -address, the proper member of the government was included, and could take -it up. When, therefore, it was seen in the commission of Messrs. Dupont -and Hauterieve, that your executive had returned to the ancient address -to Congress, it was conceived to be an inattention, insomuch that I do -not recollect (and I do not think it material enough to inquire) whether -I noticed it to you either verbally or by letter. When that of M. Dannery -was presented with the like address, being obliged to notice to you an -inaccuracy of another kind, I then mentioned that of the address, not -calling it an _innovation_, but expressing my satisfaction, which is still -entire, that it was not from any design in your Executive Council. The -Exequatur was therefore sent. That they will not consider our notice of -it as an innovation, we are perfectly secure. No government can disregard -formalities more than ours. But when formalities are attacked with a view -to change principles, and to introduce an entire independence of foreign -agents on the nation with whom they reside, it becomes material to defend -formalities. They would be no longer trifles, if they could, in defiance -of the national will, continue a foreign agent among us whatever might -be his course of action. Continuing, therefore, the refusal to receive -any commission from _yourself_, addressed to an improper member of the -government, you are left free to use either the general one to the United -States, as in the commissions of Messrs. Mangourit and La Forest, before -cited, or the special one, to the President of the United States. - -I have the honor to be, with respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most -humble servant. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT. - - December 11, 1793. - -The President doubtless recollects the communications of Mr. Ternant -expressing the dissatisfaction of the Executive Council of France with -Mr. Morris, our Minister there, which, however, Mr. Ternant desired -might be considered as informal; that Col. Smith also mentioned that -dissatisfaction, and that Mr. Le Brun told him he would charge Mr. Genet -expressly with their representations on this subject; and that all further -consideration thereon lay over therefore for Mr. Genet's representations. - -Mr. Genet, some time after his arrival (I cannot now recollect how long, -but I think it was a month or more), coming to my house in the country -one evening, joined me in a walk near the river. Our conversation was -on various topics, and not at all of an official complexion. As we were -returning to the house, being then I suppose on some subject relative -to his country (though really I do not recall to mind what it was), he -turned about to me, just in the passage of the gate, and said, "but I -must tell you, we all depend on you to send us a good minister there, -with whom we may do business confidentially, in the place of Mr. Morris." -These are perhaps not the identical words, yet I believe they are nearly -so; I am sure they are the substance, and he scarcely employed more in -the expression. It was unexpected, and, to avoid the necessity of an -extempore answer, I instantly said something resuming the preceding thread -of conversation, which went on, and no more was said about Mr. Morris. -From this, I took it for granted, he meant now to come forth formally -with complaints against Mr. Morris, as we had been given to expect, and -therefore I mentioned nothing of this little expression to the President. -Time slipped along; I expecting his complaints, and he not making them. -It was undoubtedly his office to bring forward his own business himself, -and not at all mine, to hasten or call for it; and if it was not my duty, -I could not be without reasons for not taking it on myself officiously. -He at length went to New York, to wit, about the * * * * * of * * * * * -without having done anything formally on this subject. I now became -uneasy lest he should consider the little sentence he had uttered to me as -effectually, though not regularly, a complaint; but the more I reflected -on the subject, the more impossible it seemed that he could have viewed -it as such; and the rather, because, if he had, he would naturally have -asked from time to time, "Well, what are you doing with my complaint with -Mr. Morris?" or some question equivalent. But he never did. It is possible -I may, at other times, have heard him speak unfavorably of Mr. Morris, -though I do not recollect any particular occasion; but I am sure he never -made to me any proposition to have him recalled. I believe I mentioned -this matter to Mr. Randolph before I left Philadelphia: I know I did after -my return; but I did not to the President till the receipt of Mr. Genet's -letter of September 30, which, from some unaccountable delay of the post, -never came to me in Virginia, though I remained there till October 25 -(and received there three subsequent mails), and it never reached me in -Philadelphia, till December 2. - -The preceding is the state of this matter, as nearly as I can recollect it -at this time, and I am sure it is not materially inaccurate in any point. - - -TO MR. CHURCH. - - PHILADELPHIA, December 11, 1793. - -SIR,--The President has received your letter of August 16, with its -enclosures. It was with deep concern that he learnt the unhappy fortunes -of M. de La Fayette, and that he still learns his continuance under them. -His friendship for him could not fail to impress him with the desire of -relieving him, and he was sure that in endeavoring to do this, he should -gratify the sincere attachments of his fellow citizens. He has accordingly -employed such means as appeared the most likely to effect his purpose; -though, under the existing circumstances, he could not be sanguine in -their obtaining very immediately the desired effect. Conscious, however, -that his anxieties for the sufferer flow from no motives unfriendly -to those who feel an interest in his confinement, he indulges their -continuance, and will not relinquish the hope that the reasons for this -security will at length yield to those of a more benign character. - -I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, and -most humble servant. - - -TO MR. HAMMOND, MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY OF GREAT BRITAIN. - - PHILADELPHIA, December 15, 1793. - -SIR,--I am to acknowledge the honor of your letter of November 30th, and -to express the satisfaction with which we learn, that you are instructed -to discuss with us the measures, which reason and practicability may -dictate, for giving effect to the stipulations of our treaty, yet -remaining to be executed. I can assure you, on the part of the United -States, of every disposition to lessen difficulties, by passing over -whatever is of smaller concern, and insisting on those matters only, which -either justice to individuals or public policy render indispensable; and -in order to simplify our discussions, by defining precisely their objects, -I have the honor to propose that we shall begin by specifying, on each -side, the particular acts which each considers to have been done by the -other, in contravention of the treaty. I shall set the example. - -The provisional and definitive treaties, in their 7th article, stipulated -that his "Britannic Majesty should, with all convenient speed, and -without causing any destruction, or _carrying away any negroes, or -other property_, of the American inhabitants, _withdraw all his armies, -garrisons, and fleets, from the said United States_, and from every port, -place, and harbor, within the same." - -But the British garrisons were not withdrawn with all convenient speed, -nor have ever yet been withdrawn from Machilimackinac, on Lake Michigan; -Detroit, on the strait of Lakes Erie and Huron; Fort Erie, on Lake Erie; -Niagara, Oswego, on Lake Ontario; Oswegatchie, on the river St. Lawrence; -Point Au-fer, and Dutchman's Point, on Lake Champlain. - -2d. The British officers have undertaken to exercise a jurisdiction over -the country and inhabitants in the vicinities of those forts; and - -3d. They have excluded the citizens of the United States from navigating, -even on our side of the middle line of the rivers and lakes established as -a boundary between the two nations. - -By these proceedings, we have been intercepted entirely from the commerce -of furs with the Indian nations, to the northward--a commerce which had -ever been of great importance to the United States, not only for its -intrinsic value, but as it was the means of cherishing peace with those -Indians, and of superseding the necessity of that expensive warfare we -have been obliged to carry on with them, during the time that these posts -have been in other hands. - -On withdrawing the troops from New York, 1st. A large embarkation -of negroes, of the property of the inhabitants of the United States, -took place before the commissioners on our part, for inspecting and -superintending embarkations, had arrived there, and without any account -ever rendered thereof. 2d. Near three thousand others were publicly -carried away by the avowed order of the British commanding officer, and -under the view, and against the remonstrances of our commissioners. 3d. -A very great number were carried off in private vessels, if not by the -express permission, yet certainly without opposition on the part of the -commanding officer, who alone had the means of preventing it, and without -admitting the inspection of the American commissioners; and 4th. Of other -species of property carried away, the commanding officer permitted no -examination at all. In support of these facts, I have the honor to enclose -you documents, a list of which will be subjoined, and in addition to -them, I beg leave to refer to a roll signed by the joint commissioners, -and delivered to your commanding officer for transmission to his court, -containing a description of the negroes publicly carried away by his -order as before mentioned, with a copy of which you have doubtless been -furnished. - -A difference of opinion, too, having arisen as to the river intended by -the plenipotentiaries to be the boundary between us and the dominions of -Great Britain, and by them called the St Croix, which name, it seems, is -given to two different rivers, the ascertaining of this point becomes -a matter of present urgency; it has heretofore been the subject of -application from us to the Government of Great Britain. - -There are other smaller matters between the two nations, which remain to -be adjusted, but I think it would be better to refer these for settlement -through the ordinary channel of our ministers, than to embarrass the -present important discussions with them; they can never be obstacles to -friendship and harmony. - -Permit me now, sir, to ask from you a specification of the particular -acts, which, being considered by his Britannic Majesty as a non-compliance -on our part with the engagement contained in the 4th, 5th, and 6th -articles of the treaty, induced him to suspend the execution of the -7th, and render a separate discussion of them inadmissible. And accept -assurances, &c. - - -TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE UNITED STATES. - - PHILADELPHIA, December 18, 1793. - -SIR,--The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has enclosed to me a copy of -a letter of the 16th instant, which he addressed to you, stating that some -libellous publications had been made against him by Mr. Jay, Chief Justice -of the United States, and Mr. King, one of the Senators for the State of -New York, and desiring that they might be prosecuted. This letter has been -laid before the President, according to the request of the minister; and -the President, never doubting your readiness on all occasions to perform -the functions of your office, yet thinks it incumbent on him to recommend -it specially on the present occasion, as it concerns a public character -peculiarly entitled to the protection of the laws. On the other hand, as -our citizens ought not to be vexed with groundless prosecutions, duty -to them requires it to be added, that if you judge the prosecution in -question to be of that nature, you consider this recommendation as not -extending to it; its only object being to engage you to proceed in this -case according to the duties of your office, the laws of the land, and the -privileges of the parties concerned. - -I have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, Sir, your most -obedient, and most humble servant. - - -TO THE GOVERNOR OF SOUTH CAROLINA. - - PHILADELPHIA, December 23, 1793. - -SIR,--It is my duty to communicate to you a piece of information, although -I cannot say I have confidence in it myself. A French gentleman, one -of the refugees from St. Domingo, informs me that two Frenchmen, from -St. Domingo also, of the names of Castaing and La Chaise, are about -setting out from this place for Charleston, with a design to excite an -insurrection among the negroes. He says that this is in execution of a -general plan, formed by the Brissotine party at Paris, the first branch -of which has been carried into execution at St. Domingo. My informant -is a person with whom I am well acquainted, of good sense, discretion -and truth, and certainly believes this himself. I inquired of him the -channel of his information. He told me it was one which had given them -many pre-admonitions in St. Domingo, and which had never been found to be -mistaken. He explained it to me; but I could by no means consider it as -a channel meriting reliance; and when I questioned him what could be the -impulse of these men, what their authority, what their means of execution, -and what they could expect in result; he answered with conjectures -which were far from sufficient to strengthen the fact. However, were -anything to happen, I should deem myself inexcusable not to have made the -communication. Your judgment will decide whether injury might not be done -by making the suggestion public, or whether it ought to have any other -effect than to excite attention to these two persons, should they come -into South Carolina. Castaing is described as a small dark mulatto, and La -Chaise as a Quarteron, of a tall fine figure. - -I have the honor to be, with great respect, your Excellency's most -obedient, and most humble servant. - - -TO DR. EDWARDS. - - PHILADELPHIA, December 30, 1793. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two favors of July -30th and August 16th, and thank you for the information they contained. -We have now assembled a new Congress, being a fuller and more equal -representation of the people, and likely, I think, to approach nearer -to the sentiments of the people in the demonstration of their own. They -have the advantage of a very full communication from the Executive of -the ground on which we stand with foreign nations. Some very unpleasant -transactions have taken place here with Mr. Genet, of which the world will -judge, as the correspondence is now in the press; as is also that with Mr. -Hammond on our points of difference with his nation. Of these you will -doubtless receive copies. Had they been out yet, I should have had the -pleasure of sending them to you; but to-morrow I resign my office, and -two days after set out for Virginia, where I hope to spend the remainder -of my days in occupations infinitely more pleasing than those to which -I have sacrificed eighteen years of the prime of my life; I might rather -say twenty-four of them. Our campaign with the Indians has been lost by -an unsuccessful effort to effect peace by treaty, which they protracted -till the season for action was over. The attack brought on us from the -Algerines is a ray from the same centre. I believe we shall endeavor to -do ourselves justice in a peaceable and rightful way. We wish to have -nothing to do in the present war; but if it is to be forced upon us, I am -happy to see in the countenances of all but our paper men a mind ready -made up to meet it, unwillingly, indeed, but perfectly without fear. No -nation has strove more than we have done to merit the peace of all by the -most rigorous impartiality to all. Sir John Sinclair's queries shall be -answered from my retirement. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most -obedient servant. - - -TO MR. GENET. - - PHILADELPHIA, December 31, 1793. - -SIR,--I have laid before the President of the United States your letter -of the 20th instant, accompanying translations of the instructions given -you by the Executive Council of France to be distributed among the members -of Congress, desiring that the President will lay them officially before -both houses, and proposing to transmit successively other papers, to be -laid before them in like manner; and I have it in charge to observe, that -your functions as the missionary of a foreign nation here, are confined -to the transactions of the affairs of your nation with the Executive of -the United States; that the communications, which are to pass between -the Executive and Legislative branches, cannot be a subject for your -interference, and that the President must be left to judge for himself -what matters his duty or the public good may require him to propose to the -deliberations of Congress. I have therefore the honor of returning you the -copies sent for distribution, and of being, with great respect, Sir, your -most obedient, and most humble servant. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - PHILADELPHIA, December 31, 1793. - -DEAR SIR,--Having had the honor of communicating to you in my letter of -the last of July, my purpose of returning from the office of Secretary -of State, at the end of the month of September, you were pleased, for -particular reasons, to wish its postponement to the close of the year. -That term being now arrived, and my propensities to retirement becoming -daily more and more irresistible, I now take the liberty of resigning the -office into your hands. Be pleased to accept with it my sincere thanks for -all the indulgences which you have been so good as to exercise towards me -in the discharge of its duties. Conscious that my need of them has been -great, I have still ever found them greater, without any other claim on -my part, than a firm pursuit of what has appeared to me to be right, and -a thorough disdain of all means which were not as open and honorable, as -their object was pure. I carry into my retirement a lively sense of your -goodness, and shall continue gratefully to remember it. With very sincere -prayers for your life, health and tranquillity, I pray you to accept the -homage of the great and constant respect and attachment with which I have -the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant. - - -TO E. RANDOLPH. - - MONTICELLO, February 3, 1794. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to thank you for the transmission of the letters -from General Gates, La Motte, and Hauterieve. I perceive by the latter, -that the partisans of the one or the other principle (perhaps of both) -have thought my name a convenient cover for declarations of their own -sentiments. What those are to which Hauterieve alludes, I know not, -having never seen a newspaper since I left Philadelphia (except those -of Richmond), and no circumstances authorize him to expect that I should -inquire into them, or answer him. I think it is Montaigne who has said, -that ignorance is the softest pillow on which a man can rest his head. -I am sure it is true as to everything political, and shall endeavor to -estrange myself to everything of that character. I indulge myself on one -political topic only, that is, in declaring to my countrymen the shameless -corruption of a portion of the Representatives to the first and second -Congresses, and their implicit devotion to the treasury. I think I do -good in this, because it may produce exertions to reform the evil, on the -success of which the form of the government is to depend. - -I am sorry La Motte has put me to the expense of one hundred and forty -livres for a French translation of an English poem, as I make it a -rule never to read translations where I can read the original. However, -the question now is, how to get the book brought here, as well as the -communications with Mr. Hammond, which you were so kind as to promise me. - - * * * * * - -This is the first letter I have written to Philadelphia since my arrival -at home, and yours the only ones I have received. - -Accept assurances of my sincere esteem and respect. Yours affectionately. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, April 3, 1794. - -DEAR SIR,--Our post having ceased to ride ever since the inoculation began -in Richmond, till now, I received three days ago, and all together, your -friendly favors of March the 2d, 9th, 12th, 14th, and Colonel Monroe's of -March the 3d and 16th. I have been particularly gratified by the receipt -of the papers containing yours and Smith's discussion of your regulating -propositions. These debates had not been seen here but in a very short -and mutilated form. I am at no loss to ascribe Smith's speech to its true -father. Every tittle of it is Hamilton's except the introduction. There -is scarcely anything there which I have not heard from him in our various -private though official discussions. The very turn of the arguments is the -same, and others will see as well as myself that the style is Hamilton's. -The sophistry is too fine, too ingenious, even to have been comprehended -by Smith, much less devised by him. His reply shows he did not understand -his first speech; as its general inferiority proves its legitimacy, -as evidently as it does the bastardy of the original. You know we had -understood that Hamilton had prepared a counter report, and that some of -his humble servants in the Senate were to move a reference to him in order -to produce it. But I suppose they thought it would have a better effect -if fired off in the House of Representatives. I find the report, however, -so fully justified, that the anxieties with which I left it are perfectly -quieted. In this quarter, all espouse your propositions with ardor, and -without a dissenting voice. - -The rumor of a declaration of war has given an opportunity of seeing, that -the people here, though attentive to the loss of value of their produce -in such an event, yet find in it a gratification of some other passions, -and particularly of their ancient hatred to Great Britain. Still, I hope -it will not come to that; but that the proposition will be carried, and -justice be done ourselves in a peaceable way. As to the guarantee of -the French islands, whatever doubts may be entertained of the moment at -which we ought to interpose, yet I have no doubt but that we ought to -interpose at a proper time, and declare both to England and France that -these islands are to rest with France, and that we will make a common -cause with the latter for that object. As to the naval armament, the land -armament, and the marine fortifications which are in question with you, I -have no doubt they will all be carried. Not that the monocrats and paper -men in Congress want war; but they want armies and debts; and though we -may hope that the sound part of Congress is now so augmented as to insure -a majority in cases of general interest merely, yet I have always observed -that in questions of expense, where members may hope either for offices -or jobs for themselves or their friends, some few will be debauched, and -that is sufficient to turn the decision where a majority is, at most, but -small. I have never seen a Philadelphia paper since I left it, till those -you enclosed me; and I feel myself so thoroughly weaned from the interest -I took in the proceedings there, while there, that I have never had a wish -to see one, and believe that I never shall take another newspaper of any -sort. I find my mind totally absorbed in my rural occupations. - - * * * * * - -Accept sincere assurances of affection. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. - - MONTICELLO, April 25, 1794. - -DEAR SIR,--I am to thank you for the book you were so good as to transmit -me, as well as the letter covering it, and your felicitations on my -present quiet. The difference of my present and past situation is such as -to leave me nothing to regret, but that my retirement has been postponed -four years too long. The principles on which I calculated the value of -life, are entirely in favor of my present course. I return to farming with -an ardor which I scarcely knew in my youth, and which has got the better -entirely of my love of study. Instead of writing ten or twelve letters -a day, which I have been in the habit of doing as a thing in course, -I put off answering my letters now, farmer-like, till a rainy day, and -then find them sometimes postponed by other necessary occupations. The -case of the Pays de Vaud is new to me. The claims of both parties are -on grounds which, I fancy, we have taught the world to set little store -by. The rights of one generation will scarcely be considered hereafter -as depending on the paper transactions of another. My countrymen are -groaning under the insults of Great Britain. I hope some means will turn -up of reconciling our faith and honor with peace. I confess to you I have -seen enough of one war never to wish to see another. With wishes of every -degree of happiness to you, both public and private, and with my best -respects to Mrs. Adams, I am, your affectionate and humble servant. - - -TO TENCH COXE. - - MONTICELLO, May 1, 1794. - -DEAR SIR,--Your several favors of February the 22d, 27th, and March the -16th, which had been accumulating in Richmond during the prevalence of -the small pox in that place, were lately brought to me, on the permission -given the post to resume his communication. I am particularly to thank you -for your favor in forwarding the Bee. Your letters give a comfortable view -of French affairs, and later events seem to confirm it. Over the foreign -powers I am convinced they will triumph completely, and I cannot but hope -that that triumph, and the consequent disgrace of the invading tyrants, is -destined, in order of events, to kindle the wrath of the people of Europe -against those who have dared to embroil them in such wickedness, and to -bring at length, kings, nobles and priests to the scaffolds which they -have been so long deluging with human blood. I am still warm whenever I -think of these scoundrels, though I do it as seldom as I can, preferring -infinitely to contemplate the tranquil growth of my lucerne and potatoes. -I have so completely withdrawn myself from these spectacles of usurpation -and misrule, that I do not take a single newspaper, nor read one a month; -and I feel myself infinitely the happier for it. - -We are alarmed here with the apprehensions of war; and sincerely anxious -that it may be avoided; but not at the expense either of our faith or -honor. It seems much the general opinion here, the latter has been too -much wounded not to require reparation, and to seek it even in war, if -that be necessary. As to myself, I love peace, and I am anxious that -we should give the world still another useful lesson, by showing to -them other modes of punishing injuries than by war, which is as much a -punishment to the punisher as to the sufferer. I love, therefore, Mr. -Clarke's proposition of cutting off all communication with the nation -which has conducted itself so atrociously. This, you will say, may bring -on war. If it does, we will meet it like men; but it may not bring on -war, and then the experiment will have been a happy one. I believe this -war would be vastly more unanimously approved than any one we ever were -engaged in; because the aggressions have been so wanton and bare-faced, -and so unquestionably against our desire. I am sorry Mr. Cooper and -Priestly did not take a more general survey of our country before they -fixed themselves. I think they might have promoted their own advantage -by it, and have aided the introduction of improvement where it is more -wanting. The prospect of wheat for the ensuing year is a bad one. This -is all the sort of news you can expect from me. From you I shall be glad -to hear all sort of news, and particularly any improvements in the arts -applicable to husbandry or household manufacture. - -I am, with very sincere affection, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT. - - MONTICELLO, May 14, 1794. - -DEAR SIR,--I am honored with your favor of April the 24th, and received, -at the same time, Mr. Bertrand's agricultural prospectus. Though he -mentions my having seen him at a particular place, yet I remember nothing -of it, and observing that he intimates an application for lands in -America, I conceive his letter meant for me as Secretary of State, and -therefore I now send it to the Secretary of State. He has given only the -heads of his demonstrations, so that nothing can be conjectured of their -details. Lord Kaims once proposed an essence of dung, one pint of which -should manure an acre. If he or Mr. Bertrand could have rendered it so -portable, I should have been one of those who would have been greatly -obliged to them. I find on a more minute examination of my lands than -the short visits heretofore made to them permitted, that a ten years' -abandonment of them to the ravages of overseers, has brought on them a -degree of degradation far beyond what I had expected. As this obliges me -to adopt a milder course of cropping, so I find that they have enabled -me to do it, by having opened a great deal of lands during my absence. I -have therefore determined on a division of my farm into six fields, to -be put under this rotation: first year, wheat; second, corn, potatoes, -peas; third, rye or wheat, according to circumstances; fourth and fifth, -clover where the fields will bring it, and buckwheat dressings where they -will not; sixth, folding, and buckwheat dressings. But it will take me -from three to six years to get this plan underway. I am not yet satisfied -that my acquisition of overseers from the head of Elk has been a happy -one, or that much will be done this year towards rescuing my plantations -from their wretched condition. Time, patience and perseverance must be the -remedy; and the maxim of your letter, "slow and sure," is not less a good -one in agriculture than in politics. I sincerely wish it may extricate -us from the event of a war, if this can be done saving our faith and our -rights. My opinion of the British government is, that nothing will force -them to do justice but the loud voice of their people, and that this -can never be excited but by distressing their commerce. But I cherish -tranquillity too much, to suffer political things to enter my mind at all. -I do not forget that I owe you a letter for Mr. Young; but I am waiting -to get full information. With every wish for your health and happiness, -and my most friendly respects for Mrs. Washington, I have the honor to be, -dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, May 15, 1794. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 3d of April, and since that have received -yours of March 24, 26, 31, April 14 and 28, and yesterday I received -Colonel Monroe's of the 4th instant, informing me of the failure of the -Non-importation Bill in the Senate. This body was intended as a check on -the will of the Representatives when too hasty. They are not only that, -but completely so on the will of the people also; and in my opinion are -heaping coals of fire, not only on their persons, but on their body, as a -branch of the Legislature. I have never known a measure more universally -desired by the people than the passage of that bill. It is not from my -own observation of the wishes of the people that I would decide what they -are, but from that of the gentlemen of the bar, who move much with them, -and by their intercommunications with each other, have, under their view, -a greater portion of the country than any other description of men. It -seems that the opinion is fairly launched into public that they should -be placed under the control of a more frequent recurrence to the will -of their constituents. This seems requisite to complete the experiment, -whether they do more harm or good. I wrote lately to Mr. Taylor for the -pamphlet on the bank. Since that I have seen the "Definition of Parties," -and must pray you to bring it for me. It is one of those things which -merits to be preserved. The safe arrival of my books at Richmond, and some -of them at home, has relieved me from anxiety, and will not be indifferent -to you. It turns out that our fruit has not been as entirely killed as was -at first apprehended; some latter blossoms have yielded a small supply of -this precious refreshment. I was so improvident as never to have examined -at Philadelphia whether negro cotton and oznaburgs can be had there; if -you do not already possess the information, pray obtain it before you -come away. Our spring has, on the whole, been seasonable; and the wheat -as much recovered as its thinness would permit; but the crop must still -be a miserable one. There would not have been seed made but for the -extraordinary rains of the last month. Our highest heat as yet has been -83, this was on the 4th instant. That Blake should not have been arrived -at the date of your letter, surprises me; pray inquire into that fact -before you leave Philadelphia. According to Colonel Monroe's letter this -will find you on the point of departure. I hope we shall see you here soon -after your return. Remember me affectionately to Colonel and Mrs. Monroe, -and accept the sincere esteem of, dear Sir, your sincere friend and -servant. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, September 7, 1794. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of August the 28th finds me in bed, under a paroxysm -of the rheumatism which has now kept me for ten days in constant torment, -and presents no hope of abatement. But the express and the nature of the -case requiring immediate answer, I write to you in this situation. No -circumstances, my dear Sir, will ever more tempt me to engage in any thing -public. I thought myself perfectly fixed in this determination when I left -Philadelphia, but every day and hour since has added to its inflexibility. -It is a great pleasure to me to retain the esteem and approbation of -the President, and this forms the only ground of any reluctance at being -unable to comply with every wish of his. Pray convey these sentiments, -and a thousand more to him, which my situation does not permit me to go -into. But however suffering by the addition of every single word to this -letter, I must add a solemn declaration that neither Mr. J. nor Mr. ---- -ever mentioned to me one word of any want of decorum in Mr. Carmichael, -nor anything stronger or more special than stated in my notes of the -conversation. Excuse my brevity, my dear Sir, and accept assurances of -the sincere esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, your -affectionate friend and servant. - - -TO WILSON NICHOLAS, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, November 22, 1794. - -SIR,--I take the liberty of enclosing for your perusal and consideration -a proposal from a Mr. D'Ivernois, a Genevan, of considerable distinction -for science and patriotism, and that, too, of the republican kind, though -you will see that he does not carry it so far as our friends of the -National Assembly of France. While I was at Paris, I knew him as an exile -from his democratic principles, the aristocracy having then the upper -hand in Geneva. He is now obnoxious to the democratic party. The sum of -his proposition is to translate the academy of Geneva in a body to this -country. You know well that the colleges of Edinburgh and Geneva, as -seminaries of science, are considered as the two eyes of Europe; while -Great Britain and America give the preference to the former, and all other -countries give it to the latter. I am fully sensible that two powerful -obstacles are in the way of this proposition. 1st. The expense: 2d. The -communication of science in foreign languages; that is to say, in French -and Latin; but I have been so long absent from my own country as to be -an incompetent judge either of the force of the objections or of the -dispositions of those who are to decide on them. The respectability of -Mr. D'Ivernois' character, and that, too, of the proposition, require an -answer from me, and that it should be given on due inquiry. He desires -secrecy to a certain degree for the reasons which he explains. What I -have to request of you, my dear Sir, is, that you will be so good as to -consider his proposition, to consult on its expediency and practicability -with such gentlemen of the Assembly as you think best, and take such other -measures as you shall think best to ascertain what would be the sense of -that body, were the proposition to be hazarded to them. If yourself and -friends approve of it, and there is hope that the Assembly would do so, -your zeal for the good of our country in general, and the promotion of -science, as an instrument towards that, will, of course, induce you to aid -them to bring it forward in such a way as you shall judge best. If, on the -contrary, you disapprove of it yourselves, or think it would be desperate -with the Assembly, be so good as to return it to me with such information -as I may hand forward to Mr. D'Ivernois, to put him out of suspense. Keep -the matter by all means out of the public papers, and particularly, if -you please, do not couple my name with the proposition if brought forward, -because it is much my wish to be in nowise implicated in public affairs. -It is necessary for me to appeal to all my titles for giving you this -trouble, whether founded in representation, patriotism or friendship. The -latter, however, as the broadest, is that on which I wish to rely, being -with sentiments of very cordial esteem, dear Sir, your sincere friend and -humble servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, December 28, 1794. - -DEAR SIR,--I have kept Mr. Jay's letter a post or two, with an intention -of considering attentively the observation it contains; but I have -really now so little stomach for anything of that kind, that I have -not resolution enough even to endeavor to understand the observations. -I therefore return the letter, not to delay your answer to it, and beg -you in answering for yourself, to assure him of my respects and thankful -acceptance of Chalmers' Treaties, which I do not possess, and if you -possess yourself of the scope of his reasoning, make any answer to it you -please for me. If it had been on the rotation of my crops, I would have -answered myself, lengthily perhaps, but certainly _con gusto_. - -The denunciation of the democratic societies is one of the extraordinary -acts of boldness of which we have seen so many from the faction of -monocrats. It is wonderful indeed, that the President should have -permitted himself to be the organ of such an attack on the freedom of -discussion, the freedom of writing, printing and publishing. It must -be a matter of rare curiosity to get at the modifications of these -rights proposed by them, and to see what line their ingenuity would draw -between democratical societies, whose avowed object is the nourishment -of the republican principles of our Constitution, and the society of -the Cincinnati, _a self-created_ one, carving out for itself hereditary -distinctions, lowering over our Constitution eternally, meeting together -in all parts of the Union, periodically, with closed doors, accumulating a -capital in their separate treasury, corresponding secretly and regularly, -and of which society the very persons denouncing the democrats are -themselves the fathers, founders and high officers. Their sight must be -perfectly dazzled by the glittering of crowns and coronets, not to see -the extravagance of the proposition to suppress the friends of general -freedom, while those who wish to confine that freedom to the few, are -permitted to go on in their principles and practices. I here put out -of sight the persons whose misbehavior has been taken advantage of to -slander the friends of popular rights; and I am happy to observe, that as -far as the circle of my observation and information extends, everybody -has lost sight of them, and views the abstract attempt on their natural -and constitutional rights in all its nakedness. I have never heard, or -heard of, a single expression or opinion which did not condemn it as an -inexcusable aggression. And with respect to the transactions against the -excise law, it appears to me that you are all swept away in the torrent -of governmental opinions, or that we do not know what these transactions -have been. We know of none which, according to the definitions of the -law, have been anything more than riotous. There was indeed a meeting to -consult about a separation. But to consult on a question does not amount -to a determination of that question in the affirmative, still less to -the acting on such a determination; but we shall see, I suppose, what the -court lawyers, and courtly judges, and would-be ambassadors will make of -it. The excise law is an infernal one. The first error was to admit it by -the Constitution; the second, to act on that admission; the third and last -will be, to make it the instrument of dismembering the Union, and setting -us all afloat to choose what part of it we will adhere to. The information -of our militia, returned from the westward, is uniform, that though the -people there let them pass quietly, they were objects of their laughter, -not of their fear; that one thousand men could have cut off their whole -force in a thousand places of the Alleghany; that their detestation of -the excise law is universal, and has now associated to it a detestation of -the government; and that a separation which perhaps was a very distant and -problematical event, is now near, and certain, and determined in the mind -of every man. I expected to have seen some justification of arming one -part of the society against another; of declaring a civil war the moment -before the meeting of that body which has the sole right of declaring war; -of being so patient of the kicks and scoffs of our enemies, and rising -at a feather against our friends; of adding a million to the public debt -and deriding us with recommendations to pay it if we can &c., &c. But -the part of the speech which was to be taken as a justification of the -armament, reminded me of parson Saunders' demonstration why _minus_ into -_minus_ make _plus_. After a parcel of shreds of stuff from Æsop's fables -and Tom Thumb, he jumps all at once into his _ergo_, _minus_ multiplied -into _minus_ make _plus_. Just so the fifteen thousand men enter after the -fables, in the speech. - -However, the time is coming when we shall fetch up the lee-way of our -vessel. The changes in your House, I see, are going on for the better, -and even the Augean herd over your heads are slowly purging off their -impurities. Hold on then, my dear friend, that we may not shipwreck in -the meanwhile. I do not see, in the minds of those with whom I converse, -a greater affliction than the fear of your retirement; but this must -not be, unless to a more splendid and a more efficacious post. There I -should rejoice to see you; I hope I may say, I shall rejoice to see you. -I have long had much in my mind to say to you on that subject. But double -delicacies have kept me silent. I ought perhaps to say, while I would -not give up my own retirement for the empire of the universe, how I can -justify wishing one whose happiness I have so much at heart as yours, to -take the front of the battle which is fighting for my security. This would -be easy enough to be done, but not at the heel of a lengthy epistle. - - * * * * * - -Present me respectfully to Mrs. Madison, and pray her to keep you where -you are for her own satisfaction and the public good, and accept the -cordial affections of us all. Adieu. - - -TO M. D'IVERNOIS. - - MONTICELLO, February 6, 1795. - -DEAR SIR,--Your several favors on the affairs of Geneva found me here, -in the month of December last. It is now more than a year that I have -withdrawn myself from public affairs, which I never liked in my life, -but was drawn into by emergencies which threatened our country with -slavery, but ended in establishing it free. I have returned, with infinite -appetite, to the enjoyment of my farm, my family and my books, and had -determined to meddle in nothing beyond their limits. Your proposition, -however, for transplanting the college of Geneva to my own county, was too -analogous to all my attachments to science, and freedom, the first-born -daughter of science, not to excite a lively interest in my mind, and the -essays which were necessary to try its practicability. This depended -altogether on the opinions and dispositions of our State legislature, -which was then in session. I immediately communicated your papers to a -member of the legislature, whose abilities and zeal pointed him out as -proper for it, urging him to sound as many of the leading members of the -legislature as he could, and if he found their opinions favorable, to -bring forward the proposition; but if he should find it desperate, not -to hazard it; because I thought it best not to commit the honor either -of our State or of your college, by an useless act of eclat. It was not -till within these three days that I have had an interview with him, and an -account of his proceedings. He communicated the papers to a great number -of the members, and discussed them maturely, but privately, with them. -They were generally well-disposed to the proposition, and some of them -warmly; however, there was no difference of opinion in the conclusion, -that it could not be effected. The reasons which they thought would with -certainty prevail against it, were 1, that our youth, not familiarized -but with their mother tongue, were not prepared to receive instructions in -any other; 2, that the expense of the institution would excite uneasiness -in their constituents, and endanger its permanence; and 3, that its -extent was disproportioned to the narrow state of the population with us. -Whatever might be urged on these several subjects, yet as the decision -rested with others, there remained to us only to regret that circumstances -were such, or were thought to be such, as to disappoint your and our -wishes. - -I should have seen with peculiar satisfaction the establishment of such a -mass of science in my country, and should probably have been tempted to -approach myself to it, by procuring a residence in its neighborhood, at -those seasons of the year at least when the operations of agriculture are -less active and interesting. I sincerely lament the circumstances which -have suggested this emigration. I had hoped that Geneva was familiarized -to such a degree of liberty, that they might without difficulty or -danger fill up the measure to its _maximum_; a term, which, though in -the insulated man, bounded only by his natural powers, must, in society, -be so far restricted as to protect himself against the evil passions of -his associates, and consequently, them against him. I suspect that the -doctrine, that small States alone are fitted to be republics, will be -exploded by experience, with some other brilliant fallacies accredited by -Montesquieu and other political writers. Perhaps it will be found, that -to obtain a just republic (and it is to secure our just rights that we -resort to government at all) it must be so extensive as that local egoisms -may never reach its greater part; that on every particular question, a -majority may be found in its councils free from particular interests, and -giving, therefore, an uniform prevalence to the principles of justice. The -smaller the societies, the more violent and more convulsive their schisms. -We have chanced to live in an age which will probably be distinguished -in history, for its experiments in government on a larger scale than has -yet taken place. But we shall not live to see the result. The grosser -absurdities, such as hereditary magistracies, we shall see exploded in our -day, long experience having already pronounced condemnation against them. -But what is to be the substitute? This our children or grand children -will answer. We may be satisfied with the certain knowledge that none can -ever be tried, so stupid, so unrighteous, so oppressive, so destructive of -every end for which honest men enter into government, as that which their -forefathers had established, and their fathers alone venture to tumble -headlong from the stations they have so long abused. It is unfortunate, -that the efforts of mankind to recover the freedom of which they have been -so long deprived, will be accompanied with violence, with errors, and even -with crimes. But while we weep over the means, we must pray for the end. - -But I have been insensibly led by the general complexion of the times, -from the particular case of Geneva, to those to which it bears no -similitude. Of that we hope good things. Its inhabitants must be too -much enlightened, too well experienced in the blessings of freedom and -undisturbed industry, to tolerate long a contrary state of things. I -should be happy to hear that their government perfects itself, and leaves -room for the honest, the industrious and wise; in which case, your own -talents, and those of the persons for whom you have interested yourself, -will, I am sure, find welcome and distinction. My good wishes will always -attend you, as a consequence of the esteem and regard with which I am, -Dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, April 27, 1795. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of March the 23d came to hand the 7th of April, -and notwithstanding the urgent reasons for answering a part of it -immediately, yet as it mentioned that you would leave Philadelphia within -a few days, I feared that the answer might pass you on the road. A letter -from Philadelphia by the last post having announced to me your leaving -that place the day preceding its date, I am in hopes this will find you -in Orange. In mine, to which yours of March the 23d was an answer, I -expressed my hope of the only change of position I ever wished to see -you make, and I expressed it with entire sincerity, because there is -not another person in the United States, who being placed at the helm -of our affairs, my mind would be so completely at rest for the fortune -of our political bark. The wish too was pure, and unmixed with anything -respecting myself personally. - -For as to myself, the subject had been thoroughly weighed and decided -on, and my retirement from office had been meant from all office high -or low, without exception. I can say, too, with truth, that the subject -had not been presented to my mind by any vanity of my own. I know myself -and my fellow citizens too well to have ever thought of it. But the idea -was forced upon me by continual insinuations in the public papers, while -I was in office. As all these came from a hostile quarter, I knew that -their object was to poison the public mind as to my motives, when they -were not able to charge me with facts. But the idea being once presented -to me, my own quiet required that I should face it and examine it. I -did so thoroughly, and had no difficulty to see that every reason which -had determined me to retire from the office I then held, operated more -strongly against that which was insinuated to be my object. I decided -then on those general grounds which could alone be present to my mind -at the time, that is to say, reputation, tranquillity, labor; for as -to public duty, it could not be a topic of consideration in my case. If -these general considerations were sufficient to ground a firm resolution -never to permit myself to think of the office, or to be thought of for -it, the special ones which have supervened on my retirement, still more -insuperably bar the door to it. My health is entirely broken down within -the last eight months; my age requires that I should place my affairs in a -clear state; these are sound if taken care of, but capable of considerable -dangers if longer neglected; and above all things, the delights I feel in -the society of my family, and in the agricultural pursuits in which I am -so eagerly engaged. The little spice of ambition which I had in my younger -days has long since evaporated, and I set still less store by a posthumous -than present name. In stating to you the heads of reasons which have -produced my determination, I do not mean an opening for future discussion, -or that I may be reasoned out of it. The question is forever closed with -me; my sole object is to avail myself of the first opening ever given -me from a friendly quarter (and I could not with decency do it before), -of preventing any division or loss of votes, which might be fatal to the -republican interest. If that has any chance of prevailing, it must be by -avoiding the loss of a single vote, and by concentrating all its strength -on one object. Who this should be, is a question I can more freely discuss -with anybody than yourself. In this I painfully feel the loss of Monroe. -Had he been here, I should have been at no loss for a channel through -which to make myself understood; if I have been misunderstood by anybody -through the instrumentality of Mr. Fenno and his abettors. I long to see -you. I am proceeding in my agricultural plans with a slow but sure step. -To get under full way will require four or five years. But patience and -perseverance will accomplish it. My little essay in red clover, the last -year, has had the most encouraging success. I sowed then about forty -acres. I have sowed this year about one hundred and twenty, which the -rain now falling comes very opportunely on. From one hundred and sixty -to two hundred acres, will be my yearly sowing. The seed-box described in -the agricultural transactions of New York, reduces the expense of seeding -from six shillings to two shillings and three pence the acre, and does -the business better than is possible to be done by the human hand. May we -hope a visit from you? If we may, let it be after the middle of May, by -which time I hope to be returned from Bedford. I have had a proposition to -meet Mr. Henry there this month, to confer on the subject of a convention, -to the calling of which he is now become a convert. The session of -our district court furnished me a just excuse for the time; but the -impropriety of my entering into consultation on a measure in which I would -take no part, is a permanent one. - -Present my most respectful compliments to Mrs. Madison, and be assured of -the warm attachment of, Dear Sir, yours affectionately. - - -TO WILLIAM B. GILES. - - MONTICELLO, April 27, 1795. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 16th came to hand by the last post. I -sincerely congratulate you on the great prosperities of our two first -allies, the French and Dutch. If I could but see them now at peace -with the rest of their continent, I should have little doubt of dining -with Pichegru in London, next autumn; for I believe I should be tempted -to leave my clover for awhile, to go and hail the dawn of liberty and -republicanism in that island. I shall be rendered very happy by the visit -you promise me. The only thing wanting to make me completely so, is the -more frequent society of my friends. It is the more wanting, as I am -become more firmly fixed to the globe. If you visit me as a farmer, it -must be as a condisciple: for I am but a learner; an eager one indeed, but -yet desperate, being too old now to learn a new art. However, I am as much -delighted and occupied with it, as if I was the greatest adept. I shall -talk with you about it from morning till night, and put you on very short -allowance as to political aliment. Now and then a pious ejaculation for -the French and Dutch republicans, returning with due despatch to clover, -potatoes, wheat, &c. That I may not lose the pleasure promised me, let it -not be till the middle of May, by which time I shall be returned from a -trip I meditated to Bedford. Yours affectionately. - - -TO MANN PAGE. - - MONTICELLO, August 30, 1795. - -It was not in my power to attend at Fredericksburg according to the kind -invitation in your letter, and in that of Mr. Ogilvie. The heat of the -weather, the business of the farm, to which I have made myself necessary, -forbade it; and to give one round reason for all, _mature sanus_, I have -laid up my Rosinante in his stall, before his unfitness for the road shall -expose him faultering to the world. But why did not I answer you in time? -Because, in truth, I am encouraging myself to grow lazy, and I was sure -you would ascribe the delay to anything sooner than a want of affection -or respect to you, for this was not among the possible causes. In truth, -if anything could ever induce me to sleep another night out of my own -house, it would have been your friendly invitation and my solicitude for -the subject of it, the education of our youth. I do most anxiously wish -to see the highest degrees of education given to the higher degrees of -genius, and to all degrees of it, so much as may enable them to read and -understand what is going on in the world, and to keep their part of it -going on right: for nothing can keep it right but their own vigilant and -distrustful superintendence. I do not believe with the Rochefoucaults -and Montaignes, that fourteen out of fifteen men are rogues: I believe -a great abatement from that proportion may be made in favor of general -honesty. But I have always found that rogues would be uppermost, and I -do not know that the proportion is too strong for the higher orders, and -for those who, rising above the swinish multitude, always contrive to -nestle themselves into the places of power and profit. These rogues set -out with stealing the people's good opinion, and then steal from them the -right of withdrawing it, by contriving laws and associations against the -power of the people themselves. Our part of the country is in considerable -fermentation, on what they suspect to be a recent roguery of this kind. -They say that while all hands were below deck mending sails, splicing -ropes, and every one at his own business, and the captain in his cabin -attending to his log book and chart, a rogue of a pilot has run them -into an enemy's port. But metaphor apart, there is much dissatisfaction -with Mr. Jay and his treaty. For my part, I consider myself now but as a -passenger, leaving the world and its government to those who are likely -to live longer in it. That you may be among the longest of these, is -my sincere prayer. After begging you to be the bearer of my compliments -and apologies to Mr. Ogilvie, I bid you an affectionate farewell, always -wishing to hear from you. - - -TO H. TAZEWELL, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, September 13, 1795. - -DEAR SIR,--I ought much sooner to have acknowledged your obliging -attention in sending me a copy of the treaty. It was the first we received -in this part of the country. Though I have interdicted myself all serious -attention to political matters, yet a very slight notice of that in -question sufficed to decide my mind against it. I am not satisfied we -should not be better without treaties with any nation. But I am satisfied -we should be better without such as this. The public dissatisfaction -too and dissension it is likely to produce, are serious evils. I am -not without hope that the operations on the 12th article may render a -recurrence to the Senate yet necessary, and so give to the majority an -opportunity of correcting the error into which their exclusion of public -light has led them. I hope also that the recent results of the English -will at length awaken in our Executive that sense of public honor and -spirit, which they have not lost sight of in their proceedings with other -nations, and will establish the eternal truth that acquiescence under -insult is not the way to escape war. I am with great esteem, Dear Sir, -your most obedient humble servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, September 21, 1795. - -I received about three weeks ago, a box containing six dozen volumes, of -two hundred and eighty-three pages, 12 mo, with a letter from Lambert, -Beckley's clerk, that they came from Mr. Beckley, and were to be divided -between yourself, J. Walker, and myself. I have sent two dozen to J. -Walker, and shall be glad of a conveyance for yours. In the meantime, -I send you by post, the title page, table of contents, and one of the -pieces, Curtius, lest it should not have come to you otherwise. It is -evidently written by Hamilton, giving a first and general view of the -subject, that the public mind might be kept a little in check, till he -could resume the subject more at large from the beginning, under his -second signature of Camillus. The piece called "The Features of the -Treaty," I do not send, because you have seen it in the newspapers. It -is said to be written by Coxe, but I should rather suspect, by Beckley. -The antidote is certainly not strong enough for the poison of Curtius. -If I had not been informed the present came from Beckley, I should -have suspected it from Jay or Hamilton. I gave a copy or two, by way of -experiment, to honest, sound-hearted men of common understanding, and they -were not able to parry the sophistry of Curtius. I have ceased therefore, -to give them. Hamilton is really a colossus to the anti-republican party. -Without numbers, he is an host within himself. They have got themselves -into a defile, where they might be finished; but too much security on the -republican part will give time to his talents and indefatigableness to -extricate them. We have had only middling performances to oppose to him. -In truth, when he comes forward, there is nobody but yourself who can -meet him. His adversaries having begun the attack, he has the advantage -of answering them, and remains unanswered himself. A solid reply might -yet completely demolish what was too feebly attacked, and has gathered -strength from the weakness of the attack. The merchants were certainly -(except those of them who are English) as open mouthed at first against -the treaty, as any. But the general expression of indignation has alarmed -them for the strength of the government. They have feared the shock would -be too great, and have chosen to tack about and support both treaty and -government, rather than risk the government. Thus it is, that Hamilton, -Jay, &c., in the boldest act they ever ventured on to undermine the -government, have the address to screen themselves, and direct the hue and -cry against those who wish to drag them into light. A bolder party-stroke -was never struck. For it certainly is an attempt of a party, who find -they have lost their majority in one branch of the Legislature, to make a -law by the aid of the other branch and of the executive, under color of -a treaty, which shall bind up the hands of the adverse branch from ever -restraining the commerce of their patron-nation. There appears a pause -at present in the public sentiment, which may be followed by a revulsion. -This is the effect of the desertion of the merchants, of the President's -chiding answer to Boston and Richmond, of the writings of Curtius and -Camillus, and of the quietism into which people naturally fall after -first sensations are over. For God's sake take up your pen, and give a -fundamental reply to Curtius and Camillus. Adieu affectionately. - - -TO MONSIEUR ODIT. - - MONTICELLO, October 14, 1795. - -SIR,--I received with pleasure your letter of the 9th ult., by post, but -should with greater pleasure have received it from your own hand, that -I might have had an opportunity of testifying to you in person the great -respect I bear for your character, which had come to us before you, and -of expressing my obligations to Professor Pictet, for procuring me the -honor of your acquaintance. It would have been a circumstance of still -higher satisfaction and advantage to me, if fortune had timed the periods -of our service together, so that the drudgery of public business, which -I always hated, might have been relieved by conversations with you on -subjects which I always loved, and particularly in learning from you the -new advances of science on the other side the Atlantic. The interests of -our two republics also could not but have been promoted by the harmony -of their servants. Two people whose interests, whose principles, whose -habits of attachment, founded on fellowship in war and mutual kindnesses, -have so many points of union, cannot but be easily kept together. I hope -you have accordingly been sensible, Sir, of the general interest which -my countrymen take in all the successes of your republic. In this no one -joins with more enthusiasm than myself, an enthusiasm kindled by our love -of liberty, by my gratitude to your nation who helped us to acquire it, -by my wishes to see it extended to all men, and first to those whom we -love most. I am now a private man, free to express my feelings, and their -expression will be estimated at neither more or less than they weigh, -to wit, the expressions of a private man. Your struggles for liberty -keep alive the only sparks of sensation which public affairs now excite -in me. As to the concerns of my own country, I leave them willingly and -safely to those who will have a longer interest in cherishing them. My -books, my family, my friends, and my farm, furnish more than enough to -occupy me the remainder of my life, and of that tranquil occupation most -analogous to my physical and moral constitution. The correspondence you -are pleased to invite me to on the natural history of my country, cannot -but be profitable and acceptable to me. My long absence from it, indeed, -has deprived me of the means of throwing any new lights on it; but I shall -have the benefit of participating of your views of it, and occasions of -expressing to you those sentiments of esteem and respect with which I have -the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant. - - -TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE. - -MONTICELLO, November 30, 1795. - -MY DEAR SIR,--I received your favor of October the 12th by your son, -who has been kind enough to visit me here, and from whose visit I have -received all that pleasure which I do from whatever comes from you, and -especially from a subject so deservedly dear to you. He found me in a -retirement I doat on, living like an antediluvian patriarch among my -children and grand children, and tilling my soil. As he had lately come -from Philadelphia, Boston, &c., he was able to give me a great deal of -information of what is passing in the world, and I pestered him with -questions pretty much as our friends Lynch, Nelson, &c., will us, when we -step across the Styx, for they will wish to know what has been passing -above ground since they left us. You hope I have not abandoned entirely -the service of our country. After five and twenty years' continual -employment in it, I trust it will be thought I have fulfilled my tour, -like a punctual soldier, and may claim my discharge. But I am glad of the -sentiment from you, my friend, because it gives a hope you will practice -what you preach, and come forward in aid of the public vessel. I will not -admit your old excuse, that you are in public service though at home. The -campaigns which are fought in a man's own house are not to be counted. -The present situation of the President, unable to get the offices filled, -really calls with uncommon obligation on those whom nature has fitted for -them. I join with you in thinking the treaty an execrable thing. But both -negotiators must have understood, that, as there were articles in it which -could not be carried into execution without the aid of the Legislatures -on both sides, therefore it must be referred to them, and that these -Legislatures being free agents, would not give it their support if they -disapproved of it. I trust the popular branch of our Legislature will -disapprove of it, and thus rid us of this infamous act, which is really -nothing more than a treaty of alliance between England and the Anglomen of -this country, against the Legislature and people of the United States. I -am, my dear friend, yours affectionately. - - -TO WILLIAM B. GILES. - - MONTICELLO, December 31, 1795. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favors of December the 15th and 20th came to hand by the -last post. I am well pleased with the manner in which your House have -testified their sense of the treaty; while their refusal to pass the -original clause of the reported answer proved their condemnation of it, -the contrivance to let it disappear silently respected appearances in -favor of the President, who errs as other men do, but errs with integrity. -Randolph seems to have hit upon the true theory of our Constitution; that -when a treaty is made, involving matters confided by the Constitution to -the three branches of the Legislature conjointly, the Representatives -are as free as the President and Senate were, to consider whether the -national interest requires or forbids their giving the forms and force of -law to the articles over which they have a power. I thank you much for the -pamphlet. His narrative is so straight and plain, that even those who did -not know him will acquit him of the charge of bribery. Those who knew him -had done it from the first. Though he mistakes his own political character -in the aggregate, yet he gives it to you in the detail. Thus, he supposes -himself a man of no party (page 57); that his opinions not containing any -systematic adherence to party, fell sometimes on one side and sometimes -on the other (page 58). Yet he gives you these facts, which show that they -fall generally on both sides, and are complete inconsistencies. - -1. He never gave an opinion in the cabinet against the rights of the -people (page 97); yet he advised the denunciation of the popular societies -(page 67). - -2. He would not neglect the overtures of a commercial treaty with France -(page 79); yet he always opposed it while Attorney General, and never -seems to have proposed it while Secretary of State. - -3. He concurs in resorting to the militia to quell the pretended -insurrections in the west (page 81), and proposes an augmentation from -twelve thousand five hundred to fifteen thousand, to march against men -at their ploughs (page 80); yet on the 5th of August he is against their -marching (pages 83, 101), and on the 25th of August he is for it (page -84). - -4. He concurs in the measure of a mission extraordinary to London (as is -inferred from page 58), but objects to the men, to wit, Hamilton and Jay -(page 50). - -5. He was against granting commercial powers to Mr. Jay (page 58); yet he -besieged the doors of the Senate to procure their advice to ratify. - -6. He advises the President to a ratification on the merits of the treaty -(page 97), but to a suspension till the provision order is repealed (page -98). The fact is, that he has generally given his principles to the one -party, and his practice to the other, the oyster to one, the shell to -the other. Unfortunately, the shell was generally the lot of his friends, -the French and republicans, and the oyster of their antagonists. Had he -been firm to the principles he professes in the year 1793, the President -would have been kept from an habitual concert with the British and -anti-republican party. But at that time, I do not know which R. feared -most, a British fleet, or French disorganizers. Whether his conduct is to -be ascribed to a superior view of things, an adherence to right without -regard to party, as he pretends, or to an anxiety to trim between both, -those who know his character and capacity will decide. Were parties here -divided merely by a greediness for office, as in England, to take a part -with either would be unworthy of a reasonable or moral man. But where the -principle of difference is as substantial, and as strongly pronounced -as between the republicans and the monocrats of our country, I hold it -as honorable to take a firm and decided part, and as immoral to pursue a -middle line, as between the parties of honest men and rogues, into which -every country is divided. - -A copy of the pamphlet came by this post to Charlottesville. I suppose we -shall be able to judge soon what kind of impression it is likely to make. -It has been a great treat to me, as it is a continuation of that cabinet -history, with the former part of which I was intimate. I remark, in the -reply of the President a small travestie of the sentiment contained in the -answer of the Representatives. They acknowledge that he has _contributed_ -a great share to the national happiness by his services. He thanks them -for ascribing to his _agency_ a great share of those benefits. The former -keeps in view the co-operation of others towards the public good. The -latter presents to view his sole agency. At a time when there would have -been less anxiety to publish to the people a strong approbation from your -House, this strengthening of your expression would not have been noticed. - -Our attentions have been so absorbed by the first manifestation of the -sentiments of your House, that we have lost sight of our own Legislature; -insomuch, that I do not know whether they are sitting or not. The -rejection of Mr. Rutledge by the Senate is a bold thing; because they -cannot pretend any objection to him but his disapprobation of the treaty. -It is, of course, a declaration that they will receive none but tories -hereafter into any department of the government. I should not wonder if -Monroe were to be re-called, under the idea of his being of the partisans -of France, whom the President considers as the partisans of _war and -confusion_, in his letter of July the 31st, and as disposed to excite -them to hostile measures, or at least to unfriendly sentiments; a most -infatuated blindness to the true character of the sentiments entertained -in favor of France. The bottom of my page warns me that it is time to end -my commentaries on the facts you have furnished me. You would of course, -however, wish to know the sensations here on those facts. - -My friendly respects to Mr. Madison, to whom the next week's dose will be -directed. Adieu affectionately. - - -TO G. WYTHE. - - MONTICELLO, January 16, 1796. - -In my letter which accompanied the box containing my collection of -printed laws, I promised to send you by post a statement of the contents -of the box. On taking up the subject I found it better to take a more -general review of the whole of the laws I possessed, as well manuscript -as printed, as also of those which I do not possess, and suppose to be -no longer extant. This general view you will have in the enclosed paper, -whereof the articles stated to be printed constitute the contents of the -box I sent you. Those in manuscript were not sent, because not supposed -to have been within your view, and because some of them will not bear -removal, being so rotten, that in turning over a leaf it sometimes falls -into powder. These I preserve by wrapping and sewing them up in oil cloth, -so that neither air nor moisture can have access to them. Very early in -the course of my researches into the laws of Virginia, I observed that -many of them were already lost, and many more on the point of being lost, -as existing only in single copies in the hands of careful or curious -individuals, on whose death they would probably be used for waste paper. I -set myself therefore to work, to collect all which were then existing, in -order that when the day should come in which the public should advert to -the magnitude of their loss in these precious monuments of our property, -and our history, a part of their regret might be spared by information -that a portion had been saved from the wreck, which is worthy of their -attention and preservation. In searching after these remains, I spared -neither time, trouble, nor expense; and am of opinion that scarcely any -law escaped me, which was in being as late as the year 1790 in the middle -or southern parts of the State. In the northern parts, perhaps something -might still be found. In the clerk's offices in the ancient counties, some -of these manuscript copies of the laws may possibly still exist, which -used to be furnished at the public expense to every county, before the -use of the press was introduced; and in the same places, and in the hands -of ancient magistrates or of their families, some of the fugitive sheets -of the laws of separate sessions, which have been usually distributed -since the practice commenced of printing them. But recurring to what we -actually possess, the question is, what means will be the most effectual -for preserving these remains from future loss? All the care I can take -of them, will not preserve them from the worm, from the natural decay -of the paper, from the accidents of fire, or those of removal when it is -necessary for any public purposes, as in the case of those now sent you. -Our experience has proved to us that a single copy, or a few, deposited -in manuscript in the public offices, cannot be relied on for any great -length of time. The ravages of fire and of ferocious enemies have had but -too much part in producing the very loss we are now deploring. How many -of the precious works of antiquity were lost while they were preserved -only in manuscript! has there ever been one lost since the art of printing -has rendered it practicable to multiply and disperse copies? This leads -us then to the only means of preserving those remains of our laws now -under consideration, that is, a multiplication of printed copies. I think -therefore that there should be printed at public expense, an edition of -all the laws ever passed by our legislatures which can now be found; that -a copy should be deposited in every public library in America, in the -principal public offices within the State, and some perhaps in the most -distinguished public libraries of Europe, and the rest should be sold to -individuals, towards reimbursing the expenses of the edition. Nor do I -think that this would be a voluminous work. The MSS. would furnish matter -for one printed volume in folio, would comprehend all the laws from 1624 -to 1701, which period includes Pervis. My collection of fugitive sheets -forms, as we know, two volumes, and comprehends all the extant laws from -1734 to 1783; and the laws which can be gleaned up from the Revivals to -supply the chasm between 1701 and 1734, with those from 1783 to the close -of the present century, (by which term the work might be completed,) would -not be more than the matter of another volume. So that four volumes in -folio, would give every law ever passed which is now extant; whereas those -who wish to possess as many of them as can be procured, must now buy the -six folio volumes of Revivals, to wit, Pervis and those of 1732, 1784, -1768, 1783, and 1794, and in all of them possess not one half of which -they wish. What would be the expense of the edition I cannot say, nor how -much would be reimbursed by the sales; but I am sure it would be moderate, -compared with the rates which the public have hitherto paid for printing -their laws, provided a sufficient latitude be given as to printers and -places. The first step would be to make out a single copy from the MSS., -which would employ a clerk about a year or something more, to which -expense about a fourth should be added for collation of the MSS., which -would employ three persons at a time about half a day, or a day in every -week. As I have already spent more time in making myself acquainted with -the contents and arrangement of these MSS. than any other person probably -ever will, and their condition does not admit their removal to a distance, -I will cheerfully undertake the direction and superintendence of this -work, if it can be done in the neighboring towns of Charlottesville or -Milton, farther than which I could not undertake to go from home. For the -residue of the work, my printed volumes might be delivered to the printer. - -I have troubled you with these details, because you are in the place where -they may be used for the public service, if they admit of such use, and -because the order of assembly, which you mention, shows they are sensible -of the necessity of preserving such of these laws as relate to our landed -property; and a little further consideration will perhaps convince them -that it is better to do the whole work once for all, than to be recurring -to it by piece-meal, as particular parts of it shall be required, and -that too perhaps when the materials shall be lost. You are the best judge -of the weight of these observations, and of the mode of giving them any -effect they may merit. Adieu affectionately. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, March 6, 1796. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you February the 21st, since which I have received -yours of the same day. Indeed, mine of that date related only to a single -article in yours of January the 31st and February the 7th. I do not at -all wonder at the condition in which the finances of the United States are -found. Hamilton's object from the beginning, was to throw them into forms -which should be utterly undecypherable. I ever said he did not understand -their condition himself, nor was able to give a clear view of the excess -of our debts beyond our credits, nor whether we were diminishing or -increasing the debt. My own opinion was, that from the commencement of -this government to the time I ceased to attend to the subject, we had been -increasing our debt about a million of dollars annually. If Mr. Gallatin -would undertake to reduce this chaos to order, present us with a clear -view of our finances, and put them into a form as simple as they will -admit, he will merit immortal honor. The accounts of the United States -ought to be, and may be made as simple as those of a common farmer, and -capable of being understood by common farmers. - -Disapproving, as I do, of the unjustifiable largess to the demands of -the Count de Grasse, I will certainly not propose to rivet it by a second -example on behalf of M. de Chastellux's son. It will only be done in the -event of such a repetition of the precedent, as will give every one a -right to share in the plunder. It is, indeed, surprising you have not yet -received the British treaty in form. I presume you would never receive -it were not your co-operation on it necessary. But this will oblige the -formal notification of it to you. - -My salutations to Mrs. Madison, friendly esteem to Mr. Giles, Page, &c. I -am, with sincere affection, yours. - -P. S. Have you considered all the consequences of your proposition -respecting post roads? I view it as a source of boundless patronage to -the executive, jobbing to members of Congress and their friends, and a -bottomless abyss of public money. You will begin by only appropriating the -surplus of the post office revenues; but the other revenues will soon be -called into their aid, and it will be a source of eternal scramble among -the members, who can get the most money wasted in their State; and they -will always get most who are meanest. We have thought, hitherto, that -the roads of a State could not be so well administered even by the State -legislature as by the magistracy of the county, on the spot. How will -they be when a member of New Hampshire is to mark out a road for Georgia? -Does the power to _establish_ post roads, given you by the Constitution, -mean that you shall _make_ the roads, or only _select_ from those already -made, those on which there shall be a post? If the term be equivocal, -(and I really do not think it so,) which is the safest construction? That -which permits a majority of Congress to go to cutting down mountains and -bridging of rivers, or the other, which if too restricted may be referred -to the States for amendment, securing still due measures and proportion -among us, and providing some means of information to the members of -Congress tantamount to that ocular inspection, which, even in our county -determinations, the magistrate finds cannot be supplied by any other -evidence? The fortification of harbors was liable to great objection. But -national circumstances furnished some color. In this case there is none. -The roads of America are the best in the world except those of France and -England. But does the state of our population, the extent of our internal -commerce, the want of sea and river navigation, call for such expense -on roads here, or are our means adequate to it? Think of all this, and -a great deal more which your good judgment will suggest, and pardon my -freedom. - - -TO WILLIAM B. GILES. - - March 19, 1796. - -I know not when I have received greater satisfaction than on reading the -speech of Dr. Leib, in the Pennsylvania Assembly. He calls himself a new -member. I congratulate honest republicanism on such an acquisition, and -promise myself much from a career which begins on such elevated ground. -We are in suspense here to see the fate and effect of Mr. Pitt's bill -against democratic societies. I wish extremely to get at the true history -of this effort to suppress freedom of meeting, speaking, writing and -printing. Your acquaintance with Sedgwick will enable you to do it. Pray -get the outlines of the bill he intended to have brought in for this -purpose. This will enable us to judge whether we have the merit of the -invention; whether we were really beforehand with the British minister on -this subject; whether he took his hint from our proposition, or whether -the concurrence in the sentiment is merely the result of the general -truth that great men will think alike and act alike, though without -intercommunication. I am serious in desiring extremely the outlines of -the bill intended for us. From the debates on the subject of our seamen, -I am afraid as much harm as good will be done by our endeavors to arm our -seamen against impressments. It is proposed to register them and give them -certificates. But these certificates will be lost in a thousand ways; a -sailor will neglect to take his certificate; he is wet twenty times in -a voyage; if he goes ashore without it, he is impressed; if with it, he -gets drunk, it is lost, stolen from him, taken from him, and then the -want of it gives authority to impress, which does not exist now. After ten -years' attention to the subject, I have never been able to devise anything -effectual, but that the circumstance of an American bottom be made _ipso -facto_, a protection for a number of seamen proportioned to her tonnage; -that American captains be obliged, when called on by foreign officers, -to parade the men on deck, which would show whether they exceeded their -own quota, and allow the foreign officer to send two or three persons -aboard and hunt for any suspected to be concealed. This, Mr. Pinckney -was instructed to insist upon with Great Britain; to accept of nothing -short of it; and, most especially, not to agree that a certificate of -citizenship should be requirable from our seamen; because it would be made -a ground for the authorized impressment of them. I am still satisfied that -such a protection will place them in a worse situation than they are at -present. It is true, the British minister has not shown any disposition -to accede to my proposition: but it was not totally rejected: and if -he still refuses, lay a duty of one penny sterling a yard on British -oznaburgs, to make a fund for paying the expenses of the agents you are -obliged to employ to seek out our suffering seamen. I congratulate you on -the arrival of Mr. Ames and the British treaty. The newspapers had said -they would arrive together. We have had a fine winter. Wheat looks well. -Corn is scarce and dear. Twenty-two shillings here, thirty shillings in -Amherst. Our blossoms are but just opening. I have begun the demolition -of my house, and hope to get through its re-edification in the course of -the summer. We shall have the eye of a brick-kiln to poke you into, or an -octagon to air you in. Adieu affectionately. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - MONTICELLO, March 21, 1796. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 2d instant, and now take the liberty of -troubling you, in order to have the enclosed letter to M. Gautier safely -handed to him. I will thank you for information that it gets safely to -hand, as it is of considerable importance to him, to the United States, -to the State of Virginia, and to myself, by conveying to him the final -arrangement of the accounts of Grand and Company with all those parties. - - * * * * * - -The British treaty has been formally, at length, laid before Congress. -All America is a tiptoe to see what the House of Representatives will -decide on it. We conceive the constitutional doctrine to be, that though -the President and Senate have the general power of making treaties, yet -wherever they include in a treaty matters confided by the Constitution to -the three branches of Legislature, an act of legislation will be requisite -to confirm these articles, and that the House of Representatives, as -one branch of the Legislature, are perfectly free to pass the act or -to refuse it, governing themselves by their own judgment whether it is -for the good of their constituents to let the treaty go into effect or -not. On the precedent now to be set will depend the future construction -of our Constitution, and whether the powers of legislation shall be -transferred from the President, Senate, and House of Representatives, to -the President and Senate, and Piamingo or any other Indian, Algerine, or -other chief. It is fortunate that the first decision is to be in a case -so palpably atrocious, as to have been predetermined by all America. The -appointment of Elsworth Chief Justice, and Chase one of the judges, is -doubtless communicated to you. My friendly respects to Mrs. Monroe. Adieu -affectionately. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, March 27, 1796. - -DEAR SIR,--I am much pleased with Mr. Gallatin's speech in Bache's -paper of March the 14th. It is worthy of being printed at the end of -the Federalist, as the only rational commentary on the part of the -Constitution to which it relates. Not that there may not be objections, -and difficult ones, to it, and which I shall be glad to see his answers -to; but if they are never answered, they are more easily to be gulped -down than those which lie to the doctrines of his opponents, which do in -fact annihilate the whole of the powers given by the Constitution to the -Legislature. According to the rule established by usage and common sense, -of construing one part of the instrument by another, the objects on which -the President and Senate may exclusively act by treaty are much reduced, -but the field on which they may act with the sanction of the Legislature, -is large enough; and I see no harm in rendering their sanction necessary, -and not much harm in annihilating the whole treaty-making power, except -as to making peace. If you decide in favor of your right to refuse -co-operation in any case of treaty, I should wonder on what occasion it -is to be used, if not in one where the rights, the interest, the honor -and faith of our nation are so grossly sacrificed; where a faction has -entered into a conspiracy with the enemies of their country to chain -down the Legislature at the feet of both; where the whole mass of your -constituents have condemned this work in the most unequivocal manner, and -are looking to you as their last hope to save them from the effects of the -avarice and corruption of the first agent, the revolutionary machinations -of others, and the incomprehensible acquiescence of the only honest man -who has assented to it. I wish that his honesty and his political errors -may not furnish a second occasion to exclaim, "curse on his virtues, they -have undone his country." Cold weather, mercury at twenty degrees in the -morning. Corn fallen at Richmond to twenty shillings; stationary here; -Nicholas sure of his election; R. Jouett and Jo. Monroe in competition for -the other vote of the county. Affection to Mrs. M. and yourself. Adieu. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, April 19, 1796. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 4th instant came to hand the day before yesterday. -I have turned to the conventional history, and enclose you an exact copy -of what is there on the subject you mentioned. I have also turned to my -own papers, and send you some things extracted from them, which show that -the recollection of the President has not been accurate, when he supposed -his own opinion to have been uniformly that declared in his answer of -March the 30th. The records of the Senate will vouch for this. My respects -to Mrs. Madison. Adieu affectionately. - - [The papers referred to in the preceding.] - - _Extract, verbatim, from last page but one and the last page._ - -"Mr. King suggested that the journals of the Convention should be either -destroyed, or deposited in the custody of the President. He thought, if -suffered to be make public, a bad use would be made of them by those who -would wish to prevent the adoption of the Constitution. - -"Mr. Wilson preferred the second expedient. He had at one time liked the -first best; but as false suggestions may be propagated, it should not be -made impossible to contradict them. - -"A question was then put on depositing the journals and other papers of -the Convention in the hands of the President, on which New Hampshire, aye, -Massachusetts, aye, Connecticut, aye, New Jersey, aye, Pennsylvania, aye, -Delaware, aye, Maryland, no, Virginia, aye, North Carolina, aye, South -Carolina, aye, and Georgia, aye. This negative of Maryland was occasioned -by the language of the instructions to the Deputies of that State, which -required them to report to the State the _proceedings_ of the Convention. - -"The President having asked what the Convention meant should be done with -the journals, &c., whether copies were to be allowed to the members, if -applied for, it was resolved _nem. con._ that he retain the journal and -other papers subject to the order of the Congress, if ever formed under -the Constitution." - -"The members then proceeded to sign the instrument," &c. - - -"In the Senate, February 1, 1791. - -"The committee, to whom was referred that part of the speech of the -President of the United States, at the opening of the session, which -relates to the commerce of the Mediterranean, and also the letter from -the Secretary of State, dated the 20th of January, 1791, with the papers -accompanying the same, reported: whereupon, - -"_Resolved_, That the Senate do advise and consent, that the President -of the United States take such measures as he may think necessary for -the redemption of the citizens of the United States, now in captivity at -Algiers, provided the expense shall not exceed forty thousand dollars, and -also, that measures be taken to confirm the treaty now existing between -the United States and the Emperor of Morocco." - -The above is a copy of a resolve of the Senate, referred to me by the -President, to propose an answer to, and I find immediately following -this, among my papers, a press copy, from an original written fairly in my -own hand, ready for the President's signature, and to be given in to the -Senate, of the following answer: - - "_Gentlemen of the Senate_,-- - - "I will proceed to take measures for the ransom of our citizens in - captivity at Algiers, in conformity with your resolution of advice - of the 1st instant, so soon as the moneys necessary shall be - appropriated _by the Legislature_, and shall be in readiness. - - "The recognition of our treaty with the new Emperor of Morocco - requires also previous appropriation and provision. The importance - of this last to the liberty and property of our citizens, induces - me to urge it on your earliest attention." - - Though I have no memorandum of the delivery of this to the Senate, - yet I have not the least doubt it was given in to them, and will - be found among their records. - - I find, among my press copies, the following in my hand writing: - - "The committee to report, that the President does not think that - circumstances will justify, in the present instance, his entering - into _absolute_ engagements for the ransom of our captives in - Algiers, nor calling for money from the treasury, nor raising it - by loan, without previous authority from _both branches_ of the - Legislature." - - April 9, 1792. - -I do not recollect the occasion of the above paper with certainty; but -I think there was a committee appointed by the Senate to confer with -the President on the subject of the ransom, and to advise what is there -declined, and that a member of the committee advising privately with me as -to the report they were to make to the House, I minuted down the above, as -the substance of what he observed to be the proper report, after what had -passed with the President, and gave the original to the member, preserving -the press copy. I think the member was either Mr. Izard or Mr. Butler, and -have no doubt such a report will be found on the files of the Senate. - -On the 8th of May following, in consequence of questions proposed by the -President to the Senate, they came to a resolution, on which a mission was -founded. - - -TO P. MAZZEI.[4] - - MONTICELLO, April 24, 1796. - -MY DEAR FRIEND,-- - - * * * * * - -The aspect of our politics has wonderfully changed since you left -us. In place of that noble love of liberty and republican government -which carried us triumphantly through the war, an Anglican monarchical -aristocratical party has sprung up, whose avowed object is to draw over -us the substance, as they have already done the forms, of the British -government. The main body of our citizens, however, remain true to their -republican principles; the whole landed interest is republican, and so -is a great mass of talents. Against us are the Executive, the Judiciary, -two out of three branches of the Legislature, all the officers of the -government, all who want to be officers, all timid men who prefer the -calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty, British merchants -and Americans trading on British capitals, speculators and holders in -the banks and public funds, a contrivance invented for the purposes of -corruption, and for assimilating us in all things to the rotten as well -as the sound parts of the British model. It would give you a fever were -I to name to you the apostates who have gone over to these heresies, men -who were Samsons in the field and Solomons in the council, but who have -had their heads shorn by the harlot England. In short, we are likely -to preserve the liberty we have obtained only by unremitting labors and -perils. But we shall preserve it; and our mass of weight and wealth on -the good side is so great, as to leave no danger that force will ever -be attempted against us. We have only to awake and snap the Lilliputian -cords with which they have been entangling us during the first sleep which -succeeded our labors. - -I will forward the testimonial of the death of Mrs. Mazzei, which I can -do the more incontrovertibly as she is buried in my grave yard, and I -pass her grave daily. The formalities of the proof you require, will -occasion delay. I begin to feel the effects of age. My health has suddenly -broken down, with symptoms which give me to believe I shall not have much -to encounter of the _tedium vita_. While it remains, however, my heart -will be warm in its friendships, and among these, will always foster the -affections with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [4] [The first part of this letter is on private business, and is - therefore omitted.] - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - MONTICELLO, June 12, 1796. - -DEAR SIR,-- - - * * * * * - -Congress have risen. You will have seen by their proceedings the truth -of what I always observed to you, that one man outweighs them all in the -influence over the people, who have supported his judgment against their -own and that of their representatives. Republicanism must lie on its oars, -resign the vessel to its pilot, and themselves to the course he thinks -best for them. I had always conjectured, from such facts as I could get -hold of, that our public debt was increasing about a million of dollars -a year. You will see by Gallatin's speeches that the thing is proved. -You will see further, that we are completely saddled and bridled, and -that the bank is so firmly mounted on us that we must go where they will -guide. They openly publish a resolution, that the national property being -increased in value, they must by an increase of circulating medium furnish -an adequate representation of it, and by further additions of active -capital promote the enterprises of our merchants. It is supposed that -the paper in circulation in and around Philadelphia, amounts to twenty -millions of dollars, and that in the whole Union, to one hundred millions. -I think the last too high. All the imported commodities are raised about -fifty per cent. by the depreciation of the money. Tobacco shares the rise, -because it has no competition abroad. Wheat has been extraordinarily high -from other causes. When these cease, it must fall to its ancient nominal -price, notwithstanding the depreciation of that, because it must contend -in market with foreign wheats. Lands had risen within the vortex of the -paper, and as far out as that can influence. They have not risen at all -here. On the contrary, they are lower than they were twenty years ago. -Those I had mentioned to you, to wit, Carter's and Colle, were sold before -your letter came. Colle at two dollars the acre. Carter's had been offered -me for two French crowns (13s. 2d). Mechanics here get from a dollar to a -dollar and a half a day, yet are much worse off than at the old prices. - -Volney is with me at present. He is on his way to the Illinois. Some late -appointments, judiciary and diplomatic, you will have heard, and stared -at. The death of R. Jouett is the only small news in our neighborhood. - -Our best affections attend Mrs. Monroe, Eliza and yourself. Adieu -affectionately. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT. - - MONTICELLO, June 19, 1796. - -In Bache's Aurora, of the 9th instant, which came here by the last post, -a paper appears, which, having been confided, as I presume, to but few -hands, makes it truly wonderful how it should have got there. I cannot -be satisfied as to my own part, till I relieve my mind by declaring, and -I attest everything sacred and honorable to the declaration, that it has -got there neither through me nor the paper confided to me. This has never -been from under my own lock and key, or out of my own hands. No mortal -ever knew from me, that these questions had been proposed. Perhaps I -ought to except one person, who possesses all my confidence, as he has -possessed yours. I do not remember, indeed, that I communicated it even -to him. But as I was in the habit of unlimited trust and council with -him, it is possible I may have read it to him; no more: for the quire of -which it makes a part was never in any hand but my own, nor was a word -ever copied or taken down from it, by any body. I take on myself, without -fear, any divulgation on his part. We both know him incapable of it. From -myself, then, or my papers, this publication has never been derived. I -have formerly mentioned to you, that from a very early period of my life, -I had laid it down as a rule of conduct, never to write a word for the -public papers. From this, I have never departed in a single instance; -and on a late occasion, when all the world seemed to be writing, besides -a rigid adherence to my own rule, I can say with truth, that not a line -for the press was ever communicated to me, by any other, except a single -petition referred for my correction; which I did not correct, however, -though the contrary, as I have heard, was said in a public place, by one -person through error, through malice by another. I learn that this last -has thought it worth his while to try to sow tares between you and me, -by representing me as still engaged in the bustle of politics, and in -turbulence and intrigue against the government. I never believed for a -moment that this could make any impression on you, or that your knowledge -of me would not overweigh the slander of an intriguer, dirtily employed -in sifting the conversations of my table, where alone he could hear -of me; and seeking to atone for his sins against you by sins against -another, who had never done him any other injury than that of declining -his confidences. Political conversations I really dislike, and therefore -avoid where I can without affectation. But when urged by others, I have -never conceived that having been in public life requires me to belie -my sentiments, or even to conceal them. When I am led by conversation -to express them, I do it with the same independence here which I have -practiced everywhere, and which is inseparable from my nature. But enough -of this miserable tergiversator, who ought indeed either to have been of -more truth, or less trusted by his country.[5] - -While on the subject of papers, permit me to ask one from you. You -remember the difference of opinion between Hamilton and Knox on the one -part, and myself on the other, on the subject of firing on the little -Sarah, and that we had exchanged opinions and reasons in writing. On -your arrival in Philadelphia I delivered you a copy of my reasons, in -the presence of Colonel Hamilton. On our withdrawing, he told me he had -been so much engaged that he had not been able to prepare a copy of his -and General Knox's for you, and that if I would send you the one he had -given me, he would replace it in a few days. I immediately sent it to -you, wishing you should see both sides of the subject together. I often -after applied to both the gentlemen but could never obtain another copy. -I have often thought of asking this one, or a copy of it, back from you, -but have not before written on subjects of this kind to you. Though I -do not know that it will ever be of the least importance to me, yet one -loves to possess arms, though they hope never to have occasion for them. -They possess my paper in my own handwriting. It is just I should possess -theirs. The only thing amiss is, that they should have left me to seek a -return of the paper, or a copy of it, from you. - -I put away this disgusting dish of old fragments, and talk to you of my -peas and clover. As to the latter article, I have great encouragement -from the friendly nature of our soil. I think I have had, both the last -and present year, as good clover from common grounds, which had brought -several crops of wheat and corn without ever having been manured, as I -ever saw on the lots around Philadelphia. I verily believe that a yield -of thirty-four acres, sowed on wheat April was twelvemonth, has given me -a ton to the acre at its first cutting this spring. The stalks extended, -measured three and a half feet long very commonly. Another field, a year -older, and which yielded as well the last year, has sensibly fallen off -this year. My exhausted fields bring a clover not high enough for hay, -but I hope to make seed from it. Such as these, however, I shall hereafter -put into peas in the broadcast, proposing that one of my sowings of wheat -shall be after two years of clover, and the other after two years of peas. -I am trying the white boiling pea of Europe (the Albany pea) this year, -till I can get the hog pea of England, which is the most productive of -all. But the true winter vetch is what we want extremely. I have tried -this year the Carolina drill. It is absolutely perfect. Nothing can be -more simple, nor perform its office more perfectly for a single row. I -shall try to make one to sow four rows at a time of wheat or peas, at -twelve inches distance. I have one of the Scotch threshing machines nearly -finished. It is copied exactly from a model Mr. Pinckney sent me, only -that I have put the whole works (except the horse wheel) into a single -frame, movable from one field to another on the two axles of a wagon. It -will be ready in time for the harvest which is coming on, which will give -it a full trial. Our wheat and rye are generally fine, and the prices -talked of bid fair to indemnify us for the poor crops of the two last -years. - -I take the liberty of putting under your cover a letter to the son of the -Marquis de la Fayette, not exactly knowing where to direct to him. - -With very affectionate compliments to Mrs. Washington, I have the honor -to be, with great and sincere esteem and respect, Dear Sir, your most -obedient and most humble servant. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [5] [Here, in the margin of the copy, is written, apparently at a - later date, "General H. Lee."] - - -TO M. DE LA FAYETTE. - - MONTICELLO, June 19, 1796. - -DEAR SIR,--The inquiries of Congress were the first intimation which -reached my retirement of your being in this country, and from M. Volney, -now with me, I first learned where you are. I avail myself of the earliest -moments of this information, to express to you the satisfaction with -which I learn that you are in a land of safety, where you will meet in -every person the friend of your worthy father and family. Among these, I -beg leave to mingle my own assurances of sincere attachment to him, and -my desire to prove it by every service I can render you. I know, indeed, -that you are already under too good a patronage to need any other, and -that my distance and retirement render my affections unavailing to you. -They exist, nevertheless, in all their purity and warmth towards your -father and every one embraced by his love; and no one has wished with more -anxiety to see him once more in the bosom of a nation, who, knowing his -works and his worth, desire to make him and his family forever their own. -You were, perhaps, too young to remember me personally when in Paris. But -I pray you to remember, that should any occasion offer wherein I can be -useful to you, there is no one on whose friendship and zeal you may more -confidently count. You will, some day perhaps, take a tour through these -States. Should anything in this part of them attract your curiosity, it -would be a circumstance of great gratification to me to receive you here, -and to assure you in person of those sentiments of esteem and attachment, -with which I am, Dear Sir, your friend and humble servant. - - -TO MR. HITE. - - MONTICELLO, June 29, 1796. - -SIR,--The bearer hereof is the Duke de Liancourt, one of the principal -noblemen of France, and one of the richest. All this he has lost in the -revolutions of his country, retaining only his virtue and good sense, -which he possesses in a high degree. He was President of the National -Assembly of France in its earliest stage, and forced to fly from the -proscriptions of Marat. Being a stranger, and desirous of acquiring some -knowledge of the country he passes through, he has asked me to introduce -him to some person in or near Winchester, but I too am a stranger after -so long an absence from my country. Some apology then is necessary for my -undertaking to present this gentleman to you. It is the general interest -of our country that strangers of distinction passing through it, should -be made acquainted with its best citizens, and those most qualified to -give favorable impressions of it. He well deserves any attentions you will -be pleased to show him. He would have had a letter from Mr. Madison to -you, as he was to have visited Mr. Madison at his own house, being well -acquainted with him, but the uncertainty whether he has returned home, -and his desire to see Staunton, turns him off the road at this place. I -beg leave to add my acknowledgments to his for any civilities you will be -pleased to show him, and to assure you of the sentiments of esteem with -which I am, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant. - - -TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS. - - MONTICELLO, July 3, 1796. - -DEAR SIR,--I take shame to myself for having so long left unanswered your -valuable favor on the subject of the mountains. But in truth, I am become -lazy as to everything except agriculture. The preparations for harvest, -and the length of the harvest itself, which is not yet finished, would -have excused the delay however, at all times and under all dispositions. -I examined, with great satisfaction, your barometrical estimate of -the heights of our mountains; and with the more, as they corroborated -conjectures on this subject which I had made before. My estimates had made -them a little higher than yours (I speak of the Blue Ridge). Measuring -with a very nice instrument the angle subtended vertically by the highest -mountain of the Blue Ridge opposite to my own house, a distance of about -eighteen miles south westward, I made the highest about two thousand feet, -as well as I remember, for I can no longer find the notes I made. You -make the south side of the mountain near Rockfish Gap, one thousand seven -hundred and twenty-two feet above Woods'. You make the other side of the -mountain seven hundred and sixty-seven feet. Mr. Thomas Lewis deceased, -an accurate man, with a good quadrant, made the north side of the highest -mountain opposite my house something more (I think) than one thousand -feet; but the mountain estimated by him and myself is probably higher than -that next Rockfish Gap. I do not remember from what principles I estimated -the Peaks of Otter at four thousand feet; but some late observations -of Judge Tucker's coincided very nearly with my estimate. Your measures -confirm another opinion of mine, that the Blue Ridge, on its south side, -is the highest ridge in our country compared with its base. I think your -observations on these mountains well worthy of being published, and hope -you will not scruple to let them be communicated to the world. - -You wish me to present to the Philosophical Society the result of my -philosophical researches since my retirement. But, my good Sir, I have -made researches into nothing but what is connected with agriculture. -In this way, I have a little matter to communicate, and will do it -ere long. It is the form of a mould-board _of least resistance_. I had -some years ago conceived the principles of it, and I explained them to -Mr. Rittenhouse. I have since reduced the thing to practice, and have -reason to believe the theory fully confirmed. I only wish for one of -those instruments used in England for measuring the force exerted in the -draughts of different ploughs, &c., that I might compare the resistance -of my mould-board with that of others. But these instruments are not -to be had here. In a letter of this date to Mr. Rittenhouse, I mention -a discovery in animal history, very signal indeed, of which I shall -lay before the Society the best account I can, as soon as I shall have -received some other materials collecting for me. - -I have seen, with extreme indignation, the blasphemies lately vended -against the memory of the father of American philosophy. But his memory -will be preserved and venerated as long as the thunder of heaven shall be -heard or feared. - -With good wishes to all of his family, and sentiments of great respect and -esteem for yourself, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble -servant. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - MONTICELLO, July 10, 1796. - -DEAR SIR,--* * * * * - -The campaign of Congress has closed. Though the Anglomen have in the end -got their treaty through, and so far have triumphed over the cause of -republicanism, yet it has been to them a dear-bought victory. It has given -the most radical shock to their party which it has ever received; and -there is no doubt, they would be glad to be replaced on the ground they -possessed the instant before Jay's nomination extraordinary. They see that -nothing can support them but the colossus of the President's merits with -the people, and the moment he retires, that his successor, if a monocrat, -will be overborne by the republican sense of his constituents; if a -republican, he will, of course, give fair play to that sense, and lead -things into the channel of harmony between the governors and governed. In -the meantime, patience. - -Among your neighbors there is nothing new. Mr. Rittenhouse is lately dead. -We have had the finest harvest ever known in this part of the country. -Both the quantity and quality of wheat are extraordinary. We got fifteen -shillings a bushel for the last crop, and hope two-thirds of that at least -for the present one. - -Most assiduous court is paid to Patrick Henry. He has been offered -everything which they knew he would not accept. Some impression is thought -to be made, but we do not believe it is radical. If they thought they -could count upon him, they would run him for their Vice President; their -first object being to produce a schism in this State. As it is, they -will run Mr. Pinckney; in which they regard his southern position rather -than his principles. Mr. Jay and his advocate Camillus are completely -treaty-foundered. - -We all join in love to Mrs. Monroe; and accept for yourself assurances of -sincere and affectionate friendship. Adieu. - - -TO COLONEL J. STUART. - - MONTICELLO, November 10, 1796. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your last favor, together -with the bones of the great claw, which accompanied it. My anxiety to -obtain a thigh bone is such, that I defer communicating what we have -to the Philosophical Society, in the hope of adding that bone to the -collection. We should then be able to fix the stature of the animal, -without going into conjecture and calculation, as we should possess -a whole limb, from the haunch bone to the claw inclusive. However, as -you announce to me that the recovery of a thigh bone is desperate, I -shall make the communication to the Philosophical Society. I think it -happy that this incident will make known to them a person so worthy as -yourself to be taken into their body, and without whose attention to -these extraordinary remains, the world might have been deprived of the -knowledge of them. I cannot, however, help believing that this animal, as -well as the mammoth, are still existing. The annihilation of any species -of existence, is so unexampled in any parts of the economy of nature -which we see, that we have a right to conclude, as to the parts we do not -see, that the probabilities against such annihilation are stronger than -those for it. In hopes of hearing from you, as soon as you can form a -conclusion satisfactory to yourself, that the thigh bone will or will not -be recovered, I remain, with great respect and esteem, Dear Sir, your most -obedient servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, December 17, 1796. - -Your favor of the 5th came to hand last night. The first wish of my heart -was, that you should have been proposed for the administration of the -government. On your declining it, I wish any body rather than myself; and -there is nothing I so anxiously hope, as that my name may come out either -second or third. These would be indifferent to me; as the last would -leave me at home the whole year, and the other two-thirds of it. I have -no expectation that the Eastern States will suffer themselves to be so -much outwitted, as to be made the tools for bringing in P. instead of A. I -presume they will throw away their second vote. In this case, it begins to -appear possible, that there may be an equal division where I had supposed -the republican vote would have been considerably minor. It seems also -possible, that the Representatives may be divided. This is a difficulty -from which the Constitution has provided no issue. It is both my duty and -inclination, therefore, to relieve the embarrassment, should it happen; -and in that case, I pray you and authorize you fully, to solicit on my -behalf that Mr. Adams may be preferred. He has always been my senior, from -the commencement of our public life, and the expression of the public will -being equal, this circumstance ought to give him the preference. And when -so many motives will be operating to induce some of the members to change -their vote, the addition of my wish may have some effect to preponderate -the scale. I am really anxious to see the speech. It must exhibit a very -different picture of our foreign affairs from that presented in the adieu, -or it will little correspond with my views of them. I think they never -wore so gloomy an aspect since the year 1783. Let those come to the helm -who think they can steer clear of the difficulties. I have no confidence -in myself for the undertaking. - -We have had the severest weather ever known in November. The thermometer -was at twelve degrees here and in Goochland and I suppose generally. -It arrested my buildings very suddenly, when eight days more would -have completed my walls, and permitted us to cover in. The drought is -excessive. From the middle of October to the middle of December, not rain -enough to lay the dust. A few days ago there fell a small rain but the -succeeding cold has probably prevented it from sprouting the grain sown -during the drought. - -Present me in friendly terms to Messrs. Giles, Venable, and Page. Adieu -affectionately. - - -TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE. - - MONTICELLO, December 27, 1796. - -MY DEAR SIR,--* * * * * - -You have seen my name lately tacked to so much of eulogy and of abuse, -that I dare say you hardly thought it meant your old acquaintance of '76. -In truth, I did not know myself under the pens either of my friends or -foes. It is unfortunate for our peace, that unmerited abuse wounds, while -unmerited praise has not the power to heal. These are hard wages for the -services of all the active and healthy years of one's life. I had retired -after five and twenty years of constant occupation in public affairs, and -total abandonment of my own. I retired much poorer than when I entered -the public service, and desired nothing but rest and oblivion. My name, -however, was again brought forward, without concert or expectation on my -part; (on my salvation I declare it.) I do not as yet know the result, -as a matter of fact; for in my retired canton we have nothing later from -Philadelphia than of the second week of this month. Yet I have never one -moment doubted the result. I knew it was impossible Mr. Adams should -lose a vote north of the Delaware, and that the free and moral agency -of the South would furnish him an abundant supplement. On principles of -public respect I should not have refused; but I protest before my God, -that I shall, from the bottom of my heart, rejoice at escaping. I know -well that no man will ever bring out of that office the reputation which -carries him into it. The honey moon would be as short in that case as -in any other, and its moments of ecstasy would be ransomed by years of -torment and hatred. I shall highly value, indeed, the share which I may -have had in the late vote, as an evidence of the share I hold in the -esteem of my countrymen. But in this point of view, a few votes more -or less will be little sensible, and in every other, the minor will be -preferred by me to the major vote. I have no ambition to govern men; no -passion which would lead me to delight to ride in a storm. _Flumina amo, -sylvasque, inglorius._ My attachment to my home has enabled me to make -the calculation with rigor, perhaps with partiality, to the issue which -keeps me there. The newspapers will permit me to plant my corn, peas, &c., -in hills or drills as I please (and my oranges, by-the-bye, when you send -them), while our eastern friend will be struggling with the storm which is -gathering over us; perhaps be shipwrecked in it. This is certainly not a -moment to covet the helm. - -I have often doubted whether most to praise or to blame your line of -conduct. If you had lent to your country the excellent talents you -possess, on you would have fallen those torrents of abuse which have -lately been poured forth on me. So far, I praise the wisdom which has -descried and steered clear of a water-spout ahead. But now for the blame. -There is a debt of service due from every man to his country, proportioned -to the bounties which nature and fortune have measured to him. Counters -will pay this from the poor of spirit; but from you, my friend, coin was -due. There is no bankrupt law in heaven, by which you may get off with -shillings in the pound; with rendering to a single State what you owed -to the whole confederacy. I think it was by the Roman law that a father -was denied sepulture, unless his son would pay his debts. Happy for you -and us, that you have a son whom genius and education have qualified to -pay yours. But as you have been a good father in everything else, be so -in this also. Come forward and pay your own debts. Your friends, the Mr. -Pinckneys, have at length undertaken their tour. My joy at this would be -complete if you were in gear with them. I love to see honest and honorable -men at the helm, men who will not bend their politics to their purses, -nor pursue measures by which they may profit, and then profit by their -measures. _Au diable les Bougres!_ I am at the end of my curse and bottom -of my page, so God bless you and yours. Adieu affectionately. - - -_Statement from memory, of a letter I wrote to John Adams; copy omitted to -be retained._ - - MONTICELLO, December 28, 1796. - -DEAR SIR,--The public, and the public papers, have been much occupied -lately in placing us in a point of opposition to each other. I confidently -trust we have felt less of it ourselves. In the retired canton where -I live, we know little of what is passing. Our last information from -Philadelphia is of the 16th instant. At that date the issue of the late -election seems not to have been known as a matter of fact. With me, -however, its issue was never doubted. I knew the impossibility of your -losing a single vote north of the Delaware; and even if you should lose -that of Pennsylvania in the mass, you would get enough south of it to make -your election sure. I never for a single moment expected any other issue; -and though I shall not be believed, yet it is not the less true, that I -never wished any other. My neighbors, as my compurgators, could aver this -fact, as seeing my occupations and my attachment to them. It is possible, -indeed, that even you may be cheated of your succession by a trick worthy -the subtlety of your arch friend of New York, who has been able to make -of your real friends tools for defeating their and your just wishes. -Probably, however, he will be disappointed as to you; and my inclinations -put me out of his reach. I leave to others the sublime delights of riding -in the storm, better pleased with sound sleep and a warmer berth below it, -encircled with the society of my neighbors, friends, and fellow laborers -of the earth, rather than with spies and sycophants. Still, I shall value -highly the share I may have had in the late vote, as a measure of the -share I hold in the esteem of my fellow citizens. In this point of view, a -few votes less are but little sensible, while a few more would have been -in their effect very sensible and oppressive to me. I have no ambition -to govern men. It is a painful and thankless office. And never since the -day you signed the treaty of Paris, has our horizon been so overcast. -I devoutly wish you may be able to shun for us this war, which will -destroy our agriculture, commerce, and credit. If you do, the glory will -be all your own. And that your administration may be filled with glory -and happiness to yourself, and advantage to us, is the sincere prayer of -one, who, though in the course of our voyage, various little incidents -have happened or been contrived to separate us, yet retains for you the -solid esteem of the times when we were working for our independence, and -sentiments of sincere respect and attachment. - - -_Statement from memory, of a letter I wrote to James Madison; copy omitted -to be retained._ - - MONTICELLO, January 1, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of December the 19th is safely received. I never -entertained a doubt of the event of the election. I knew that the eastern -troops were trained in the schools of their town meetings to sacrifice -little differences of opinion to the solid advantages of operating in -phalanx, and that the more free and moral agency of the other States would -fully supply their deficiency. I had no expectation, indeed, that the -vote would have approached so near an equality. It is difficult to obtain -full credit to declarations of disinclination to honors, and most so with -those who still remain in the world. But never was there a more solid -unwillingness, founded on rigorous calculation, formed in the mind of any -man, short of peremptory refusal. No arguments, therefore, were necessary -to reconcile me to a relinquishment of the first office, or acceptance of -the second. No motive could have induced me to undertake the first, but -that of putting our vessel upon her republican tack, and preventing her -being driven too far to leeward of her true principles. And the second is -the only office in the world about which I cannot decide in my own mind, -whether I had rather have it or not have it. Pride does not enter into the -estimate. For I think with the Romans of old, that the General of to-day -should be a common soldier to-morrow, if necessary. But as to Mr. Adams, -particularly, I could have no feelings which would revolt at being placed -in a secondary station to him. I am his junior in life, I was his junior -in Congress, his junior in the diplomatic line, and lately his junior in -our civil government. I had written him the enclosed letter before the -receipt of yours. I had intended it for some time, but had put it off, -from time to time, from the discouragement of despair to make him believe -me sincere. As the information by the last post does not make it necessary -to change anything in the letter, I enclose it open for your perusal, as -well that you may be possessed of the true state of dispositions between -us, as that if there be any circumstance which might render its delivery -ineligible, you may return it to me. If Mr. Adams could be induced to -administer the government on its true principles, quitting his bias for -an English constitution, it would be worthy consideration whether it -would not for the public good, to come to a good understanding with him -as to his future elections. He is the only sure barrier against Hamilton's -getting in. - - * * * * * - -The Political Progress is a work of value and of a singular complexion. -The author's eye seems to be a natural achromatic, divesting every object -of the glare of color. The former work of the same title possessed the -same kind of merit. They disgust one, indeed, by opening to his view -the ulcerated state of the human mind. But to cure an ulcer you must go -to the bottom of it, which no author does more radically than this. The -reflections into which it leads us are not very flattering to the human -species. In the whole animal kingdom I recollect no family but man, -steadily and systematically employed in the destruction of itself. Nor -does what is called civilization produce any other effect, than to teach -him to pursue the principle of the _bellum omnium in omnia_ on a greater -scale, and instead of the little contest between tribe and tribe, to -comprehend all the quarters of the earth in the same work of destruction. -If to this we add, that as to other animals, the lions and tigers are mere -lambs compared with man as a destroyer, we must conclude that nature has -been able to find in man alone a sufficient barrier against the too great -multiplication of other animals and of man himself, an equilibrating power -against the fecundity of generation. While in making these observations, -my situation points my attention to the warfare of man in the physical -world, yours may perhaps present him as equally warring in the moral one. -Adieu. Yours affectionately. - - -TO MR. VOLNEY. - - MONTICELLO, January 8, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--I received yesterday your two favors of December the 26th and -29th. Your impatience to receive your valise and its key was natural; and -it is we who have been to blame; Mr. Randolph, for not taking information -of the vessel and address to which your valise was committed, and myself -for having waited till I heard of your being again immerged into the land -of newspapers before I forwarded your key. However, as you have at length -got them safe, I claim absolution under the proverb, that "all is well -which ends well." - -About the end of 1793, I received from Mr. Dombey (then at Lyons) a letter -announcing his intention to come here. And in May, 1794, I received one -from a M. L'Epine, dated from New York, and stating himself to be master -of the brig de Boon, Captain Brown, which had sailed from Havre with Mr. -Dombey on board, who had sealed up his baggage and wrote my address on -them, to save them in case of capture; and that when they were taken, -the address did in fact protect them. He mentioned then the death of Mr. -Dombey, and that he had delivered his baggage to the Custom House at New -York. I immediately wrote to M. L'Epine, disclaiming any right or interest -in the packages under my address, and authorizing, as far as depended -on me, the consul at New York, or any person the representative of Mr. -Dombey, to open the packages and dispose of them according to right. I -enclosed this letter open to Mr. Randolph, then Secretary of State, to get -his interference for the liberation of the effects. It may have happened -that he failed to forward the letter, or that M. L'Epine may have gone -before it reached New York. In any event, I can do no more than repeat my -disclaimer of any right to Mr. Dombey's effects, and add all the authority -which I can give to yourself, or the consul of France at New York, to do -with those effects whatever I might do. Certainly, it would be a great -gratification to me to receive the Metre and Grave committed to Mr. -Dombey for me, and that you would be so good as to be the channel of my -acknowledgments to Bishop Gregoire, or any one else to whom I should owe -this favor. - -You wish to know the state of the air here during the late cold spell, -or rather the present one, for it is at this moment so cold that the ink -freezes in my pen, so that my letter will scarcely be legible. - -The following is copied from my diary. - - Sun rise. 3 P. M. - Nov. 22 60 69 - 23 32½ 44 - 24 23 28 - 25 21 35 - 26 12 26 - 27 15 29 - 28 18 " - 29 25 36 - 30 22 43 - Dec. 19 50 48 - 20 19 " - 21 24 " - 22 12 " - 23 5 below 0 11 - 24 0 20 - 25 18 32 - 26 21 30 - 27 15 29 - 28 18 34 - 29 30 39 - 30 31 34 } a snow 1½ inches - 31 34 39 } deep. - Jan. 1 0 30 43 - 2 28 33 - 3 23 30 } a snow 3 inches - 4 23 30 } deep. - 5 21 35 - 6 27 38 - 7 25 22 - 8 12 - -In the winter of 1779-80, the mercury in Fahrenheits thermometer fell -at Williamsburg once to six degrees above zero. In 1783-84, I was at -Annapolis without a thermometer, and I do not know that there was one -in that State; I heard from Virginia, that the mercury was again down -to six degrees. In 1789-90, I was at Paris. The mercury here was as low -as eighteen degrees below zero, of Fahrenheit. These have been the most -remarkably cold winters ever known in America. We are told, however, -that in 1762, at Philadelphia, it was twenty-two degrees below zero; in -December, 1793, it was three degrees below zero there by my thermometer. -On the 31st of January, 1796, it was one and three-fourth degrees above -zero at Monticello. I shall therefore have to change the maximum of our -cold, if ever I revise the Notes on Virginia; as six degrees above zero -was the greatest which had ever been observed. - -It seems possible, from what we hear of the votes at the late election, -that you may see me in Philadelphia about the beginning of March, exactly -in that character which, if I were to reappear at Philadelphia, I would -prefer to all others; for I change the sentiment of Clorinda to "L'Alte -temo, l'humile non sdegno." I have no inclination to govern men. I should -have no views of my own in doing it; and as to those of the governed, I -had rather that their disappointment (which must always happen) should -be pointed to any other cause, real or supposed, than to myself. I value -the late vote highly; but it is only as the index of the place I hold in -the esteem of my fellow citizens. In this point of view, the difference -between sixty-eight and seventy-one votes is little sensible, and still -less that between the real vote, which was sixty-nine and seventy; -because one real elector in Pennsylvania was excluded from voting by the -miscarriage of the votes, and one who was not an elector was admitted -to vote. My farm, my family, my books and my building, give me much more -pleasure than any public office would, and, especially, one which would -keep me constantly from them. I had hoped, when you were here, to have -finished the walls of my house in the autumn, and to have covered it early -in winter. But we did not finish them at all. I have to resume the work, -therefore, in the spring, and to take off the roof of the old part during -the summer, to cover the whole. This will render it necessary for me to -make a very short stay in Philadelphia, should the late vote have given me -any public duty there. My visit there will be merely out of respect to the -public, and to the new President. - -I am sorry you have received so little information on the subject of -our winds. I had once (before our revolution war) a project on the same -subject. As I had then an extensive acquaintance over this State, I meant -to have engaged some person in every county of it, giving them each a -thermometer, to observe that and the winds twice a day, for one year, to -wit, at sun-rise and at four P. M., (the coldest and the warmest point of -the twenty-four hours,) and to communicate their observations to me at the -end of the year. I should then have selected the days in which it appeared -that the winds blew to a centre within the State, and have made a map of -them, and seen how far they had analogy with the temperature of the air. I -meant this to be merely a specimen to be communicated to the Philosophical -Society at Philadelphia, in order to engage them, by means of their -correspondents, to have the same thing done in every State, and through -a series of years. By seizing the days when the winds centred in any part -of the United States, we might, in time, have come to some of the causes -which determine the direction of the winds, which I suspect to be very -various. But this long-winded project was prevented by the war which came -upon us, and since that I have been far otherwise engaged. I am sure you -will have viewed the subject from much higher ground, and I shall be happy -to learn your views in some of the hours of _délassement_, which I hope we -are yet to pass together. To this must be added your observations on the -new character of man, which you have seen in your journey, as he is in all -his shapes a curious animal, on whom no one is better qualified to judge -than yourself; and no one will be more pleased to participate of your -views of him than one, who has the pleasure of offering you his sentiments -of sincere respect and esteem. - - -TO HENRY TAZEWELL. - - MONTICELLO, January 16, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--As far as the public papers are to be credited, I may suppose -that the choice of Vice President has fallen on me. On this hypothesis -I trouble you, and only pray, if it be wrong, that you will consider -this letter as not written. I believe it belongs to the Senate to notify -the Vice President of his election. I recollect to have heard, that -on the first election of President and Vice President, gentlemen of -considerable office were sent to notify the parties chosen. But this -was the inauguration of our new government, and ought not to be drawn -into example. At the second election, both gentlemen were on the spot -and needed no messengers. On the present occasion, the President will -be on the spot, so that what is now to be done respects myself alone; -and considering that the season of notification will always present one -difficulty, that the distance in the present case adds a second, not -inconsiderable, and which may in future happen to be sometimes much more -considerable, I hope the Senate will adopt that method of notification, -which will always be least troublesome and most certain. The channel of -the post is certainly the least troublesome, is the most rapid, and, -considering also that it may be sent by duplicates and triplicates, -is unquestionably the most certain. Indorsed to the postmaster at -Charlottesville, with an order to send it by express, no hazard can -endanger the notification. Apprehending, that should there be a difference -of opinion on this subject in the Senate, my ideas of self-respect might -be supposed by some to require something more formal and inconvenient, I -beg leave to avail myself of your friendship to declare, if a different -proposition should make it necessary, that I consider the channel of the -post-office as the most eligible in every respect, and that it is to me -the most desirable; which I take the liberty of expressing, not with a -view of encroaching on the respect due to that discretion which the Senate -have a right to exercise on the occasion, but to render them the more free -in the exercise of it, by taking off whatsoever weight the supposition of -a contrary desire in me might have on the mind of any member. - -I am, with sincere respect, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, January 22, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 8th came to hand yesterday. I was not aware of any -necessity of going on to Philadelphia immediately, yet I had determined -to do it, as a mark of respect to the public, and to do away the doubts -which have spread, that I should consider the second office as beneath -my acceptance. The journey, indeed, for the month of February, is a -tremendous undertaking for me, who have not been seven miles from home -since my re-settlement. I will see you about the rising of Congress; and -presume I need not stay there a week. Your letters written before the 7th -of February will still find me here. My letters inform me that Mr. Adams -speaks of me with great friendship, and with satisfaction in the prospect -of administering the government in concurrence with me. I am glad of the -first information, because though I saw that our ancient friendship was -affected by a little leaven, produced partly by his constitution, partly -by the contrivance of others, yet I never felt a diminution of confidence -in his integrity, and retained a solid affection for him. His principles -of government I knew to be changed, but conscientiously changed. As to my -participating in the administration, if by that he meant the executive -cabinet, both duty and inclination will shut that door to me. I cannot -have a wish to see the scenes of 1793 revived as to myself, and to descend -daily into the arena like a gladiator, to suffer martyrdom in every -conflict. As to duty, the Constitution will know me only as the member -of a legislative body; and its principle is, that of a separation of -legislative, executive and judiciary functions, except in cases specified. -If this principle be not expressed in direct terms, yet it is clearly the -spirit of the Constitution, and it ought to be so commented and acted on -by every friend to free government. - -I sincerely deplore the situation of our affairs with France. War with -them, and consequent alliance with Great Britain, will completely compass -the object of the executive council, from the commencement of the war -between France and England; taken up by some of them from that moment, -by others, more latterly. I still, however, hope it will be avoided. I -do not believe Mr. Adams wishes war with France; nor do I believe he will -truckle to England as servilely as has been done. If he assumes this front -at once, and shows that he means to attend to self-respect and national -dignity with both the nations, perhaps the depredations of both on our -commerce may be amicably arrested. I think we should begin first with -those who first began with us, and, by an example on them, acquire a right -to re-demand the respect from which the other party has departed. - -I suppose you are informed of the proceeding commenced by the legislature -of Maryland, to claim the south branch of the Potomac as their boundary, -and thus of Albemarle, now the central county of the State, to make a -frontier. As it is impossible, upon any consistent principles, and after -such a length of undisturbed possession, that they can expect to establish -their claim, it can be ascribed to no other than an intention to irritate -and divide; and there can be no doubt from what bow the shaft is shot. -However, let us cultivate Pennsylvania, and we need not fear the universe. -The Assembly have named me among those who are to manage this controversy. -But I am so averse to motion and contest, and the other members are so -fully equal to the business, that I cannot undertake to act in it. I -wish you were added to them. Indeed, I wish and hope you may consent to -be added to our Assembly itself. There is no post where you can render -greater services, without going out of your State. Let but this block -stand firm on its basis, and Pennsylvania do the same, our Union will be -perpetual, and our General Government kept within the bounds and form of -the Constitution. Adieu affectionately. - - -TO G. WYTHE. - - MONTICELLO, January 22, 1797. - -It seems probable that I will be called on to preside in a legislative -chamber. It is now so long since I have acted in the legislative line, -that I am entirely rusty in the Parliamentary rules of procedure. I know -they have been more studied and are better known by you than by any man -in America, perhaps by any man living. I am in hopes that while inquiring -into the subject you made notes on it. If any such remain in your hands, -however informal, in books or in scraps of paper, and you will be so good -as to trust me with them a little while, they shall be most faithfully -returned. If they lie in small compass they might come by post, without -regard to expense. If voluminous, Mr. Randolph will be passing through -Richmond on his way from Varina to this place about the 10th of February, -and could give them a safe conveyance. Did the Assembly do anything for -the preservation by publication of the laws? With great affection, adieu. - - -TO JOHN LANGDON. - - MONTICELLO, January 22, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--Your friendly letter of the 2d instant, never came to hand -till yesterday, and I feel myself indebted for the solicitude you therein -express for my undertaking the office to which you inform me I am called. -I know not from what source an idea has spread itself, which I have found -to be generally spread, that I would accept the office of President of -the United States, but not of Vice President. When I retired from the -office I last held, no man in the Union less expected than I did, ever -to have come forward again; and, whatever has been insinuated to the -contrary, to no man in the Union was the share which my name bore in the -late contest, more unexpected than it was to me. If I had contemplated -the thing beforehand, and suffered my will to enter into action at all on -it, it would have been in a direction exactly the reverse of what has been -imputed to me; but I had no right to a will on the subject, much less to -control that of the people of the United States in arranging us according -to our capacities. Least of all could I have any feelings which would -revolt at taking a station secondary to Mr. Adams. I have been secondary -to him in every situation in which we ever acted together in public life -for twenty years past. A contrary position would have been the novelty, -and his the right of revolting at it. Be assured then, my dear Sir, that -if I had had a fibre in my composition still looking after public office, -it would have been gratified precisely by the very call you are pleased to -announce to me, and no other. But in truth I wish for neither honors nor -offices. I am happier at home than I can be elsewhere. Since, however, I -am called out, an object of great anxiety to me is that those with whom -I am to act, shutting their minds to the unfounded abuse of which I have -been the subject, will view me with the same candor with which I shall -certainly act. An acquaintance of many long years ensures to me your -just support, as it does to you the sentiments of sincere respect and -attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO DOCTOR JOHN EDWARDS. - - MONTICELLO, January 22, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--I was yesterday gratified with the receipt of your favor of -December 15th, which gave me the first information of your return from -Europe. On the 20th of October I received a letter of July 30th from -Colonel Monroe, but did not know through what channel it came. I should be -glad to see the defence of his conduct which you possess, though no paper -of that title is necessary for me. He was appointed to an office during -pleasure merely to get him out of the Senate, and with an intention to -seize the first pretext for exercising the pleasure of recalling him. As -I shall be at Philadelphia the first week in March, perhaps I may have an -opportunity of seeing the paper there in Mr. Madison's hands. I think with -you it will be best to publish nothing concerning Colonel Monroe till his -return, that he may accommodate the complexion of his publication to times -and circumstances. When you left America you had not a good opinion of the -train of our affairs. I dare say you do not find that they have got into -better train. It will never be easy to convince me that by a firm yet just -conduct in 1793, we might not have obtained such a respect for our neutral -rights from Great Britain, as that her violations of them and use of our -means to all her wars, would not have furnished any pretence to the other -party to do the same. War with both would have been avoided, commerce and -navigation protected and enlarged. We shall now either be forced into a -war, or have our commerce and navigation at least totally annihilated, and -the produce of our farms for some years left to rot on our hands. A little -time will unfold these things, and show which class of opinions would have -been most friendly to the firmness of our government, and to the interests -of those for whom it was made. I am, with great respect, dear Sir, your -most obedient servant. - - -TO DOCTOR RUSH. - - MONTICELLO, January 22, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--I received yesterday your kind favor of the 4th instant, and -the eulogium it covered on the subject of our late invaluable friend -Rittenhouse, and I perused it with the avidity and approbation which the -matter and manner of everything from your pen has long taught me to feel. -I thank you too for your congratulations on the public call on me to -undertake the second office in the United States, but still more for the -justice you do me in viewing as I do the _escape_ from the first. I have -no wish to meddle again in public affairs, being happier at home than I -can be anywhere else. Still less do I wish to engage in an office where it -would be impossible to satisfy either friends or foes, and least of all -at a moment when the storm is about to burst, which has been conjuring -up for four years past. If I am to act however, a more tranquil and -unoffending station could not have been found for me, nor one so analogous -to the dispositions of my mind. It will give me philosophical evenings in -the winter, and rural days in summer. I am indebted to the Philosophical -Society a communication of some bones of an animal of the lion kind, but -of most exaggerated size. What are we to think of a creature whose claws -were eight inches long, when those of the lion are not 1½ inches; whose -thigh-bone was 6¼ diameter; when that of the lion is not 1½ inches? Were -not the things within the jurisdiction of the rule and compass, and of -ocular inspection, credit to them could not be obtained. I have been -disappointed in getting the femur as yet, but shall bring on the bones -I have, if I can, for the Society, and have the pleasure of seeing you -for a few days in the first week of March. I wish the usual delays of the -publications of the Society may admit the addition to our new volume, of -this interesting article, which it would be best to have first announced -under the sanction of their authority. I am, with sincere esteem, dear -Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, January 30, 1797. - -Yours of the 18th came to hand yesterday. I am very thankful for the -discretion you have exercised over the letter. That has happened to -be the case, which I knew to be possible, that the honest expression -of my feelings towards Mr. Adams might be rendered _mal-apropos_ from -circumstances existing, and known at the seat of government, but not known -by me in my retired situation. Mr. Adams and myself were cordial friends -from the beginning of the revolution. Since our return from Europe, -some little incidents have happened, which were capable of affecting a -jealous mind like his. His deviation from that line of politics on which -we had been united, has not made me less sensible of the rectitude of his -heart; and I wished him to know this, and also another truth, that I am -sincerely pleased at having escaped the late draught for the helm, and -have not a wish which he stands in the way of. That he should be convinced -of these truths, is important to our mutual satisfaction, and perhaps to -the harmony and good of the public service. But there was a difficulty -in conveying them to him, and a possibility that the attempt might do -mischief there or somewhere else; and I would not have hazarded the -attempt, if you had not been in place to decide upon its expediency. It -has now become unnecessary to repeat it by a letter. - - * * * * * - -I have turned to the Constitution and laws, and find nothing to warrant -the opinion that I might not have been qualified here, or wherever else -I could meet with a Senator; any member of that body being authorized -to administer the oath, without being confined to time or place, and -consequently to make a record of it, and to deposit it with the records -of the Senate. However, I shall come on, on the principle which had first -determined me,--respect to the public. I hope I shall be made a part of no -ceremony whatever. I shall escape into the city as covertly as possible. -If Governor Mifflin should show any symptoms of ceremony, pray contrive to -parry them. We have now fine mild weather here. The thermometer is above -the point which renders fires necessary. Adieu affectionately. - - -TO JAMES SULLIVAN. - - MONTICELLO, February 9, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--I have many acknowledgments to make for the friendly anxiety -you are pleased to express in your letter of January the 12th, for my -undertaking the office to which I have been elected. The idea that I would -accept the office of President, but not that of Vice President of the -United States, had not its origin with me. I never thought of questioning -the free exercise of the right of my fellow citizens, to marshal those -whom they call into their service according to their fitness, nor ever -presumed that they were not the best judges of that. Had I indulged a -wish in what manner they should dispose of me, it would precisely have -coincided with what they have done. Neither the splendor, nor the power, -nor the difficulties, nor the fame or defamation, as may happen, attached -to the first magistracy, have any attractions for me. The helm of a free -government is always arduous, and never was ours more so, than at a moment -when two friendly people are like to be committed in war by the ill temper -of their administrations. I am so much attached to my domestic situation, -that I would not have wished to leave it at all. However, if I am to -be called from it, the shortest absences and most tranquil station suit -me best. I value highly, indeed, the part my fellow citizens gave me in -their late vote, as an evidence of their esteem, and I am happy in the -information you are so kind as to give, that many in the eastern quarter -entertain the same sentiment. - -Where a constitution, like ours, wears a mixed aspect of monarchy and -republicanism, its citizens will naturally divide into two classes -of sentiment, according as their tone of body or mind, their habits, -connections and callings, induce them to wish to strengthen either the -monarchial or the republican features of the Constitution. Some will -consider it as an elective monarchy, which had better be made hereditary, -and therefore endeavor to lead towards that all the forms and principles -of its administration. Others will view it as an energetic republic, -turning in all its points on the pivot of free and frequent elections. The -great body of our native citizens are unquestionably of the republican -sentiment. Foreign education, and foreign connections of interest, have -produced some exceptions in every part of the Union, north and south, -and perhaps other circumstances in your quarter, better known to you, -may have thrown into the scale of exceptions a greater number of the -rich. Still there, I believe, and here, I am sure, the great mass is -republican. Nor do any of the forms in which the public disposition has -been pronounced in the last half dozen years, evince the contrary. All of -them, when traced to their true source, have only been evidences of the -preponderant popularity of a particular great character. That influence -once withdrawn, and our countrymen left to the operation of their own -unbiassed good sense, I have no doubt we shall see a pretty rapid return -of general harmony, and our citizens moving in phalanx in the paths of -regular liberty, order, and a sacrosanct adherence to the constitution. -Thus I think it will be, if war with France can be avoided. But if that -untoward event comes athwart us in our present point of deviation, nobody, -I believe, can foresee into what port it will drive us. - -I am always glad of an opportunity of inquiring after my most ancient -and respected friend Mr. Samuel Adams. His principles, founded on the -immovable basis of equal right and reason, have continued pure and -unchanged. Permit me to place here my sincere veneration for him, and -wishes for his health and happiness; and to assure yourself of the -sentiments of esteem and respect with which I am, Dear Sir, your most -obedient and most humble servant. - - -TO PEREGRINE FITZHUGH, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, April 9, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of March 25th came safely to hand with the ---- of ----- covered, for which accept my thanks. A nephew of mine, Mr. S., who -married a daughter of Mr. Carr, near Georgetown, setting out this day for -that place, I have sent him some of the peas you desired, which he will -enclose under cover to you, and lodge in the care of Mr. Thompson Mason. -This letter goes separately by post, to notify you that you may call for -them in time for the present season. I wish it were in my power to satisfy -you with respect to the sentiments expressed by my friend Mr. Madison in -the general Convention. But the papers in my possession are under a seal -which I have not broken yet, and wish not to break, till I have time to -give them a thorough perusal and consideration. Two things may be safely -said; 1st. When a man whose life has been marked by its candor, has given -a latter opinion contrary to a former one, it is probably the result of -further inquiry, reflection and conviction. This is a sound answer, if -the contrariety of sentiment as to the treaty-making power were really -expressed by him on the former and latter occasion, as was alleged to you. -But, 2d. As no man weighs more maturely than Mr. Madison before he takes -a side on any question, I do not expect he has changed either his opinion -on that subject, or the expressions of it, and therefore I presume the -allegation founded in some misconception or misinformation. I have just -received a summons to _Congress_ for the 15th of next month. I am sorry -for it, as everything pacific could have been done without _Congress_, -and I hope nothing is contemplated which is not pacific. I wish I may be -as fortunate in my travelling companions as I was the last trip. I hope -you found your father and family well; present him, if you please, the -respectful homage of one who knew him when too young probably to have been -known by him, and accept yourself assurances of the great esteem of, Dear -Sir, your most obedient humble servant. - - -TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. - - PHILADELPHIA, May 13, 1797. - -My Dear Friend,--Your favor of the 4th instant came to hand yesterday. -That of the 4th of April, with the one for Monroe, has never been -received. The first, of March 27th, did not reach me till April the -21st, when I was within a few days of setting out for this place, and -I put off acknowledging it till I should come here. I entirely commend -your dispositions towards Mr. Adams; knowing his worth as intimately and -esteeming it as much as any one, and acknowledging the preference of his -claims, if any I could have had, to the high office conferred on him. But -in truth, I had neither claims nor wishes on the subject, though I know it -will be difficult to obtain belief of this. When I retired from this place -and the office of Secretary of State, it was in the firmest contemplation -of never more returning here. There had indeed been suggestions in the -public papers, that I was looking towards a succession to the President's -chair, but feeling a consciousness of their falsehood, and observing that -the suggestions came from hostile quarters, I considered them as intended -merely to excite public odium against me. I never in my life exchanged a -word with any person on the subject, till I found my name brought forward -generally, in competition with that of Mr. Adams. Those with whom I then -communicated, could say, if it were necessary, whether I met the call with -desire, or even with a ready acquiescence, and whether from the moment -of my first acquiescence, I did not devoutly pray that the very thing -might happen which has happened. The second office of the government is -honorable and easy, the first is but a splendid misery. - -You express apprehensions that stratagems will be used, to produce a -misunderstanding between the President and myself. Though not a word -having this tendency has ever been hazarded to me by any one, yet I -consider as a certainty that nothing will be left untried to alienate him -from me. These machinations will proceed from the Hamiltonians by whom he -is surrounded, and who are only a little less hostile to him than to me. -It cannot but damp the pleasure of cordiality, when we suspect that it is -suspected. I cannot help thinking, that it is impossible for Mr. Adams -to believe that the state of my mind is what it really is; that he may -think I view him as an obstacle in my way. I have no supernatural power -to impress truth on the mind of another, nor he any to discover that the -estimate which he may form, on a just view of the human mind as generally -constituted, may not be just in its application to a special constitution. -This may be a source of private uneasiness to us; I honestly confess -that it is so to me at this time. But neither of us is capable of letting -it have effect on our public duties. Those who may endeavor to separate -us, are probably excited by the fear that I might have influence on the -executive councils; but when they shall know that I consider my office as -constitutionally confined to legislative functions, and that I could not -take any part whatever in executive consultations, even were it proposed, -their fears may perhaps subside, and their object be found not worth a -machination. - -I do sincerely wish with you, that we could take our stand on a ground -perfectly neutral and independent towards all nations. It has been my -constant object through my public life; and with respect to the English -and French, particularly, I have too often expressed to the former my -wishes, and made to them propositions verbally and in writing, officially -and privately, to official and private characters, for them to doubt of -my views, if they would be content with equality. Of this they are in -possession of several written and formal proofs, in my own hand writing. -But they have wished a monopoly of commerce and influence with us; and -they have in fact obtained it. When we take notice that theirs is the -workshop to which we go for all we want; that with them centre either -immediately or ultimately all the labors of our hands and lands; that to -them belongs either openly or secretly the great mass of our navigation; -that even the factorage of their affairs here, is kept to themselves -by factitious citizenships; that these foreign and false citizens now -constitute the great body of what are called our merchants, fill our sea -ports, are planted in every little town and district of the interior -country, sway everything in the former places by their own votes, and -those of their dependants, in the latter, by their insinuations and the -influence of their ledgers; that they are advancing fast to a monopoly -of our banks and public funds, and thereby placing our public finances -under their control; that they have in their alliance the most influential -characters in and out of office; when they have shown that by all these -bearings on the different branches of the government, they can force it -to proceed in whatever direction they dictate, and bend the interests -of this country entirely to the will of another; when all this, I say, -is attended to, it is impossible for us to say we stand on independent -ground, impossible for a free mind not to see and to groan under the -bondage in which it is bound. If anything after this could excite -surprise, it would be that they have been able so far to throw dust in the -eyes of our own citizens, as to fix on those who wish merely to recover -self-government the charge of subserving one foreign influence, because -they resist submission to another. But they possess our printing presses, -a powerful engine in their government of us. At this very moment, they -would have drawn us into a war on the side of England, had it not been -for the failure of her bank. Such was their open and loud cry, and that -of their gazettes till this event. After plunging us in all the broils of -the European nations, there would remain but one act to close our tragedy, -that is, to break up our Union; and even this they have ventured seriously -and solemnly to propose and maintain by arguments in a Connecticut -paper. I have been happy, however, in believing, from the stifling of -this effort, that that dose was found too strong, and excited as much -repugnance there as it did horror in other parts of our country, and that -whatever follies we may be led into as to foreign nations, we shall never -give up our Union, the last anchor of our hope, and that alone which is -to prevent this heavenly country from becoming an arena of gladiators. -Much as I abhor war, and view it as the greatest scourge of mankind, and -anxiously as I wish to keep out of the broils of Europe, I would yet go -with my brethren into these, rather than separate from them. But I hope we -may still keep clear of them, notwithstanding our present thraldom, and -that time may be given us to reflect on the awful crisis we have passed -through, and to find some means of shielding ourselves in future from -foreign influence, political, commercial, or in whatever other form it -may be attempted. I can scarcely withhold myself from joining in the wish -of Silas Deane, that there were an ocean of fire between us and the old -world. - -A perfect confidence that you are as much attached to peace and union -as myself, that you equally prize independence of all nations, and the -blessings of self-government, has induced me freely to unbosom myself -to you, and let you see the light in which I have viewed what has -been passing among us from the beginning of the war. And I shall be -happy, at all times, in an intercommunication of sentiments with you, -believing that the dispositions of the different parts of our country -have been considerably misrepresented and misunderstood in each part, -as to the other, and that nothing but good can result from an exchange -of information and opinions between those whose circumstances and morals -admit no doubt of the integrity of their views. - -I remain, with constant and sincere esteem, Dear Sir, your affectionate -friend and servant. - - -TO COLONEL BELL. - - PHILADELPHIA, May 18, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--I enclose you a copy of the President's speech at the opening -of Congress, from which you will see what were the objects in calling us -together. When we first met, our information from the members from all -parts of the Union, were that peace was the universal wish. Whether they -will now raise their tone to that of the Executive, and embark in all -the measures indicative of war, and, by taking a threatening posture, -provoke hostilities from the opposite party, is far from being certain. -There are many who think, that, not to support the Executive, is to -abandon Government. As far as we can judge as yet, the changes in the -late election have been unfavorable to the Republican interest; still, we -hope they will neither make nor provoke war. There appears no probability -of any embargo, general or special; the bankruptcy of the English Bank -is admitted to be complete, and nobody scarcely will venture to buy or -draw bills, lest they should be paid there in depreciated currency. They -prefer remitting dollars, for which they will get an advanced price; but -this will drain us of our specie. Good James river tobacco is 8½ to 9 -dollars, flour 8½ to 9 dollars, wheat not saleable. The bankruptcies have -been immense, but are rather at a stand. Be so good as to make known to -our commercial friends of your place and Milton, the above commercial -intelligence. Adieu. - -P. S.--Take care that nothing from my letter gets into the newspapers. - - -TO MR. GIROUD. - - PHILADELPHIA, May 22, 1797. - -SIR,--I received at this place, from Mr. Bache, the letter of 20th -Germinal, with the seeds of the bread-tree which you were so kind as to -send me. I am happy that the casual circumstances respecting Oglethorpe's -affairs, has led to this valuable present, and I shall take immediate -measures to improve the opportunity it gives us of introducing so precious -a plant into our Southern States. The successive supplies of the same -seeds which you are kind enough to give me expectations of receiving from -you, will, in like manner, be thankfully received, and distributed to -those persons and places most likely to render the experiment successful. -One service of this kind rendered to a nation, is worth more to them than -all the victories of the most splendid pages of their history, and becomes -a source of exalted pleasure to those who have been instrumental to it. -May that pleasure be yours, and your name be pronounced with gratitude by -those who will at some future time be tasting the sweets of the blessings -you are now procuring them. With my thanks for this favor, accept -assurances of the sentiments of esteem and regard with which I am, &c. - - -TO THOMAS PINCKNEY. - - PHILADELPHIA, May 29, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--I received from you, before you left England, a letter -enclosing one from the Prince of Parma. As I learnt soon after that you -were shortly to return to America, I concluded to join my acknowledgments -of it with my congratulations on your arrival; and both have been -delayed by a blameable spirit of procrastination, forever suggesting -to our indolence that we need not do to-day what may be done to-morrow. -Accept these now, in all the sincerity of my heart. It is but lately I -have answered the Prince's letter. It required some time to establish -arrangements which might effect his purpose, and I wished also to forward -a particular article or two of curiosity. You have found on your return a -higher style of political difference than you had left here. I fear this -is inseparable from the different constitutions of the human mind, and -that degree of freedom which permits unrestrained expression. Political -dissension is doubtless a less evil than the lethargy of despotism, but -still it is a great evil, and it would be as worthy the efforts of the -patriot as of the philosopher, to exclude its influence, if possible, -from social life. The good are rare enough at best. There is no reason -to subdivide them by artificial lines. But whether we shall ever be able -so far to perfect the principles of society, as that political opinions -shall, in its intercourse, be as inoffensive as those of philosophy, -mechanics, or any other, may be well doubted. Foreign influence is the -present and just object of public hue and cry, and, as often happens, -the most guilty are foremost and loudest in the cry. If those who are -truly independent, can so trim our vessel as to beat through the waves -now agitating us, they will merit a glory the greater as it seems less -possible. When I contemplate the spirit which is driving us on here, and -that beyond the water which will view us as but a mouthful the more, I -have little hope of peace. I anticipate the burning of our sea ports, -havoc of our frontiers, household insurgency, with a long train of et -ceteras, which is enough for a man to have met once in his life. The -exchange, which is to give us new neighbors in Louisiana (probably the -present French armies when disbanded) has opened us to a combination of -enemies on that side where we are most vulnerable. War is not the best -engine for us to resort to, nature has given us one in our commerce, -which, if properly managed, will be a better instrument for obliging the -interested nations of Europe to treat us with justice. If the commercial -regulations had been adopted which our Legislature were at one time -proposing, we should at this moment have been standing on such an eminence -of safety and respect as ages can never recover. But having wandered -from that, our object should now be to get back, with as little loss as -possible, and, when peace shall be restored to the world, endeavor so to -form our commercial regulations as that justice from other nations shall -be their mechanical result. I am happy to assure you that the conduct -of Gen. Pinckney has met universal approbation. It is marked with that -coolness, dignity, and good sense which we expected from him. I am told -that the French government had taken up an unhappy idea, that Monroe was -recalled for the candor of his conduct in what related to the British -Treaty, and Gen. Pinckney was sent as having other dispositions towards -them. I learn further, that some of their well-informed citizens here are -setting them right as to Gen. Pinckney's dispositions, so well known to -have been just towards them; and I sincerely hope, not only that he may -be employed as Envoy Extraordinary to them, but that their minds will be -better prepared to receive him. I candidly acknowledge, however, that I -do not think the speech and addresses of Congress as conciliatory as the -preceding irritations on both sides would have rendered wise. I shall -be happy to hear from you at all times, to make myself useful to you -whenever opportunity offers, and to give every proof of the sincerity of -the sentiments of esteem and respect with which I am, Dear Sir, your most -obedient and most humble servant. - - -TO GENERAL GATES. - - PHILADELPHIA, May 30, 1797. - -DEAR GENERAL,--I thank you for the pamphlet of Erskine enclosed in your -favor of the 9th instant, and still more for the evidence which your -letter affords me of the health of your mind, and I hope of your body -also. Erskine has been reprinted here, and has done good. It has refreshed -the memory of those who had been willing to forget how the war between -France and England had been produced; and who, apeing St. James', called -it a defensive war on the part of England. I wish any events could -induce us to cease to copy such a model, and to assume the dignity of -being original. They had their paper system, stockjobbing, speculations, -public debt, moneyed interest, &c., and all this was contrived for us. -They raised their cry against jacobinism and revolutionists, we against -democratic societies and anti-federalists; their alarmists sounded -insurrection, ours marched an army to look for one, but they could not -find it. I wish the parallel may stop here, and that we may avoid, instead -of imitating, a general bankruptcy and disastrous war. - -Congress, or rather the Representatives, have been a fortnight debating -between a more or less irritating answer to the President's speech. The -latter was lost yesterday, by forty-eight against fifty-one or fifty-two. -It is believed, however, that when they come to propose measures leading -directly to war, they will lose some of their numbers. Those who have -no wish but for the peace of their country, and its independence of all -foreign influence, have a hard struggle indeed, overwhelmed by a cry as -loud and imposing as if it were true, of being under French influence, and -this raised by a faction composed of English subjects residing among us, -or such as are English in all their relations and sentiments. However, -patience will bring all to rights, and we shall both live to see the -mask taken from their faces, and our citizens sensible on which side -true liberty and independence are sought. Should any circumstance draw me -further from home, I shall with great cordiality pay my respects to you at -Rose Hill, and am not without hope of meeting you here some time. - -Here, there, and everywhere else, I am with great and sincere attachment -and respect, your friend and servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 1, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 18th of May. The address of the Senate -was soon after that. The first draught was responsive to the speech, and -higher toned. Mr. Henry arrived the day it was reported; the addressers -had not yet their strength around them. They listened therefore to -his objections, recommitted the papers, added him and Tazewell to the -committee, and it was reported with considerable alterations; but one -great attack was made on it, which was to strike out the clause approving -everything heretofore done by the executive. This clause was retained by a -majority of four. They received a new accession of members, held a caucus, -took up all the points recommended in the speech, except the raising -money, agreed the list of every committee, and on Monday passed the -resolutions and appointed the committees, by an uniform vote of seventeen -to eleven. (Mr. Henry was accidentally absent; Ross not then come.) -Yesterday they took up the nomination of John Quincy Adams to Berlin, -which had been objected to as extending our diplomatic establishment. It -was approved by eighteen to fourteen. (Mr. Tatnall accidentally absent.) -From the proceedings we are able to see, that eighteen on the one side and -ten on the other, with two wavering votes, will decide every question. -Schuyler is too ill to come this session, and Gunn has not yet come. -Pinckney (the General), John Marshall and Dana are nominated Envoys -Extraordinary to France. Chas. Lee consulted a member from Virginia to -know whether Marshall would be agreeable. He named you, as more likely -to give satisfaction. The answer was, "Nobody of Mr. Madison's way of -thinking will be appointed." - -The representatives have not yet got through their addresses. An amendment -of Mr. Nicholas', which you will have seen in the papers, was lost by a -division of forty-six to fifty-two. A clause by Mr. Dayton, expressing -a wish that France might be put on an equal footing with other nations, -was inserted by fifty-two against forty-seven. This vote is most worthy -of notice, because the moderation and justice of the proposition being -unquestionable, it shows that there are forty-seven decided to go to all -lengths to[6] * * * * * They have received a new orator from the district -of Mr. Ames. He is the son of the Secretary of the Senate. They have an -accession from South Carolina also, that State being exactly divided. In -the House of Representatives I learned the following facts, which give me -real concern. When the British treaty arrived at Charleston, a meeting, -as you know, was called, and a committee of seventeen appointed, of whom -General Pinckney was one. He did not attend. They waited for him, sent -for him; he treated the mission with great hauteur, and disapproved of -their meddling. In the course of the subsequent altercations, he declared -that his brother, T. Pinckney, approved of every article of the treaty, -under the existing circumstances, and since that time, the politics of -Charleston have been assuming a different hue. Young Rutledge joining -Smith and Harper, is an ominous fact as to that whole interest. - -Tobacco is at nine dollars, and flour very dull of sale. A great -stagnation in commerce generally. During the present bankruptcy in -England, the merchants seem disposed to lie on their oars. It is -impossible to conjecture the rising of Congress, as it will depend on the -system they decide on; whether of preparation for war, or inaction. In -the vote of forty-six to fifty-two, Morgan, Machir and Evans were of the -majority, and Clay kept his seat, refusing to vote with either. In that -of forty-seven to fifty-two, Evans was the only one of our delegation who -voted against putting France on an equal footing with other nations. - -P. M. So far, I had written in the morning. I now take up my pen to add, -that the addresses having been reported to the House, it was moved to -disagree to so much of the amendment as went to the putting France on an -equal footing with other nations, and Morgan and Machir turning tail, (in -consequence, as is said, of having been closeted last night by Charles -Lee,) the vote was forty-nine to fifty. So the principle was saved by -a single vote. They then proposed that compensations for spoliations -shall be a _sine qua non_, and this will be decided on to-morrow. Yours -affectionately. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [6] [A few lines are here illegible.] - - -TO FRENCH STROKER, ESQ. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 8, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--In compliance with the desire you expressed in the few short -moments I had the pleasure of being with you at Fredericksburg, I shall -give you some account of what is passing here. The President's speech -you will have seen; and how far its aspects was turned towards war. Our -opinion here is that the Executive had that in contemplation, and were not -without expectation that the Legislature might catch the flame. A powerful -part of that has shown a disposition to go all lengths with the Executive; -and they have been able to persuade some of more moderate principles to -go so far with them as to join them in a very sturdy address. They have -voted the completing and manning the three frigates, and going on with -the fortifications. The Senate have gone much further, they have brought -in bills for buying more armed vessels, sending them and the frigates -out as convoys to our trade, raising more cavalry, more artillerists, and -providing a great army, to come into active service only, if necessary. -They have not decided whether they will permit the merchants to arm. The -hope and belief is that the Representatives will concur in none of these -measures, though their divisions hitherto have been so equal as to leave -us under doubt and apprehension. The usual majorities have been from one -to six votes, and these sometimes one way, sometimes the other. Three of -the Virginia members dividing from their colleagues occasion the whole -difficulty. If they decline these measures, we shall rise about the 17th -instant. It appears that the dispositions of the French government towards -us wear a very angry cast indeed, and this before Pickering's letter to -Pinckney was known to them. We do not know what effect that may produce. -We expect Paine every day in a vessel from Havre, and Colonel Monroe in -one from Bordeaux. Tobacco keeps up at a high price and will still rise; -flour is dull at $7 50. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and -servant. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 15, 1797.--A. M. - -My last was of the 8th instant. I had enclosed you separately a paper -giving you an account of Bonaparte's last great victory. Since which, we -receive information that the preliminaries of peace were signed between -France and Austria. Mr. Hammond will have arrived at Vienna too late -to influence terms. The victories lately obtained by the French on the -Rhine, were as splendid as Bonaparte's. The mutiny on board the English -fleet, though allayed for the present, has impressed that country with -terror. King has written letters to his friends recommending a pacific -conduct towards France, notwithstanding the continuance of her injustices? -Volney is convinced France will not make peace with England, because it -is such an opportunity of sinking her as she never had and may not have -again. Bonaparte's army would have to march seven hundred miles to Calais. -Therefore, it is imagined that the armies of the Rhine will be destined -for England. The Senate yesterday rejected on its second reading their -own bill for raising four more companies of light dragoons, by a vote -of 15 to 13. Their cost would have been about $120,000 a year. To-day -the bill for manning the frigates and buying nine vessels (about $60,000 -each,) comes to its third reading. Some flatter us we may throw it out. -The trial will be in time to mention the issue herein. The bills for -preventing our citizens from engaging in armed vessels of either party, -and for prohibiting exportation of arms and ammunition, have passed both -Houses. The fortification bill is before the Representatives still. It is -thought by many that with all the mollifying clauses they can give it, -it may perhaps be thrown out. They have a separate bill for manning the -three frigates, but its fate is uncertain. These are probably the ultimate -measures which will be adopted, if even these will be adopted. The folly -of the convocation of Congress at so inconvenient a season and an expense -of $60,000, is now palpable to everybody; or rather it is palpable that -war was the object, since, that being out of the question, it is evident -there is nothing else. However, nothing less than the miraculous string -of events which have taken place, to wit, the victories of the Rhine and -Italy, peace with Austria, bankruptcy of England, mutiny in her fleet, and -King's writing letters recommending peace, could have cooled the fury of -the British faction. Even all that will not prevent considerable efforts -still in both parties to show our teeth to France. We had hoped to have -risen this week. It is now talked of for the 24th, but it is impossible -yet to affix a time. I think I cannot omit being at our court (July 3,) -whether Congress rises or not. If so, I shall be with you on the Friday or -Saturday preceding. I have a couple of pamphlets for you, (Utrum Horum, -and Paine's Agrarian Justice,) being the only things since Erskine which -have appeared worth notice. Besides Bache's paper there are two others now -accommodated to country circulation. Grile's (successor of Oswald) twice -a week without advertisements at four dollars. His debates in Congress -are the same with Claypole's. Also Smith proposes to issue a paper once -a week, of news only, and an additional sheet while Congress shall be -in session, price four dollars. The best daily papers now are Bradford's -compiled by Loyd, and Marshland and Cary's. Claypole's you know. Have you -remarked the pieces signed Fabius? they are written by John Dickinson. - -P. M. The bill before the Senate for equipping the three frigates, and -buying nine vessels of not more than twenty guns, has this day passed -on its third reading by 16 against 13. The fortification bill before the -Representatives as amended in committee of the whole, passed to its third -reading by 48 against 41. Adieu affectionately, with my best respects to -Mrs. Madison. - - -TO COLONEL BURR. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 17, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--The newspapers give so minutely what is passing in Congress, -that nothing of detail can be wanting for your information. Perhaps, -however, some general view of our situation and prospects, since you left -us, may not be unacceptable. At any rate, it will give me an opportunity -of recalling myself to your memory, and of evidencing my esteem for you. -You well know how strong a character of division had been impressed on the -Senate by the British treaty. Common error, common censure, and common -efforts of defence had formed the treaty majority into a common band, -which feared to separate even on other subjects. Towards the close of -the last Congress, however, it had been hoped that their ties began to -loosen, and their phalanx to separate a little. This hope was blasted at -the very opening of the present session, by the nature of the appeal which -the President made to the nation; the occasion for which had confessedly -sprung from the fatal British treaty. This circumstance rallied them -again to their standard, and hitherto we have had pretty regular treaty -votes on all questions of principle. And indeed I fear, that as long -as the same individuals remain, so long we shall see traces of the same -division. In the House of Representatives the republican body has also -lost strength. The non-attendance of five or six of that description, has -left the majority very equivocal indeed. A few individuals of no fixed -system at all, governed by the panic or the prowess of the moment, flap as -the breeze blows against the republican or the aristocratic bodies, and -give to the one or the other a preponderance entirely accidental. Hence -the dissimilar aspect of the address, and of the proceedings subsequent -to that. The inflammatory composition of the speech excited sensations -of resentment which had slept under British injuries, threw the wavering -into the war scale, and produced the war address. Bonaparte's victories -and those on the Rhine, the Austrian peace, British bankruptcy, mutiny of -the seamen, and Mr. King's exhortations to pacific measures, have cooled -them down again, and the scale of peace preponderates. The threatening -propositions therefore, founded in the address, are abandoned one by -one, and the cry begins now to be, that we have been called together to -do nothing. The truth is, there is nothing to do, the idea of war being -scouted by the events of Europe; but this only proves that war was the -object for which we were called. It proves that the executive temper was -for war; and that the convocation of the Representatives was an experiment -of the temper of the nation, to see if it was in unison. Efforts at -negotiation indeed were promised; but such a promise was as difficult -to withhold, as easy to render nugatory. If negotiation alone had been -meant, that might have been pursued without so much delay, and without -calling the Representatives; and if strong and earnest negotiation had -been meant, the additional nomination would have been of persons strongly -and earnestly attached to the alliance of 1778. War then was intended. -Whether abandoned or not, we must judge from future indications and -events; for the same secrecy and mystery are affected to be observed by -the present, which marked the former administration. I had always hoped, -that the popularity of the late President being once withdrawn from active -effect, the natural feelings of the people towards liberty would restore -the equilibrium between the executive and legislative departments, which -had been destroyed by the superior weight and effect of that popularity; -and that their natural feelings of moral obligation would discountenance -the ungrateful predilection of the executive in favor of Great Britain. -But unfortunately, the preceding measures had already alienated the nation -who were the object of them, had excited reaction from them, and this -reaction has on the minds of our citizens an effect which supplies that -of the Washington popularity. This effect was sensible on some of the late -congressional elections, and this it is which has lessened the republican -majority in Congress. When it will be reinforced, must depend on events, -and these are so incalculable, that I consider the future character of -our republic as in the air; indeed its future fortune will be in the air, -if war is made on us by France, and if Louisiana becomes a Gallo-American -colony. - -I have been much pleased to see a dawn of change in the spirit of your -State. The late elections have indicated something, which, at a distance, -we do not understand. However, what with the English influence in the -lower, and the Patroon influence in the upper part of your State, I -presume little is to be hoped. If a prospect could be once opened upon us -of the penetration of truth into the eastern States; if the people there, -who are unquestionably republicans, could discover that they have been -duped into the support of measures calculated to sap the very foundations -of republicanism, we might still hope for salvation, and that it would -come, as of old, from the east. But will that region ever awake to the -true state of things? Can the middle, southern and western States hold -on till they awake? These are painful and doubtful questions; and if, -in assuring me of your health, you can give me a comfortable solution of -them, it will relieve a mind devoted to the preservation of our republican -government in the true form and spirit in which it was established, but -almost oppressed with apprehensions that fraud will at length effect -what force could not, and that what with currents and counter-currents, -we shall, in the end, be driven back to the land from which we launched -twenty years ago. Indeed, my dear Sir, we have been but a sturdy fish on -the hook of a dexterous angler, who, letting us flounce till we have spent -our force, brings us up at last. - -I am tired of the scene, and this day se'nnight shall change it for one, -where, to tranquillity of mind may be added pursuits of private utility, -since none public are admitted by the state of things. - -I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - -P. S. Since writing the above, we have received a report that the French -Directory has proposed a declaration of war against the United States to -the Council of Ancients, who have rejected it. Thus we see two nations -who love one another affectionately, brought by the ill temper of their -executive administrations, to the very brink of a necessity to imbrue -their hands in the blood of each other. - - -TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 21, 1797. - -MY DEAR FRIEND,--It was with infinite joy to me, that you were yesterday -announced to the Senate, as Envoy Extraordinary, jointly with General -Pinckney and Mr. Marshall, to the French Republic. It gave me certain -assurance that there would be a preponderance in the mission, sincerely -disposed to be at peace with the French government and nation. Peace -is undoubtedly at present the first object of our nation. Interest and -honor are also national considerations. But interest, duly weighed, is -in favor of peace even at the expense of spoliations past and future; -and honor cannot now be an object. The insults and injuries committed on -us by both the belligerent parties, from the beginning of 1793 to this -day, and still continuing, cannot now be wiped off by engaging in war -with one of them. As there is great reason to expect this is the last -campaign in Europe, it would certainly be better for us to rub through -this year, as we have done through the four preceding ones, and hope that -on the restoration of peace, we may be able to establish some plan for -our foreign connections more likely to secure our peace, interest and -honor, in future. Our countrymen have divided themselves by such strong -affections, to the French and the English, that nothing will secure us -internally but a divorce from both nations; and this must be the object -of every real American, and its attainment is practicable without much -self-denial. But for this, peace is necessary. Be assured of this, my -dear Sir, that if we engage in a war during our present passions, and our -present weakness in some quarters, our Union runs the greatest risk of not -coming out of that war in the shape in which it enters it. My reliance for -our preservation is in your acceptance of this mission. I know the tender -circumstances which will oppose themselves to it. But its duration will -be short, and its reward long. You have it in your power, by accepting and -determining the character of the mission, to secure the present peace and -eternal union of your country. If you decline, on motives of private pain, -a substitute may be named who has enlisted his passions in the present -contest, and by the preponderance of his vote in the mission may entail -on us calamities, your share in which, and your feelings, will outweigh -whatever pain a temporary absence from your family could give you. The -sacrifice will be short, the remorse would be never ending. Let me, then, -my dear Sir, conjure your acceptance, and that you will, by this act, seal -the mission with the confidence of all parties. Your nomination has given -a spring to hope, which was dead before. - -I leave this place in three days, and therefore shall not here have -the pleasure of learning your determination. But it will reach me in my -retirement, and enrich the tranquillity of that scene. It will add to -the proofs which have convinced me that the man who loves his country on -its own account, and not merely for its trappings of interest or power, -can never be divorced from it, can never refuse to come forward when he -finds that she is engaged in dangers which he has the means of warding -off. Make then an effort, my friend, to renounce your domestic comforts -for a few months, and reflect that to be a good husband and good father -at this moment, you must be also a good citizen. With sincere wishes for -your acceptance and success, I am, with unalterable esteem, dear Sir, your -affectionate friend and servant. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 22, 1797. - -The Senate have this day rejected their own bill for raising a provisional -army of 15,000 men. I think they will reject that for permitting private -vessels to arm. The Representatives have thrown out the bill of the -Senate for raising artillery. They (Wednesday) put off one forbidding -our citizens to serve in foreign vessels of war till November, by a vote -of fifty-two to forty-four. This day they came to a resolution proposing -to the Senate to adjourn on Wednesday, the 28th, by a majority of four. -Thus it is now perfectly understood that the convocation of Congress is -substantially condemned by their several decisions that nothing is to be -done. I may be with you somewhat later than I expected, say from the 1st -to the 4th. Preliminaries of peace between Austria and France are signed. -_Wane_ has declined the mission to France. Gerry is appointed in his room, -being supported in Senate by the republican vote; six nays of the opposite -description of Monroe or Payne. Adieu. - - -TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 24, 1797. - -MY DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge your two favors of May the 4th and -19th, and to thank you for your attentions to the commissions for the -peas and oranges, which I learn have arrived in Virginia. Your draft I -hope will soon follow on Mr. John Barnes, merchant, here; who, as I before -advised you, is directed to answer it. - -When Congress first met, the assemblage of facts presented in the -President's speech, with the multiplied accounts of spoliations by the -French West Indians, appeared by sundry votes on the address, to incline -a majority to put themselves in a posture of war. Under this influence -the address was formed, and its spirit would probably have been pursued -by corresponding measures, had the events of Europe been of an ordinary -train. But this has been so extraordinary, that numbers have gone over -to those, who, from the first, feeling with sensibility the French -insults, as they had felt those of England before, thought now as they -thought then, that war measures should be avoided, and those of peace -pursued. Their favorite engine, on the former occasion, was _commercial -regulations_, in preference to negotiations, to war preparations and -increase of debt. On the latter, as we have no commerce with France, the -restriction of which could press on them, they wished for negotiation. -Those of the opposite sentiment had, on the former occasion, preferred -negotiation, but at the same time voted for great war preparations, and -increase of debt; now also they were for negotiation, war preparations -and debt. The parties have in debate mutually charged each other with -inconsistency, and with being governed by an attachment to this or that -of the belligerent nations, rather than the dictates of reason and pure -Americanism. But, in truth, both have been consistent; the same men -having voted for war measures who did before, and the same against them -now who did before. The events of Europe coming to us in astonishing and -rapid succession, to wit, the public bankruptcy of England, Buonaparte's -successes, the successes on the Rhine, the Austrian peace, mutiny of the -British fleet, Irish insurrection, a demand of forty-three millions for -the current services of the year, and, above all, the warning voice, as -is said, of Mr. King, to abandon all thought of connection with Great -Britain, that she is going down irrecoverably, and will sink us also, if -we do not clear ourselves, have brought over several to the pacific party, -so as, at present, to give majorities against all threatening measures. -They go on with frigates and fortifications, because they were going on -with them before. They direct eighty thousand of their militia to hold -themselves in readiness for service. But they reject the propositions to -raise cavalry, artillery, and a provisional army, and to trust private -ships with arms in the present combustible state of things. They believe -the present is the last campaign of Europe, and wish to rub through -this fragment of a year as they have through the four preceding ones, -opposing patience to insult, and interest to honor. They will, therefore, -immediately adjourn. This is, indeed, a most humiliating state of things, -but it commenced in 1793. Causes have been adding to causes, and effects -accumulating on effects, from that time to this. We had, in 1793, the most -respectable character in the universe. What the neutral nations think of -us now, I know not; but we are low indeed with the belligerents. Their -kicks and cuffs prove their contempt. If we weather the present storm, I -hope we shall avail ourselves of the calm of peace, to place our foreign -connections under a new and different arrangement. We must make the -interest of every nation stand surety for their justice, and their own -loss to follow injury to us, as effect follows its cause. As to everything -except commerce, we ought to divorce ourselves from them all. But this -system would require time, temper, wisdom, and occasional sacrifice of -interest; and how far all of these will be ours, our children may see, -but we shall not. The passions are too high at present, to be cooled in -our day. You and I have formerly seen warm debates and high political -passions. But gentlemen of different politics would then speak to each -other, and separate the business of the Senate from that of society. It is -not so now. Men who have been intimate all their lives, cross the streets -to avoid meeting, and turn their heads another way, lest they should be -obliged to touch their hats. This may do for young men with whom passion -is enjoyment. But it is afflicting to peaceable minds. Tranquillity is -the old man's milk. I go to enjoy it in a few days, and to exchange the -roar and tumult of bulls and bears, for the prattle of my grand-children -and senile rest. Be these yours, my dear friend, through long years, with -every other blessing, and the attachment of friends as warm and sincere, -as yours affectionately. - - -TO E. RANDOLPH. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 27, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two favors of May -26th and 29th, which came to hand in due time, and relieved my mind -considerably, though it was not finally done. During the vacation we may -perhaps be able to hunt up the letters which are wanting, and get this -tornado which has been threatening us, dissipated. - -You have seen the speech and the address, so nothing need be said on them. -The spirit of both has been so whittled down by Bonaparte's victories, -the victories on the Rhine, the Austrian peace, Irish insurgency, English -bankruptcy, insubordination of the fleet, &c., that Congress is rejecting -one by one the measures brought in on the principles of their own address. -But nothing less than such miraculous events as have been pouring in on -us from the first of our convening could have assuaged the fermentation -produced in men's minds. In consequence of these events, what was the -majority at first, is by degrees become the minority, so that we may -say that in the Representatives moderation will govern. But nothing -can establish firmly the republican principles of our government but an -establishment of them in England. France will be the apostle for this. -We very much fear that Gerry will not accept the mission to Paris. The -delays which have attended this measure have left a dangerous void in our -endeavors to preserve peace, which can scarcely be reconciled to a wish to -preserve it. I imagine we shall rise from the 1st to the 3d of July. I am, -Dear Sir, your friend and servant. - -P. S. The interruption of letters is becoming so notorious, that I am -forming a resolution of declining correspondence with my friends through -the channels of the Post Office altogether. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, August 3, 1797. - -I scribbled you a line on the 24th ultimo; it missed of the post, and -so went by a private hand. I perceive from yours by Mr. Bringhurst, that -you had not received it. In fact, it was only an earnest exhortation to -come here with Monroe, which I still hope you will do. In the meantime, -I enclose you a letter from him, and wish your opinion on its principal -subject. The variety of other topics the day I was with you, kept out -of sight the letter to Mazzei imputed to me in the papers, the general -substance of which is mine, though the diction has been considerably -altered and varied in the course of its translations from English into -Italian, from Italian into French, and from French into English. I first -met with it at Bladensburg, and for a moment conceived I must take the -field of the public papers. I could not disavow it wholly, because the -greatest part was mine, in substance though not in form. I could not avow -it as it stood, because the form was not mine, and, in one place, the -substance very materially falsified. This, then, would render explanations -necessary; nay, it would render proofs of the whole necessary, and draw -me at length into a publication of all (even the secret) transactions of -the administration while I was in it; and embroil me personally with every -member of the executive, with the judiciary, and with others still. I soon -decided in my own mind, to be entirely silent. I consulted with several -friends at Philadelphia, who, every one of them, were clearly against -my avowing or disavowing, and some of them conjured me most earnestly to -let nothing provoke me to it. I corrected, in conversation with them, a -substantial misrepresentation in the copy published. The original has a -sentiment like this (for I have it not before me), "they are endeavoring -to submit us to the substance, as they already have to the _forms_ of -the British government;" meaning by _forms_, the birth-days, levees, -processions to parliament, inauguration pomposities, &c. But the copy -published says, "as they have already submitted us to the _form_ of the -British," &c., making me express hostility to the form of our government, -that is to say, to the Constitution itself. For this is really the -difference of the word _form_, used in the singular or plural, in that -phrase, in the English language. Now it would be impossible for me to -explain this publicly, without bringing on a personal difference between -General Washington and myself, which nothing before the publication -of this letter has ever done. It would embroil me also with all those -with whom his character is still popular, that is to say, nine tenths -of the people of the United States; and what good would be obtained by -avowing the letter with the necessary explanations? Very little indeed, -in my opinion, to counterbalance a good deal of harm. From my silence -in this instance, it cannot be inferred that I am afraid to own the -general sentiments of the letter. If I am subject to either imputation, -it is to that of avowing such sentiments too frankly both in private and -public, often when there is no necessity for it, merely because I disdain -everything like duplicity. Still, however, I am open to conviction. Think -for me on the occasion, and advise me what to do, and confer with Colonel -Monroe on the subject. - -Let me entreat you again to come with him; there are other important -things to consult on. One will be his affair. Another is the subject of -the petition now enclosed you, to be proposed to our district, on the late -presentment of our representative by the grand jury: the idea it brings -forward is still confined to my own breast. It has never been mentioned -to any mortal, because I first wish your opinion on the expediency of the -measure. If you approve it, I shall propose to * * * * * or some other,[7] -to father it, and to present it to the counties at their general muster. -This will be in time for our Assembly. The presentment going in the -public papers just at the moment when Congress was together, produced a -great effect both on its friends and foes in that body, very much to the -disheartening and mortification of the latter. I wish this petition, if -approved, to arrive there under the same circumstances, to produce the -counter effect so wanting for their gratification. I could have wished to -receive it from you again at our court on Monday, because * * * * * and -* * * * * will be there, and might also be consulted, and commence measures -for putting it into motion. If you can return it then, with your opinion, -it will be of importance. Present me affectionately to Mrs. Madison, and -convey to her my entreaties to interpose her good offices and persuasives -with you to bring her here, and before we uncover our house, which will -yet be some weeks. - -Salutations and adieu. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [7] [The places in this letter where the asterisks are inserted, - are blanks in the original.] - - -TO COL. JOHN STUART. - - MONTICELLO, August 15, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--With great pleasure I forward to you the Diploma of the -American Philosophical Society, adopting you into their body. The -attention on your part, to which they are indebted for the knowledge that -such an animal has existed as the Megalonyx, as we have named him, gives -them reason to hope that the same attention continued will enrich us with -other objects of science, which your part of the country may yet, we hope, -furnish. On my arrival at Philadelphia, I met with an account published in -Spain of the skeleton of an enormous animal from Paraguay, of the clawed -kind, but not of the lion class at all; indeed, it is classed with the -sloth, ant-eater, &c., which are not of the carnivorous kinds; it was dug -up 100 feet below the surface, near the river La Plata. The skeleton is -now mounted at Madrid, is 12 feet long and 6 feet high. There are several -circumstances which lead to a supposition that our megalonyx may have -been the same animal with this. There are others which still induce us -to class him with the lion. Since this discovery has led to questioning -the Indians as to this animal, we have received some of their traditions -which confirm his classification with the lion. As soon as our 4th volume -of transactions, now in the press, shall be printed, I will furnish you -with the account given in to the Society. I take for granted that you -have little hope of recovering any more of the bones. Those sent me are -delivered to the society. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most -obedient servant. - - -TO ST. GEORGE TUCKER. - - MONTICELLO, August 28, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two favors of the -2d and 22d instant, and to thank you for the pamphlet covered by the -former. You know my subscription to its doctrines; and as to the mode of -emancipation, I am satisfied that that must be a matter of compromise -between the passions, the prejudices, and the real difficulties which -will each have their weight in that operation. Perhaps the first chapter -of this history, which has begun in St. Domingo, and the next succeeding -ones, which will recount how all the whites were driven from all the other -islands, may prepare our minds for a peaceable accommodation between -justice, policy and necessity; and furnish an answer to the difficult -question, whither shall the colored emigrants go? and the sooner we put -some plan under way, the greater hope there is that it may be permitted -to proceed peaceably to its ultimate effect. But if something is not -done, and soon done, we shall be the murderers of our own children. The -"murmura venturos nautis prudentia ventos" has already reached us; the -revolutionary storm, now sweeping the globe, will be upon us, and happy -if we make timely provision to give it an easy passage over our land. -From the present state of things in Europe and America, the day which -begins our combustion must be near at hand; and only a single spark is -wanting to make that day to-morrow. If we had begun sooner, we might -probably have been allowed a lengthier operation to clear ourselves, but -every day's delay lessens the time we may take for emancipation. Some -people derive hope from the aid of the confederated States. But this is a -delusion. There is but one State in the Union which will aid us sincerely, -if an insurrection begins, and that one may, perhaps, have its own fire -to quench at the same time. The facts stated in yours of the 22d, were -not identically known to me, but others like them were. From the General -Government no interference need be expected. Even the merchant and -navigator, the immediate sufferers, are prevented by various motives from -wishing to be redressed. I see nothing but a State procedure which can -vindicate us from the insult. It is in the power of any single magistrate, -or of the Attorney for the Commonwealth, to lay hold of the commanding -officer, whenever he comes ashore, for the breach of the peace, and to -proceed against him by indictment. This is so plain an operation, that no -power can prevent its being carried through with effect, but the want of -will in the officers of the State. I think that the matter of finances, -which has set the people of Europe to thinking, is now advanced to that -point with us, that the next step, and it is an unavoidable one, a land -tax, will awaken our constituents, and call for inspection into past -proceedings. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO COLONEL ARTHUR CAMPBELL. - - MONTICELLO, September 1, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of July the -4th, and to recognize in it the sentiments you have ever held, and worthy -of the day on which it is dated. It is true that a party has risen up -among us, or rather has come among us, which is endeavoring to separate -us from all friendly connection with France, to unite our destinies with -those of Great Britain, and to assimilate our government to theirs. Our -lenity in permitting the return of the old tories, gave the first body -to this party; they have been increased by large importations of British -merchants and factors, by American merchants dealing on British capital, -and by stock dealers and banking companies, who, by the aid of a paper -system, are enriching themselves to the ruin of our country, and swaying -the government by their possession of the printing presses, which their -wealth commands, and by other means, not always honorable to the character -of our countrymen. Hitherto, their influence and their system have been -irresistible, and they have raised up an executive power which is too -strong for the Legislature. But I flatter myself they have passed their -zenith. The people, while these things were doing, were lulled into -rest and security from a cause which no longer exists. No prepossessions -now will shut their ears to truth. They begin to see to what port their -leaders were steering during their slumbers, and there is yet time to -haul in, if we can avoid a war with France. All can be done peaceably, -by the people confining their choice of Representatives and Senators to -persons attached to republican government and the principles of 1776, not -office-hunters, but farmers, whose interests are entirely agricultural. -Such men are the true representatives of the great American interest, and -are alone to be relied on for expressing the proper American sentiments. -We owe gratitude to France, justice to England, good will to all, and -subservience to none. All this must be brought about by the people, using -their elective rights with prudence and self-possession, and not suffering -themselves to be duped by treacherous emissaries. It was by the sober -sense of our citizens that we were safely and steadily conducted from -monarchy to republicanism, and it is by the same agency alone we can be -kept from falling back. I am happy in this occasion of reviving the memory -of old things, and of assuring you of the continuance of the esteem and -respect of, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO JOHN F. MERCER, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, September 5, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--We have now with us our friend Monroe. He is engaged in stating -his conduct for the information of the public. As yet, however, he has -done little, being too much occupied with re-arranging his household. His -preliminary skirmish with the Secretary of State has, of course, bespoke a -suspension of the public mind, till he can lay his statement before them. -Our Congressional district is fermenting under the presentiment of their -representative by the Grand Jury; and the question of a Convention for -forming a State Constitution will probably be attended to in these parts. -These are the news of our Canton. Those of a more public nature you know -before we do. My best respects to Mrs. Mercer, and assurances to yourself -of the affectionate esteem of, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO JAMES MONROE. - - MONTICELLO, September 7, 1797. - -The doubt which you suggest as to our jurisdiction over the case of the -Grand Jury _vs._ Cabell, had occurred to me, and naturally occurs on first -view of the question. But I knew, that to send the petition to the House -of Representatives in Congress, would make bad worse; that a majority -of that House would pass a vote of approbation. On examination of the -question, too, it appeared to me that we could maintain the authority of -our own government over it. - -A right of free correspondence between citizen and citizen, on their joint -interests, whether public or private, and under whatsoever laws these -interests arise, (to wit, of the State, of Congress, of France, Spain, -or Turkey), is a natural right; it is not the gift of any municipal law, -either of England, or Virginia, or of Congress; but in common with all our -other natural rights, it is one of the objects for the protection of which -society is formed, and municipal laws established. - -The courts of this commonwealth (and among them the General Court, as a -court of impeachment) are originally competent to the cognizance of all -infractions of the rights of one citizen by another citizen; and they -still retain all their judiciary cognizances not expressly alienated by -the federal Constitution. - -The federal Constitution alienates from them all cases arising 1st, -under the constitution; 2dly, under the laws of Congress; 3dly, under -treaties, &c. But this right of free correspondence, whether with a public -representative in General Assembly, in Congress, in France, in Spain, or -with a private one charged with pecuniary trust, or with a private friend -the object of our esteem, or any other, has not been given to us under, -1st, the federal Constitution; 2dly, any law of Congress; or 3dly, any -treaty; but as before observed, by nature. It is therefore not alienated, -but remains under the protection of our courts. - -Were the question even doubtful, that is no reason for abandoning it. The -system of the General Government, is to seize all doubtful ground. We must -join in the scramble, or get nothing. Where first occupancy is to give -right, he who lies still loses all. Besides, it is not right for those who -are only to act in a preliminary form, to let their own doubts preclude -the judgment of the court of ultimate decision. We ought to let it go -to the House of Delegates for their consideration, and they, unless the -contrary be palpable, ought to let it to go to the General Court, who are -ultimately to decide on it. - -It is of immense consequence that the States retain as complete authority -as possible over their own citizens. The withdrawing themselves under -the shelter of a foreign jurisdiction, is so subversive of order and so -pregnant of abuse, that it may not be amiss to consider how far a law -of _præmunire_ should be revised and modified, against all citizens who -attempt to carry their causes before any other than the State courts, in -cases where those other courts have no right to their cognizance. A plea -to the jurisdiction of the courts of their State, or a reclamation of a -foreign jurisdiction, if adjudged valid, would be safe; but if adjudged -invalid, would be followed by the punishment of _præmunire_ for the -attempt. - -Think further of the preceding part of this letter, and we will have -further conference on it. Adieu. - -P. S. Observe, that it is not the breach of Mr. Cabell's privilege which -we mean to punish: that might lie with Congress. It is the wrong done to -the citizens of our district. Congress gave no authority to punish that -wrong. They can only take cognizance of it in vindication of their member. - - -TO ALEXANDER WHITE, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, September 10, 1797. - -DEAR SIR,--So many persons have of late found an interest or a passion -gratified by imputing to me sayings and writings which I never said -or wrote, or by endeavoring to draw me into newspapers to harass me -personally, that I have found it necessary for my quiet and my other -pursuits to leave them in full possession of the field, and not to take -the trouble of contradicting them even in private conversation. If I do it -now, it is out of respect to your application, made by private letter and -not through the newspapers, and under the perfect assurance that what I -write to you will not be permitted to get in a newspaper, while you are at -full liberty to assert it in conversation under my authority. - -I never gave an opinion that the Government would not remove to the -federal city. I never entertained that opinion; but on the contrary, -whenever asked the question, I have expressed my full confidence that -they would remove there. Having had frequent occasion to declare this -sentiment, I have endeavored to conjecture on what a contrary one could -have been ascribed to me. I remember that in Georgetown, where I passed a -day in February in conversation with several gentlemen on the preparations -there for receiving the government, an opinion was expressed by some, and -not privately, that there would be few or no private buildings erected in -Washington this summer, and that the prospect of there being a sufficient -number in time, was not flattering. This they grounded on the fact that -the persons holding lots, from a view to increase their means of building, -had converted their money at low prices, into Morris and Nicholson's -notes, then possessing a good degree of credit, and that having lost -these by the failure of these gentlemen, they were much less able to build -than they would have been. I then observed, and I did it with a view to -excite exertion, that if there should not be private houses in readiness -sufficient for the accommodation of Congress and the persons annexed -to the Government, it could not be expected that men should come there -to lodge, like cattle, in the fields, and that it highly behoved those -interested in the removal to use every exertion to provide accommodations. -In this opinion, I presume I shall be joined by yourself and every other. -But delivered, as it was, only on the hypothesis of a fact stated by -others, it could not authorize the assertion of an absolute opinion, -separated from the statement of facts on which it was hypothetically -grounded. I have seen no reason to believe that Congress have changed -their purpose with respect to the removal. Every public indication from -them, and every sentiment I have heard privately expressed by the members, -convinces me they are steady in the purpose. Being on this subject, I -will suggest to you, what I did privately at Georgetown to a particular -person, in confidence that it should be suggested to the managers, if in -event it should happen that there should not be a sufficiency of private -buildings erected within the proper time, would it not be better for the -commissioners to apply for a suspension of the removal for one year, than -to leave it to the hazard which a contrary interest might otherwise bring -on it? Of this however you have yet two summers to consider, and you -have the best knowledge of the circumstances on which a judgment may be -formed whether private accommodations will be provided. As to the public -buildings, every one seems to agree that they will be in readiness. - -I have for five or six years been encouraging the opening a direct road -from the Southern part of this State, leading through this county to -Georgetown. The route proposed is from Georgetown by Colonel Alexander's, -Elk-run Church, Norman's Ford, Stevensburg, the Racoon Ford, the Marquis's -Road, Martin Key's Ford on the Rivanna, the mouth of Slate River, the high -bridge on Appomattox, Prince Edward Courthouse, Charlotte Courthouse, -Cole's ferry on Stanton, Dix's ferry on Dan, Guilford Courthouse, -Salisbury, Crosswell's ferry on Saluda, Ninety-six, Augusta. It is -believed this road will shorten the distance along the continent one -hundred miles. It will be to open anew only from Georgetown to Prince -Edward Courthouse. An actual survey has been made from Stevensburg to -Georgetown, by which that much of the road will be shortened twenty miles, -and be all a dead level. The difficulty is to get it first through Fairfax -and Prince William. The counties after that will very readily carry it on. -We consider it as opening to us a direct road to the market of the federal -city, for all the beef and mutton we could raise, for which we have no -market at present. I am in possession of the survey, and had thought of -getting the Bridge company at Georgetown to undertake to get the road -carried through Fairfax and Prince William, either by those counties or -by themselves. But I have some apprehension that by pointing our road to -the bridge, it might get out of the level country, and be carried over the -hills, which will be but a little above it. This would be inadmissible. -Perhaps you could suggest some means of our getting over the obstacle -of those two counties. I shall be very happy to concur in any measure -which can effect all our purposes. I am with esteem, dear Sir, your most -obedient servant. - - -TO MANN PAGE, ESQ. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 2, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I do not know whether you have seen some very furious abuse of -me in the Baltimore papers by a Mr. Luther Martin, on account of Logan's -speech, published in the "Notes on Virginia." He supposes both the speech -and story made by me to support an argument against Buffon. I mean not to -enter into a newspaper contest with Mr. Martin; but I wish to collect, as -well as the lapse of time will permit, the evidence on which we received -that story. It was brought to us I remember by Lord Dunmore and his -officers on the return from the expedition of 1776. I am sure it was from -them I got it. As you were very much in the same circle of society in -Williamsburg with myself, I am in hopes your memory will be able to help -out mine, and recall some facts which have escaped me. I ask it as a great -favor of you to endeavor to recollect, and to communicate to me all the -circumstances you possibly can relative to this matter, particularly the -authority on which we received it, and the names of any persons who you -think can give me information. I mean to fix the fact with all possible -care and truth, and either to establish or correct the former statement in -an appendix to the "Notes on Virginia," or in the first republication of -the work. - -Congress have done nothing interesting except postponing the Stamp Act. -An act continuing the currency of the foreign coins three years longer has -passed the Representatives, but was lost in the Senate. We have hopes that -our envoys will be received decently at Paris, and some compromise agreed -on. There seems to be little appearance of peace in Europe. Those among -us who were so timid when they apprehended war with England, are now bold -in propositions to arm. I do not think however that the Representatives -will change the policy pursued by them at their summer session. The land -tax will not be brought forward this year. Congress of course have no real -business to be employed on. We may expect in a month or six weeks to hear -so far from our commissioners at Paris as to judge what will be the aspect -of our situation with France. If peaceable, as we hope, I know of nothing -which should keep us together. In my late journey to this place, I came -through Culpeper and Prince William to Georgetown. When I return, it will -be through the eastern shore (a country I have never seen), by Norfolk and -Petersburg; so that I shall fail then also of the pleasure of seeing you. -Present respectful compliments to Mrs. Page, and accept assurances of the -sincere esteem of, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 3, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 25th came to hand yesterday. I shall observe -your directions with respect to the post day. I have spoken with the -Deputy Post Master General on the subject of our Fredericksburg post. He -never knew before that the Fredericksburg printer had taken the contract -of the rider. He will be glad, if either in your neighborhood or ours, -some good person will undertake to ride from April next. The price given -this year is three hundred and thirty dollars, and it will go to the -lowest bidder who can be depended on. I understand (though not from him) -that Wyatt will be changed; and in general they determine that printers -shall not be postmasters or riders. - -Our weather has been here, as with you, cold and dry. The thermometer has -been at eight degrees. The river closed here the first week of December, -which has caught a vast number of vessels destined for departure. It -deadens also the demand for wheat. The price at New York is one dollar -seventy-five cents, and of flour eight dollars fifty cents to nine -dollars; tobacco eleven to twelve dollars; there need be no doubt of -greater prices. The bankruptcies here continue: the prison is full of the -most reputable merchants, and it is understood that the scene has not yet -got to its height. Prices have fallen greatly. The market is cheaper than -it has been for four years. Labor and house rent much reduced. Dry goods -somewhat. It is expected that they will fall till they get nearly to old -prices. Money scarce beyond all example. - -The Representatives have rejected the President's proposition for enabling -him to prorogue them. A law has passed putting off the stamp act till July -next. The land tax will not be brought on. The Secretary of the Treasury -says he has money enough. No doubt these two measures may be taken up more -boldly at the next session, when most of the elections will be over. It -is imagined the stamp act will be extended or attempted on every possible -object. A bill has passed the Representatives to suspend for three years -the law arresting the currency of foreign coins. The Senate propose an -amendment, continuing the currency of the foreign gold only. Very possibly -the bill may be lost. The object of opposing the bill is to make the -French crowns a subject of speculation (for it seems they fell on the -President's proclamation to a dollar in most of the States), and to force -bank paper (for want of other medium) through all the States generally. -Tench Coxe is displaced, and no reason ever spoken of. It is therefore -understood to be for his activity during the late election. It is said, -that the people from hence quite to the eastern extremity are beginning -to be sensible that their government has been playing a foul game. In -Vermont, Chipman was elected Senator by a majority of one, against the -republican candidate. In Maryland, Lloyd by a majority of one, against -Winder the republican candidate. Tichenor chosen Governor of Vermont by a -very small majority. The House of Representatives of this State has become -republican by a firm majority of six. Two counties, it is said, have come -over generally to the republican side. It is thought the republicans have -also a majority in the New York House of Representatives. Hard elections -are expected there between Jay and Livingston, and here between Ross -and M'Kean. In the House of Representatives of Congress, the republican -interest has at present, on strong questions, a majority of about half -a dozen, as is conjectured, and there are as many of their firmest men -absent; not one of the anti-republicans is from his post. The bill for -permitting private vessels to arm, was put off to the first Monday in -February by a sudden vote, and a majority of five. It was considered as an -index of their dispositions on that subject, though some voted both ways -on other ground. It is most evident, that the anti-republicans wish to -get rid of Blount's impeachment. Many metaphysical niceties are handing -about in conversation, to show that it cannot be sustained. To show the -contrary, it is evident must be the task of the republicans, or of nobody. -Monroe's book is considered as masterly by all those who are not opposed -in principle, and it is deemed unanswerable. An answer, however, is -commenced in Fenno's paper of yesterday, under the signature of Scipio. -The real author not yet conjectured. As I take these papers merely to -preserve them, I will forward them to you, as you can easily return them -to me on my arrival at home; for I shall not see you on my way, as I -mean to go by the Eastern Shore and Petersburg. Perhaps the paragraphs in -some of these abominable papers may draw from you now and then a squib. A -pamphlet of Fauchet's appeared yesterday. I send you a copy under another -cover. A handbill has just arrived here from New York, where they learn -from a vessel which left Havre about the 9th of November, that the Emperor -had signed the definitive articles, given up Mantua, evacuated Mentz, -agreed to give passage to the French troops to Hanover, and that the -Portuguese ambassador had been ordered to quit Paris, on account of the -seizure of fort St. Julian's by the English, supposed with the connivance -of Portugal. Though this is ordinary mercantile news, it looks like truth. -The latest official intelligence from Paris, is from Talleyrand to the -French consul here, (Lastombe,) dated September the 28th, saying that our -Envoys were arrived, and would find every disposition on the part of his -government to accommodate with us. - -My affectionate respects to Mrs. Madison; to yourself, health and -friendship. Adieu. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 25, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 2d instant, on which day I received -yours of December 25th. I have not resumed my pen, because there has -really been nothing worth writing about, but what you would see in the -newspapers. There is, as yet, no certainty what will be the aspect of our -affairs with France. Either the Envoys have not written to the government, -or their communications are hushed up. This last is suspected, because -so many arrivals have happened from Bordeaux and Havre. The letters -from American correspondents in France have been always to Boston; and -the experience we had last summer of their adroitness in counterfeiting -this kind of intelligence, inspires doubts as to their late paragraphs. -A letter is certainly received here by an individual from Talleyrand, -which says our Envoys have been heard, that their pretensions are high, -that possibly no arrangement may take place, but that there will be no -declaration of war by France. It is said that Bournonville has written -that he has hopes of an accommodation (three audiences having then, -November, been had), and to be himself a member of a new diplomatic -mission to this country. On the whole, I am entirely suspended as to what -is to be expected. The Representatives have been several days in debate on -the bill for foreign intercourse. A motion has been made to reduce it to -what it was before the extension of 1796. The debate will probably have -good effects, in several ways, on the public mind, but the advocates for -the reformation expect to lose the question. They find themselves deceived -in the expectation entertained in the beginning of the session, that they -had a majority. They now think the majority is on the other side by two -or three, and there are moreover two or three of them absent. Blount's -affair is to come on next. In the mean time the Senate have before them -a bill for regulating proceedings in impeachment. This will be made the -occasion of offering a clause for the introduction of juries into these -trials. (Compare the paragraph in the Constitution which says, that all -crimes, _except in cases of impeachment_, shall be by jury, with the -eighth amendment, which says, that in _all_ criminal prosecutions the -trial shall be by jury.) There is no expectation of carrying this; because -the division in the Senate is of two to one, but it will draw forth the -principles of the parties, and concur in accumulating proofs on which side -all the sound principles are to be found. - -Very acrimonious altercations are going on between the Spanish minister -and the executive, and at the Natchez something worse than mere -altercation. If hostilities have not begun there, it has not been for want -of endeavors to bring them on by our agents. Marshall, of Kentucky, this -day proposed in Senate some amendments to the Constitution. They were -barely read just as we were adjourning, and not a word of explanation -given. As far as I caught them in my ear, they went only to modifications -of the elections of President and Vice President, by authorizing voters -to add the office for which they name each, and giving to the Senate the -decision of a disputed election of President, and to the Representatives -that of Vice President. But I am apprehensive I caught the thing -imperfectly, and probably incorrectly. Perhaps this occasion may be -taken of proposing again the Virginia amendments, as also to condemn -elections by the legislatures, themselves to transfer the power of trying -impeachments from the Senate to some better constituted court, &c., &c. - -Good tobacco here is thirteen dollars, flour eight dollars and fifty -cents, wheat one dollar and fifty cents, but dull, because only the -millers buy. The river, however, is nearly open, and the merchants will -now come to market and give a spur to the price. But the competition will -not be what it has been. Bankruptcies thicken, and the height of them has -by no means yet come on. It is thought this winter will be very trying. - -Friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison. Adieu affectionately. - - -January 28. I enclose Marshall's propositions. They have been this day -postponed to the 1st of June, chiefly by the vote of the anti-republicans, -under the acknowledged fear that other amendments would be also proposed, -and that this is not the time for agitating the public mind. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 8, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 25th ultimo; since which yours of the -21st has been received. Bache had put five hundred copies of Monroe's -book on board a vessel, which was stopped by the early and unexpected -freezing of the river. He tried in vain to get them carried by fifties -at a time, by the stage. The river is now open here, the vessels are -falling down, and if they can get through the ice below, the one with -Bache's packet will soon be at Richmond. It is surmised here that Scipio -is written by C. Lee. Articles of impeachment were yesterday given in -against Blount. But many great preliminary questions will arise. Must -not a _formal law_ settle the oath of the Senators, form of pleadings, -process against person or goods, &c.? May he not appear by attorney? Must -he not be tried by a jury? Is a Senator impeachable? Is an ex-Senator -impeachable? You will readily conceive that these questions, to be settled -by twenty-nine lawyers, are not likely to come to speedy issue. A very -disagreeable question of privilege has suspended all other proceedings for -some days. You will see this in the newspapers. The question of arming -vessels came on, on Monday last; that morning, the President sent in an -inflammatory message about a vessel taken and burnt by a French privateer, -near Charleston. Of this he had been possessed some time, and it had -been through all the newspapers. It seemed to come in now _apropos_ for -spurring on the disposition to arm. However, the question has not come on. -In the meantime, the general spirit, even of the merchants, is becoming -adverse to it. In New Hampshire and Rhode Island they are unanimously -against arming; so in Baltimore. This place is becoming more so. Boston -divided and desponding. I know nothing of New York; but I think there is -no danger of the question being carried, unless something favorable to -it is received from our Envoys. From them we hear nothing. Yet it seems -reasonably believed that the executive has heard, and that it is something -which would not promote their views of arming. For every action of theirs -shows they are panting to come to blows. Giles has arrived. - -My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison. Adieu affectionately. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 15, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 8th. We have still not a word from -our Envoys. This long silence (if they have been silent) proves things -are not going on very roughly. If they have not been silent, it proves -their information, if made public, would check the disposition to arm. I -had flattered myself, from the progress of the public sentiment against -arming, that the same progress had taken place in the Legislature. But -I am assured by those who have better opportunities of forming a good -judgment, that if the question against arming is carried at all, it will -not be by more than a majority of two; and particularly, that there will -not be more than four votes against it from the five eastern States, or -five votes at the utmost. You will have perceived that Dayton has gone -over completely. He expects to be appointed Secretary of War, in the room -of M'Henry, who, it is said, will retire. He has been told, as report -goes, that they would not have confidence enough in him to appoint him. -The desire of inspiring them with more, seems the only way to account -for the eclat which he chooses to give to his conversion. You will have -seen the disgusting proceedings in the case of Lyon: if they would have -accepted even of a commitment to the serjeant, it might have been had. -But to get rid of his vote was the most material object. These proceedings -must degrade the General Government, and lead the people to lean more on -their State governments, which have been sunk under the early popularity -of the former. This day, the question of the jury in cases of impeachment -comes on. There is no doubt how it will go. The general division of the -Senate is twenty-two and ten; and under the probable prospect of what it -will forever be, I see nothing in the mode of proceeding by impeachment -but the most formidable weapon for the purposes of dominant faction that -ever was contrived. It would be the most effectual one of getting rid of -any man whom they consider as dangerous to their views, and I do not know -that we could count on one-third in an emergency. All depends then on the -House of Representatives, who are the impeachers; and there the majorities -are of one, two, or three only; and these sometimes one way and sometimes -another: in a question of pure party they have the majority, and we do not -know what circumstances may turn up to increase that majority temporarily, -if not permanently. I know of no solid purpose of punishment which the -courts of law are not equal to, and history shows, that in England, -impeachment has been an engine more of passion than justice. A great ball -is to be given here on the 22d, and in other great towns of the Union. -This is, at least, very indelicate, and probably excites uneasy sensations -in some. I see in it, however, this useful deduction, that the birth days -which have been kept, have been, not those of the President, but of the -General. I enclose with the newspapers, the two acts of parliament passed -on the subject of our commerce, which are interesting. The merchants here -say, that the effect of the countervailing tonnage on American vessels, -will throw them completely out of employ as soon as there is peace. The -eastern members say nothing but among themselves. But it is said that it -is working like gravel in their stomachs. Our only comfort is, that they -have brought it on themselves. My respectful salutation to Mrs. Madison; -and to yourself, friendship and adieu. - - -TO GENERAL GATES. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 21, 1798. - -DEAR GENERAL,--I received duly your welcome favor of the 15th, and -had an opportunity of immediately delivering the one it enclosed to -General Kosciusko. I see him often, and with great pleasure mixed with -commiseration. He is as pure a son of liberty as I have ever known, and -of that liberty which is to go to all, and not to the few or the rich -alone. We are here under great anxiety to hear from our Envoys. * * * * * -I agree with you, that some of our merchants have been milking the cow: -yet the great mass of them have become deranged; they are daily falling -down by bankruptcies, and on the whole, the condition of our commerce -far less firm and really prosperous, than it would have been by the -regular operations and steady advances which a state of peace would have -occasioned. Were a war to take place, and throw our agriculture into equal -convulsions with our commerce, our business would be done at both ends. -But this I hope will not be. The good news from the Natchez has cut off -the fear of a breach in that quarter, where a crisis was brought on which -has astonished every one. How this mighty duel is to end between Great -Britain and France, is a momentous question. The sea which divides them -makes it a game of chance; but it is narrow, and all the chances are not -on one side. Should they make peace, still our fate is problematical. - -The countervailing acts of Great Britain, now laid before Congress, -threaten, in the opinion of merchants, the entire loss of our navigation -to England. It makes a difference, from the present state of things, -of five hundred guineas on a vessel of three hundred and fifty tons. -If, as the newspapers have told us, France has renewed her _Arret_ of -1789, laying a duty of seven livres a hundred on all tobacco brought in -foreign bottoms (even our own), and should extend it to rice and other -commodities, we are done, as navigators, to that country also. In fact, I -apprehend that those two great nations will think it their interest not to -permit us to be navigators. France had thought otherwise, and had shown -an equal desire to encourage our navigation as her own, while she hoped -its weight would at least not be thrown into the scale of her enemies. -She sees now that that is not to be relied on, and will probably use -her own means, and those of the nations under her influence, to exclude -us from the ocean. How far it may lessen our happiness to be rendered -merely agricultural, how far that state is more friendly to principles of -virtue and liberty, are questions yet to be solved. Kosciusko has been -disappointed by the sudden peace between France and Austria. A ray of -hope seemed to gleam on his mind for a moment, that the extension of the -revolutionary spirit through Italy and Germany, might so have occupied the -remnants of monarchy there, as that his country might have risen again. I -sincerely rejoice to find that you preserve your health so well. That you -may so go on to the end of the chapter, and that it may be a long one, I -sincerely pray. Make my friendly salutations acceptable to Mrs. Gates, and -accept yourself assurances of the great and constant esteem and respect -of, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 22, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 12th is received. I wrote you last on the 15th, -but the letter getting misplaced, will only go by this post. We still -hear nothing from our Envoys. Whether the executive hear, we know not. -But if war were to be apprehended, it is impossible our Envoys should -not find means of putting us on our guard, or that the executive should -hold back their information. No news, therefore, is good news. The -countervailing act, which I sent you by the last post, will, confessedly, -put American bottoms out of employ in our trade with Great Britain. So -say well-informed merchants. Indeed, it seems probable, when we consider -that hitherto, with the advantage of our foreign tonnage, our vessels -could only share with the British, and the countervailing duties will, -it is said, make a difference of five hundred guineas to our prejudice -on a ship of three hundred and fifty tons. Still the eastern men say -nothing. Every appearance and consideration render it probable, that on -the restoration of peace, both France and Britain will consider it their -interest to exclude us from the ocean, by such peaceable means as are in -their power. Should this take place, perhaps it may be thought just and -politic to give to our _native capitalists_ the monopoly of our internal -commerce. This may at once relieve us from the dangers of wars abroad and -British thraldom at home. The news from the Natchez, of the delivery of -the posts, which you will see in the papers, is to be relied on. We have -escaped a dangerous crisis there. The great contest between Israel and -Morgan, of which you will see the papers full, is to be decided this day. -It is snowing fast at this time, and the most sloppy walking I ever saw. -This will be to the disadvantage of the party which has the most invalids. -Whether the event will be known this evening, I am uncertain. I rather -presume not, and therefore, that you will not learn it till next post. - -You will see in the papers, the ground on which the introduction of the -jury into the trial by impeachment was advocated by Mr. Tazewell, and the -fate of the question. Reader's motion, which I enclosed you, will probably -be amended and established, so as to declare a Senator unimpeachable, -absolutely; and yesterday an opinion was declared, that not only officers -of the State governments, but every private citizen of the United States, -are impeachable. Whether they will think this the time to make the -declaration, I know not; but if they bring it on, I think there will be -not more than two votes north of the Potomac against the universality of -the impeaching power. The system of the Senate may be inferred from their -transactions heretofore, and from the following declaration made to me -personally by their oracle.[8] "No republic can ever be of any duration, -without a Senate, and a Senate deeply and strongly rooted, strong enough -to bear up against all popular storms and passions. The only fault in -the Constitution of our Senate is, that their term of office is not -durable enough. Hitherto they have done well, but probably they will be -forced to give way in time." I suppose their having done well hitherto, -alluded to the stand they made on the British treaty. This declaration -may be considered as their text; that they consider themselves as the -bulwarks of the government, and will be rendering that the more secure, in -proportion as they can assume greater powers. The foreign intercourse bill -is set for to-day; but the parties are so equal on that in the House of -Representatives, that they seem mutually to fear the encounter. - -My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison and the family. To yourself, -friendly adieus. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [8] [Here, in the margin of the copy filed, is written by the - author, in pencil, "Mr. Adams."] - - -TO PEREGRINE FITZHUGH, ESQ. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 23, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I have yet to acknowledge your last favor which I received at -Monticello, and therefore cannot now refer to the date. The perversion -of the expressions of a former letter to you which you mention to have -been made in the newspapers, I had not till then heard of. Yet the spirit -of it was not new. I have been for some time used as the property of the -newspapers, a fair mark for every man's dirt. Some, too, have indulged -themselves in this exercise who would not have done it, had they known me -otherwise than through these impure and injurious channels. It is hard -treatment, and for a singular kind of offence, that of having obtained -by the labors of a life the indulgent opinions of a part of one's fellow -citizens. However, these moral evils must be submitted to, like the -physical scourges of tempest, fire, &c. We are waiting with great anxiety -to hear from our envoys at Paris. But the very circumstance of silence -speaks, I think, plain enough. If there were danger of war we should -certainly hear from them. It is impossible, if that were the aspect of -their negotiations, that they should not find or make occasion of putting -us on our guard, and of warning us to prepare. I consider therefore their -silence as a proof of peace. Indeed I had before imagined that when France -had thrown down the gauntlet to England, and was pointing all her energies -to that object, her regard for the subsistence of her islands would -keep her from cutting off our resources from them. I hope, therefore, -we shall rub through the war, without engaging in it ourselves, and that -when in a state of peace our Legislature and executive will endeavor to -provide peaceable means of obliging foreign nations to be just to us, -and of making their injustice recoil on themselves. The advantages of -our commerce to them may be made the engine for this purpose, provided -we shall be willing to submit to occasional sacrifices, which will be -nothing in comparison with the calamities of war. Congress has nothing of -any importance before them, except the bill on foreign intercourse, and -the proposition to arm our merchant vessels. These will be soon decided, -and if we then get peaceable news from our envoys, I know of nothing which -ought to prevent our immediate separation. It had been expected that we -must have laid a land tax this session. However, it is thought we can get -along another year without it. Some very disagreeable differences have -taken place in Congress. They cannot fail to lessen the respect of the -public for the general government, and to replace their State governments -in a greater degree of comparative respectability. I do not think it for -the interest of the general government itself, and still less of the Union -at large, that the State governments should be so little respected as they -have been. However, I dare say that in time all these as well as their -central government, like the planets revolving round their common sun, -acting and acted upon according to their respective weights and distances, -will produce that beautiful equilibrium on which our Constitution is -founded, and which I believe it will exhibit to the world in a degree of -perfection, unexampled but in the planetary system itself. The enlightened -statesman, therefore, will endeavor to preserve the weight and influence -of every part, as too much given to any member of it would destroy the -general equilibrium. The ensuing month will probably be the most eventful -ever yet seen in modern Europe. It may probably be the season preferred -for the projected invasion of England. It is indeed a game of chances. The -sea which divides the combatants gives to fortune as well as to valor its -share of influence on the enterprise. But all the chances are not on one -side. The subjugation of England would be a general calamity. But happily -it is impossible. Should it end in her being only republicanized, I know -not on what principle a true republican of our country could lament it, -whether he considers it as extending the blessings of a purer government -to other portions of mankind, or strengthening the cause of liberty in our -own country by the influence of that example. I do not indeed wish to see -any nation have a form of government forced on them; but if it is to be -done, I should rejoice at its being a free one. Permit me to place here -the tribute of my regrets for the affecting loss lately sustained within -your wall, and to add that of the esteem and respect with which I am, dear -Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, March 2, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote to you last on the 22d ultimo; since which I have -received yours without date, but probably of April the 18th or 19th. An -arrival to the eastward brings us some news, which you will see detailed -in the papers. The new partition of Europe is sketched, but how far -authentic we know not. It has some probability in its favor. The French -appear busy in their preparations for the invasion of England; nor is -there any appearance of movements on the part of Russia and Prussia which -might divert them from it. - -The late birth-night has certainly sown tares among the exclusive -federalists. It has winnowed the grain from the chaff. The sincerely -Adamites did not go. The Washingtonians went religiously, and took the -secession of the others in high dudgeon. The one sect threatens to desert -the levees, the other the parties. The whigs went in number, to encourage -the idea that the birth-nights hitherto kept had been for the General and -not the President, and of course that time would bring an end to them. -Goodhue, Tracy, Sedgewick, &c., did not attend; but the three Secretaries -and Attorney General did. - -We were surprised, the last week, with a symptom of a disposition to -repeal the stamp act. Petitions for that purpose had come from Rhode -Island and Virginia, and had been committed to rest with the Ways and -Means. Mr. Harper, the chairman, in order to enter on the law for amending -it, observed it would be necessary first to put the petitions for repeal -out of the way, and moved an immediate decision on this. The Rhode -Islanders begged and prayed for a postponement; that not knowing that this -was the next question to be called up, they were not at all prepared; -but Harper would show no mercy; not a moment's delay would be allowed. -It was taken up, and, on question without debate, determined in favor of -the petitions by a majority of ten. Astonished and confounded, when an -order to bring in a bill for revisal was named, they began in turn to beg -for time; two weeks, one week, three days, one day; not a moment would -be yielded. They made three attempts for adjournment. But the majority -appeared to grow. It was decided, by a majority of sixteen, that the bill -should be brought in. It was brought in the next day, and on the day after -passed and was sent up to the Senate, who instantly sent it back rejected -by a vote of fifteen to twelve. Rhode Island and New Hampshire voted for -the repeal in Senate. The act will therefore go into operation July the -1st, but probably without amendments. However, I am persuaded it will -be short-lived. It has already excited great commotion in Vermont, and -grumblings in Connecticut. But they are so priest-ridden, that nothing is -expected from them, but the most bigoted passive obedience. - -No news yet from our commissioners; but their silence is admitted to -augur peace. There is no talk yet of the time of adjourning, though it is -admitted we have nothing to do, but what could be done in a fortnight or -three weeks. When the spring opens, and we hear from our commissioners, we -shall probably draw pretty rapidly to a conclusion. A friend of mine here -wishes to get a copy of Mazzei's Recherches Historiques et Politiques. -Where are they? Salutations and adieu. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, March 15, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 2d instant. Yours of the 4th is now -at hand. The public papers will give you the news of Europe. The French -decree making the vessel friendly or enemy, according to the hands by -which the cargo was manufactured, has produced a great sensation among -the merchants here. Its operation is not yet perhaps well understood; -but probably it will put our shipping out of competition, because British -bottoms, which can come under convoy, will alone be trusted with return -cargoes. Ours, losing this benefit, would need a higher freight out, in -which, therefore, they will be underbid by the British. They must then -retire from the competition. Some no doubt will try other channels of -commerce, and return cargoes from other countries. This effect would be -salutary. A very well-informed merchant, too, (a Scotchman, entirely in -the English trade,) told me, he thought it would have another good effect, -by checking and withdrawing our extensive commerce and navigation (the -fruit of our natural position) within those bounds to which peace must -necessarily bring them. That this being done by degrees, will probably -prevent those numerous failures produced generally by a peace coming on -suddenly. Notwithstanding this decree, the sentiments of the merchants -become more and more cooled and settled down against arming. Yet it is -believed the Representatives do not cool; and though we think the question -against arming will be carried, yet probably by a majority of only four or -five. Their plan is, to have convoys furnished for our vessels going to -Europe, and smaller vessels for the coasting defence. On this condition, -they will agree to fortify southern harbors, and build some galleys. It -has been concluded among them, that if war takes place, Wolcott is to be -retained in office, that the President must give up M'Henry, and as to -Pickering they are divided, the eastern men being determined to retain -him, their middle and southern brethren wishing to get rid of him. They -have talked of General Pinckney as successor to M'Henry. This information -is certain. However, I hope we shall avoid war, and save them the trouble -of a change of ministry. The President has nominated John Quincy Adams -Commissioner Plenipotentiary to renew the treaty with Sweden. Tazewell -made a great stand against it, on the general ground that we should let -our treaties drop, and remain without any. He could only get eight votes -against twenty. A trial will be made to-day in another form, which he -thinks will give ten or eleven against sixteen or seventeen, declaring -the renewal inexpedient. In this case, notwithstanding the nomination -has been confirmed, it is supposed the President would perhaps not act -under it, on the probability that more than the third would be against -the ratification. I believe, however, that he would act, and that a third -could not be got to oppose the ratification. It is acknowledged we have -nothing to do but to decide the question about arming. Yet not a word -is said about adjourning; and some even talk of continuing the session -permanently; others talk of July and August. An effort, however, will soon -be made for an early adjournment. - -My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison; to yourself an affectionate adieu. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, March 21, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 15th; since that, yours of the 12th -has been received. Since that, too, a great change has taken place in -the appearance of our political atmosphere. The merchants, as before, -continue, a respectable part of them, to wish to avoid arming. The -French decree operated on them as a sedative, producing more alarm than -resentment; on the Representatives, differently. It excited indignation -highly in the war party, though I do not know that it had added any new -friends to that side of the question. We still hoped a majority of about -four; but the insane message which you will see in the public papers has -had great effect. Exultation on the one side and a certainty of victory; -while the other is petrified with astonishment. Our Evans, though his soul -is wrapt up in the sentiments of this message, yet afraid to give a vote -openly for it, is going off to-morrow, as is said. Those who count, say -there are still two members of the other side who will come over to that -of peace. If so, the members will be for war measures, fifty-two, against -them fifty-three; if all are present except Evans. The question is, what -is to be attempted, supposing we have a majority? I suggest two things: -1. As the President declares he has withdrawn the executive prohibition -to arm, that Congress should pass a legislative one. If that should fail -in the Senate, it would heap coals of fire on their heads. 2. As, to do -nothing and to gain time is everything with us, I propose that they shall -come to a resolution of adjournment, "in order to go home and consult -their constituents on the great crisis of American affairs now existing." -Besides gaining time enough by this, to allow the descent on England to -have its effect here as well as there, it will be a means of exciting the -whole body of the people from the state of inattention in which they are; -it will require every member to call for the sense of his district by -petition or instruction; it will show the people with which side of the -House their safety as well as their rights rest, by showing them which -is for war and which for peace; and their representatives will return -here invigorated by the avowed support of the American people. I do not -know, however, whether this will be approved, as there has been little -consultation on the subject. We see a new instance of the inefficiency -of constitutional guards. We had relied with great security on that -provision, which requires two-thirds of the Legislature to declare war. -But this is completely eluded by a majority's taking such measures as -will be sure to produce war. I wrote you in my last, that an attempt was -to be made on that day in Senate, to declare the inexpediency of renewing -our treaties. But the measure is put off under the hope of its being -attempted under better auspices. To return to the subject of war, it is -quite impossible, when we consider all the existing circumstances, to find -any reason in its favor resulting from views either of interest or honor, -and plausible enough to impose even on the weakest mind; and especially, -when it would be undertaken by a majority of one or two only. Whatever -then be our stock of charity or liberality, we must resort to other -views. And those so well known to have been entertained at Annapolis, and -afterwards at the grand convention, by a particular set of men, present -themselves as those alone which can account for so extraordinary a degree -of impetuosity. Perhaps, instead of what was then in contemplation, a -separation of the Union, which has been so much the topic to the eastward -of late, may be the thing aimed at. I have written so far, two days before -the departure of the post. Should anything more occur to-day or to-morrow, -it shall be added. Adieu affectionately. - - -TO ----.[9] - - PHILADELPHIA, March 23, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of August -16th and 18th, together with the box of seed accompanying the former, -which has just come to hand. The letter of the 4th of June, which you -mention to have committed to Mr. King, has never been received. It has -most likely been intercepted on the sea, now become a field of lawless and -indiscriminate rapine and violence. The first box which came through Mr. -Donald, arrived safely the last year, but being a little too late for that -season, its contents have been divided between Mr. Randolph and myself, -and will be committed to the earth now immediately. The peas and the vetch -are most acceptable indeed. Since you were here, I have tried that species -of your field pea which is cultivated in New York, and begin to fear that -that plant will scarcely bear our sun and soil. A late acquisition too of -a species of our country pea, called the cow pea, has pretty well supplied -the place in my husbandry which I had destined for the European field pea. -It is very productive, excellent food for man and beast, awaits without -loss our leisure for gathering, and shades the ground very closely through -the hottest months of the year. This with the loosening of the soil, I -take to be the chief means by which the pea improves the soil. We know -that the sun in our cloudless climate is the most powerful destroyer of -fertility in naked ground, and therefore that the perpetual fallows will -not do here, which are so beneficial in a cloudy climate. Still I shall -with care try all the several kinds of pea you have been so good as to -send me, and having tried all hold fast that which is good. Mr. Randolph -is peculiarly happy in having the barleys committed to him, as he had been -desirous of going considerably into that culture. I was able at the same -time to put into his hands Siberian barley, sent me from France. I look -forward with considerable anxiety to the success of the winter vetch, for -it gives us a good winter crop, and helps the succeeding summer one. It -is something like doubling the produce of the field. I know it does well -in Italy, and therefore have the more hope here. My experience leaves me -no fear as to the success of clover. I have never seen finer than in some -of my fields which have never been manured. My rotation is triennial; to -wit, one year of wheat and two of clover in the stronger fields, or two of -peas in the weaker, with a crop of Indian corn and potatoes between every -other rotation, that is to say once in seven years. Under this easy course -of culture, aided with some manure, I hope my fields will recover their -pristine fertility, which had in some of them been completely exhausted -by perpetual crops of Indian corn and wheat alternately. The atmosphere -is certainly the great workshop of nature for elaborating the fertilizing -principles and insinuating them into the soil. It has been relied on -as the sole means of regenerating our soil by most of the land-holders -in the canton I inhabit, and where rest has been resorted to before a -total exhaustion, the soil has never failed to recover. If, indeed, it -be so run down as to be incapable of throwing weeds or herbage of any -kind, to shade the soil from the sun, it either goes off in gullies, and -is entirely lost, or remains exhausted till a growth springs up of such -trees as will rise in the poorest soils. Under the shade of these and the -cover soon formed of their deciduous leaves, and a commencing herbage, -such fields sometimes recover in a long course of years; but this is too -long to be taken into a course of husbandry. Not so however is the term -within which the atmosphere alone will reintegrate a soil rested in due -season. A year of wheat will be balanced by one, two, or three years of -rest and atmospheric influence, according to the quality of the soil. It -has been said that no rotation of crops will keep the earth in the same -degree of fertility without the aid of manure. But it is well known here -that a space of rest greater or less in spontaneous herbage, will restore -the exhaustion of a single crop. This then is a rotation; and as it is -not to be believed that spontaneous herbage is the only or best covering -during rest, so may we expect that a substitute for it may be found which -will yield profitable crops. Such perhaps are clover, peas, vetches, &c. -A rotation then may be found, which by giving time for the slow influence -of the atmosphere, will keep the soil in a constant and equal state of -fertility. But the advantage of manuring, is that it will do more in one -than the atmosphere would require several years to do, and consequently -enables you so much the oftener to take exhausting crops from the soil, a -circumstance of importance where there is more labor than land. I am much -indebted. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [9] [Address lost.] - - -TO MR. PATTERSON. - - PHILADELPHIA, March 27, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--In the lifetime of Mr. Rittenhouse, I communicated to him the -description of a mould-board of a plough which I had constructed, and -supposed to be what we might term the _mould-board of least resistance_. -I asked not only his opinion, but that he would submit it to you also. -After he had considered it, he gave me his own opinion that it was -demonstrably what I had supposed, and I think he said he had communicated -it to you. Of that however I am not sure, and therefore now take the -liberty of sending you a description of it and a model, which I have -prepared for the board of Agriculture of England at their request. Mr. -Strickland, one of their members, had seen the model, and also the thing -itself in use in my farms, and thinking favorably of it, had mentioned it -to them. My purpose in troubling you with it, is to ask the favor of you -to examine the description rigorously, and suggest to me any corrections -or alterations which you may think necessary, and would wish to have the -ideas go as correct as possible out of my hands. I had sometimes thought -of giving it into the Philosophical Society, but I doubted whether it -was worth their notice, and supposed it not exactly in the line of their -ordinary publications. I had therefore contemplated the sending it to some -of our agricultural societies, in whose way it was more particularly, when -I received the request of the English board. The papers I enclose you -are the latter part of a letter to Sir John Sinclair, their president. -It is to go off by the packet, wherefore I will ask the favor of you to -return them with the model in the course of the present week, with any -observations you will be so good as to favor me with. I am with great -esteem, Dear Sir, your most obedient servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, March 29, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 21st. Yours of the 12th, therein -acknowledged, is the last received. The measure I suggested in mine, -of adjourning for consultation with their constituents, was not brought -forward; but on Tuesday three resolutions were moved, which you will see -in the public papers. They were offered in committee, to prevent their -being suppressed by the previous question, and in the committee on the -state of the Union, to put it out of their power, by the rising of the -committee and not sitting again, to get rid of them. They were taken by -surprise, not expecting to be called to vote on such a proposition as -"that it is inexpedient to resort to war against the French republic." -After spending the first day in seeking on every side some hole to get -out at, like an animal first put into a cage, they gave up their resource. -Yesterday they came forward boldly, and openly combated the proposition. -Mr. Harper and Mr. Pinckney pronounced bitter philippics against France, -selecting such circumstances and aggravations as to give the worst picture -they could present. The latter, on this, as in the affair of Lyon and -Griswold, went far beyond that moderation he has on other occasions -recommended. We know not how it will go. Some think the resolution will -be lost, some, that it will be carried; but neither way, by a majority -of more than one or two. The decision of the Executive, of two-thirds of -the Senate, and half the House of Representatives, is too much for the -other half of that House. We therefore fear it will be borne down, and -are under the most gloomy apprehensions. In fact, the question of war and -peace depends now on a toss of cross and pile. If we could but gain this -season, we should be saved. The affairs of Europe would of themselves save -us. Besides this, there can be no doubt that a revolution of opinion in -Massachusetts and Connecticut is working. Two whig presses have been set -up in each of those States. There has been for some days a rumor, that -a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive with Great Britain, has -arrived. Some circumstances have occasioned it to be listened to; to wit, -the arrival of Mr. King's secretary, which is affirmed, the departure of -Mr. Liston's secretary, which I know is to take place on Wednesday next, -the high tone of the executive measures at the last and present session, -calculated to raise things to the unison of such a compact, and supported -so desperately in both Houses in opposition to the pacific wishes of the -people, and at the risk of their approbation at the ensuing election. -Langdon yesterday, in debate, mentioned this current report. Tracy, in -reply, declared he knew of no such thing, did not believe it, nor would be -its advocate. - -An attempt has been made to get the Quakers to come forward with a -petition, to aid with the weight of their body the feeble band of peace. -They have, with some effort, got a petition signed by a few of their -society; the main body of their society refuse it. M'Lay's peace motion in -the Assembly of Pennsylvania was rejected with an unanimity of the Quaker -vote, and it seems to be well understood, that their attachment to England -is stronger than to their principles or their country. The revolution -war was a first proof of this. Mr. White, from the federal city, is here, -soliciting money for the buildings at Washington. A bill for two hundred -thousand dollars has passed the House of Representatives, and is before -the Senate, where its fate is entirely uncertain. He has become perfectly -satisfied that Mr. Adams is radically against the government's being -there. Goodhue (his oracle) openly said in committee, in presence of -White, that he knew the government was obliged to go there, but they would -not be obliged to stay there. Mr. Adams said to White, that it would be -better that the President should rent a common house there, to live in; -that no President would live in the one now building. This harmonizes with -Goodhue's idea of a short residence. I wrote this in the morning, but need -not part with it till night. If anything occurs in the day it shall be -added. Adieu. - - -TO MR. PENDLETON. - - PHILADELPHIA, April 2, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of January -29th, and as the rising of Congress seems now to be contemplated for -about the last of this month, and it is necessary that I settle Mr. -Short's matter with the Treasury before my departure, I take the liberty -of saying a word on that subject. The sum you are to pay is to go to -the credit of a demand which Mr. Short has on the treasury of the United -States, and for which they consider Mr. Randolph as liable to them, so -that the sum he pays to Short directly lessens so much the balance to be -otherwise settled. Mr. Short, by a letter received a few days ago, has -directed an immediate employment of the whole sum in a particular way. -I wish your sum settled, therefore, that I may call on the Treasury for -the exact balance. I should have thought your best market for stock would -have been here, and, I am convinced, the quicker sold the better; for, -should the war measures recommended by the Executive, and taken up by the -Legislature, be carried through, the fall of stock will be very sudden, -war being then more than probable. Mr. Short holds some stock here, and, -should the first of Mr. Sprigg's resolutions, now under debate in the -lower house, be rejected, I shall, within 24 hours from the rejection, -sell out the whole of Mr. Short's stock. How that resolution will be -disposed of (to wit, that against the expediency of war with the French -Republic), is very doubtful. Those who count votes vary the issue from a -majority of 4 against the resolution to 2 or 3 majority in its favor. So -that the scales of peace and war are very nearly in equilibrio. Should -the debate hold many days, we shall derive aid from the delay. Letters -received from France by a vessel just arrived, concur in assuring us, -that, as all the French measures bear equally on the Swedes and Danes -as on us, so they have no more purpose of declaring war against us than -against them. Besides this, a wonderful stir is commencing in the eastern -States. The dirty business of Lyon and Griswold was of a nature to fly -through the newspapers, both Whig and Tory, and to excite the attention of -all classes. It, of course, carried to their attention, at the same time, -the debates out of which that affair springs. The subject of these debates -was, whether the representatives of the people were to have no check on -the expenditure of the public money, and the Executive to squander it at -their will, leaving to the Legislature only the drudgery of furnishing -the money. They begin to open their eyes on this to the eastward, and -to suspect they have been hoodwinked. Two or three Whig presses have -set up in Massachusetts, and as many more in Connecticut. The late war -message of the President has added new alarm. Town meetings have begun -in Massachusetts, and are sending on their petitions and remonstrances -by great majorities, against war measures, and these meetings are likely -to spread. The present debate, as it gets abroad, will further show -them, that it is their members who are for war measures. It happens, -fortunately, that these gentlemen are obliged to bring themselves forward -exactly in time for the eastern elections to Congress, which come on in -the course of the ensuing summer. We have, therefore, great reason to -expect some favorable changes in the representatives from that quarter. -The same is counted on with confidence from Jersey, Pennsylvania, and -Maryland; perhaps one or two also in Virginia; so that, after the next -election, the Whigs think themselves certain of a very strong majority in -the House of Representatives; and though against the other branches they -can do nothing good, yet they can hinder them from doing ill. The only -source of anxiety, therefore, is to avoid war for the present moment. -If we can defeat the measures leading to that during this session, so as -to gain this summer, time will be given, as well for the public mind to -make itself felt, as for the operations of France to have their effect in -England as well as here. If, on the contrary, war is forced on, the Tory -interest continues dominant, and to them alone must be left, as they alone -desire to ride on the whirlwind, and direct the storm. The present period, -therefore, of two or three weeks, is the most eventful ever known since -that of 1775, and will decide whether the principles established by that -contest are to prevail, or give way to those they subverted. Accept the -friendly salutations and prayers for your health and happiness, of, dear -Sir, your sincere and affectionate friend. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, April 5, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 29th ultimo; since which I have no -letter from you. These acknowledgments regularly made and attended to, -will show whether any of my letters are intercepted, and the impression of -my seal on wax (which shall be constant hereafter) will discover whether -they are opened by the way. The nature of some of my communications -furnishes ground of inquietude for their safe conveyance. The bill for -the federal buildings labors hard in Senate, though, to lessen opposition, -the Maryland Senator himself proposed to reduce the two hundred thousand -dollars to one-third of that sum. Sedgewick and Hillhouse violently oppose -it. I conjecture that the votes will be either thirteen for and fifteen -against it, or fourteen and fourteen. Every member declares he means to -go there, but though charged with an intention to come away again, not -one of them disavow it. This will engender incurable distrust. The debate -on Mr. Sprigg's resolutions has been interrupted by a motion to call -for papers. This was carried by a great majority. In this case, there -appeared a separate squad, to wit, the Pinckney interest, which is a -distinct thing, and will be seen sometimes to lurch the President. It is -in truth the Hamilton party, whereof Pinckney is only made the stalking -horse. The papers have been sent in and read, and it is now under debate -in both Houses, whether they shall be published. I write in the morning, -and if determined in the course of the day in favor of publication, I -will add in the evening a general idea of their character. Private letters -from France, by a late vessel which sailed from Havre, February the 5th, -assure us that France, classing us in her measures with the Swedes and -Danes, has no more notion of declaring war against us than them. You will -see a letter in Bache's paper of yesterday, which came addressed to me. -Still the fate of Sprigg's resolutions seems in perfect equilibrio. You -will see in Fenno two numbers of a paper signed Marcellus. They promise -much mischief, and are ascribed, without any difference of opinion, to -Hamilton. You must, my dear Sir, take up your pen against this champion. -You know the ingenuity of his talents; and there is not a person but -yourself who can foil him. For heaven's sake, then, take up your pen, and -do not desert the public cause altogether. - -Thursday evening. The Senate have, to-day, voted the publication of the -communications from our Envoys. The House of Representatives decided -against the publication by a majority of seventy-five to twenty-four. The -Senate adjourned, over to-morrow (good Friday), to Saturday morning; but -as the papers cannot be printed within that time, perhaps the vote of the -House of Representatives may induce the Senate to reconsider theirs. For -this reason, I think it my duty to be silent on them. Adieu. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, April 6, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--So much of the communications from our Envoys has got abroad, -and so partially, that there can now be no ground for reconsideration -with the Senate. I may therefore, consistently with duty, do what every -member of the body is doing. Still, I would rather you would use the -communication with reserve till you see the whole papers. The first -impressions from them are very disagreeable and confused. Reflection, -however, and analysis resolve them into this. Mr. Adams' speech to -Congress in May is deemed such a national affront, that no explanation -on other topics can be entered on till that, as a preliminary, is wiped -away by humiliating disavowals or acknowledgments. This working hard with -our Envoys, and indeed seeming impracticable for want of that sort of -authority, submission to a heavy amendment (upwards of a million sterling) -was, at an after meeting, suggested as an alternative, which might be -admitted if proposed by us. These overtures had been through informal -agents; and both the alternatives bringing the Envoys to their _ne plus_, -they resolve to have no more communication through inofficial characters, -but to address a letter directly to the government, to bring forward -their pretensions. This letter had not yet, however, been prepared. -There were, interwoven with these overtures some base propositions on -the part of Talleyrand, through one of his agents, to sell his interest -and influence with the Directory towards soothing difficulties with -them, in consideration of a large sum (fifty thousand pounds sterling); -and the arguments to which his agent resorted to induce compliance -with this demand, were very unworthy of a great nation, (could they be -imputed to them,) and calculated to excite disgust and indignation in -Americans generally, and alienation in the republicans particularly, -whom they so far mistake, as to presume an attachment to France and -hatred to the federal party, and not the love of their country, to be -their first passion. No difficulty was expressed towards an adjustment of -all differences and misunderstandings, or even ultimately a payment for -spoliations, if the insult from our Executive should be first wiped away. -Observe, that I state all this from only a single hearing of the papers, -and therefore it may not be rigorously correct. The little slanderous -imputation before mentioned, has been the bait which hurried the opposite -party into this publication. The first impressions with the people will -be disagreeable, but the last and permanent one will be, that the speech -in May is now the only obstacle to accommodation, and the real cause of -war, if war takes place. And how much will be added to this by the speech -of November, is yet to be learned. It is evident, however, on reflection, -that these papers do not offer one motive the more for our going to war. -Yet such is their effect on the minds of wavering characters, that I fear, -that to wipe off the imputation of being French partisans, they will go -over to the war measures so furiously pushed by the other party. It seems, -indeed, as if they were afraid they should not be able to get into war -till Great Britain shall be blown up, and the prudence of our countrymen -from that circumstance, have influence enough to prevent it. The most -artful misrepresentations of the contents of these papers were published -yesterday, and produced such a shock in the republican mind, as had never -been seen since our independence. We are to dread the effects of this -dismay till their fuller information. Adieu. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, April 12, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you two letters on the 5th and 6th instant; since which -I have received yours of the 2d. I send you, in a separate package, the -instructions to our Envoys and their communications. You will find that my -representation of their contents from memory, was substantially just. The -public mind appears still in a state of astonishment. There never was a -moment in which the aid of an able pen was so important to place things in -their just attitude. On this depend the inchoate movement in the eastern -mind, and the fate of the elections in that quarter, now beginning and -to continue through the summer. I would not propose to you such a task -on any ordinary occasion. But be assured that a well-digested analysis of -these papers would now decide the future turn of things, which are at this -moment on the creen. The merchants here are meeting under the auspices -of Fitzsimmons, to address the President and approve his propositions. -Nothing will be spared on that side. Sprigg's first resolution against -the expediency of war, proper at the time it was moved, is now postponed -as improper, because to declare that, after we have understood it has -been proposed to us to try peace, would imply an acquiescence under -that proposition. All, therefore, which the advocates of peace can now -attempt, is to prevent war measures _externally_, consenting to every -rational measure of _internal_ defence and preparation. Great expenses -will be incurred; and it will be left to those whose measures render -them necessary, to provide to meet them. They already talk of stopping -all payments of interest, and of a land tax. These will probably not be -opposed. The only question will be, how to modify the land tax. On this -there may be a great diversity of sentiment. One party will want to make -it a new source of patronage and expense. If this business is taken up, -it will lengthen our session. We had pretty generally, till now, fixed on -the beginning of May for adjournment. I shall return by my usual routes, -and not by the eastern shore, on account of the advance of the season. -Friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison and yourself. Adieu. - - -TO P. CARR. - - PHILADELPHIA, April 12, 1798. - -As the instruction to our Envoys and their communications have excited a -great deal of curiosity, I enclose you a copy. You will perceive that they -have been assailed by swindlers, whether with or without the participation -of Talleyrand is not very apparent. The known corruption of his character -renders it very possible he may have intended to share largely in the -£50,000 demanded. But that the Directory know anything of it is neither -proved nor probable. On the contrary, when the Portuguese ambassador -yielded to like attempts of swindlers, the conduct of the Directory in -imprisoning him for an attempt at corruption, as well as their general -conduct really magnanimous, places them above suspicion. It is pretty -evident that Mr. A.'s speech is in truth the only obstacle to negotiation. -That humiliating disavowals of that are demanded as a preliminary, or as -a commutation for that a heavy sum of money, about a million sterling. -This obstacle removed, they seem not to object to an arrangement of -all differences, and even to settle and acknowledge themselves debtors -for spoliations. Nor does it seem that negotiation is at an end, as -the President's message says, but that it is in its commencement only. -The instructions comply with the wishes expressed in debate in the May -session to place France on as good footing as England, and not to make a -_sine qua non_ of the indemnification for spoliation; but they declare -the war in which France is engaged is not a defensive one, they reject -the naturalization of French ships, that is to say the exchange of -naturalization which France had formerly proposed to us, and which would -lay open to us the unrestrained trade of her West Indies and all her -other possessions; they declare the 10th article of the British treaty, -against sequestering debts, money in the funds, bank stock, &c., to be -founded in morality, and therefore of perpetual obligation, and some other -heterodoxies. - -You will have seen in the newspapers some resolutions proposed by Mr. -Sprigg, the first of which was, that it was inexpedient under existing -circumstances to resort to war with France. Whether this could have been -carried before is doubtful, but since it is known that a sum of money -has been demanded, it is thought that this resolution, were it now to be -passed, would imply a willingness to avoid war even by purchasing peace. -It is therefore postponed. The peace party will agree to all reasonable -measures of internal defence, but oppose all external preparations. Though -it is evident that these communications do not present one motive the more -for going to war, yet it may be doubted whether we are strong enough to -keep within the defensive line. It is thought the expenses contemplated -will render a land tax necessary before we separate. If so, it will -lengthen the session. The first impressions from these communications -are disagreeable; but their ultimate effect on the public mind will not -be favorable to the war party. They may have some effect in the first -moment in stopping the movement in the Eastern States, which were on the -creen, and were running into town meetings, yet it is believed this will -be momentary only, and will be over before their elections. Considerable -expectations were formed of changes in the Eastern delegations favorable -to the Whig interest. Present my best respects to Mrs. Carr, and accept -yourself assurance of affectionate esteem. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, April 26, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,-- - - * * * * * - -The bill for the naval armament (twelve vessels) passed by a majority of -about four to three in the House of Representatives; all restrictions -on the objects for which the vessels should be used were struck out. -The bill for establishing a department of Secretary of the Navy was -tried yesterday, on its passage to the third reading, and prevailed by -forty-seven against forty-one. It will be read the third time to-day. -The provisional army of twenty-thousand men will meet some difficulty. -It would surely be rejected if our members were all here. Giles, Clopton, -Cabell and Nicholas have gone, and Clay goes to-morrow. He received here -news of the death of his wife. Parker has completely gone over to the -war party. In this state of things they will carry what they please. -One of the war party, in a fit of unguarded passion, declared sometime -ago they would pass a citizen bill, an alien bill, and a sedition bill; -accordingly, some days ago, Coit laid a motion on the table of the House -of Representatives for modifying the citizen law. Their threats pointed -at Gallatin, and it is believed they will endeavor to reach him by this -bill. Yesterday Mr. Hillhouse laid on the table of the Senate a motion -for giving power to send away suspected aliens. This is understood to be -meant for Volney and Collot. But it will not stop there when it gets into -a course of execution. There is now only wanting, to accomplish the whole -declaration before mentioned, a sedition bill, which we shall certainly -soon see proposed. The object of that, is the suppression of the Whig -presses. Bache's has been particularly named. That paper and also Carey's -totter for want of subscriptions. We should really exert ourselves to -procure them, for if these papers fall, republicanism will be entirely -brow beaten. Carey's paper comes out three times a week, at five dollars. -The meeting of the people which was called at New York, did nothing. It -was found that the majority would be against the address. They therefore -chose to circulate it individually. The committee of Ways and Means have -voted a land tax. An additional tax on salt will certainly be proposed in -the House, and probably prevail to some degree. The stoppage of interest -on the public debt will also, perhaps, be proposed, but not with effect. -In the meantime, that paper cannot be sold. Hamilton is coming on as -Senator from New York. There have been so much contrivance and combination -in that, as to show there is some great object in hand. Troup, the -district judge of New York, resigns towards the close of the session of -their Assembly. The appointment of Mr. Hobart, then Senator, to succeed -Troup, is not made by the President till after the Assembly had risen. -Otherwise, they would have chosen the Senator in place of Hobart. Jay then -names Hamilton, Senator, but not till a day or two before his own election -as Governor was to come on, lest the unpopularity of the nomination should -be in time to effect his own election. We shall see in what all this is to -end; but surely in something. The popular movement in the eastern States -is checked, as we expected, and war addresses are showering in from New -Jersey and the great trading towns. However, we still trust that a nearer -view of war and a land tax will oblige the great mass of the people to -attend. At present, the war hawks talk of septembrizing, deportation, and -the examples for quelling sedition set by the French executive. All the -firmness of the human mind is now in a state of requisition. - -Salutations to Mrs. Madison; and to yourself, friendship and adieu. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, May 3, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 26th; since which yours of the 22d -of April has been received, acknowledging mine of the 12th; so that -all appear to have been received to that date. The spirit kindled up -in the towns is wonderful. These and New Jersey are pouring in their -addresses, offering life and fortune. Even these addresses are not the -worst things. For indiscreet declarations and expressions of passion -may be pardoned to a multitude acting from the impulse of the moment. -But we cannot expect a foreign nation to show that apathy to the answers -of the President, which are more thrasonic than the addresses. Whatever -chance for peace might have been left us after the publication of the -despatches, is completely lost by these answers. Nor is it France alone, -but his own fellow citizens, against whom his threats are uttered. In -Fenno, of yesterday, you will see one, wherein he says to the address from -Newark, "the delusions and misrepresentations which have misled so many -citizens, must be discountenanced by authority as well as by the citizens -at large;" evidently alluding to those letters from the Representatives -to their constituents, which they have been in the habit of seeking after -and publishing; while those sent by the Tory part of the House to their -constituents, are ten times more numerous, and replete with the most -atrocious falsehoods and calumnies. What new law they will propose on -this subject, has not yet leaked out. The citizen bill sleeps. The alien -bill, proposed by the Senate, has not yet been brought in. That proposed -by the House of Representatives has been so moderated, that it will not -answer the passionate purposes of the war gentlemen. Whether, therefore, -the Senate will push their bolder plan, I know not. The provisional army -does not go down so smoothly in the House as it did in the Senate. They -are whitling away some of its choice ingredients; particularly that of -transferring their own constitutional discretion over the raising of -armies to the President. A committee of the Representatives have struck -out his discretion, and hang the raising of the men on the contingencies -of invasion, insurrection, or declaration of war. Were all our members -here, the bill would not pass. But it will, probably, as the House now -is. Its expense is differently estimated, from five to eight millions of -dollars a year. Their purposes before voted, require two millions above -all the other taxes, which, therefore, are voted to be raised on lands, -houses and slaves. The provisional army will be additional to this. The -threatening appearances from the alien bills have so alarmed the French -who are among us, that they are going off. A ship, chartered by themselves -for this purpose, will sail within about a fortnight for France, with as -many as she can carry. Among these I believe will be Volney, who has in -truth been the principal object aimed at by the law. - -Notwithstanding the unfavorableness of the late impressions, it is -believed the New York elections, which are over, will give us two or -three republicans more than we now have. But it is supposed Jay is -re-elected. It is said Hamilton declines coming to the Senate. He very -soon stopped his Marcellus. It was rather the sequel which was feared -than what actually appeared. He comes out on a different plan in his Titus -Manlius, if that be really his. The appointments to the Mississippi were -so abominable that the Senate could not swallow them. They referred them -to a committee to inquire into characters, and the President withdrew the -nomination. * * * * * - -As there is nothing material now to be proposed, we generally expect to -rise in about three weeks. However, I do not venture to order my horses. - -My respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison. To yourself affectionate -friendship, and adieu. - -P. S. Perhaps the President's expression before quoted, may look to the -sedition bill which has been spoken of, and which may be meant to put the -printing presses under the _imprimatur_ of the executive. Bache is thought -a main object of it. Cabot, of Massachusetts, is appointed Secretary of -the Navy. - - -TO JAMES LEWIS, JUNIOR. - - PHILADELPHIA, May 9, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I am much obliged by your friendly letter of the 4th instant. -As soon as I saw the first of Mr. Martin's letters, I turned to the -newspapers of the day, and found Logan's speech, as translated by a common -Indian interpreter. The version I had used, had been made by General -Gibson. Finding from Mr. Martin's style, that his object was not merely -truth, but to gratify party passions, I never read another of his letters. -I determined to do my duty by searching into the truth, and publishing it -to the world, whatever it should be. This I shall do at a proper season. -I am much indebted to many persons, who, without any acquaintance with -me, have voluntarily sent me information on the subject. Party passions -are indeed high. Nobody has more reason to know it than myself. I receive -daily bitter proofs of it from people who never saw me, nor know anything -of me but through Porcupine and Fenno. At this moment all the passions are -boiling over, and one who keeps himself cool and clear of the contagion, -is so far below the point of ordinary conversation, that he finds himself -insulated in every society. However, the fever will not last. War, -land tax and stamp tax, are sedatives which must cool its ardor. They -will bring on reflection, and that, with information, is all which our -countrymen need, to bring themselves and their affairs to rights. They -are essentially republicans. They retain unadulterated the principles of -'75, and those who are conscious of no change in themselves have nothing -to fear in the long run. It is our duty still to endeavor to avoid war; -but if it shall actually take place, no matter by whom brought on, we must -defend ourselves. If our house be on fire, without inquiring whether it -was fired from within or without, we must try to extinguish it. In that, -I have no doubt, we shall act as one man. But if we can ward off actual -war till the crisis of England is over, I shall hope we may escape it -altogether. - -I am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - PHILADELPHIA, May 21, 1798. - -Yours of April 8th and 14th, and May 4th and 14th, have been received -in due time. I have not written to you since the 19th ult., because I -knew you would be out on a circuit, and would receive the letters only -when they would be as old almanacs. The bill for the provisional army -has got through the lower House, the regulars reduced to 10,000, and -the volunteers unlimited. It was carried by a majority of 14. The land -tax is now on the carpet to raise two millions of dollars; yet I think -they must at least double it, as the expenses of the provisional army -were not provided for in it, and will require of itself four millions -a year. I presume, therefore, the tax on lands, houses, and negroes, -will be a dollar a head on the population of each State. There are alien -bills, sedition bills, &c., also before both Houses. The severity of -their aspect determines a great number of French to go off. A ship-load -sails on Monday next; among them Volney. If no new business is brought -on, I think they may get through the tax bill in three weeks. You will -have seen, among numerous addresses and answers, one from Lancaster in -this State, and its answer. The latter travelling out of the topics of -the address altogether, to mention you in a most injurious manner. Your -feelings have no doubt been much implicated by it, as in truth it had all -the characters necessary to produce irritation. What notice you should -take of it is difficult to say. But there is one step in which two or -three with whom I have spoken concur with me, that feeble as the hand is -from which this shaft is thrown, yet with a great mass of our citizens, -strangers to the leading traits of the character from which it came, it -will have considerable effect; and that in order to replace yourself on -the high ground you are entitled to, it is absolutely necessary that you -should re-appear on the public theatre, and take an independent stand, -from which you can be seen and known to your fellow citizens. The House of -Representatives appears the only place which can answer this end, as the -proceedings of the other House are too obscure. Cabell has said he would -give way to you, should you choose to come in, and I really think it would -be expedient for yourself as well as the public, that you should not wait -until another election, but come to the next session. No interval should -be admitted between this last attack of enmity and your re-appearance with -the approving voice of your constituents, and your taking a commanding -attitude. I have not before been anxious for your return to public life, -lest it should interfere with a proper pursuit of your private interests, -but the next session will not at all interfere with your courts, because -it must end March 4th, and I verily believe the next election will give -us such a majority in the House of Representatives as to enable the -republican party to shorten the alternate unlimited session, as it is -evident that to shorten the sessions is to lessen the evils and burthens -of the government on our country. The present session has already cost -200,000 dollars, besides the wounds it has inflicted on the prosperity of -the Union. I have no doubt Cabell can be induced to retire immediately, -and that a writ may be issued at once. The very idea of this will strike -the public mind, and raise its confidence in you. If this be done, I -should think it best you should take no notice at all of the answer to -Lancaster. Because, were you to show a personal hostility against the -answer, it would deaden the effect of everything you should say or do in -your public place hereafter. All would be ascribed to an enmity to Mr. A., -and you know with what facility such insinuations enter the minds of men. -I have not seen Dawson since this answer has appeared, and therefore have -not yet learnt his sentiments on it. My respectful salutations to Mrs. -Monroe; and to yourself, affectionately adieu. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, May 31, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote to you last on the 24th, since which yours of the 20th -has been received. I must begin by correcting two errors in my last. It -was false arithmetic to say, that two measures therein mentioned to have -been carried by majorities of eleven, would have failed if the fourteen -absentees (wherein a majority of six is ours) had been present. Six coming -over from the other side would have turned the scale, and this was the -idea floating in my mind, which produced the mistake. The second error was -in the version of Mr. Adams' expression, which I stated to you. His real -expression was "that he would not unbrace a single nerve for any treaty -France could offer; such was their entire want of faith, morality, &c." - -The bill from the Senate for capturing French armed vessels found -hovering on our coast was passed in two days by the lower House, without -a single alteration; and the Ganges, a twenty gun sloop, fell down the -river instantly to go on a cruise. She has since been ordered to New -York, to convoy a vessel from that to this port. The alien bill will be -ready to day, probably, for its third reading in the Senate. It has been -considerably mollified, particularly by a proviso saving the rights of -treaties. Still, it is a most detestable thing. I was glad, in yesterday's -discussion, to hear it admitted on all hands, that laws of the United -States, subsequent to a treaty, control its operation, and that the -Legislature is the only power which can control a treaty. Both points -are sound beyond doubt. This bill will unquestionably pass the House of -Representatives, the majority there being very decisive, consolidated, -and bold enough to do anything. I have no doubt from the hints dropped, -they will pass a bill to declare the French treaty void. I question if -they will think a declaration of war prudent, as it might alarm, and -all its effects are answered by the act authorizing captures. A bill is -brought in for suspending all communication with the dominions of France, -which will no doubt pass. It is suspected that they mean to borrow money -of individuals in London, on the credit of our land tax, and perhaps the -guarantee of Great Britain. The land tax was yesterday debated, and a -majority of six struck out the thirteenth section of the classification -of houses, and taxed them by a different scale from the lands. Instead -of this, is to be proposed a valuation of the houses and lands together. -Macon yesterday laid a motion on the table for adjourning on the 14th. -Some think they do not mean to adjourn; others, that they wait first the -return of the Envoys, for whom it is now avowed the brig Sophia was sent. -It is expected she would bring them off about the middle of this month. -They may, therefore, be expected here about the second week of July. -Whatever be their decision as to adjournment I think it probable my next -letter will convey orders for my horses, and that I shall leave this place -from the 20th to the 25th of June; for I have no expectation they will -actually adjourn sooner. Volney and a ship-load of others sail on Sunday -next. Another ship-load will go off in about three weeks. It is natural -to expect they go under irritations calculated to fan the flame. Not so -Volney. He is most thoroughly impressed with the importance of preventing -war, whether considered with reference to the interests of the two -countries, of the cause of republicanism, or of man on the broad scale. -But an eagerness to render this prevention impossible, leaves me without -any hope. Some of those who have insisted that it was long since war on -the part of France, are candid enough to admit that it is now begun on our -part also. I enclose for your perusal a poem on the alien bill, written by -Mr. Marshall. I do this, as well for your amusement, as to get you to take -care of this copy for me till I return; for it will be lost in lending -it, if I retain it here, as the publication was suppressed after the sale -of a few copies, of which I was fortunate enough to get one. Your locks, -hinges, &c., shall be immediately attended to. - -My respectful salutations and friendship to Mrs. Madison, to the family, -and to yourself. Adieu. - -P. S. The President, it is said, has refused an Exequatur to the consul -general of France, Dupont. - - -TO JOHN TAYLOR. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 1, 1798. - - * * * * * - -Mr. New showed me your letter on the subject of the patent, which gave -me an opportunity of observing what you said as to the effect, with -you, of public proceedings, and that it was not unwise now to estimate -the separate mass of Virginia and North Carolina, with a view to their -separate existence. It is true that we are completely under the saddle -of Massachusetts and Connecticut, and that they ride us very hard, -cruelly insulting our feelings, as well as exhausting our strength and -subsistence. Their natural friends, the three other eastern States, -join them from a sort of family pride, and they have the art to divide -certain other parts of the Union, so as to make use of them to govern -the whole. This is not new, it is the old practice of despots; to use -a part of the people to keep the rest in order. And those who have once -got an ascendancy, and possessed themselves of all the resources of the -nation, their revenues and offices, have immense means for retaining -their advantage. But our present situation is not a natural one. The -republicans, through every part of the Union, say, that it was the -irresistible influence and popularity of General Washington played -off by the cunning of Hamilton, which turned the government over to -anti-republican hands, or turned the republicans chosen by the people into -anti-republicans. He delivered it over to his successor in this state, and -very untoward events since, improved with great artifice, have produced -on the public mind the impressions we see. But still I repeat it, this -is not the natural state. Time alone would bring round an order of things -more correspondent to the sentiments of our constituents. But are there no -events impending, which will do it within a few months? The crisis with -England, the public and authentic avowal of sentiments hostile to the -leading principles of our Constitution, the prospect of a war, in which -we shall stand alone, land tax, stamp tax, increase of public debt, &c. -Be this as it may, in every free and deliberating society, there must, -from the nature of man, be opposite parties, and violent dissensions and -discords; and one of these, for the most part, must prevail over the other -for a longer or shorter time. Perhaps this party division is necessary -to induce each to watch and delate to the people the proceedings of the -other. But if on a temporary superiority of the one party, the other is to -resort to a scission of the Union, no federal government can ever exist. -If to rid ourselves of the present rule of Massachusetts and Connecticut, -we break the Union, will the evil stop there? Suppose the New England -States alone cut off, will our nature be changed? Are we not men still -to the south of that, and with all the passions of men? Immediately, -we shall see a Pennsylvania and a Virginia party arise in the residuary -confederacy, and the public mind will be distracted with the same party -spirit. What a game too will the one party have in their hands, by -eternally threatening the other that unless they do so and so, they will -join their northern neighbors. If we reduce our Union to Virginia and -North Carolina, immediately the conflict will be established between the -representatives of these two States, and they will end by breaking into -their simple units. Seeing, therefore, that an association of men who will -not quarrel with one another is a thing which never yet existed, from -the greatest confederacy of nations down to a town meeting or a vestry; -seeing that we must have somebody to quarrel with, I had rather keep -our New England associates for that purpose, than to see our bickerings -transferred to others. They are circumscribed within such narrow limits, -and their population so full, that their numbers will ever be the -minority, and they are marked, like the Jews, with such a perversity of -character, as to constitute, from that circumstance, the natural division -of our parties. A little patience, and we shall see the reign of witches -pass over, their spells dissolved, and the people recovering their true -sight, restoring their government to its true principles. It is true, -that in the meantime, we are suffering deeply in spirit, and incurring -the horrors of a war, and long oppressions of enormous public debt. But -who can say what would be the evils of a scission, and when and where they -would end? Better keep together as we are, haul off from Europe as soon as -we can, and from all attachments to any portions of it; and if they show -their power just sufficiently to hoop us together, it will be the happiest -situation in which we can exist. If the game runs sometimes against us -at home, we must have patience till luck turns, and then we shall have an -opportunity of winning back the _principles_ we have lost. For this is a -game where principles are the stake. Better luck, therefore, to us all, -and health, happiness and friendly salutations to yourself. Adieu. - -P. S. It is hardly necessary to caution you to let nothing of mine get -before the public; a single sentence got hold of by the Porcupines, will -suffice to abuse and persecute me in their papers for months. - - -TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 1, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--Mr. Volney's departure for France gives me an opportunity -of writing to you. I was happy in observing, for many days after your -departure, that our winds were favorable for you. I hope, therefore, you -quickly passed the cruising grounds on our coast, and have safely arrived -at the term of your journey. Your departure is not yet known, or even -suspected.[10] Niemsevioz was much affected. He is now at the federal -city. He desired me to have some things taken care of for you. There were -some kitchen furniture, backgammon table and chess men, and a pelise of -fine fur. The latter I have taken to my own apartment and had packed in -hops, and sewed up; the former are put into a warehouse of Mr. Barnes; all -subject to your future orders. Some letters came for you soon after your -departure: the person who delivered them said there were enclosed in them -some for your friend whom you left here, and desired I would open them. -I did so in his presence, found only one letter for your friend, took -it out and sealed the letters again in the presence of the same person, -without reading a word or looking who they were from. I now forward them -to you, as I do this to my friend Jacob Van Staphorst, at Paris. Our alien -bill struggles hard for a passage. It has been considerably mollified. It -is not yet through the Senate. We are proceeding further and further in -war measures. I consider that event as almost inevitable. I am extremely -anxious to hear from you, to know what sort of a passage you had, how you -find yourself, and the state and prospect of things in Europe. I hope -I shall not be long without hearing from you. The first dividend which -will be drawn for you and remitted, will be in January, and as the winter -passages are dangerous, it will not be forwarded till April; after that, -regularly, from six months to six months. This will be done by Mr. Barnes. -I shall leave this place in three weeks. The times do not permit an -indulgence in political disquisitions. But they forbid not the effusion of -friendship, and not my warmest toward you, which no time will alter. Your -principles and dispositions were made to be honored, revered and loved. -True to a single object, the freedom and happiness of man, they have not -veered about with the changelings and apostates of our acquaintance. May -health and happiness ever attend you. Accept sincere assurances of my -affectionate esteem and respect. Adieu. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [10] [Shortly before, Mr. Jefferson had obtained passports - for General Kosciusko, under an assumed name, from the foreign - ministers in this country. The annexed is the note addressed to - Mr. Liston, soliciting one from him. - - "Thomas Jefferson presents his respects to Mr. Liston, and asks - the favor of the passport for his friend Thomas Kanberg, of whom - he spoke to him yesterday. He is a native of the north of Europe, - (perhaps of Germany,) has been known to Thomas Jefferson these - twenty years in America, is of a most excellent character, stands - in no relation whatever to any of the belligerent powers, as to - whom Thomas Jefferson is not afraid to be responsible for his - political innocence, as he goes merely for his private affairs. He - will sail from Baltimore, if he finds there a good opportunity for - France; and if not, he will come on here. March 27, 1798."] - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 21, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 10th instant is received. I expected mine of the -14th would have been my last from hence, as I had proposed to set out -on the 20th; but on the morning of the 19th, we heard of the arrival -of Marshall at New York, and I concluded to stay and see whether that -circumstance would produce any new projects. No doubt he there received -more than hints from Hamilton as to the tone required to be assumed. Yet -I apprehend he is not hot enough for his friends. Livingston came with him -from New York. Marshall told him they had no idea in France of a war with -us. That Talleyrand sent passports to him and Pinckney, but none to Gerry. -Upon this, Gerry staid, without explaining to them the reason. He wrote, -however, to the President by Marshall, who knew nothing of the contents of -the letter. So that there must have been a previous understanding between -Talleyrand and Gerry. Marshall was received here with the utmost eclat. -The Secretary of State and many carriages, with all the city cavalry, -went to Frankfort to meet him, and on his arrival here in the evening, -the bells rung till late in the night, and immense crowds were collected -to see and make part of the show, which was circuitously paraded through -the streets before he was set down at the City tavern. All this was to -secure him to their views, that he might say nothing which would oppose -the game they have been playing. Since his arrival I can hear of nothing -directly from him, while they are disseminating through the town things, -as from him, diametrically opposite to what he said to Livingston. Doctor -Logan, about a fortnight ago, sailed for Hamburg. Though for a twelvemonth -past he had been intending to go to Europe as soon as he could get money -enough to carry him there, yet when he had accomplished this, and fixed -a time for going, he very unwisely made a mystery of it: so that his -disappearance without notice excited conversation. This was seized by the -war hawks, and given out as a secret mission from the Jacobins here to -solicit an army from France, instruct them as to their landing, &c. This -extravagance produced a real panic among the citizens; and happening just -when Bache published Talleyrand's letter, Harper, on the 18th, gravely -announced to the House of Representatives, that there existed a traitorous -correspondence between the Jacobins here and the French Directory; -that he had got hold of some threads and clues of it, and would soon -be able to develop the whole. This increased the alarm; their libelists -immediately set to work, directly and indirectly to implicate whom they -pleased. Porcupine gave me a principal share in it, as I am told, for I -never read his papers. This state of things added to my reasons for not -departing at the time I intended. These follies seem to have died away -in some degree already. Perhaps I may renew my purpose by the 25th. Their -system is, professedly, to keep up an alarm. Tracy, at the meeting of the -joint committee for adjournment, declared it necessary for Congress to -stay together to keep up the inflammation of the public mind; and Otis -has expressed a similar sentiment since. However, they will adjourn. The -opposers of an adjournment in Senate, yesterday agreed to adjourn on the -10th of July. But I think the 1st of July will be carried. That is one of -the objects which detain myself, as well as one or two more of the Senate, -who had got leave of absence. I imagine it will be decided to-morrow or -next day. To separate Congress now, will be withdrawing the fire from -under a boiling pot. - -My respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison, and cordial friendship to -yourself. - -P. M. A message to both Houses this day from the President, with the -following communications. - -March 23. Pickering's letter to the Envoys, directing them, if they are -not actually engaged in negotiation with authorized persons, or if it is -not conducted _bonâ fide_, and not merely for procrastination, to break up -and come home, and at any rate to consent to no loan. - -April 3. Talleyrand to Gerry. He supposes the other two gentlemen, -perceiving that their known principles are an obstacle to negotiation, -will leave there public, and proposes to renew the negotiations with Gerry -immediately. - -April 4. Gerry to Talleyrand. Disclaims a power to conclude anything -separately, can only confer informally and as an unaccredited person -or individual, reserving to lay everything before the government of the -United States for approbation. - -April 14. Gerry to the President. He communicates the preceding, and -hopes the President will send other persons instead of his colleagues and -himself, if it shall appear that anything can be done. - -The President's message says, that as the instructions were not to consent -to any loan, he considers the negotiations as at an end, and that he will -never send another minister to France, until he shall be assured that he -will be received and treated with the respect due to a great, powerful, -free and independent nation. - -A bill was brought in the Senate this day, to declare the treaties with -France void, prefaced by a list of grievances in the style of a manifesto. -It passed to the second reading by fourteen to five. - -A bill for punishing forgeries of bank paper, passed to the third reading -by fourteen to six. Three of the fourteen (Laurence, Bingham and Read) bank -directors. - - -TO MR. NOLAN. - - PHILADELPHIA, June 24, 1798. - -SIR,--It is sometime since I have understood that there are large herds -of horses in a wild state, in the country west of the Mississippi, and -have been desirous of obtaining details of their history in that State. -Mr. Brown, Senator from Kentucky, informs me it would be in your power -to give interesting information on this subject, and encourages me to -ask it. The circumstances of the old world have, beyond the records of -history, been such as admitted not that animal to exist in a state of -nature. The condition of America is rapidly advancing to the same. The -present then is probably the only moment in the age of the world, and the -herds above mentioned the only subjects, of which we can avail ourselves -to obtain what has never yet been recorded, and never can be again in -all probability. I will add that your information is the sole reliance, -as far as I can at present see, for obtaining this desideratum. You will -render to natural history a very acceptable service, therefore, if you -will enable our Philosophical society to add so interesting a chapter -to the history of this animal. I need not specify to you the particular -facts asked for; as your knowledge of the animal in his domesticated, as -well as his wild state, will naturally have led your attention to those -particulars in the manners, habits, and laws of his existence, which are -peculiar to his wild state. I wish you not to be anxious about the form of -your information, the exactness of the substance alone is material; and -if, after giving in a first letter all the facts you at present possess, -you would be so good, on subsequent occasions, as to furnish such others -in addition, as you may acquire from time to time, your communications -will always be thankfully received, if addressed to me at Monticello; -and put into any post office in Kentucky or Tennessee, they will reach me -speedily and safely, and will be considered as obligations on, sir, your -most obedient, humble servant. - - -TO SAMUEL SMITH. - - MONTICELLO, August 22, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of August the 4th came to hand by our last post, -together with the "extract of a letter from a gentleman of Philadelphia, -dated July the 10th," cut from a newspaper stating some facts which -respect me. I shall notice these facts. The writer says that "the day -after the last despatches were communicated to Congress, Bache, Leib, &c., -and a Dr. Reynolds, were _closeted_ with me." If the receipt of visits -in my public room, the door continuing free to every one who should call -at the same time, may be called _closeting_, then it is true that I was -_closeted_ with every person who visited me; in no other sense is it -true as to any person. I sometimes received visits from Mr. Bache and -Dr. Leib. I received them always with pleasure, because they are men of -abilities, and of principles the most friendly to liberty and our present -form of government. Mr. Bache has another claim on my respect, as being -the grandson of Dr. Franklin, the greatest man and ornament of the age and -country in which he lived. Whether I was visited by Mr. Bache or Dr. Leib -the day after the communication referred to, I do not remember. I know -that all my motions in Philadelphia, here, and everywhere, are watched and -recorded. Some of these spies, therefore, may remember better than I do, -the dates of these visits. If they say that these two gentlemen visited me -on the day after the communication, as their trade proves their accuracy, -I shall not contradict them, though I affirm that I do not recollect it. -However, as to Dr. Reynolds I can be more particular, because I never -saw him but once, which was on an introductory visit he was so kind as -to pay me. This, I well remember, was before the communication alluded -to, and that during the short conversation I had with him, not one word -was said on the subject of any of the communications. Not that I should -not have spoken freely on their subject to Dr. Reynolds, as I should also -have done to the letter writer, or to any other person who should have -introduced the subject. I know my own principles to be pure, and therefore -am not ashamed of them. On the contrary, I wish them known, and therefore -willingly express them to every one. They are the same I have acted on -from the year 1775 to this day, and are the same, I am sure, with those of -the great body of the American people. I only wish the real principles of -those who censure mine were also known. But warring against those of the -people, the delusion of the people is necessary to the dominant party. I -see the extent to which that delusion has been already carried, and I see -there is no length to which it may not be pushed by a party in possession -of the revenues and the legal authorities of the United States, for a -short time indeed, but yet long enough to admit much particular mischief. -There is no event, therefore, however atrocious, which may not be -expected. I have contemplated every event which the Maratists of the day -can perpetrate, and am prepared to meet every one in such a way, as shall -not be derogatory either to the public liberty or my own personal honor. -The letter writer says, I am "for peace; but it is only with France." He -has told half the truth. He would have told the whole, if he had added -England. I am for peace with both countries. I know that both of them have -given, and are daily giving, sufficient cause of war; that in defiance -of the laws of nations, they are every day trampling on the rights of the -neutral powers, whenever they can thereby do the least injury, either to -the other. But, as I view a peace between France and England the ensuing -winter to be certain, I have thought it would have been better for us to -continue to bear from France through the present summer, what we have been -bearing both from her and England these four years, and still continue -to bear from England, and to have required indemnification in the hour -of peace, when I verily believe it would have been yielded by both. This -seems to have been the plan of the other neutral nations; and whether -this, or the commencing war on one of them, as we have done, would have -been wisest, time and events must decide. But I am quite at a loss on what -ground the letter writer can question the opinion, that France had no -intention of making war on us, and was willing to treat with Mr. Gerry, -when we have this from Talleyrand's letter, and from the written and -verbal information of our Envoys. It is true then, that, as with England, -we might of right have chosen either war or peace, and have chosen peace, -and prudently in my opinion, so with France, we might also of right have -chosen either peace or war, and we have chosen war. Whether the choice -may be a popular one in the other States, I know not. Here it certainly is -not; and I have no doubt the whole American people will rally ere long to -the same sentiment, and rejudge those who, at present, think they have all -judgment in their own hands. - -These observations will show you, how far the imputations in the paragraph -sent me approach the truth. Yet they are not intended for a newspaper. At -a very early period of my life, I determined never to put a sentence into -any newspaper. I have religiously adhered to the resolution through my -life, and have great reason to be contented with it. Were I to undertake -to answer the calumnies of the newspapers, it would be more than all my -own time, and that of twenty aids could effect. For while I should be -answering one, twenty new ones would be invented. I have thought it better -to trust to the justice of my countrymen, that they would judge me by what -they _see_ of my conduct on the stage where they have placed me, and what -they knew of me _before_ the epoch since which a particular party has -supposed it might answer some view of theirs to vilify me in the public -eye. Some, I know, will not reflect how apocryphal is the testimony of -enemies so palpably betraying the views with which they give it. But this -is an injury to which duty requires every one to submit whom the public -think proper to call into its councils. I thank you, my dear Sir, for the -interest you have for me on this occasion. Though I have made up my mind -not to suffer calumny to disturb my tranquillity, yet I retain all my -sensibilities for the approbation of the good and just. That is, indeed, -the chief consolation for the hatred of so many, who, without the least -personal knowledge, and on the sacred evidence of Porcupine and Fenno -alone, cover me with their implacable hatred. The only return I will ever -make them, will be to do them all the good I can, in spite of their teeth. - -I have the pleasure to inform you that all your friends in this quarter -are well, and to assure you of the sentiments of sincere esteem and -respect with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO A. H. ROWAN. - - MONTICELLO, September 26, 1798. - -SIR,--To avoid the suspicions and curiosity of the post office, which -would have been excited by seeing your name and mine on the back of a -letter, I have delayed acknowledging the receipt of your favor of July -last, till an occasion to write to an inhabitant of Wilmington gives me -an opportunity of putting my letter under cover to him. The system of -alarm and jealousy which has been so powerfully played off in England, has -been mimicked here, not entirely without success. The most long-sighted -politician could not, seven years ago, have imagined that the people of -this wide-extended country could have been enveloped in such delusion, and -made so much afraid of themselves and their own power, as to surrender it -spontaneously to those who are manœuvring them into a form of government, -the principal branches of which may be beyond their control. The commerce -of England, however, has spread its roots over the whole face of our -country. This is the real source of all the obliquities of the public -mind; and I should have had doubts of the ultimate term they might attain; -but happily, the game, to be worth the playing of those engaged in it, -must flush them with money. The authorized expenses of this year are -beyond those of any year in the late war for independence, and they are -of a nature to beget great and constant expenses. The purse of the people -is the real seat of sensibility. It is to be drawn upon largely, and they -will then listen to truths which could not excite them through any other -organ. In this State, however, the delusion has not prevailed. They are -sufficiently on their guard to have justified the assurance, that should -you choose it for your asylum, the laws of the land, administered by -upright judges, would protect you from any exercise of power unauthorized -by the Constitution of the United States. The Habeas Corpus secures every -man here, alien or citizen, against everything which is not law, whatever -shape it may assume. Should this, or any other circumstance, draw your -footsteps this way, I shall be happy to be among those who may have an -opportunity of testifying, by every attention in our power, the sentiments -of esteem and respect which the circumstances of your history have -inspired, and which are peculiarly felt by, Sir, your most obedient, and -most humble servant. - - -TO STEPHENS THOMPSON MASON. - - MONTICELLO, October 11, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to thank you for your favor of July the 6th, from -Philadelphia. I did not immediately acknowledge it, because I knew you -would have come away. The X. Y. Z. fever has considerably abated through -the country, as I am informed, and the alien and sedition laws are working -hard. I fancy that some of the State legislatures will take strong ground -on this occasion. For my own part, I consider those laws as merely an -experiment on the American mind, to see how far it will hear an avowed -violation of the Constitution. If this goes down, we shall immediately -see attempted another act of Congress, declaring that the President shall -continue in office during life, reserving to another occasion the transfer -of the succession to his heirs, and the establishment of the Senate for -life. At least, this may be the aim of the Oliverians, while Monk and -the Cavaliers (who are perhaps the strongest) may be playing their game -for the restoration of his most gracious Majesty George the Third. That -these things are in contemplation, I have no doubt; nor can I be confident -of their failure, after the dupery of which our countrymen have shown -themselves susceptible. - -You promised to endeavor to send me some tenants. I am waiting for them, -having broken up two excellent farms with twelve fields in them of forty -acres each, some of which I have sowed with small grain. Tenants of -any size may be accommodated with the number of fields suited to their -force. Only send me good people, and write me what they are. Adieu. Yours -affectionately. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, November 17, 1798. - -I enclose you a copy of the draught of the Kentucky resolutions. I think -we should distinctly affirm all the important principles they contain, -so as to hold to that ground in future, and leave the matter in such a -train as that we may not be committed absolutely to push the matter to -extremities, and yet may be free to push as far as events will render -prudent. I think to set out so as to arrive at Philadelphia the Saturday -before Christmas. My friendly respects to Mrs. Madison, to your father and -family; health, happiness and adieu to yourself. - - -TO JOHN TAYLOR. - - MONTICELLO, November 26, 1798. - -DEAR SIR,--We formerly had a debtor and creditor account of letters on -farming; but the high price of tobacco, which is likely to continue for -some short time, has tempted me to go entirely into that culture, and -in the meantime, my farming schemes are in abeyance, and my farming -fields at nurse against the time of my resuming them. But I owe you -a political letter. Yet the infidelities of the post office and the -circumstances of the times are against my writing fully and freely, -whilst my own dispositions are as much against mysteries, innuendos and -half-confidences. I know not which mortifies me most, that I should fear -to write what I think, or my country bear such a state of things. Yet -Lyon's judges, and a jury of all nations, are objects of national fear. -We agree in all the essential ideas of your letter. We agree particularly -in the necessity of some reform, and of some better security for civil -liberty. But perhaps we do not see the existing circumstances in the same -point of view. There are many consideration _dehors_ of the State, which -will occur to you without enumeration. I should not apprehend them, if -all was sound within. But there is a most respectable part of our State -who have been enveloped in the X. Y. Z. delusion, and who destroy our -unanimity for the present moment. This disease of the imagination will -pass over, because the patients are essentially republicans. Indeed, the -Doctor is now on his way to cure it, in the guise of a tax gatherer. But -give time for the medicine to work, and for the repetition of stronger -doses, which must be administered. The principle of the present majority -is _excessive expense_, money enough to fill all their maws, or it will -not be worth the risk of their supporting. They cannot borrow a dollar -in Europe, or above two or three millions in America. This is not the -fourth of the expenses of this year, unprovided for. Paper money would be -perilous even to the paper men. Nothing then but excessive taxation can -get us along; and this will carry reason and reflection to every man's -door, and particularly in the hour of election. - -I wish it were possible to obtain a single amendment to our Constitution. -I would be willing to depend on that alone for the reduction of the -administration of our government to the genuine principles of its -Constitution; I mean an additional article, taking from the federal -government the power of borrowing. I now deny their power of making -paper money or anything else a legal tender. I know that to pay all -proper expenses within the year, would, in case of war, be hard on us. -But not so hard as ten wars instead of one. For wars would be reduced -in that proportion; besides that the State governments would be free to -lend _their credit_ in borrowing quotas. For the present, I should be -for resolving the alien and sedition laws to be against the Constitution -and merely void, and for addressing the other States to obtain similar -declarations: and I would not do anything at this moment which should -commit us further, but reserve ourselves to shape our future measures or -no measures, by the events which may happen. It is a singular phenomenon, -that while our State governments are the _very best in the world_, without -exception or comparison, our General Government has, in the rapid course -of nine or ten years, become more arbitrary, and has swallowed more of the -public liberty than even that of England. I enclose you a column, cut out -of a London paper, to show you that the English, though charmed with our -making their enemies our enemies, yet blush and weep over our sedition -law. But I enclose you something more important. It is a petition for a -reformation in the manner of appointing our juries, and a remedy against -the _jury of all nations_, which is handing about here for signature, -and will be presented to your House. I know it will require but little -ingenuity to make objections to the details of its execution; but do not -be discouraged by small difficulties; make it as perfect as you can at a -first essay, and depend on amending its defects as they develop themselves -in practice. I hope it will meet with your approbation and patronage. It -is the only thing which can yield us a little present protection against -the dominion of a faction, while circumstances are maturing for bringing -and keeping the government in real unison with the spirit of their -constituents. I am aware that the act of Congress has directed that juries -shall be appointed by lot or otherwise, as the laws _now_ (at the date of -the act) in force in the several States provide. The New England States -have always had them elected by their select men, who are elected by the -people. Several or most of the other States have a large number appointed -(I do not know how) to attend, out of whom twelve for each cause are -taken by lot. This provision of Congress will render it necessary for our -Senators or Delegates to apply for an amendatory law, accommodated to that -prayed for in the petition. In the meantime, I would pass the law as if -the amendatory one existed, in reliance, that our select jurors attending, -the federal judge will, under a sense of right, direct the juries to be -taken from among them. If he does not, or if Congress refuses to pass the -amendatory law, it will serve as eye-water for their constituents. Health, -happiness, _safety_ and esteem to yourself and my ever-honored and ancient -friend, Mr. Pendleton. Adieu. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 3, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--I have suffered the post hour to come so nearly on me, that -I must huddle over what I have more than appears in the public papers. -I arrived here on Christmas day, not a single bill or other article of -business having yet been brought into Senate. The President's speech, so -unlike himself in point of moderation, is supposed to have been written -by the military conclave, and particularly Hamilton. When the Senate -gratuitously hint Logan to him, you see him in his reply come out in his -genuine colors. The debates on that subject and Logan's declaration you -will see in the papers. The republican spirit is supposed to be gaining -ground in this State and Massachusetts. The tax gatherer has already -excited discontent. Gerry's correspondence with Talleyrand, promised by -the President at the opening of the session, is still kept back. It is -known to show France in a very conciliatory attitude, and to contradict -some executive assertions. Therefore, it is supposed they will get their -war measures well taken before they will produce this damper. Vans Murray -writes them, that the French government is sincere in their overtures for -reconciliation, and have agreed, if these fail, to admit the mediation -offered by the Dutch government. - - * * * * * - -General Knox has become bankrupt for four hundred thousand dollars, and -has resigned his military commission. He took in General Lincoln for one -hundred and fifty thousand dollars, which breaks him. Colonel Jackson -also sunk with him. It seems generally admitted, that several cases of -the yellow fever still exist in the city, and the apprehension is, that it -will re-appear early in the spring. You promised me a copy of McGee's bill -of prices. Be so good as to send it on to me here. Tell Mrs. Madison her -friend Madame d'Yrujo, is as well as one can be so near to a formidable -crisis. Present my friendly respects to her, and accept yourself my -sincere and affectionate salutations. Adieu. - -P. S. I omitted to mention that a petition has been presented to the -President, signed by several thousand persons in Vermont, praying a -remitment of Lyon's fine. He asked the bearer of the petition if Lyon -himself had petitioned, and being answered in the negative, said, -"penitence must precede pardon." - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 16, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--The forgery lately attempted to be played off by Mr. H. on the -House of Representatives, of a pretended memorial presented by Logan to -the French government, has been so palpably exposed, as to have thrown -ridicule on the whole of the clamors they endeavored to raise as to that -transaction. Still, however, their majority will pass the bill. The real -views in the importance they have given to Logan's enterprise are mistaken -by nobody. Mr. Gerry's communications relative to his transactions after -the departure of his colleagues, though he has now been returned five -months, and they have been promised to the House six or seven weeks, -are still kept back. In the meantime, the paper of this morning promises -them from the Paris papers. It is said, they leave not a possibility to -doubt the sincerity and the anxiety of the French government to avoid the -spectacle of a war with us. Notwithstanding this is well understood, the -army and a great addition to our navy, are steadily intended. A loan of -five millions is opened at eight per cent. interest! - - * * * * * - -In a society of members, between whom and myself are great mutual esteem -and respect, a most anxious desire is expressed that you would publish -your debates of the convention. That these measures of the army, navy -and direct tax will bring about a revolution of public sentiment is -thought certain, and that the Constitution will then receive a different -explanation. Could those debates be ready to appear critically, their -effect would be decisive. I beg of you to turn this subject in your mind. -Tho arguments against it will be personal; those in favor of it moral; -and something is required from you as a set off against the sin of your -retirement. Your favor of December the 29th came to hand January the 5th; -seal sound. I pray you always to examine the seals of mine to you, and the -strength of the impression. The suspicions against the government on this -subject are strong. I wrote you January the 5th. Accept for yourself and -Mrs. Madison my affectionate salutations. Adieu. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - January 23, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--The newspapers furnish you with the articles of common news as -well as the Congressional. You observe the addition proposed to be made -to our Navy, and the loan of five millions, opened at eight per cent., -to equip it. The papers say that our agents abroad are purchasing vessels -for this purpose. The following is as accurate a statement of our income -and expense annual, as I can form, after divesting the Treasury reports of -such articles as are incidental, and properly _annual_: - - 1798--Imports $7,405,420 76. - Excise Auctions, Libraries, Carriages 585,879 67. - Postage 57,000 - Patents 1,050 - Coinage 10,202 - Dividends of Bank Stock 79,920 - Fines 8 - -------------- - $8,139,520 43. - 1799--Direct Tax, } Clear of expense 2,000,000 - Stamp Tax, - -------------- - $10,139,520 - - Interest and reimbursement of domestic - debt $2,987,145 48 - Interest on domestic loans 238,637 50 - Dutch debt 586,829 58--$3,812,612 56 - Civil list 524,206 83 - Loan office 13,000 - Mint 13,300 - Light-houses 44,281 58 - Annuities and Grants 1,603 33 - Military Pensions 93,400 - Miscellaneous expenses 19,000 - Contingent expenses of Government 20,000 - Amount of Civil Government property 728,191 24 - Indians 110,000 - Foreign intercourse 93,000 - Treaties with G. Britain, Spain - and Mediterranean 187,500 -- 280,500 - Annual expense of existing Navy 2,424,261 10 - Do. do. Army (2,038 officers and privates) 1,461,173 - Do. do. Officers of additional Army } - (actually commissioned) } 217,372 -- 4,112,811 10 - -------------- - 9,044,714 90 - Annual expense of privates of do. - (about ----) 2,523,458 - Do. do. do Navy 2,949,278 96-- 5,472,733 96 - Eight per cent. interest on five millions new loan 400,000 - -------------- - $14,917,448 86 - -By this you will perceive that our income for 1799, being ten millions, -and expenses nine millions, we have a surplus of one million, which, with -the five millions to be borrowed, it is expected, will build the Navy -and raise the Army. When they are complete, we shall have to raise by -new taxes about five millions more, making in the whole fifteen millions, -which if our population be five millions, will be three dollars a head. -But these additional taxes will not be wanting, till the session after the -next. The majority in Congress being as in the last session, matters will -go on now as then. I shall send you Gerry's correspondence and Pickering's -report on it, by which you will perceive the willingness of France to -treat with us, and our determination not to believe it, and therefore to -go to war with them. For in this light must be viewed our surrounding -their islands with our armed vessels instead of their cruising on our -coasts as the law directs. - -According to information, there is real reason to believe that the X. -Y. Z. delusion is wearing off, and the public mind beginning to take the -same direction it was getting into before that measure. Gerry's dispatches -will tend strongly to open the eyes of the people. Besides this several -other impressive circumstances will all be bearing on the public mind. -The alien and sedition laws as before, the direct tax, the additional -army and navy, an usurious loan to set these follies on foot, a prospect -of heavy additional taxes as soon as they are completed, still heavier -taxes if the government forces on the war, recruiting officers lounging at -every court-house and decoying the laborer from his plough. A clause in a -bill now under debate for opening commerce with Toussaint and his black -subjects now in open rebellion with France, will be a circumstance of -high aggravation to that country, and in addition to our cruising around -their islands will put their patience to a great proof. One fortunate -circumstance is that, annihilated as they are on the ocean, they cannot -get at us for some time, and this will give room for the popular sentiment -to correct the imprudence. Nothing is believed of the stories about -Bonaparte. Those about Ireland have a more serious aspect. I delivered -the letter from you of which I was the bearer. No use was made of the -paper, because that poor creature had already fallen too low even for -contempt. It seems that the representative of our district is attached to -his seat. Mr. Bachley tells me you have the collection of a sum of money -for him, which is destined for me. What is the prospect of getting it, -and how much? I do not know whether I have before informed you that Mr. -Madison paid to Mr. Barnes $240 or $250 in your name to be placed to your -credit with Mr. Short, I consequently squared that account, and debited -you to myself for the balance. This with another article or two of account -between us, stands therefore against the books for which I am indebted -to you, and for which I know not the cost. A very important measure is -under contemplation here, which, if adopted, will require a considerable -sum of money _on loan_. The thing being beyond the abilities of those -present, they will possibly be obliged to assess their friends also. I -may perhaps be forced to score you for fifty or one hundred dollars, to -be paid at convenience, but as yet it is only talked of. I shall rest my -justification on the importance of the measure, and the sentiments I know -you to entertain on such subjects. We consider the elections on the whole -as rather in our favor, and particularly believe those of North Carolina -will immediately come right. J. Nicholas and Brent, both offer again. My -friendly respects to Mrs. Monroe, and to yourself affectionate salutations -and adieu. - - -TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 26, 1799. - -MY DEAR SIR,--Your favor of November the 12th was safely delivered to me -by Mr. Binney; but not till December the 28th, as I arrived here only -three days before that date. It was received with great satisfaction. -Our very long intimacy as fellow laborers in the same cause, the recent -expressions of mutual confidence which had preceded your mission, the -interesting course which that had taken, and particularly and personally -as it regarded yourself, made me anxious to hear from you on your return. -I was the more so too, as I had myself, during the whole of your absence, -as well as since your return, been a constant butt for every shaft of -calumny which malice and falsehood could form, and the presses, public -speakers, or private letters disseminate. One of these, too, was of a -nature to touch yourself; as if, wanting confidence in your efforts, I -had been capable of usurping powers committed to you, and authorizing -negotiations private and collateral to yours. The real truth is, that -though Doctor Logan, the pretended missionary, about four or five days -before he sailed for Hamburgh, told me he was going there, and thence to -Paris, and asked and received from me a certificate of his citizenship, -character, and circumstances of life, merely as a protection, should -he be molested on his journey, in the present turbulent and suspicious -state of Europe, yet I had been led to consider his object as relative -to his private affairs; and though, from an intimacy of some standing, -he knew well my wishes for peace and my political sentiments in general, -he nevertheless received then no particular declaration of them, no -authority to communicate them to any mortal, nor to speak to any one in -my name, or in anybody's name, on that, or on any other subject whatever; -nor did I write by him a scrip of a pen to any person whatever. This he -has himself honestly and publicly declared since his return; and from -his well-known character and every other circumstance, every candid man -must perceive that his enterprise was dictated by his own enthusiasm, -without consultation or communication with any one; that he acted in Paris -on his own ground, and made his own way. Yet to give some color to his -proceedings, which might implicate the republicans in general, and myself -particularly, they have not been ashamed to bring forward a suppositious -paper, drawn by one of their own party in the name of Logan, and falsely -pretended to have been presented by him to the government of France; -counting that the bare mention of my name therein, would connect that -in the eye of the public with this transaction. In confutation of these -and all future calumnies, by way of anticipation, I shall make to you a -profession of my political faith; in confidence that you will consider -every future imputation on me of a contrary complexion, as bearing on its -front the mark of falsehood and calumny. - -I do then, with sincere zeal, wish an inviolable preservation of our -present federal Constitution, according to the true sense in which it was -adopted by the States, that in which it was advocated by its friends, -and not that which its enemies apprehended, who therefore became its -enemies; and I am opposed to the monarchising its features by the forms -of its administration, with a view to conciliate a first transition to -a President and Senate for life, and from that to an hereditary tenure -of these offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle. I am for -preserving to the States the powers not yielded by them to the Union, and -to the legislature of the Union its constitutional share in the division -of powers; and I am not for transferring all the powers of the States to -the General Government, and all those of that government to the executive -branch. I am for a government rigorously frugal and simple, applying -all the possible savings of the public revenue to the discharge of the -national debt; and not for a multiplication of officers and salaries -merely to make partisans, and for increasing, by every device, the public -debt, on the principle of its being a public blessing. I am for relying, -for internal defence, on our militia solely, till actual invasion, and for -such a naval force only as may protect our coasts and harbors from such -depredations as we have experienced; and not for a standing army in time -of peace, which may overawe the public sentiment; nor for a navy, which, -by its own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will implicate us, -will grind us with public burthens, and sink us under them. I am for free -commerce with all nations; political connection with none; and little or -no diplomatic establishment. And I am not for linking ourselves by new -treaties with the quarrels of Europe; entering that field of slaughter -to preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings to -war against the principles of liberty. I am for freedom of religion, -and against all manœuvres to bring about a legal ascendancy of one sect -over another: for freedom of the press, and against all violations of -the Constitution to silence by force and not by reason the complaints -or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of -their agents. And I am for encouraging the progress of science in all its -branches; and not for raising a hue and cry against the sacred name of -philosophy; for awing the human mind by stories of raw-head and bloody -bones to a distrust of its own vision, and to repose implicitly on that -of others; to go backwards instead of forwards to look for improvement; -to believe that government, religion, morality, and every other science -were in the highest perfection in ages of the darkest ignorance, and that -nothing can ever be devised more perfect than what was established by -our forefathers. To these I will add, that I was a sincere well-wisher -to the success of the French revolution, and still wish it may end in -the establishment of a free and well-ordered republic; but I have not -been insensible under the atrocious depredations they have committed on -our commerce. The first object of my heart is my own country. In that -is embarked my family, my fortune, and my own existence. I have not one -farthing of interest, nor one fibre of attachment out of it, nor a single -motive of preference of any one nation to another, but in proportion -as they are more or less friendly to us. But though deeply feeling the -injuries of France, I did not think war the surest means of redressing -them. I did believe, that a mission sincerely disposed to preserve peace, -would obtain for us a peaceable and honorable settlement and retribution; -and I appeal to you to say, whether this might not have been obtained, if -either of your colleagues had been of the same sentiment with yourself. - -These, my friend, are my principles; they are unquestionably the -principles of the great body of our fellow citizens, and I know there is -not one of them which is not yours also. In truth, we never differed but -on one ground, the funding system; and as, from the moment of its being -adopted by the constituted authorities, I became religiously principled -in the sacred discharge of it to the uttermost farthing, we are united now -even on that single ground of difference. - -I now turn to your inquiries. The enclosed paper will answer one of them. -But you also ask for such political information as may be possessed by -me, and interesting to yourself in regard to your embassy. As a proof of -my entire confidence in you, I shall give it fully and candidly. When -Pinckney, Marshall, and Dana, were nominated to settle our differences -with France, it was suspected by many, from what was understood of their -dispositions, that their mission would not result in a settlement of -differences, but would produce circumstances tending to widen the breach, -and to provoke our citizens to consent to a war with that nation, and -union with England. Dana's resignation and your appointment gave the -first gleam of hope of a peaceable issue to the mission. For it was -believed that you were sincerely disposed to accommodation; and it was -not long after your arrival there, before symptoms were observed of that -difference of views which had been suspected to exist. In the meantime, -however, the aspect of our government towards the French republic had -become so ardent, that the people of America generally took the alarm. -To the southward, their apprehensions were early excited. In the eastern -States also, they at length began to break out. Meetings were held in many -of your towns, and addresses to the government agreed on in opposition -to war. The example was spreading like a wildfire. Other meetings were -called in other places, and a general concurrence of sentiment against -the apparent inclinations of the government was imminent; when, most -critically for the government, the despatches of October 22d, prepared by -your colleague Marshall, with a view to their being made public, dropped -into their laps. It was truly a God-send to them, and they made the most -of it. Many thousands of copies were printed and dispersed gratis, at -the public expense; and the zealots for war co-operated so heartily, that -there were instances of single individuals who printed and dispersed ten -or twelve thousand copies at their own expense. The odiousness of the -corruption supposed in those papers excited a general and high indignation -among the people. Unexperienced in such manœuvres, they did not permit -themselves even to suspect that the turpitude of private swindlers might -mingle itself unobserved, and give its own hue to the communications of -the French government, of whose participation there was neither proof -nor probability. It served, however, for a time, the purpose intended. -The people, in many places, gave a loose to the expressions of their -warm indignation, and of their honest preference of war to dishonor. -The fever was long and successfully kept up, and in the meantime, war -measures as ardently crowded. Still, however, as it was known that your -colleagues were coming away, and yourself to stay, though disclaiming a -separate power to conclude a treaty, it was hoped by the lovers of peace, -that a project of treaty would have been prepared, _ad referendum_, on -principles which would have satisfied our citizens, and overawed any bias -of the government towards a different policy. But the expedition of the -Sophia, and, as was supposed, the suggestions of the person charged with -your despatches, and his probable misrepresentations of the real wishes -of the American people, prevented these hopes. They had then only to look -forward to your return for such information, either through the executive, -or from yourself, as might present to our view the other side of the -medal. The despatches of October 22d, 1797, had presented one face. That -information, to a certain degree, is now received, and the public will see -from your correspondence with Talleyrand, that France, as you testify, -"was sincere and anxious to obtain a reconciliation, not wishing us to -break the British treaty, but only to give her equivalent stipulations; -and in general was disposed to a liberal treaty." And they will judge -whether Mr. Pickering's report shows an inflexible determination to -believe no declarations the French government can make, nor any opinion -which you, judging on the spot and from actual view, can give of their -sincerity, and to meet their designs of peace with operations of war. The -alien and sedition acts have already operated in the south as powerful -sedatives of the X. Y. Z. inflammation. In your quarter, where violations -of principle are either less regarded or more concealed, the direct tax is -likely to have the same effect, and to excite inquiries into the object of -the enormous expenses and taxes we are bringing on. And your information -supervening, that we might have a liberal accommodation if we would, there -can be little doubt of the reproduction of that general movement which had -been changed, for a moment, by the despatches of October 22d. And though -small checks and stops, like Logan's pretended embassy, may be thrown in -the way from time to time, and may a little retard its motion, yet the -tide is already turned, and will sweep before it all the feeble obstacles -of art. The unquestionable republicanism of the American mind will break -through the mist under which it has been clouded, and will oblige its -agents to reform the principles and practices of their administration. - -You suppose that you have been abused by both parties. As far as has -come to my knowledge, you are misinformed. I have never seen or heard a -sentence of blame uttered against you by the republicans; unless we were -so to construe their wishes that you had more boldly co-operated in a -project of a treaty, and would more explicitly state, whether there was -in your colleagues that flexibility, which persons earnest after peace -would have practised? Whether, on the contrary, their demeanor was not -cold, reserved, and distant, at least, if not backward? And whether, if -they had yielded to those informal conferences which Talleyrand seems to -have courted, the liberal accommodation you suppose might not have been -effected, even with their agency? Your fellow-citizens think they have a -right to full information, in a case of such great concernment to them. -It is their sweat which is to earn all the expenses of the war, and their -blood which is to flow in expiation of the causes of it. It may be in -your power to save them from these miseries by full communications and -unrestrained details, postponing motives of delicacy to those of duty. It -rests with you to come forward independently; to make your stand on the -high ground of your own character; to disregard calumny, and to be borne -above it on the shoulders of your grateful fellow citizens; or to sink -into the humble oblivion, to which the federalists (self-called) have -secretly condemned you; and even to be happy if they will indulge you -oblivion, while they have beamed on your colleagues meridian splendor. -Pardon me, my dear Sir, if my expressions are strong. My feelings are so -much more so, that it is with difficulty I reduce them even to the tone -I use. If you doubt the dispositions towards you, look into the papers, -on both sides, for the toasts which were given throughout the States on -the fourth of July. You will there see whose hearts were with you, and -whose were ulcerated against you. Indeed, as soon as it was known that -you had consented to stay in Paris, there was no measure observed in the -execrations of the war party. They openly wished you might be guillotined, -or sent to Cayenne, or anything else. And these expressions were finally -stifled from a principle of policy only, and to prevent you from being -urged to a justification of yourself. From this principle alone proceed -the silence and cold respect they observe towards you. Still, they -cannot prevent at times the flames bursting from under the embers, as -Mr. Pickering's letters, report, and conversations testify, as well as -the indecent expressions respecting you, indulged by some of them in the -debate on these despatches. These sufficiently show that you are never -more to be honored or trusted by them, and that they wait to crush you for -ever, only till they can do it without danger to themselves. - -When I sat down to answer your letter, but two courses presented -themselves, either to say nothing or everything; for half confidences are -not in my character. I could not hesitate which was due to you. I have -unbosomed myself fully; and it will certainly be highly gratifying if I -receive like confidence from you. For even if we differ in principle more -than I believe we do, you and I know too well the texture of the human -mind, and the slipperiness of human reason, to consider differences of -opinion otherwise than differences of form or feature. Integrity of views -more than their soundness, is the basis of esteem. I shall follow your -direction in conveying this by a private hand; though I know not as yet -when one worthy of confidence will occur. And my trust in you leaves me -without a fear that this letter, meant as a confidential communication -of my impressions, will ever go out of your own hand, or be suffered -in anywise to commit my name. Indeed, besides the accidents which might -happen to it even under your care, considering the accident of death to -which you are liable, I think it safest to pray you, after reading it as -often as you please, to destroy at least the second and third leaves. The -first contains principles only, which I fear not to avow; but the second -and third contain facts stated for your information, and which, though -sacredly conformable to my firm belief, yet would be galling to some, -and expose me to illiberal attacks. I therefore repeat my prayer to burn -the second and third leaves. And did we ever expect to see the day, when, -breathing nothing but sentiments of love to our country and its freedom -and happiness, our correspondence must be as secret as if we were hatching -its destruction! Adieu, my friend, and accept my sincere and affectionate -salutations. I need not add my signature. - - -TO EDMUND PENDLETON. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 29, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--Your patriarchal address to your country is running through all -the republican papers, and has a very great effect on the people. It is -short, simple, and presents things in a view they readily comprehend. The -character and circumstances too of the writer leave them without doubts -of his motives. If, like the patriarch of old, you had but one blessing -to give us, I should have wished it directed to a particular object. But -I hope you have one for this also. You know what a wicked use has been -made of the French negotiation; and particularly the X. Y. Z. dish cooked -up by * * * * *, where the swindlers are made to appear as the French -government. Art and industry combined, have certainly wrought out of this -business a wonderful effect on the people. Yet they have been astonished -more than they have understood it, and now that Gerry's correspondence -comes out, clearing the French government of that turpitude, and showing -them "sincere in their dispositions for peace, not wishing us to break the -British treaty, and willing to arrange a liberal one with us," the people -will be disposed to suspect they have been duped. But these communications -are too voluminous for them, and beyond their reach. A recapitulation -is now wanting of the whole story, stating every thing according to what -we may now suppose to have been the truth, short, simple and levelled to -every capacity. Nobody in America can do it so well as yourself, in the -same character of the father of your country, or any form you like better, -and so concise, as omitting nothing material, may yet be printed in hand -bills, of which we could print and disperse ten or twelve thousand copies -under letter covers, through all the United States, by the members of -Congress when they return home. If the understanding of the people could -be rallied to the truth on this subject, by exposing the dupery practised -on them, there are so many other things about to bear on them favorably -for the resurrection of their republican spirit, that a reduction of the -administration to constitutional principles cannot fail to be the effect. -These are the alien and sedition laws, the vexations of the stamp act, -the disgusting particularities of the direct tax, the additional army -without an enemy, and recruiting officers lounging at every Court House -to decoy the laborer from his plough, a navy of fifty ships, five millions -to be raised to build it, on the usurious interest of eight per cent., the -perseverance in war on our part, when the French government shows such an -anxious desire to keep at peace with us, taxes of ten millions now paid by -four millions of people, and yet a necessity, in a year or two, of raising -five millions more for annual expenses. These things will immediately -be bearing on the public mind, and if it remain not still blinded by a -supposed necessity, for the purposes of maintaining our independence and -defending our country, they will set things to rights. I hope you will -undertake this statement. If anybody else had possessed your happy talent -for this kind of recapitulation, I would have been the last to disturb -you with the application; but it will really be rendering our country a -service greater than it is in the power of any other individual to render. -To save you the trouble of hunting the several documents from which this -statement is to be taken, I have collected them here completely, and -enclose them to you. - -Logan's bill has passed. On this subject, it is hardly necessary for me to -declare to you, on everything sacred, that the part they ascribed to me -was entirely a calumny. Logan called on me, four or five days before his -departure, and asked and received a certificate (in my private capacity) -of his citizenship and circumstances of life, merely as a protection, -should he be molested in the present turbulent state of Europe. I have -given such to an hundred others, and they have been much more frequently -asked and obtained by tories than whigs. - - * * * * * - -Accept my sincere prayers for long and happy years to you still, and my -affectionate salutations and adieu. - - -TO COLONEL N. LEWIS. - -DEAR SIR,--Believing that the letters of Messrs. Gerry and Talleyrand, -will give you pleasure to peruse, I send you a copy; you will perceive -by them the anxiety of the Government of France for a reconciliation -with us, and Mr. Gerry's belief of their sincerity, and that they were -ready to have made a liberal treaty with us. You will also see by Mr. -Pickering's report that we are determined to believe no declarations -they can make, but to meet their peaceable professions with acts of -war. An act has passed the House of Representatives by a majority of -twenty, for continuing the law cutting off intercourse with France, but -allowing the President by proclamation, to except out of this such parts -of their dominions as disavow the depredations committed on us. This is -intended for St. Domingo, where Toussaint has thrown off dependence on -France. He has an agent here on this business. Yesterday, the House of -Representatives voted six ships of 74 guns and six of 18, making 552 guns. -These would cost in England $5,000 a gun. They would cost here $10,000, -so the whole will cost five and a half millions of dollars. Their annual -expense is stated at £1,000 Virginia money a gun, being a little short of -two millions of dollars. And this is only a part of what is proposed; the -whole contemplated being twelve 74's, 12 frigates and about 25 smaller -vessels. The state of our income and expense is (in round numbers) nearly -as follows: - -Imports seven and a half millions of dollars; excise, auctions, licenses, -carriages half a million; postage, patents, and bank stock, one-eighth of -a million, making eight and one-eighth millions. To these the direct tax -and stamp tax will add two millions clear of expense, making in the whole -ten and one-eighth millions. The expenses on the civil list, three-fourths -of a million, foreign intercourse half a million, interest on the public -debt four millions, the present navy two and a half millions, the present -army one and a half millions, making nine and one-quarter millions. The -additional army will be two and a half millions, the additional navy -three millions, and interest on the new loan near one-half a million, in -all, fifteen and one-quarter millions; so in about a year or two there -will be five millions annually to be raised by taxes in addition to the -ten millions we now pay. Suppose our population is now five millions, -this would be three dollars a head. This is exclusive of the outfit of -the navy, for which a loan is opened to borrow five millions at eight -per cent. If we can remain at peace, we have this in our favor, that -these projects will require time to execute; that in the meantime, the -sentiments of the people in the middle States are visibly turning back -to their former direction, the X. Y. Z. delusion being abated, and their -minds become sensible to the circumstances surrounding them, to wit: the -alien and sedition acts, the vexations of the stamp act, the direct tax, -the follies of the additional army and navy money borrowed for these at -the usurious interest of eight per cent., and Mr. Gerry's communications -showing that peace is ours unless we throw it away. But if the joining -the revolted subjects (negroes) of France, and surrounding _their_ islands -with our armed vessels, instead of their merely cruising on our own coasts -to protect our own commerce, should provoke France to a declaration of -war, these measures will become irremediable. - -The English and German papers are killing and eating Bonaparte every day. -He is, however, safe; has effected a peaceable establishment of government -in Egypt, the inhabitants of which have preferred him to their mameluke -Governors, and the expectation is renewed of his march to India. In that -country great preparations are made for the overthrow of the English -power. The insurrection of Ireland seems to be reduced low. The peace -between France and the Empire seems also to be doubtful. Very little is -apprehended for them from anything which the Turks and Russians can do -against them. I wish I could have presented you with a more comfortable -view of our affairs. However, that will come if the friends of reform, -while they remain firm, avoid every act and threat against the peace of -the Union, that would check the favorable sentiments of the Middle States, -and rally them again around the measures which are ruining us. Reason, -not rashness, is the only means of bringing our fellow citizens to their -true minds. Present my best complements to Mrs. Lewis, and accept yourself -assurances of the sincere and affectionate esteem with which I am, dear -Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 30, 1799. - -My last to you was of the 16th, since which yours of the 12th is received, -and its contents disposed of properly. These met such approbation as to -have occasioned an extraordinary impression of that day's paper. Logan's -bill is passed. The lower house, by a majority of twenty, passed yesterday -a bill continuing the suspension of intercourse with France, with a new -clause enabling the President to admit intercourse with the rebellious -negroes under Toussaint, who has an agent here, and has thrown off -dependence on France. The House of Representatives have also voted six -74's and six 18's, in part of the additional navy, say 552 guns, which in -England would cost $5,000, and here $10,000, consequently more than the -whole five millions for which a loan is now opened at eight per cent. The -maintenance is estimated at £1,000 (lawful) a gun annually. A bill has -been this day brought into the Senate for authorizing the President _in -case of a declaration of war or danger of invasion by any European power_, -to raise an _eventual_ army of thirty regiments, infantry, cavalry, and -artillery in addition to the additional army, the provisional army, -and the corps of volunteers, which last he is authorized to brigade, -officer, exercise, and pay during the time of exercise. And all this -notwithstanding Gerry's correspondence received, and demonstrating the -aversion of France to consider us as enemies. All depends on her patiently -standing the measures of the present session, and the surrounding _her_ -islands with our cruisers, and capturing their armed vessels on her own -coasts. If this is borne awhile, the public opinion is most manifestly -wavering in the middle States, and was even before the publication of -Gerry's correspondence. In New York, Jersey, and Pennsylvania, every -one attests them, and General Sumpter, just arrived, assures me the -republicans of South Carolina have gained fifty per cent. in numbers since -the election, which was in the moment of the X. Y. Z. fever. I believe -there is no doubt the Republican Governor would be elected here now, and -still less for next October. The gentleman of North Carolina seems to -be satisfied that their new delegation will furnish but three, perhaps -only two anti-republicans; if so, we shall be gainer on the whole. But -it is on the progress of public opinion we are to depend for rectifying -the proceedings of the next Congress. The only question is whether this -will not carry things beyond the reach of rectification. Petitions and -remonstrances against the alien and sedition laws are coming from various -parts of New York, Jersey, and Pennsylvania: some of them very well drawn. -I am in hopes Virginia will stand so countenanced by those States as -to express the wishes of the Government to coerce her, which they might -venture on if they supposed she would be left alone. Firmness on our part, -but a passive firmness, is the true course. Anything rash or threatening -might check the favorable dispositions of these middle States, and rally -them again around the measures which are ruining us. Bonaparte appears to -have settled Egypt peacefully, and with the consent of those inhabitants, -and seems to be looking towards the East Indies, where a most formidable -co-operation has been prepared for demolishing the British power. I wish -the affairs of Ireland were as hopeful, and the peace with the north -of Europe. Nothing new here as to the price of tobacco, the river not -having yet admitted the bringing any to this market. Spain being entirely -open for ours, and depending on it for her supplies during the cutting -off of her intercourse with her own colonies by the superiority of the -British at sea, is much in our favor. I forgot to add that the bill for -the _eventual_ army, authorizes the President to borrow two millions -more. Present my best respects to Mrs. Madison, health and affectionate -salutations to yourself. Adieu. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 5, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 30th of January; since which yours of -the 25th has been received. - - * * * * * - -The bill for continuing the suspension of intercourse with France and -her dependencies, is still before the Senate, but will pass by a very -great vote. An attack is made on what is called the Toussaint's clause, -the object of which, as is charged by the one party and _admitted_ by -the other, is to facilitate the separation of the island from France. -The clause will pass, however, by about nineteen to eight, or perhaps -eighteen to nine. Rigaud, at the head of the people of color, maintains -his allegiance. But they are only twenty-five thousand souls, against five -hundred thousand, the number of the blacks. The treaty made with them by -Maitland is (if they are to be separated from France) the best thing for -us. They must get their provisions from us. It will indeed be in English -bottoms, so that we shall lose the carriage. But the English will probably -forbid them the ocean, confine them to their island, and thus prevent -their becoming an American Algiers. It must be admitted too, that they may -play them off on us when they please. Against this there is no remedy but -timely measures on our part, to clear ourselves, by degrees, of the matter -on which that lever can work. - - * * * * * - -A piece published in Bache's paper on _foreign influence_, has the -greatest currency and effect. To an extraordinary first impression, they -have been obliged to make a second, and of an extraordinary number. It -is such things as these the public want. They say so from all quarters, -and that they wish to hear reason instead of _disgusting blackguardism_. -The public sentiment being now on the creen, and many heavy circumstances -about to fall into the republican scale, we are sensible that this summer -is the season for systematic energies and sacrifices. The engine is the -press. Every man must lay his purse and his pen under contribution. As -to the former, it is possible I may be obliged to assume something for -you. As to the latter, let me pray and beseech you to set apart a certain -portion of every post day to write what may be proper for the public. Send -it to me while here, and when I go away I will let you know to whom you -may send, so that your name shall be sacredly secret. You can render such -incalculable services in this way, as to lessen the effect of our loss of -your presence here. I shall see you on the 5th or 6th of March. - -Affectionate salutations to Mrs. Madison and yourself. Adieu. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 11, 1799. - -I wrote you last on the 22d of January, since which yours of January -26th is received. A bill will pass the Senate to day for enabling the -President to retaliate rigorously on any French citizens who now are or -hereafter may be in our power, should they put to death any sailors of -ours _forced_ on board British vessels and taken by the French. This is -founded expressly on their _Arret_ of October 29th, 1798, communicated -by the President by message. It is known (from the Secretary of State -himself) that he received, immediately after, a letter from Rufus King -informing him the _Arret_ was suspended, and it has been known a week -that we were passing a retaliating act founded expressly on that _Arret_, -yet the President has not communicated it, and the supporters of the -bill, who themselves told the secret of the suspension in debate, (for -it was otherwise unknown,) will yet pass the bill. We have already an -existing army of 5,000 men, and the additional army of 9,000 now going -into execution. We have a bill on its progress through the Senate for -authorizing the President to raise thirty regiments (30,000 men) called an -_eventual_ army, in case of war with any European power, or of imminent -danger of invasion from them _in his opinion_. And also to call out -and exercise at times the _volunteer_ army, the number of which we know -not. Six 74's and six 18's, making up 500 guns (in part of the fleet of -twelve 74's, twelve frigates, and 20 or 30 smaller vessels proposed to -be built or bought as soon as we can), are now to be begun. One million -of dollars is voted. The Government estimate of their cost is about -4,500 dollars (£1000 sterling) a gun. But there cannot be a doubt they -will cost 10,000 dollars a gun, and consequently the 550 guns will be -5½ millions. A loan is now opened for five millions at eight per cent., -and the _eventual_ army bill authorizes another of two millions. King -is appointed to negotiate a treaty of commerce with Russia, in London. -Phocion Smith is _proposed_ to go to Constantinople to make a treaty with -the Turks. Under two other covers you will receive a copy of the French -originals of Gerry's communications for yourself, and a dozen of G. N's -pamphlets on the laws of the last session. I wish you to give these to -the most influential characters among our countrymen, who are only misled, -are candid enough to be open to conviction, and who may have most effect -on their neighbors. It would be useless to give them to persons already -sound. Do not let my name be connected in the business. It is agreed on -all hands that the British depredations have greatly exceeded the French -during the last six months. The insurance companies at Boston, this place -and Baltimore, prove this from their books. I have not heard how it is at -New York. The Senate struck out of the bill continuing the suspension of -intercourse with France, the clauses which authorized the President to do -it with certain other countries (say Spanish and Dutch), which clauses had -passed the House of Representatives by a majority of, I believe, twenty. -They agreed, however, to the amendment of the Senate. But Toussaint's -clause was retained by both Houses. Adieu affectionately. - -Feb. 12th. The vessel called the Retaliation, formerly French property -taken by us, armed and sent to cruise on them, retaken by them and carried -into Guadaloupe, arrived here this morning with her own captain and crew, -&c. They say that new commissioners from France arrived at Guadaloupe, -sent Victor Hughes home in irons, liberated the crew, said to the captain -that they found him to be an officer bearing a regular commission from the -United States, possessed of a vessel called the Retaliation, then in their -port; that they should inquire into no preceding fact, and that he was -free with his vessel and crew to depart; that as to differences with the -United States, commissioners were coming out from France to settle them; -in the meantime, no injury should be done to us or our citizens. This was -known to every Senator when we met. The Retaliation bill came on, on its -passage, and was passed with only two dissenting voices, two or three who -would have dissented happening to be absent. - - -TO MR. STEWART. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 13, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--I avoid writing to my friends because the fidelity of the -post office is very much doubted. I will give you briefly a statement of -what we have done and are doing. The following is a view of our finances -in round numbers. The import brings in the last year seven and a half -millions of dollars, the excise, carriages, auctions, and licenses, half -a million, the residuary small articles one-eighth of a million. It is -expected that the stamp act may pay the expense of the direct tax, so -that the two may be counted at two millions, making in the whole ten and -one-eighth millions. Our expenses for the civil list three-quarters of -a million, foreign intercourse half a million (this includes Indian and -Algerine expenses, the Spanish and British treaties), interest of the -public debt four millions, the existing navy two and a half millions, -the existing army, 5,000 men, one and a half millions, making nine and -a quarter millions, so that we have a surplus of near a million. But the -additional army, 9,000 men, now raising, will add two and a half millions -annually, the additional navy proposed three millions, and the interest of -the new loans half a million, making six millions more, so that as soon -as the army and navy shall be ready, our whole expenses will be fifteen -millions; consequently, there will be five millions annually more to -be raised by taxes. Our present taxes of ten millions are two dollars a -head on our present population, and the future five millions will make it -three dollars. Our whole exports (native) this year are 28,192, so that -our taxes are now a third and will soon be half of our whole exports; -and when you add the expenses of the State Governments we shall be found -to have got to the plenum of taxation in ten short years of peace. Great -Britain, after centuries of wars and revolutions, had at the commencement -of the present war taxed only to the amount of two-thirds of her exports. -We have opened a loan for five millions, at eight per cent. interest, and -another is proposed of two millions. These are to build six seventy-fours -and six eighteens, in part of additional navy, for which a bill passed the -House of Representatives two days ago, by fifty-four against forty-two. -Besides the existing army of 5,000 and additional army of 9,000, an -_eventual_ army of 30,000 is proposed to be raised by the President, in -case of invasion by any European power, or danger of invasion, _in his -opinion_, and the _volunteer_ army, the amount of which we know not, is to -be immediately called out and exercised at the public expense. For these -purposes a bill has been twice read and committed in the Senate. You have -seen by Gerry's communications that France is _sincerely anxious_ for -reconciliation, willing to give us a _liberal_ treaty, and does not wish -us to break the British treaty, but only to put her on an equal footing. -A further proof of her sincerity turned up yesterday. We had taken an -armed vessel from her, had refitted and sent her to cruise against them, -under the name of the Retaliation, and they re-captured and sent her -into Guadaloupe. The new commissioners arriving there from France, sent -Victor Hughes off in irons, and said to our captain, that as they found -him bearing a regular commission as an officer of the United States, with -his vessel in their port, and his crew, they would inquire into no fact -respecting the vessel preceding their arrival, but that he, his vessel -and crew, were free to depart. They arrived here yesterday. The federal -papers call her a _cartel_. It is whispered that the executive means -to return an equal number of the French prisoners, and this may give a -color to call her a cartel, but she was liberated freely and without -condition. The commissioners further said to the captain that, as to -the differences with the United States, new commissioners were coming -out from France to settle them, and in the meantime they should do us -no injury. The President has appointed Rufus King to make a commercial -treaty with the Russians in London, and William Smith, of South Carolina, -to go to Constantinople to make one with the Turks. Both appointments are -confirmed by the Senate. A little dissatisfaction was expressed by some -that we should never have treated with them till the moment when they -had formed a coalition with the English against the French. You have seen -that the Directory had published an arret declaring they would treat as -pirates any neutrals they should take in the ships of their enemies. The -President communicated this to Congress as soon as he received it. A bill -was brought into Senate reciting that arret, and authorizing retaliation. -The President received information almost in the same instant that the -Directory had suspended the arret (which fact was privately declared by -the Secretary of State to two of the Senate), and, though it was known we -were passing an act founded on that arret, yet the President has never -communicated the suspension. However the Senate, informed indirectly of -the fact, still passed the act yesterday, an hour after we had heard of -the return of our vessel and crew before mentioned. It is acknowledged -on all hands, and declared by the insurance companies that the British -depredations during the last six months have greatly exceeded the French, -yet not a word is said about it officially. However, all these things -are working on the public mind. They are getting back to the point where -they were when the X. Y. Z. story was passed off on them. A wonderful -and rapid change is taking place in Pennsylvania, Jersey, and New York. -Congress is daily plied with petitions against the alien and sedition -laws and standing armies. Several parts of this State are so violent -that we fear an insurrection. This will be brought about by some if they -can. It is the only thing we have to fear. The appearance of an attack -of force against the government would check the present current of the -middle States, and rally them around the government; whereas, if suffered -to go on, it will pass on to a reformation of abuses. The materials now -bearing on the public mind will infallibly restore it to its republican -soundness in the course of the present summer, if the knowledge of facts -can only be disseminated among the people. Under separate cover you will -receive some pamphlets written by George Nicholas on the acts of the last -session. These I would wish you to distribute, not to sound men who have -no occasion for them, but to such as have been misled, are candid and -will be open to the conviction of truth, and are of influence among their -neighbors. It is the sick who need medicine, and not the well. Do not -let my name appear in the matter. Perhaps I shall forward you some other -things to be distributed in the same way. Present me respectfully to Mrs. -Stuart, and accept assurances of the sincere esteem of, dear Sir, your -affectionate friend and servant. - - -TO EDMUND PENDLETON. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 14, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you a petition on the 29th of January. I know the -extent of this trespass on your tranquillity, and how indiscreet it would -have been under any other circumstances. But the fate of this country, -whether it shall be irretrievably plunged into a form of government -rejected by the makers of the Constitution, or shall get back to the true -principles of that instrument, depends on the turn which things may take -within a short period of time ensuing the present moment. The violations -of the Constitution, propensities to war, to expense, and to a particular -foreign connection, which we have lately seen, are becoming evident to -the people, and are dispelling that mist which X. Y. Z. had spread before -their eyes. This State is coming forward with a boldness not yet seen. -Even the German counties of York and Lancaster, hitherto the most devoted, -have come about, and by petitions with four thousand signers remonstrate -against the alien and sedition laws, standing armies, and discretionary -powers in the President. New York and Jersey are also getting into great -agitation. In this State, we fear that the ill designing may produce -insurrection. Nothing could be so fatal. Anything like force would check -the progress of the public opinion and rally them round the government. -This is not the kind of opposition the American people will permit. But -keep away all show of force, and they will bear down the evil propensities -of the government, by the constitutional means of election and petition. -If we can keep quiet, therefore, the tide now turning will take a steady -and proper direction. Even in New Hampshire there are strong symptoms of -a rising inquietude. In this state of things, my dear Sir, it is more in -your power than any other man's in the United States, to give the _coup de -grace_ to the ruinous principles and practices we have seen. In hopes you -have consented to it, I shall furnish to you some additional matter which -has arisen since my last. - -I enclose you a part of a speech of Mr. Gallatin on the naval bill. The -views he takes of our finances, and of the policy of our undertaking to -establish a great navy, may furnish some hints. I am told something on -the same subject from Mr. J. Nicholas will appear in the Richmond and -Fredericksburg papers. I mention the real author, that you may respect it -duly, for I presume it will be anonymous. The residue of Gallatin's speech -shall follow when published. A recent fact, proving the anxiety of France -for a reconciliation with us, is the following. You know that one of the -armed vessels which we took from her was refitted by us, sent to cruise -against her, recaptured, and carried into Guadaloupe under the name of the -Retaliation. On the arrival there of Desfourneaux, the new commissioner, -he sent Victor Hughes home in irons; called up our captain; told him that -he found he had a regular commission as an officer of the United States; -that his vessel was then lying in the harbor; that he should inquire -into no fact preceding his own arrival (by this he avoided noticing that -the vessel was really French property) and that therefore, himself and -crew were free to depart with their vessel; that as to the differences -between France and the United States, commissioners were coming out to -settle them, and in the meantime, no injury should be done on their part. -The captain insisted on being a prisoner; the other disclaimed; and so -he arrived here with vessel and crew the day before yesterday. Within an -hour after this was known to the Senate, they passed a retaliation bill, -of which I enclose you a copy. This was the more remarkable, as the bill -was founded expressly on the _Arret_ of October the 29th, which had been -communicated by the President as soon as received, and he remarked, "that -it could not be too soon communicated to the two Houses and the public." -Yet he almost in the same instant received, through the same channel, -Mr. King's information that that _Arret_ was suspended, and though he -knew we were making it the foundation of a retaliation bill, he has never -yet communicated it. But the Senate knew the fact informally from the -Secretary of State, and knowing it, passed the bill. - -The President has appointed, and the Senate approved Rufus King, to -enter into a treaty of commerce with the Russians, at London, and William -Smith, (Phocion) Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, to go -to Constantinople to make one with the Turks. So that as soon as there -is a coalition of Turks, Russians and English, against France, we seize -that moment to countenance it as openly as we dare, by treaties, which -we never had with them before. All this helps to fill up the measure of -provocation towards France, and to get from them a declaration of war, -which we are afraid to be the first in making. It is certain the French -have behaved atrociously towards neutral nations, and us particularly; -and though we might be disposed not to charge them with all the enormities -committed in their name in the West Indies, yet they are to be blamed for -not doing more to prevent them. A just and rational censure ought to be -expressed on them, while we disapprove the constant billingsgate poured -on them _officially_. It is at the same time true, that their enemies set -the first example of violating neutral rights, and continue it to this -day; insomuch, that it is declared on all hands, and particularly by the -insurance companies and denied by none, that the British spoliations have -considerably exceeded the French during the last six months. Yet not a -word of these things is said officially to the Legislature. - -Still further, to give the devil his due, (the French) it should be -observed that it has been said without contradiction, and the people made -to believe, that their refusal to receive our Envoys was contrary to the -law of nations, and a sufficient cause of war; whereas, every one who -ever read a book on the law of nations knows, that it is an unquestionable -right in every power to refuse to receive any minister who is personally -disagreeable. Martens, the latest and a very respected writer, has laid -this down so clearly and shortly in his "summary of the law of nations," -B. 7. ch. 2. sec. 9, that I will transcribe the passage verbatim. "Section -9. Of choice in the person of the minister. The choice of the person to be -sent as minister depends of right on the sovereign who sends him, leaving -the right, however, of him to whom he is sent, of refusing to acknowledge -any one, to whom he has a personal dislike, or who is inadmissible by the -laws and usages of the country." And he adds notes proving by instances, -&c. This is the whole section. - -Notwithstanding all these appearances of peace from France, we are, -besides our _existing_ army of five thousand men, and an _additional_ -army of nine thousand (now officered and levying), passing a bill for an -_eventual_ army of thirty regiments (thirty thousand) and for regimenting, -brigading, officering and exercising _at the public expense_ our -_volunteer_ army, the amount of which we know not. I enclose you a copy -of the bill, which has been twice read and committed in Senate. To meet -this expense, and that of the six seventy-four's and six eighteen's, part -of the proposed fleet, we have opened a loan of five millions at eight per -cent., and authorize another of two millions; and at the same time, every -man voting for these measures acknowledges there is no probability of an -invasion by France. While speaking of the restoration of our vessel, I -omitted to add, that it is said that our government contemplate restoring -the Frenchmen taken originally in the same vessel, and kept at Lancaster -as prisoners. This has furnished the idea of calling her a _cartel_ -vessel, and pretending that she came as such for an exchange of prisoners, -which is false. She was delivered free and without condition, but it does -not suit to let any new evidence appear of the desire of conciliation in -France. - -I believe it is now certain that the commissioners on the British debts -can proceed together no longer. I am told that our two have prepared -a long report, which will perhaps be made public. The result will be, -that we must recur again to negotiation, to settle the principles of the -British claims. You know that Congress rises on the 3d of March, and that -if you have acceded to my prayers, I should hear from you at least a week -before our rising. Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of -the sincere esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 19, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 11th; yesterday the bill for the -_eventual_ army of thirty regiments (thirty thousand) and seventy-five -thousand volunteers, passed the Senate. By an amendment, the President was -authorized to use the volunteers for every purpose for which he can use -militia, so that the militia are rendered completely useless. The friends -of the bill acknowledged that the volunteers are a _militia_, and agreed -that they might properly be called the "Presidential militia." They are -not to go out of their State without their own consent. Consequently, -all service out of the State is thrown on the constitutional militia, the -Presidential militia being exempted from doing duty with them. Leblane, -an agent from Desfourneaux of Guadaloupe, came in the Retaliation. You -will see in the papers Desfourneaux's letter to the President, which -will correct some immaterial circumstances of the statement in my last. -You will see the truth of the main fact, that the vessel and crew were -liberated without condition. Notwithstanding this, they have obliged -Leblane to receive the French prisoners, and to admit, in the papers, -the terms, "in _exchange_ for _prisoners_ taken from us," he denying at -the same time that they consider them as _prisoners_, or had any idea of -_exchange_. The object of his mission was not at all relative to that; but -they choose to keep up the idea of a cartel, to prevent the transaction -from being used as evidence of the sincerity of the French government -towards a reconciliation. He came to assure us of a discontinuance of all -irregularities in French privateers from Guadaloupe. He has been received -very cavalierly. In the meantime, a _consul general_ is named to St. -Domingo; who may be considered as our minister to Toussaint. - -But the event of events was announced to the Senate yesterday. It is this: -it seems that soon after Gerry's departure, overtures must have been -made by Pichon, French charge d'affaires at the Hague, to Murray. They -were so soon matured, that on the 28th of September, 1798, Talleyrand -writes to Pichon, approving what had been done, and particularly of his -having assured Murray that _whatever_ Plenipotentiary the government -of the United States should send to France to end our differences would -undoubtedly be received with the respect due to the representative of a -_free, independent and powerful nation_; declaring that the President's -instructions to his Envoys at Paris, if they contain the whole of the -American government's intentions, announce dispositions which have been -always entertained by the Directory; and desiring him to communicate -these expressions to Murray, in order to convince him of the sincerity -of the French government, and to prevail on him to transmit them to -his government. This is dated September the 28th, and may have been -received by Pichon October the 1st; and nearly five months elapse before -it is communicated. Yesterday, the President nominated to the Senate -William Vans Murray Minister Plenipotentiary to the French republic, and -added, that he shall be instructed not to go to France, without direct -and unequivocal assurances from the French government that he shall -be received in character, enjoy the due privileges, and a minister of -equal rank, title and power, be appointed to discuss and conclude our -controversy by a new treaty. This had evidently been kept secret from the -federalists of both Houses, as appeared by their dismay. The Senate have -passed over this day without taking it up. It is said they are graveled -and divided; some are for opposing, others do not know what to do. But -in the meantime, they have been permitted to go on with all the measures -of war and patronage, and when the close of the session is at hand it is -made known. However, it silences all arguments against the sincerity of -France, and renders desperate every further effort towards war. I enclose -you a paper with more particulars. Be so good as to keep it till you see -me, and then return it, as it is the copy of one I sent to another person, -and is the only copy I have. Since I began my letter I have received yours -of February the 7th and 8th, with its enclosures; that referred to my -discretion is precious, and shall be used accordingly. - -Affectionate salutations to Mrs. Madison and yourself, and adieu. - - -TO E. PENDLETON. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 19, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--Since my last, which was of the 14th, a Monsieur Leblane, agent -from Desfourneaux, has come to town. He came in the Retaliation, and a -letter of Desfourneaux, of which he was the bearer, now enclosed, will -correct some circumstances in my statement relative to that vessel which -were not very material. It shows, at the same time, that she was liberated -without condition; still it is said (but I have no particular authority -for it) that he has been obliged to receive French prisoners here, and to -admit in the paper that the terms in exchange for _prisoners taken_ from -us, should be used, he declaring, at the same time, that they had never -considered ours as prisoners, nor had an idea of _exchange_. The object of -his mission was to assure the government against any future irregularities -by privateers from Guadaloupe, and to open a friendly intercourse. He has -been treated very cavalierly. I enclose you the President's message to -the House of Representatives relative to the suspension of the _Arret_, on -which our retaliation bill is founded. - -A great event was presented yesterday. The President communicated a -letter from Talleyrand to Pichon, French chargé des affaires at the Hague, -approving of some overtures which had passed between him and Mr. Murray, -and particularly of his having undertaken to assure Murray that _whatever_ -Plenipotentiary we might send to France to negotiate differences, -should be received with the respect due to the representative of a _free -independent and powerful nation_, and directing him to _prevail on Murray -to_ transmit these assurances to his government. In consequence of this, a -nomination of Mr. Murray, minister Plenipotentiary to the French republic, -was yesterday sent to the Senate. This renders their efforts for war -desperate, and silences all further denials of the sincerity of the French -government. I send you extracts from these proceedings for your more -special information. I shall leave this the 2d day of March. Accept my -affectionate salutations. Adieu. - -P. S. I should have mentioned that a nomination is before the Senate of -a _consul general_ to St. Domingo. It is understood that he will present -himself to Toussaint, and is, in fact, our minister to him. - -([Illustration: Pointing finger.] This is upon the margin of this letter.) - -The face they will put on this business is, that they have frightened -France into a respectful treatment. Whereas, in truth, France has been -sensible that her measures to prevent the scandalous spectacle of war -between the two republics, from the known impossibility of our injuring -her, would not be imputed to her as a humiliation. - - -TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 21, 1799. - -DEAR FRIEND, * * * * * - -On politics I must write sparingly, lest it should fall into the hands -of persons who do not love either you or me. The wonderful irritation -produced in the minds of our citizens by the X. Y. Z. story, has in a -great measure subsided. They begin to suspect and to see it coolly in -its true light. Mr. Gerry's communications, with other information, -prove to them that France is sincere in her wishes for reconciliation; -and a recent proposition from that country, through Mr. Murray, puts the -matter out of doubt. What course the government will pursue, I know not. -But if we are left in peace, I have no doubt the wonderful turn in the -public opinion now manifestly taking place and rapidly increasing, will, -in the course of this summer, become so universal and so weighty, that -friendship abroad and freedom at home will be firmly established by the -influence and constitutional powers of the people at large. If we are -forced into war, we must give up political differences of opinion, and -unite as one man to defend our country. But whether at the close of such -a war, we should be as free as we are now, God knows. In fine, if war -takes place, republicanism has everything to fear; if peace, be assured -that your forebodings and my alarms will prove vain; and that the spirit -of our citizens now rising as rapidly as it was then running crazy, and -rising with a strength and majesty which show the loveliness of freedom, -will make this government in practice, what it is in principle, a model -for the protection of man in a state of _freedom_ and _order_. May heaven -have in store for your country a restoration of these blessings, and you -be destined as the instrument it will use for that purpose. But if this -be forbidden by fate, I hope we shall be able to preserve here an asylum -where your love of liberty and disinterested patriotism will be forever -protected and honored, and where you will find, in the hearts of the -American people, a good portion of that esteem and affection which glow in -the bosom of the friend who writes this; and who, with sincere prayers for -your health, happiness and success, and cordial salutations, bids you, for -this time, adieu. - - -TO CHANCELLOR LIVINGSTON. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 23, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--I have received with great pleasure your favor on the -subject of the steam engine. Though deterred by the complexity of that -hitherto known, from making myself minutely acquainted with it, yet I am -sufficiently acquainted with it to be sensible of the superior simplicity -of yours, and its superior economy. I particularly thank you for the -permission to communicate it to the Philosophical Society; and though -there will not be another session before I leave town, yet I have taken -care, by putting it into the hands of one of the Vice Presidents to-day, -to have it presented at the next meeting. I lament the not receiving it a -fortnight sooner, that it might have been inserted in a volume now closed, -and to be published in a few days, before it would be possible for this -engraving to be ready. There is one object to which I have often wished a -steam engine could be adopted. You know how desirable it is both in town -and country to be able to have large reservoirs of water on the top of our -houses, not only for use (by pipes) in the apartments, but as a resource -against fire. This last is most especially a desideratum in the country. -We might indeed have water carried from time to time in buckets to -cisterns on the top of the house, but this is troublesome, and therefore -we never do it,--consequently are without resource when a fire happens. -Could any agent be employed which would be little or no additional expense -or trouble except the first purchase, it would be done. Every family has -such an agent, its kitchen fire. It is small indeed, but if its small but -constant action could be accumulated so as to give a stroke from time to -time which might throw ever so small a quantity of water from the bottom -of a well to the top of the house (say one hundred feet), it would furnish -more than would waste by evaporation, or be used by the family. I know -nobody who must better know the value of such a machine than yourself, nor -more equal to the invention of it, and especially with your familiarity -with the subject. I have imagined that the iron back of the chimney -might be a cistern for holding the water, which should supply steam and -would be constantly kept in a boiling state by the ordinary fire. I wish -the subject may appear as interesting to you as it does to me, it would -then engage your attention, and we might hope this desideratum would be -supplied. - -A want of confidence in the post office deters me from writing to my -friends on subject of politics. Indeed I am tired of writing Jeremiads on -that subject. What person, who remembers the times and tempers we have -seen, would have believed that within so short a period, not only the -jealous spirit of liberty which shaped every operation of our revolution, -but even the common principles of English whigism would be scouted, and -the tory principle of passive obedience under the new-fangled names of -_confidence_ and _responsibility_, become entirely triumphant? That the -tories, whom in mercy we did not crumble to dust and ashes, could so -have entwined us in their scorpion tails, that we cannot now move hand -or foot. But the spell is dissolving. The public mind is recovering from -the delirium into which it had been thrown, and we may still believe with -security that the great body of the American people must for ages yet be -substantially republican. You have heard of the nomination of Mr. Murray. -Not being in the secret of this juggle, I am not yet able to say how it is -to be played off. Respectful and affectionate salutations from, dear Sir, -your sincere friend and servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 26, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 19th; it acknowledged yours of -the 8th. In mine, I informed you of the nomination of Murray. There -is evidence that the letter of Talleyrand was known to one of the -Secretaries, therefore probably to all; the nomination, however, is -declared by one of them to have been kept secret from them all. He added, -that he was glad of it, as, had they been consulted, the advice would have -been against making the nomination. To the rest of the party, however, the -whole was a secret till the nomination was announced. Never did a party -show a stronger mortification, and consequently, that war had been their -object. Dana declared in debate (as I have from those who were present,) -that we had done everything which might provoke France to war; that we had -given her insults which no nation ought to have borne; and yet she would -not declare war. The conjecture as to the executive is, that they received -Talleyrand's letter before or about the meeting of Congress; that not -meaning to meet the overture effectually, they kept it secret, and let all -the war measures go on; but that just before the separation of the Senate, -the President, not thinking he could justify the concealing such an -overture, nor indeed that it could be concealed, made a nomination, hoping -that his friends in the Senate would take on their own shoulders the -odium of rejecting it; but they did not choose it. The Hamiltonians would -not, and the others could not, alone. The whole artillery of the phalanx, -therefore, was played secretly on the President, and he was obliged -himself to take a step which should parry the overture while it wears the -face of acceding to it. (Mark that I state this as conjecture; but founded -on workings and indications which have been under our eyes.) Yesterday, -therefore, he sent in a nomination of Oliver Ellsworth, Patrick Henry and -William Vans Murray, Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary to -the French Republic, but declaring the two former should not leave this -country till they should receive from the French Directory assurances -that they should be received with the respect due by the law of nations -to their character, &c. This, if not impossible, must at least keep off -the day so hateful and so fatal to them, of reconciliation, and leave more -time for new projects of provocation. Yesterday witnessed a scandalous -scene in the House of Representatives. It was the day for taking up the -report of their committee against the alien and sedition laws, &c. They -held a caucus and determined that not a word should be spoken on their -side, in answer to anything which should be said on the other. Gallatin -took up the alien, and Nicholas the sedition law; but after a little while -of common silence, they began to enter into loud conversations, laugh, -cough, &c., so that for the last hour of these gentlemen's speaking, they -must have had the lungs of a vendue master to have been heard. Livingston, -however, attempted to speak. But after a few sentences, the Speaker called -him to order, and told him what he was saying was not to the question. It -was impossible to proceed. The question was taken and carried in favor of -the report, fifty-two to forty-eight; the real strength of the two parties -is fifty-six to fifty. But two of the latter have not attended this -session. I send you the report of their committee. I still expect to leave -this on the 1st, and be with you on the 7th of March. But it is possible -I may not set out till the 4th, and then shall not be with you till the -10th. Affectionately adieu. - - -TO BISHOP MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 27, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of February 10th came safely to hand. We were -for a moment flattered with the hope of a friendly accommodation of our -differences with France, by the President's nomination of Mr. Murray our -Minister at the Hague to proceed to Paris for that purpose. But our hopes -have been entirely dashed by his revoking that and naming Mr. Ellsworth, -Mr. Patrick Henry and Murray; the two former not to embark from America -till _they_ shall receive assurances from the French Government, that -they will be received with the respect due to their character by the law -of nations; and this too after the French Government had already given -assurances that whatever Minister the President should send should be -received with the respect due to the representative of a _great, free_ -and _independent_ nation. The effect of the new nomination is completely -to parry the advances made by France towards a reconciliation. A great -change is taking place in the public mind in these Middle States, and they -are rapidly resuming the Republican ground which they had for a moment -relinquished. The tables of Congress are loaded with petitions proving -this. Thirteen of the twenty-two counties of this State have already -petitioned against the proceedings of the late Congress. Many also from -New York and New Jersey, and before the summer is over, these three States -will be in unison with the Southern and Western. I take the liberty of -putting under your cover a letter for a young gentleman known to you, and -to whom I know not how otherwise to direct it. I am, with great esteem, -dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO T. LOMAX. - - MONTICELLO, March 12, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--Your welcome favor of last month came to my hands in -Philadelphia. So long a time has elapsed since we have been separated by -events, that it was like a letter from the dead, and recalled to my memory -very dear recollections. My subsequent journey through life has offered -nothing which, in comparison with those, is not cheerless and dreary. It -is a rich comfort sometimes to look back on them. - -I take the liberty of enclosing a letter to Mr. Baylor, open, because I -solicit your perusal of it. It will, at the same time, furnish the apology -for my not answering you from Philadelphia. You ask for any communication -I may be able to make, which may administer comfort to you. I can give -that which is solid. The spirit of 1776 is not dead. It has only been -slumbering. The body of the American people is substantially republican. -But their virtuous feelings have been played on by some fact with more -fiction; they have been the dupes of artful manœuvres, and made for a -moment to be willing instruments in forging chains for themselves. But -time and truth have dissipated the delusion, and opened their eyes. They -see now that France has sincerely wished peace, and their seducers have -wished war, as well for the loaves and fishes which arise out of war -expenses, as for the chance of changing the Constitution, while the people -should have time to contemplate nothing but the levies of men and money. -Pennsylvania, Jersey and New York are coming majestically round to the -true principles. In Pennsylvania, thirteen out of twenty-two counties -had already petitioned on the alien and sedition laws. Jersey and New -York had begun the same movement, and though the rising of Congress -stops that channel for the expression of their sentiment, the sentiment -is going on rapidly, and before their next meeting those three States -will be solidly embodied in sentiment with the six southern and western -ones. The atrocious proceedings of France towards this country, had well -nigh destroyed its liberties. The Anglomen and monocrats had so artfully -confounded the cause of France with that of freedom, that both went -down in the same scale. I sincerely join you in abjuring all political -connection with every foreign power; and though I cordially wish well -to the progress of liberty in all nations, and would forever give it -the weight of our countenance, yet they are not to be touched without -contamination from their other bad principles. Commerce with all nations, -alliance with none, should be our motto. - -Accept assurances of the constant and unaltered affection of, dear Sir, -your sincere friend and servant. - - -TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. - - MONTICELLO, August 18, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--I received only two days ago your favor of the 12th, and as it -was on the eve of the return of our post, it was not possible to make so -prompt a despatch of the answer. Of all the doctrines which have ever been -broached by the federal government, the novel one, of the common law being -in force and cognizable as an existing law in their courts, is to me the -most formidable. All their other assumptions of un-given powers have been -in the detail. The bank law, the treaty doctrine, the sedition act, alien -act, the undertaking to change the State laws of evidence in the State -courts by certain parts of the stamp act, &c., &c., have been solitary, -unconsequential, timid things, in comparison with the audacious, barefaced -and sweeping pretension to a system of law for the United States, without -the adoption of their Legislature, and so infinitively beyond their power -to adopt. If this assumption be yielded to, the State courts may be shut -up, as there will then be nothing to hinder citizens of the same State -suing each other in the federal courts in every case, as on a bond for -instance, because the common law obliges payment of it, and the common -law they say is their law. I am happy you have taken up the subject; and I -have carefully perused and considered the notes you enclosed, and find but -a single paragraph which I do not approve. It is that wherein (page two) -you say, that laws being emanations from the legislative department, and, -when once enacted, continuing in force from a presumption that their will -so continues, that that presumption fails and the laws of course fall, -on the destruction of that legislative department. I do not think this is -the true bottom on which laws and the administering them rest. The whole -body of the nation is the sovereign legislative, judiciary and executive -power for itself. The inconvenience of meeting to exercise these powers -in person, and their inaptitude to exercise them, induce them to appoint -special organs to declare their legislative will, to judge and to execute -it. It is the will of the nation which makes the law obligatory; it is -their will which creates or annihilates the organ which is to declare and -announce it. They may do it by a single person, as an Emperor of Russia, -(constituting his declarations evidence of their will,) or by a few -persons, as the aristocracy of Venice, or by a complication of councils, -as in our former regal government, or our present republican one. The -law being law because it is the will of the nation, is not changed by -their changing the organ through which they choose to announce their -future will; no more than the acts I have done by one attorney lose their -obligation by my changing or discontinuing that attorney. This doctrine -has been, in a certain degree, sanctioned by the federal executive. For -it is precisely that on which the continuance of obligation from our -treaty with France was established, and the doctrine was particularly -developed in a letter to Gouverneur Morris, written with the approbation -of President Washington and his cabinet. Mercer once prevailed on the -Virginia Assembly to declare a different doctrine in some resolutions. -These met universal disapprobation in this, as well as the other States, -and if I mistake not, a subsequent Assembly did something to do away the -authority of their former unguarded resolutions. In this case, as in all -others, the true principle will be quite as effectual to establish the -just deductions. Before the revolution, the nation of Virginia had, by -the organs they then thought proper to constitute, established a system -of laws, which they divided into three denominations of 1, common law; 2, -statute law; 3, chancery: or if you please, into two only, of 1, common -law; 2, chancery. When, by the Declaration of Independence, they chose -to abolish their former organs of declaring their will, the acts of will -already formally and constitutionally declared, remained untouched. For -the nation was not dissolved, was not annihilated; its will, therefore, -remained in full vigor; and on the establishing the new organs, first -of a convention, and afterwards a more complicated legislature, the old -acts of national will continued in force, until the nation should, by its -new organs, declare its will changed. The common law, therefore, which -was not in force when we landed here, nor till we had formed ourselves -into a nation, and had manifested by the organs we constituted that -the common law was to be our law, continued to be our law, because the -nation continued in being, and because though it changed the organs for -the future declarations of its will, yet it did not change its former -declarations that the common law was its law. Apply these principles to -the present case. Before the revolution there existed no such nation as -the United States; they then first associated as a nation, but for special -purposes only. They had all their laws to make, as Virginia had on her -first establishment as a nation. But they did not, as Virginia had done, -proceed to adopt a whole system of laws ready made to their hand. As their -association as a nation was only for special purposes, to wit, for the -management of their concerns with one another and with foreign nations, -and the States composing the association chose to give it powers for those -purposes and no others, they could not adopt any general system, because -it would have embraced objects on which this association had no right to -form or declare a will. It was not the organ for declaring a national will -in these cases. In the cases confided to them, they were free to declare -the will of the nation, the law; but till it was declared there could be -no law. So that the common law did not become, _ipso facto_, law on the -new association; it could only become so by a positive adoption, and so -far only as they were authorized to adopt. - -I think it will be of great importance, when you come to the proper part, -to portray at full length the consequences of this new doctrine, that the -common law is the law of the United States, and that their courts have, of -course, jurisdiction co-extensive with that law, that is to say, general -over all cases and persons. But, great heavens! Who could have conceived -in 1789, that within ten years we should have to combat such windmills. -Adieu. Yours affectionately. - - -TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. - - MONTICELLO, August 26, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--I am deeply impressed with the importance of Virginia and -Kentucky pursuing the same tract at the ensuing sessions of their -Legislatures. Your going thither furnishes a valuable opportunity of -effecting it, and as Mr. Madison will be at our Assembly as well as -yourself, I thought it important to procure a meeting between you. I -therefore wrote to propose to him to ride to this place on Saturday or -Sunday next; supposing that both he and yourself might perhaps have some -matter of business at our court, which might render it less inconvenient -for you to be here together on Sunday. I took for granted that you would -not set off to Kentucky pointedly at the time you first proposed, and hope -and strongly urge your favoring us with a visit at the time proposed. Mrs. -Madison, who was the bearer of my letter, assured me I might count on Mr. -M.'s being here. Not that I mentioned to her the object of my request, or -that I should propose the same to you, because, I presume, the less said -of such a meeting the better. I shall take care that Mrs. Monroe shall -dine with us. In hopes of seeing you, I bid you affectionately adieu. - - -TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. - - MONTICELLO, September 5, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of August 30th came duly to hand. It was with great -regret we gave up the hope of seeing you here, but could not but consider -the obstacle as legitimate. I had written to Mr. Madison, as I had before -informed you, and had stated to him some general ideas for consideration -and consultation when we should meet. I thought something essentially -necessary to be said, in order to avoid the inference of acquiescence; -that a resolution or declaration should be passed, 1, answering the -reasonings of such of the States as have ventured into the field of -reason, and that of the committee of Congress, taking some notice -too of those States who have either not answered at all, or answered -without reasoning. 2. Making firm protestation against the precedent -and principle, and _reserving_ the right to make this palpable violation -of the federal compact the ground of doing in future whatever we might -now rightfully do, should repetitions of these and other violations -of the compact render it expedient. 3. Expressing in affectionate and -conciliatory language our warm attachment to union with our sister States, -and to the instrument and principles by which we are united; that we are -willing to sacrifice to this everything but the rights of self-government -in those important points which we have never yielded, and in which alone -we see liberty, safety, and happiness; that not at all disposed to make -every measure of error or of wrong, a cause of scission, we are willing -to look on with indulgence, and to wait with patience till those passions -and delusions shall have passed over, which the federal government have -artfully excited to cover its own abuses and conceal its designs, fully -confident that the good sense of the American people, and their attachment -to those very rights which we are now vindicating, will, before it shall -be too late, rally with us round the true principles of our federal -compact. This was only meant to give a general idea of the complexion and -topics of such an instrument. Mr. M. who came, as had been proposed, does -not concur in the _reservation_ proposed above; and from this I recede -readily, not only in deference to his judgment, but because, as we should -never think of separation but for repeated and enormous violations, so -these, when they occur, will be cause enough of themselves. - -To these topics, however, should be added animadversions on the new -pretensions to a _common law_ of the United States. I proposed to Mr. M. -to write to you, but he observed that you knew his sentiments so perfectly -from a former conference, that it was unnecessary. As to the preparing -anything, I must decline it, to avoid suspicions (which were pretty strong -in some quarters on the late occasion), and because there remains still -(after their late loss) a mass of talents in Kentucky sufficient for -every purpose. The only object of the present communication is to procure -a concert in the general plan of action, as it is extremely desirable -that Virginia and Kentucky should pursue the same track on this occasion. -Besides, how could you better while away the road from hence to Kentucky, -than in meditating this very subject, and preparing something yourself, -than whom nobody will do it better. The loss of your brother, and the -visit of the apostle * * * * * to Kentucky, excite anxiety.[11] However, -we doubt not that his poisons will be effectually counterworked. Wishing -you a pleasant journey and happy return, I am with great and sincere -esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [11] [Here, and in almost every other case where the name is - omitted, it is omitted in the original.] - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, November 22, 1799. - -DEAR SIR,--I have never answered your letter by Mr. Polk, because I -expected to have paid you a visit. This has been prevented by various -causes, till yesterday. That being the day fixed for the departure of my -daughter Eppes, my horses were ready for me to have set out to see you: -an accident postponed her departure to this day, and my visit also. But -Colonel Monroe dined with me yesterday, and on my asking his commands for -you, he entered into the subject of the visit and dissuaded it entirely, -founding the motives on the _espionage_ of the little * * * * * in -* * * * * who would make it a subject of some political slander, and -perhaps of some political injury. I have yielded to his representations, -and therefore shall not have the pleasure of seeing you till my return -from Philadelphia. I regret it sincerely, not only on motives of attention -but of affairs. Some late circumstances changing considerably the aspect -of our situation, must affect the line of conduct to be observed. I regret -it the more too, because from the commencement of the ensuing session, I -shall trust the post offices with nothing confidential, persuaded that -during the ensuing twelve months they will lend their inquisitorial -aid to furnish matter for newspapers. I shall send you as usual printed -communications, without saying anything confidential on them. You will of -course understand the cause. - -In your new station[12] let me recommend to you the jury system: as also -the restoration of juries in the court of chancery, which a law not long -since repealed, because "the trial by jury is troublesome and expensive." -If the reason be good, they should abolish it at common law also. If Peter -Carr is elected in the room of * * * * * he will undertake the proposing -this business, and only need your support. If he is not elected, I hope -you will get it done otherwise. My best respects to Mrs. Madison, and -affectionate salutations to yourself. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [12] The Legislature of Virginia. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 12, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of January the 4th was received last night. I had then -no opportunity of communicating to you confidentially information of the -state of opinions here; but I learn to-night that two Mr. Randolphs will -set out to-morrow morning for Richmond. If I can get this into their -hands I shall send it, otherwise it may wait longer. On the subject of an -election by a general ticket, or by districts, most persons here seem to -have made up their minds. All agree that an election by districts would -be best, if it could be general; but while ten States choose either by -their legislatures or by a general ticket, it is folly and worse than -folly for the other six not to do it. In these ten States the minority is -certainly unrepresented; and their majorities not only have the weight -of their whole State in their scale, but have the benefit of so much of -our minorities as can succeed at a district election. This is, in fact, -ensuring to our minorities the appointment of the government. To state -it in another form; it is merely a question whether we will divide the -United States into sixteen or one hundred and thirty-seven districts. -The latter being more checquered, and representing the people in smaller -sections, would be more likely to be an exact representation of their -diversified sentiments. But a representation of a part by great, and part -by small sections, would give a result very different from what would -be the sentiment of the whole people of the United States, were they -assembled together. I have to-day had a conversation with * * * * * who -has taken a flying trip here from New York. He says, they have now really -a majority in the House of Representatives, but for want of some skilful -person to rally round, they are disjointed, and will lose every question. -In the Senate there is a majority of eight or nine against us. But in the -new election which is to come on in April, three or four in the Senate -will be changed in our favor; and in the House of Representatives the -county elections will still be better than the last; but still all will -depend on the city election, which is of twelve members. At present there -would be no doubt of our carrying our ticket there; nor does there seem -to be time for any events arising to change that disposition. There is -therefore the best prospect possible of a great and decided majority on -a joint vote of the two Houses. They are so confident of this, that the -republican party there will not consent to elect either by districts or -a general ticket. They choose to do it by their legislature. I am told -the republicans of New Jersey are equally confident, and equally anxious -against an election either by districts or a general ticket. The contest -in this State will end in a separation of the present legislature without -passing any election law, (and their former one has expired), and in -depending on the new one, which will be elected October the 14th, in which -the republican majority will be more decided in the Representatives, and -instead of a majority of five against us in the Senate, will be of one -for us. They will, from the necessity of the case, choose the electors -themselves. Perhaps it will be thought I ought in delicacy to be silent -on this subject. But you, who know me, know that my private gratifications -would be most indulged by that issue, which should leave me most at home. -If anything supersedes this propensity, it is merely the desire to see -this government brought back to its republican principles. Consider this -as written to Mr. Madison as much as yourself; and communicate it, if -you think it will do any good, to those possessing our joint confidence, -or any others where it may be useful and safe. Health and affectionate -salutations. - - -TO MR. PARKER. - - SENATE CHAMBER, January 13th, 1800. - -SIR,--In answer to the several inquiries in your letter of this day, I -have the honor to inform you that the marble statue of General Washington -in the Capitol in Richmond, with its pedestal, cost in Paris 24,000 -livres or 1,000 Louis d'ors. It is of the size of life, and made by -Houdon, reckoned one of the first statuaries in Europe. Besides this, we -paid Houdon's expenses coming to and returning from Virginia to take the -General's likeness, which as well as I recollect were about 500 guineas, -and the transportation of the statue to Virginia with a workman to put it -up, the amount of which I never heard. - -The price of an equestrian statue of the usual size, which is considerably -above that of life, whether in marble or bronze, costs in Paris 40,000 -Louis d'ors from the best hand. Houdon asked that price for one that had -been thought of for General Washington; but I do not recollect whether -this included the pedestal of marble, which is a considerable piece of -work. These were the prices in 1785 in Paris. I believe that in Rome -or Florence, the same thing may be had from the best artists for about -two-thirds of the above prices, executed in the marble of Carrara, the -best now known. But unless Ciracchi's busts of General Washington are, -any of them, there, it would be necessary to send there one of Houdon's -figures in plaster, which, packed properly for safe transportation, would -probably cost 20 or 30 guineas. I do not know that any of Carrachi's busts -of the General are to be had anywhere. I am, with great consideration Sir, -your very humble servant. - - -TO MR. MORGAN BROWN, PALMYRA. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 16, 1800. - -SIR,--Your letter of October 1, has been duly received, and I have to -make you my acknowledgments for the offer of the two Indian busts found -on the Cumberland, and in your possession. Such monuments of the state of -the arts among the Indians, are too singular not to be highly esteemed, -and I shall preserve them as such with great care. They will furnish new -and strong proofs how far the patience and perseverance of the Indian -artist supplied the very limited means of execution which he possessed. -Accept therefore, I pray you, my sincere thanks for your kind offer, and -assurances of the gratification these curiosities will yield here. As -such objects cannot be conveyed without injury but by water, I will ask -the favor of you to forward them by some vessel going down the river to -Orleans, to the address of Mr. Daniel Clarke, junior, of that place, to -whom I wrote to have them forwarded round by sea, and to answer for me the -expenses of transportation, package, &c. I am, with many acknowledgments -for this mark of your attention, Sir, your most obedient humble servant. - - -TO DOCTOR PRIESTLY. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 18, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to thank you for the pamphlets you were so kind as to -send me. You will know what I thought of them by my having before sent a -dozen sets to Virginia to distribute among my friends. Yet I thank you not -the less for these, which I value the more as they came from yourself. The -stock of them which Campbell had was, I believe, exhausted the first or -second day of advertising them. The papers of political arithmetic, both -in yours and Mr. Cooper's pamphlets, are the most precious gifts that can -be made to us; for we are running navigation mad, and commerce mad, and -navy mad, which is worst of all. How desirable is it that you could pursue -that subject for us. From the Porcupines of our country you will receive -no thanks; but the great mass of our nation will edify and thank you. -How deeply have I been chagrined and mortified at the persecutions which -fanaticism and monarchy have excited against you, even here! At first I -believed it was merely a continuance of the English persecution. But I -observe that on the demise of Porcupine and division of his inheritance -between Fenno and Brown, the latter (though succeeding only to the -_federal_ portion of Porcupinism, not the _Anglican_, which is Fenno's -part) serves up for the palate of his sect, dishes of abuse against you -as high seasoned as Porcupine's were. You have sinned against church and -king, and can therefore never be forgiven. How sincerely have I regretted -that your friend, before he fixed his choice of a position, did not -visit the valleys on each side of the ridge in Virginia, as Mr. Madison -and myself so much wished. You would have found there equal soil, the -finest climate and most healthy one on the earth, the homage of universal -reverence and love, and the power of the country spread over you as a -shield. But since you would not make it your country by adoption, you must -now do it by your good offices. I have one to propose to you which will -produce their good, and gratitude to you for ages, and in the way to which -you have devoted a long life, that of spreading light among men. - -We have in that State a College (William and Mary) just well enough -endowed to draw out the miserable existence to which a miserable -constitution has doomed it. It is moreover eccentric in its position, -exposed to all bilious diseases as all the lower country is, and therefore -abandoned by the public care, as that part of the country itself is in -a considerable degree by its inhabitants. We wish to establish in the -upper country, and more centrally for the State, an University on a plan -so broad and liberal and _modern_, as to be worth patronizing with the -public support, and be a temptation to the youth of other States to come -and drink of the cup of knowledge and fraternize with us. The first step -is to obtain a good plan; that is, a judicious selection of the sciences, -and a practicable grouping of some of them together, and ramifying of -others, so as to adopt the professorships to our uses and our means. In -an institution meant chiefly for use, some branches of science, formerly -esteemed, may be now omitted; so may others now valued in Europe, but -useless to us for ages to come. As an example of the former, the oriental -learning, and of the latter, almost the whole of the institution proposed -to Congress by the Secretary of War's report of the 5th inst. Now there is -no one to whom this subject is so familiar as yourself. There is no one in -the world who, equally with yourself, unites this full possession of the -subject with such a knowledge of the state of our existence, as enables -you to fit the garment to him who is to _pay_ for it and to _wear_ it. To -you therefore we address our solicitations, and to lessen to you as much -as possible the ambiguities of our object, I will venture even to sketch -the sciences which seem useful and practicable for us, as they occur to -me while holding my pen. Botany, chemistry, zoology, anatomy, surgery, -medicine, natural philosophy, agriculture, mathematics, astronomy, -geography, politics, commerce, history, ethics, law, arts, fine arts. This -list is imperfect because I make it hastily, and because I am unequal to -the subject. It is evident that some of these articles are too much for -one professor and must therefore be ramified; others may be ascribed in -groups to a single professor. This is the difficult part of the work, -and requires a head perfectly knowing the extent of each branch, and the -limits within which it may be circumscribed, so as to bring the whole -within the powers of the fewest professors possible, and consequently -within the degree of expense practicable for us. We should propose that -the professors follow no other calling, so that their whole time may be -given to their academical functions; and we should propose to draw from -Europe the first characters in science, by considerable temptations, -which would not need to be repeated after the first set should have -prepared fit successors and given reputation to the institution. From some -splendid characters I have received offers most perfectly reasonable and -practicable. - -I do not propose to give you all this trouble merely of my own head, -that would be arrogance. It has been the subject of consultation among -the ablest and highest characters of our State, who only wait for a plan -to make a joint and I hope a successful effort to get the thing carried -into effect. They will receive your ideas with the greatest deference -and thankfulness. We shall be here certainly for two months to come; but -should you not have leisure to think of it before Congress adjourns, it -will come safely to me afterwards by post, the nearest post office being -Milton. - -Will not the arrival of Dupont tempt you to make a visit to this quarter? -I have no doubt the alarmists are already whetting their shafts for -him also, but their gas is nearly run out, and the day I believe is -approaching when we shall be as free to pursue what is true wisdom as the -effects of their follies will permit; for some of them we shall be forced -to wade through because we are emerged in them. - -Wishing you that pure happiness which your pursuits and circumstances -offer, and which I am sure you are too wise to suffer a diminution of by -the pigmy assaults made on you, and with every sentiment of affectionate -esteem and respect, I am, dear Sir, your most humble, and most obedient -servant. - - -TO HENRY INNIS, ESQ. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 23, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of December 6th I received here on the 30th of same -month, and have to thank you for the papers it contained. They serve to -prove that if Cressap was not of the party of Logan's murderers, yet no -injury was done his character by believing it. I shall, while here this -winter, publish such material testimony on the subject as I have received; -which by the kindness of my friends will be amply sufficient. It will -appear that the deed was generally imputed to Cressap by both whites and -Indians, that his character was justly stained with their blood, perhaps -that he ordered this transaction, but that he was not himself present -at the time. I shall consequently make a proper change in the text of -the Notes on Virginia, to be adopted, if any future edition of that work -should be printed. - -With respect to the judiciary district to be established for the Western -States, nothing can be wilder than to annex to them any State on the -Eastern waters. I do not know what may be the dispositions of the House of -Representatives on that subject, but I should hope from what I recollect -of those manifested by the Senate on the same subject at the former -session, that they may be induced to set off the Western country in a -district. And I expect that the reason of the thing must bring both Houses -into the measure. - -The Mississippi Territory has petitioned to be placed at once in what is -called the second stage of government. Surely, such a government as the -first form prescribed for the Territories is a despotic oligarchy without -one rational object. - -I had addressed the enclosed letters to the care of the postmaster at -Louisville; but not knowing him, I have concluded it better to ask the -favor of you to avail them of any passage which may offer down the river. -I presume the boats stop of course at those places. - -We have wonderful rumors here at this time. One that the King of England -is dead. As this would ensure a general peace, I do not know that it would -be any misfortune to humanity. The other is that Bonaparte, Sieyes and -Ducos have usurped the French government. This is _West India_ news, and -shows that after killing Bonaparte a thousand times, they have still a -variety of parts to be acted by him. Were it really true----. While I was -writing the last word a gentleman enters my room and brings a confirmation -that something has happened at Paris. This is arrived at New York by a -ship from Cork. The particulars differ from the West India account. We are -therefore only to believe that a revolution of some kind has taken place, -and that Bonaparte is at the head of it, but what are the particulars and -what the object, we must wait with patience to learn. In the meantime -we may speak hypothetically. If Bonaparte declares for Royalty, either -in his own person, or of Louis XVIII., he has but a few days to live. In -a nation of so much enthusiasm, there must be a million of Brutuses who -will devote themselves to death to destroy him. But, without much faith in -Bonaparte's heart, I have so much in his head, as to indulge another train -of reflection. The republican world has been long looking with anxiety on -the two experiments going on of a _single_ elective Executive here, and -a plurality there. Opinions have been considerably divided on the event -in both countries. The greater opinion there has seemed to be heretofore -in favor of a plurality, here it has been very generally, though not -universally, in favor of a single elective Executive. After eight or nine -years experience of perpetual broils and factions in their Directory, a -standing division (under all changes) of three against two, which results -in a government by a single opinion, it is possible they may think the -experiment decided in favor of our form, and that Bonaparte may be for -a single executive, limited in time and power, and flatter himself with -the election to that office; and that to this change the nation may rally -itself; perhaps it is the only one to which all parties could be rallied. -In every case it is to be feared and deplored that, that nation has yet to -wade through half a century of disorder and convulsions. These, however, -are conjectures only, which you will take as such, and accept assurances -of the great esteem and attachment of, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO DR. PRIESTLY. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 27, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--In my last letter of the 18th, I omitted to say any thing -of the languages as part of our proposed University. It was not that -I think, as some do, that they are useless. I am of a very different -opinion. I do not think them very essential to the obtaining eminent -degrees of science; but I think them very useful towards it. I suppose -there is a portion of life during which our faculties are ripe enough for -this, and for nothing more useful. I think the Greeks and Romans have -left us the present models which exist of fine composition, whether we -examine them as works of reason, or of style and fancy; and to them we -probably owe these characteristics of modern composition. I know of no -composition of any other ancient people, which merits the least regard -as a model for its matter or style. To all this I add, that to read the -Latin and Greek authors in their original, is a sublime luxury; and I -deem luxury in science to be at least as justifiable as in architecture, -painting, gardening, or the other arts. I enjoy Homer in his own language -infinitely beyond Pope's translation of him, and both beyond the dull -narrative of the same events by Dares Phrygius; and it is an innocent -enjoyment. I thank on my knees, Him who directed my early education, for -having put into my possession this rich source of delight; and I would -not exchange it for anything which I could then have acquired, and have -not since acquired. With this regard for those languages, you will acquit -me of meaning to omit them. About twenty years ago, I drew a bill for -our legislature, which proposed to lay off every county into hundreds or -townships of five or six miles square, in the centre of each of them was -to be a free English school; the whole State was further laid off into -ten districts, in each of which was to be a college for teaching the -languages, geography, surveying, and other useful things of that grade; -and then a single University for the sciences. It was received with -enthusiasm; but as I had proposed that William and Mary, under an improved -form, should be the University, and that was at that time pretty highly -Episcopal, the dissenters after awhile began to apprehend some secret -design of a preference to that sect. About three years ago they enacted -that part of my bill which related to English schools, except that instead -of obliging, they left it optional in the court of every county to carry -it into execution or not. I think it probable the part of the plan for the -middle grade of education, may also be brought forward in due time. In the -meanwhile, we are not without a sufficient number of good country schools, -where the languages, geography, and the first elements of mathematics, are -taught. Having omitted this information in my former letter, I thought -it necessary now to supply it, that you might know on what base your -superstructure was to be reared. I have a letter from Mr. Dupont, since -his arrival at New York, dated the 20th, in which he says he will be -in Philadelphia within about a fortnight from that time; but only on a -visit. How much would it delight me if a visit from you at the same time, -were to show us two such illustrious foreigners embracing each other in -my country, as the asylum for whatever is great and good. Pardon, I pray -you, the temporary delirium which has been excited here, but which is fast -passing away. The Gothic idea that we are to look backwards instead of -forwards for the improvement of the human mind, and to recur to the annals -of our ancestors for what is most perfect in government, in religion and -in learning, is worthy of those bigots in religion and government, by whom -it has been recommended, and whose purposes it would answer. But it is not -an idea which this country will endure; and the moment of their showing it -is fast ripening; and the signs of it will be their respect for you, and -growing detestation of those who have dishonored our country by endeavors -to disturb our tranquillity in it. No one has felt this with more -sensibility than, my dear Sir, your respectful and affectionate friend and -servant. - - -TO JOHN BRACKENRIDGE. - - PHILADELPHIA, January 29, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 13th has been duly received, as had been -that containing the resolutions of your legislature on the subject of the -former resolutions. I was glad to see the subject taken up, and done with -so much temper, firmness and propriety. From the reason of the thing I -cannot but hope that the western country will be laid off into a separate -judiciary district. From what I recollect of the dispositions on the -same subject at the last session, I should expect that the partiality to -a general and uniform system would yield to geographical and physical -impracticabilities. I was once a great advocate for introducing into -chancery _vivâ voce_ testimony, and trial by jury. I am still so as to -the latter, but have retired from the former opinion on the information -received from both your State and ours, that it worked inconveniently. I -introduced it into the Virginia law, but did not return to the bar, so -as to see how it answered. But I do not understand how the _vivâ voce_ -examination comes to be practiced in the Federal court with you, and not -in your own courts; the Federal courts being decided by law to proceed and -decide by the laws of the States. * * * * * - - -TO N. R----. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 2, 1800. - -My letters to yourself and my dear Martha have been of January 13th, 21st, -and 28th. I now enclose a letter lately received for her. You will see -in the newspapers all the details we have of the proceedings of Paris. -I observe that Lafayette is gone there. When we see him, Volney, Sieyes, -Talleyrand, gathering round the new powers, we may conjecture from thence -their views and principles. Should it be really true that Bonaparte -has usurped the government with an intention of making it a free one, -whatever his talents may be for war, we have no proofs that he is skilled -in forming governments friendly to the people. Wherever he has meddled -we have seen nothing but fragments of the old Roman government stuck -into materials with which they can form no cohesion: we see the bigotry -of an Italian to the ancient splendor of his country, but nothing which -bespeaks a luminous view of the organization of rational government. -Perhaps however this may end better than we augur; and it certainly -will if his head is equal to true and solid calculations of glory. It is -generally hoped here that peace may take place. There was before no union -of views between Austria and the members of the triple coalition; and the -defeats of Suwarrow appear to have completely destroyed the confidence -of Russia in that power, and the failure of the Dutch expedition to -have weaned him from the plans of England. The withdrawing his armies we -hope is the signal for the entire dissolution of the coalition, and for -every one seeking his separate peace. We have great need of this event, -that foreign affairs may no longer bear so heavily on ours. We have -great need for the ensuing twelve months to be left to ourselves. The -enemies of our Constitution are preparing a fearful operation, and the -dissensions in this State are too likely to bring things to the situation -they wish, when our Bonaparte, surrounded by his comrades in arms, -may step in to give us political salvation in his way. It behoves our -citizens to be on their guard, to be firm in their principles, and full -of confidence in themselves. We are able to preserve our self-government -if we will but think so. I think the return of Lafayette to Paris ensures -a reconciliation between them and us. He will so entwist himself with -the Envoys that they will not be able to draw off. Mr. C. Pinckney has -brought into the Senate a bill for the uniform appointment of juries. A -tax on Public stock, Bank stock, &c., is to be proposed. This would bring -one hundred and fifty millions into contribution with the lands, and -levy a sensible proportion of the expenses of a war on those who are so -anxious to engage us in it. Robins' affair is perhaps to be inquired into. -However, the majority against these things leave no hope of success. It -is most unfortunate that while Virginia and North Carolina were steady, -the Middle States drew back; now that these are laying their shoulders -to the draught, Virginia and North Carolina baulk; so that never drawing -together, the Eastern States, steady and unbroken, draw all to themselves. -I was mistaken last week in saying no more failures had happened. New -ones have been declaring every day in Baltimore, others here and at New -York. The last here have been Nottnagil, Montmollin and Co., and Peter -Blight. These sums are enormous. I do not know the firms of the bankrupt -houses in Baltimore, but the crush will be incalculable. In the present -stagnation of commerce, and particularly that in tobacco, it is difficult -to transfer money from hence to Richmond. Government bills on their custom -house at Bermuda can from time to time be had. I think it would be best -for Mr. Barnes always to keep them bespoke, and to remit in that way your -instalments as fast as they are either due or within the discountable -period. The 1st is due the middle of March, and so from two months to -two months in five equal instalments. I am looking out to see whether -such a difference of price here may be had as will warrant our bringing -our tobacco from New York here, rather than take eight dollars there. -We have been very unfortunate in this whole business. First in our own -miscalculations of the effect of the non-intercourse law; and where we had -corrected our opinions, that our instructions were from good, but mistaken -views, not executed. My constant love to my dear Martha, kisses to her -young ones, and affectionate esteem to yourself. - - -TO SAMUEL ADAMS. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 26, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--Mr. Erving delivered me your favor of January 31st, and I thank -you for making me acquainted with him. You will always do me a favor -in giving me an opportunity of knowing gentlemen as estimable in their -principles and talents as I find Mr. Erving to be. I have not yet seen Mr. -Winthrop. A letter from you, my respectable friend, after three and twenty -years of separation, has given me a pleasure I cannot express. It recalls -to my mind the anxious days we then passed in struggling for the cause -of mankind. Your principles have been tested in the crucible of time, and -have come out pure. You have proved that it was monarchy, and not merely -British monarchy, you opposed. A government by representatives, elected by -the people at _short_ periods, was our object; and our maxim at that day -was, "where annual election ends, tyranny begins;" nor have our departures -from it been sanctioned by the happiness of their effects. A debt of an -hundred millions growing by usurious interest, and an artificial paper -phalanx overruling the agricultural mass of our country, with other _et -ceteras_, have a portentous aspect. - -I fear our friends on the other side of the water, laboring in the same -cause, have yet a great deal of crime and misery to wade through. My -confidence has been placed in the head, not in the heart of Bonaparte. -I hoped he would calculate truly the difference between the fame of -a Washington and a Cromwell. Whatever his views may be, he has at -least transferred the destinies of the republic from the civil to the -military arm. Some will use this as a lesson against the practicability -of republican government. I read it as a lesson against the danger of -standing armies. - -Adieu, my ever respected and venerable friend. May that kind overruling -providence which has so long spared you to our country, still foster -your remaining years with whatever may make them comfortable to yourself -and soothing to your friends. Accept the cordial salutations of your -affectionate friend. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, March 4, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--I have never written to you since my arrival here, for -reasons which were explained. Yours of December 29th, January the -4th, 9th, 12th, 18th, and February the 14th, have therefore remained -unacknowledged. I have at different times enclosed to you such papers as -seemed interesting. To-day I forward Bingham's amendment to the election -bill formerly enclosed to you, Mr. Pinckney's proposed amendment to the -Constitution, and the report of the Ways and Means. Bingham's amendment -was lost by the usual majority of two to one. A very different one will -be proposed, containing the true sense of the minority, viz. that the two -Houses, voting by heads, shall decide such questions as the Constitution -authorizes to be raised. This may probably be taken up in the other House -under better auspices, for though the federalists have a great majority -there, yet they are of a more moderate temper than for some time past. The -Senate, however, seem determined to yield to nothing which shall give the -other House greater weight in the decision on elections than they have. - -Mr. Pinckney's motion has been supported, and is likely to have some -votes which were not expected. I rather believe he will withdraw it, -and propose the same thing in the form of a bill; it being the opinion -of some that such a regulation is not against the present Constitution. -In this form it will stand a better chance to pass, as a majority only -in both Houses will be necessary. By putting off the building of the -seventy-fours and stopping enlistments, the loan will be reduced to three -and a half millions. But I think it cannot be obtained. For though no -new bankruptcies have happened here for some weeks, or in New York, yet -they continue to happen in Baltimore, and the whole commercial race are -lying on their oars, and gathering in their affairs, not knowing what new -failures may put their resources to the proof. In this state of things -they cannot lend money. Some foreigners have taken asylum among us, with a -good deal of money, who may perhaps choose that deposit. Robbins' affair -has been under agitation for some days. Livingston made an able speech -of two and a half hours yesterday. The advocates of the measure feel its -pressure heavily; and though they may be able to repel Livingston's motion -of censure, I do not believe they can carry Bayard's of approbation. The -landing of our Envoys at Lisbon will risk a very dangerous consequence, -insomuch as the news of Truxton's aggression will perhaps arrive at Paris -before our commissioners will. Had they gone directly there, they might -have been two months ahead of that news. We are entirely without further -information from Paris. By letters from Bordeaux, of December the 7th, -tobacco was then from twenty-five to twenty-seven dollars per hundred. -Yet did Marshall maintain on the non-intercourse bill, that its price at -other markets had never been affected by that law. While the navigating -and provision States, who are the majority, can keep open all the markets, -or at least sufficient ones for their objects, the cries of the tobacco -makers, who are the minority, and not at all in favor, will hardly be -listened to. It is truly the fable of the monkey pulling the nuts out of -the fire with the cat's paw; and it shows that G. Mason's proposition in -the Convention was wise, that on laws regulating commerce, two-thirds of -the votes should be requisite to pass them. However, it would have been -trampled under foot by a triumphant majority. - -March 8. My letter has lain by me till now, waiting Mr. Trist's departure. -The question has been decided to-day on Livingston's motion respecting -Robbins; thirty-five for it, about sixty against it. Livingston, Nicholas, -and Gallatin distinguished themselves on one side, and J. Marshall greatly -on the other. Still it is believed they will not push Bayard's motion of -approbation. We have this day also decided in Senate on the motion for -over-hauling the editor of the Aurora. It was carried, as usual, by about -two to one; H. Marshal voting of course with them, as did, and frequently -does * * * * * of * * * * *, who is perfectly at market. It happens that -the other party are so strong, that they do not think either him or -* * * * * worth buying. As the conveyance is confidential, I can -say something on a subject which, to those who do not know my real -dispositions respecting it, might seem indelicate. The federalists -begin to be very seriously alarmed about their election next fall. -Their speeches in private, as well as their public and private demeanor -to me, indicate it strongly. This seems to be the prospect. Keep out -Pennsylvania, Jersey, and New York, and the rest of the States are about -equally divided; and in this estimate it is supposed that North Carolina -and Maryland added together are equally divided. Then the event depends on -the three middle States before mentioned. As to them, Pennsylvania passes -no law for an election at the present session. They confide that the next -election gives a decided majority in the two Houses, when joined together. -M'Kean, therefore, intends to call the legislature to meet immediately -after the new election, to appoint electors themselves. Still you may -be sensible there may arise a difficulty between the two Houses about -voting by heads or by Houses. The republican members here from Jersey are -entirely confident that their two Houses, joined together, have a majority -of republicans; their Council being republican by six or eight votes, and -the lower House federal by only one or two; and they have no doubt the -approaching election will be in favor of the republicans. They appoint -electors by the two Houses voting together. In New York all depends on -the success of the city election, which is of twelve members, and of -course makes a difference of twenty-four, which is sufficient to make the -two Houses, joined together, republican in their vote. Governor Clinton, -General Gates, and some other old revolutionary characters, have been put -on the republican ticket. Burr, Livingston, &c., entertain no doubt on -the event of that election. Still these are the ideas of the republicans -only in these three States, and we must make great allowance for their -sanguine views. Upon the whole, I consider it as rather more doubtful -than the last election, in which I was not deceived in more than a vote -or two. If Pennsylvania votes, then either Jersey or New York giving a -republican vote, decides the election. If Pennsylvania does not vote, -then New York determines the election. In any event, we may say that if -the _city_ election of New York is in favor of the republican ticket, the -issue will be republican; if the federal ticket for the city of New York -prevails, the probabilities will be in favor of a federal issue, because -it would then require a republican vote both from Jersey and Pennsylvania -to preponderate against New York, on which we could not count with any -confidence. The election of New York being in April, it becomes an early -and interesting object. It is probable the landing of our Envoys in Lisbon -will add a month to our session; because all that the eastern men are -anxious about, is to get away before the possibility of a treaty's coming -in upon us. - -Present my respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison, and be assured of my -constant and affectionate esteem. - - -TO COLONEL HAWKINS. - - PHILADELPHIA, March 14, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--I had twice before attempted to open a correspondence by -writing unto you, but receiving no answer, I took it for granted my -letters did not reach you, and consequently that no communication could -be found. Yesterday, however, your nephew put into my hands your favor -of January 23d, and informs me that a letter sent by post by way of Fort -Wilkinson, will be certain of getting safely to you. Still, I expect your -long absence from this part of the States, has rendered occurrences here -but little interesting to you. Indeed, things have so much changed their -aspect, it is like a new world. Those who know us only from 1775 to 1793 -can form no better idea of us now than of the inhabitants of the moon; I -mean as to political matters. Of these, therefore, I shall not say one -word, because nothing I could say, would be any more intelligible to -you, if said in English, than if said in Hebrew. On your part, however, -you have interesting details to give us. I particularly take great -interest in whatever respects the Indians, and the present state of the -Creeks, mentioned in your letter, is very interesting. But you must not -suppose that your official communications will ever be seen or known out -of the offices. Reserve as to all their proceedings is the fundamental -maxim of the Executive department. I must, therefore, ask from you one -communication to be made to me separately, and I am encouraged to it -by that part of your letter which promises me something on the Creek -language. I have long believed we can never get any information of the -ancient history of the Indians, of their descent and filiation, but from -a knowledge and comparative view of their languages. I have, therefore, -never failed to avail myself of any opportunity which offered of getting -their vocabularies. I have now made up a large collection, and afraid to -risk it any longer, lest by some accident it might be lost, I am about to -print it. But I still want the great southern languages, Cherokee, Creeks, -Choctaw, Chickasaw. For the Cherokee, I have written to another, but for -the three others, I have no chance but through yourself. I have indeed an -imperfect vocabulary of the Choctaw, but it wants all the words marked -in the enclosed vocabulary[13] with either this mark (*) or this (†). -I therefore throw myself on you to procure me the Creek, Choctaw, and -Chickasaw; and I enclose you a vocabulary of the particular words I want. -You need not take the trouble of having any others taken, because all my -other vocabularies are confined to these words, and my object is only a -comparative view. The Creek column I expect you will be able to fill up -at once, and when done I should wish it to come on without waiting for -the others. As to the Choctaw and Chickasaw, I know your relations are -not very direct, but as I possess no means at all of getting at them, I -am induced to pray your aid. All the despatch which can be conveniently -used is desirable to me, because this summer I propose to arrange all my -vocabularies for the press, and I wish to place every tongue in the column -adjacent to its kindred tongues. Your letters, addressed by post to me at -Monticello, near Charlottesville, will come safely, and more safely than -if put under cover to any of the offices, where they may be mislaid or -lost. - -Your old friend, Mrs. Trist, is now settled at Charlottesville, within -two and a half miles of me. She lives with her son, who married here, -and removed there. She preserves her health and spirits fully, and is -much beloved with us, as she deserves to be. As I know she is a favorite -correspondent of yours, I shall observe that the same channel will be a -good one to her as I have mentioned for myself. Indeed, if you find our -correspondence worth having, it can now be as direct as if you were in -one of these States. Mr. Madison is well. I presume you have long known of -his marriage. He is not yet a father. Mr. Giles is happily and wealthily -married to a Miss Tabb. This I presume is enough for a first dose; after -hearing from you, and knowing how it agrees with you, it may be repeated. -With sentiments of constant and sincere esteem, I am, dear Sir, your -affectionate friend and servant. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [13] [This vocabulary is missing.] - - -TO P. N. NICHOLAS. - - PHILADELPHIA, April 7, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--It is too early to think of a declaratory act as yet, but the -time is approaching and not distant. Two elections more will give us a -solid majority in the House of Representatives, and a sufficient one in -the Senate. As soon as it can be depended on, we must have "a Declaration -of the principles of the Constitution" in nature of a Declaration of -rights, in all the points in which it has been violated. The people in -the middle States are almost rallied to Virginia already; and the eastern -States are commencing the vibration which has been checked by X. Y. Z. -North Carolina is at present in the most dangerous state. The lawyers all -tories, the people substantially republican, but uninformed and deceived -by the lawyers, who are elected of necessity because few other candidates. -The medicine for that State must be very mild and secretly administered. -But nothing should be spared to give them true information. I am, dear -Sir, yours affectionately. - - -TO E. LIVINGSTON, ESQ. - - PHILADELPHIA, April 30, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--I received with great pleasure your favor of the 11th instant. -By this time I presume the result of your labors is known with you, -though not here. Whatever it may be, and my experience of the art, -industry, and resources of the other party has not permitted me to be -prematurely confident, yet I am entirely confident that ultimately the -great body of the people are passing over from them. This may require one -or two elections more; but it will assuredly take place. The madness and -extravagance of their career is what ensures it. The people through all -the States are for republican forms; republican principles, simplicity, -economy, religious and civil freedom. - -I have nothing to offer you but Congressional news. The Judiciary bill is -postponed to the next session; so the Militia; so the Military Academy. -The bill for the election of the President and Vice President has -undergone much revolution. Marshall made a dexterous manœuvre; he declares -against the constitutionality of the Senate's bill, and proposed that the -right of decision of their grand committee should be controllable by the -_concurrent_ votes of the two houses of Congress; but to stand good if -not rejected by a concurrent vote. You will readily estimate the amount -of this sort of control. The Committee of the House of Representatives, -however, took from the Committee the right of giving any opinion, -requiring them to report facts only, and that the votes returned by the -States should be counted, unless reported by a concurrent vote of both -houses. In what form it will pass them or us, cannot be foreseen. Our Jury -bill in Senate will pass so as merely to accommodate New York and Vermont. -The House of Representatives sent us yesterday a bill for incorporating -a company to work Roosewell's copper mines in New Jersey. I do not know -whether it is understood that the Legislature of Jersey was incompetent -to this, or merely that we have concurrent legislation under the sweeping -clause. Congress are authorized to defend the nation. Ships are necessary -for defence; copper is necessary for ships; mines necessary for copper; -a company necessary to work mines; and who can doubt this reasoning who -has ever played at "This is the House that Jack built?" Under such a -process of filiation of necessities the sweeping clause makes clean work. -We shall certainly rise on the 12th. There is nothing to do now but to -pass the Ways and Means, and to settle some differences of opinion of the -two houses on the Georgia bill, the bill for dividing the North-Western -Territory, and that for the sale of the Western lands. Salutations and -affectionate esteem. Adieu. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - PHILADELPHIA, May 12, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--Congress will rise to-day or to-morrow. Mr. Nicholas proposing -to call on you, you will get from him the Congressional news. On the -whole, the federalists have not been able to carry a single strong measure -in the lower House the whole session. When they met, it was believed -they had a majority of twenty; but many of these were new and moderate -men, and soon saw the true character of the party to which they had been -well disposed while at a distance. This tide, too, of public opinion sets -so strongly against the federal proceedings, that this melted off their -majority, and dismayed the heroes of the party. The Senate alone remained -undismayed to the last. Firm to their purpose, regardless of public -opinion, and more disposed to coerce than to court it, not a man of their -majority gave way in the least; and on the election bill they _adhered_ to -John Marshall's amendment, by their whole number; and if there had been -a full Senate, there would have been but eleven votes against it, which -include H. Marshall, who has voted with the republicans this session. -* * * * * - - * * * * * - -Accept assurances of constant and affectionate esteem to Mrs. Madison and -yourself from, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant. - - -TO GIDEON GRANGER. - - MONTICELLO, August 13, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--I received with great pleasure your favor of June the 4th, and -am much comforted by the appearance of a change of opinion in your State; -for though we may obtain, and I believe shall obtain, a majority in the -Legislature of the United States, attached to the preservation of the -federal Constitution according to its obvious principles, and those on -which it was known to be received; attached equally to the preservation -to the States of those rights unquestionably remaining with them; friends -to the freedom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by jury and to -economical government; opposed to standing armies, paper systems, war, and -all connection, other than commerce, with any foreign nation; in short, -a majority firm in all those principles which we have espoused and the -federalists have opposed uniformly; still, should the whole body of New -England continue in opposition to these principles of government, either -knowingly or through delusion, our government will be a very uneasy one. -It can never be harmonious and solid, while so respectable a portion of -its citizens support principles which go directly to a change of the -federal Constitution, to sink the State governments, consolidate them -into one, and to monarchize that. Our country is too large to have all -its affairs directed by a single government. Public servants at such a -distance, and from under the eye of their constituents, must, from the -circumstance of distance, be unable to administer and overlook all the -details necessary for the good government of the citizens, and the same -circumstance, by rendering detection impossible to their constituents, -will invite the public agents to corruption, plunder and waste. And I -do verily believe, that if the principle were to prevail, of a common -law being in force in the United States, (which principle possesses the -General Government at once of all the powers of the State governments, -and reduces us to a single consolidated government,) it would become -the most corrupt government on the earth. You have seen the practises -by which the public servants have been able to cover their conduct, or, -where that could not be done, delusions by which they have varnished it -for the eye of their constituents. What an augmentation of the field for -jobbing, speculating, plundering, office-building and office-hunting would -be produced by an assumption of all the State powers into the hands of -the General Government. The true theory of our Constitution is surely the -wisest and best, that the States are independent as to everything within -themselves, and united as to everything respecting foreign nations. Let -the General Government be reduced to foreign concerns only, and let our -affairs be disentangled from those of all other nations, except as to -commerce, which the merchants will manage the better, the more they are -left free to manage for themselves, and our General Government may be -reduced to a very simple organization, and a very unexpensive one; a few -plain duties to be performed by a few servants. But I repeat, that this -simple and economical mode of government can never be secured, if the -New England States continue to support the contrary system. I rejoice, -therefore, in every appearance of their returning to those principles -which I had always imagined to be almost innate in them. In this State, -a few persons were deluded by the X. Y. Z. duperies. You saw the effect -of it in our last Congressional representatives, chosen under their -influence. This experiment on their credulity is now seen into, and our -next representation will be as republican as it has heretofore been. On -the whole, we hope, that by a part of the Union having held on to the -principles of the Constitution, time has been given to the States to -recover from the temporary frenzy into which they had been decoyed, to -rally round the Constitution, and to rescue it from the destruction with -which it had been threatened even at their own hands. I see copied from -the American Magazine two numbers of a paper signed Don Quixotte, most -excellently adapted to introduce the real truth to the minds even of the -most prejudiced. - -I would, with great pleasure, have written the letter you desired in -behalf of your friend, but there are existing circumstances which render a -letter from me to that magistrate as improper as it would be unavailing. I -shall be happy, on some more fortunate occasion, to prove to you my desire -of serving your wishes. - -I sometime ago received a letter from a Mr. M'Gregory of Derby, in your -State; it is written with such a degree of good sense and appearance of -candor, as entitles it to an answer. Yet the writer being entirely unknown -to me, and the stratagems of the times very multifarious, I have thought -it best to avail myself of your friendship, and enclose the answer to you. -You will see its nature. If you find from the character of the person to -whom it is addressed, that no improper use would probably be made of it, -be so good as to seal and send it. Otherwise suppress it. - -How will the vote of your State and Rhode Island be as to A. and P.? - -I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO URIAH M'GREGORY. - - MONTICELLO, August 13, 1800. - -SIR,--Your favor of July the 19th has been received, and received with the -tribute of respect due to a person, who, unurged by motives of personal -friendship or acquaintance, and unaided by particular information, will so -far exercise his justice as to advert to the proofs of approbation given a -public character by his own State and by the United States, and weigh them -in the scale against the fatherless calumnies he hears uttered against -him. These public acts are known even to those who know nothing of my -private life, and surely are better evidence to a mind disposed to truth, -than slanders which no man will affirm on his own knowledge, or ever saw -one who would. From the moment that a portion of my fellow citizens looked -towards me with a view to one of their highest offices, the floodgates of -calumny have been opened upon me; not where I am personally known, where -their slanders would be instantly judged and suppressed, from a general -sense of their falsehood; but in the remote parts of the Union, where -the means of detection are not at hand, and the trouble of an inquiry is -greater than would suit the hearers to undertake. I know that I might have -filled the courts of the United States with actions for these slanders, -and have ruined perhaps many persons who are not innocent. But this would -be no equivalent to the loss of character. I leave them, therefore, to the -reproof of their own consciences. If these do not condemn them, there will -yet come a day when the false witness will meet a judge who has not slept -over his slanders. If the reverend Cotton Mather Smith of Shena believed -this as firmly as I do, he would surely never have affirmed that "I had -obtained my property by fraud and robbery; that in one instance, I had -defrauded and robbed a widow and fatherless children of an estate to which -I was executor, of ten thousand pounds sterling, by keeping the property -and paying them in money at the nominal rate, when it was worth no more -than forty for one; and that all this could be proved." Every tittle of -it is fable; there not having existed a single circumstance of my life to -which any part of it can hang. I never was executor but in two instances, -both of which having taken place about the beginning of the revolution, -which withdrew me immediately from all private pursuits, I never meddled -in either executorship. In one of the cases only, were there a widow -and children. She was my sister. She retained and managed the estate in -her own hands, and no part of it was ever in mine. In the other, I was -a copartner, and only received on a division the equal portion allotted -me. To neither of these executorships therefore, could Mr. Smith refer. -Again, my property is all patrimonial, except about seven or eight hundred -pounds' worth of lands, purchased by myself and paid for, not to widows -and orphans, but to the very gentleman from whom I purchased. If Mr. -Smith, therefore, thinks the precepts of the gospel intended for those who -preach them as well as for others, he will doubtless some day feel the -duties of repentance, and of acknowledgment in such forms as to correct -the wrong he has done. Perhaps he will have to wait till the passions of -the moment have passed away. All this is left to his own conscience. - -These, Sir, are facts, well known to every person in this quarter, which -I have committed to paper for your own satisfaction, and that of those -to whom you may choose to mention them. I only pray that my letter may -not go out of your own hands, lest it should get into the newspapers, -a bear-garden scene into which I have made it a point to enter on no -provocation. - -I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant. - - -TO DOCTOR RUSH. - - MONTICELLO, September 23, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of August -the 22d, and to congratulate you on the healthiness of your city. Still -Baltimore, Norfolk and Providence admonish us that we are not clear of our -new scourge. When great evils happen, I am in the habit of looking out -for what good may arise from them as consolations to us, and Providence -has in fact so established the order of things, as that most evils are the -means of producing some good. The yellow fever will discourage the growth -of great cities in our nation, and I view great cities as pestilential to -the morals, the health and the liberties of man. True, they nourish some -of the elegant arts, but the useful ones can thrive elsewhere, and less -perfection in the others, with more health, virtue and freedom, would be -my choice. - -I agree with you entirely, in condemning the mania of giving names to -objects of any kind after persons still living. Death alone can seal -the title of any man to this honor, by putting it out of his power to -forfeit it. There is one other mode of recording merit, which I have often -thought might be introduced, so as to gratify the living by praising the -dead. In giving, for instance, a commission of Chief Justice to Bushrod -Washington, it should be in consideration of his integrity, and science in -the laws, and of the services rendered to our country by his illustrious -relation, &c. A commission to a descendant of Dr. Franklin, besides being -in consideration of the proper qualifications of the person, should add -that of the great services rendered by his illustrious ancestor, Benjamin -Franklin, by the advancement of science, by inventions useful to man, &c. -I am not sure that we ought to change all our names. And during the regal -government, sometimes, indeed, they were given through adulation; but -often also as the reward of the merit of the times, sometimes for services -rendered the colony. Perhaps, too, a name when given, should be deemed a -sacred property. - -I promised you a letter on Christianity, which I have not forgotten. On -the contrary, it is because I have reflected on it, that I find much -more time necessary for it than I can at present dispose of. I have -a view of the subject which ought to displease neither the rational -Christian nor Deists, and would reconcile many to a character they have -too hastily rejected. I do not know that it would reconcile the _genus -irritabile vatum_ who are all in arms against me. Their hostility is -on too interesting ground to be softened. The delusion into which the -X. Y. Z. plot showed it possible to push the people; the successful -experiment made under the prevalence of that delusion on the clause of the -Constitution, which, while it secured the freedom of the press, covered -also the freedom of religion, had given to the clergy a very favorite hope -of obtaining an establishment of a particular form of Christianity through -the United States; and as every sect believes its own form the true one, -every one perhaps hoped for his own, but especially the Episcopalians and -Congregationalists. The returning good sense of our country threatens -abortion to their hopes, and they believe that any portion of power -confided to me, will be exerted in opposition to their schemes. And they -believe rightly: for I have sworn upon the altar of God, eternal hostility -against every form of tyranny over the mind of man. But this is all they -have to fear from me: and enough too in their opinion. And this is the -cause of their printing lying pamphlets against me, forging conversations -for me with Mazzei, Bishop Madison, &c., which are absolute falsehoods -without a circumstance of truth to rest on; falsehoods, too, of which I -acquit Mazzei and Bishop Madison, for they are men of truth. - -But enough of this: it is more than I have before committed to paper on -the subject of all the lies that have been preached and printed against -me. I have not seen the work of Sonnoni which you mention, but I have seen -another work on Africa, (Parke's,) which I fear will throw cold water -on the hopes of the friends of freedom. You will hear an account of an -attempt at insurrection in this State. I am looking with anxiety to see -what will be its effect on our State. We are truly to be pitied. I fear we -have little chance to see you at the federal city or in Virginia, and as -little at Philadelphia. It would be a great treat to receive you here. But -nothing but sickness could effect that; so I do not wish it. For I wish -you health and happiness, and think of you with affection. Adieu. - - -TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. - - WASHINGTON, December 14, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--Your former communications on the subject of the steam engine, -I took the liberty of laying before the American Philosophical Society, -by whom they will be printed in their volume of the present year. I have -heard of the discovery of some large bones, supposed to be of the mammoth, -at about thirty or forty miles distance from you; and among the bones -found, are said to be some of which we have never been able to procure. -The first interesting question is, whether they are the bones of the -mammoth? The second, what are the particular bones, and could I possibly -procure them? The bones I am most anxious to obtain, are those of the head -and feet, which are said to be among those found in your State, as also -the ossa innominata, and the scapula. Others would also be interesting, -though similar ones may be possessed, because they would show by their -similarity that the set belong to the mammoth. Could I so far venture -to trouble you on this subject, as to engage some of your friends near -the place, to procure for me the bones above mentioned? If they are -to be bought I will gladly pay for them whatever you shall agree to as -reasonable; and will place the money in New York as instantaneously after -it is made known to me, as the post can carry it, as I will all expenses -of package, transportation, &c., to New York and Philadelphia, where they -may be addressed to John Barnes, whose agent (he not being on the spot) -will take care of them for me. - -But I have still a more important subject whereon to address you. Though -our information of the votes of the several States be not official, -yet they are stated on such evidence as to satisfy both parties that -the republican vote has been successful. We may, therefore, venture to -hazard propositions on that hypothesis without being justly subjected -to raillery or ridicule. The Constitution to which we are all attached -was meant to be republican, and we believe to be republican according -to every candid interpretation. Yet we have seen it so interpreted and -administered, as to be truly what the French have called, a _monarchie -masque_. Yet so long has the vessel run on this way and been trimmed to -it, that to put her on her republican tack will require all the skill, -the firmness and the zeal of her ablest and best friends. It is a crisis -which calls on them, to sacrifice all other objects, and repair to her aid -in this momentous operation. Not only their skill is wanting, but their -names also. It is essential to assemble in the outset persons to compose -our administration, whose talents, integrity and revolutionary name and -principles may inspire the nation at once, with unbounded confidence, -and impose an awful silence on all the maligners of republicanism; as -may suppress in embryo the purpose avowed by one of their most daring -and effective chiefs, of beating down the administration. These names do -not abound at this day. So few are they, that yours, my friend, cannot -be spared among them without leaving a blank which cannot be filled. If -I can obtain for the public the aid of those I have contemplated, I fear -nothing. If this cannot be done, then are we unfortunate indeed! We shall -be unable to realize the prospects which have been held out to the people, -and we must fall back into monarchism, for want of heads, not hands to -help us out of it. This is a common cause, my dear Sir, common to all -republicans. Though I have been too honorably placed in front of those -who are to enter the breach so happily made, yet the energies of every -individual are necessary, and in the very place where his energies can -most serve the enterprise. I can assure you that your colleagues will be -most acceptable to you; one of them, whom you cannot mistake, peculiarly -so. The part which circumstances constrain us to propose to you is, the -secretaryship of the navy. These circumstances cannot be explained by -letter. Republicanism is so rare in those parts which possess nautical -skill, that I cannot find it allied there to the other qualifications. -Though you are not nautical by profession, yet your residence and your -mechanical science qualify you as well as a gentleman can possibly be, and -sufficiently to enable you to choose under-agents perfectly qualified, -and to superintend their conduct. Come forward then, my dear Sir, and -give us the aid of your talents and the weight of your character towards -the new establishment of republicanism: I say, for its new establishment; -for hitherto we have only seen its travestie. I have urged thus far, on -the belief that your present office would not be an obstacle to this -proposition. I was informed, and I think it was by your brother, that -you wished to retire from it, and were only restrained by the fear that a -successor of different principles might be appointed. The late change in -your council of appointment will remove this fear. It will not be improper -to say a word on the subject of expense. The gentlemen who composed -General Washington's first administration took up, too universally, a -practice of general entertainment, which was unnecessary, obstructive of -business, and so oppressive to themselves, that it was among the motives -for their retirement. Their successors profited by the experiment, and -lived altogether as private individuals, and so have ever continued to do. -Here, indeed, it cannot be otherwise, our situation being so rural, that -during the vacations of the Legislature we shall have no society but of -the officers of the government, and in time of sessions the Legislature is -become and becoming so numerous, that for the last half dozen years nobody -but the President has pretended to entertain them. I have been led to make -the application before official knowledge of the result of our election, -because the return of Mr. Van Benthuysen, one of your electors and -neighbors, offers me a safe conveyance at a moment when the post offices -will be peculiarly suspicious and prying. Your answer may come by post -without danger, if directed in some other hand writing than your own; and -I will pray you to give me an answer as soon as you can make up your mind. - -Accept assurances of cordial esteem and respect, and my friendly -salutations. - - -TO COLONEL BURR. - - WASHINGTON, December 15, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--Although we have not official information of the votes for -President and Vice President, and cannot have until the first week -in February, yet the state of the votes is given on such evidence, as -satisfies both parties that the two republican candidates stand highest. -From South Carolina we have not even heard of the actual vote; but we have -learned who were appointed electors, and with sufficient certainty how -they would vote. It is said they would withdraw from yourself one vote. It -has also been said that a General Smith, of Tennessee, had declared that -he would give his second vote to Mr. Gallatin, not from any indisposition -towards you, but extreme reverence to the character of Mr. Gallatin. It -is also surmised that the vote of Georgia will not be entire. Yet nobody -pretends to know these things of a certainty, and we know enough to -be certain that what it is surmised will be withheld, will still leave -you four or five votes at least above Mr. Adams. However, it was badly -managed not to have arranged with certainty what seems to have been left -to hazard. It was the more material, because I understand several of the -high-flying federalists have expressed their hope that the two republican -tickets may be equal, and their determination in that case to prevent a -choice by the House of Representatives, (which they are strong enough to -do,) and let the government devolve on a President of the Senate. Decency -required that I should be so entirely passive during the late contest that -I never once asked whether arrangements had been made to prevent so many -from dropping votes intentionally, as might frustrate half the republican -wish; nor did I doubt, till lately, that such had been made. - -While I must congratulate you, my dear Sir, on the issue of this contest, -because it is more honorable, and doubtless more grateful to you than any -station within the competence of the chief magistrate, yet for myself, and -for the substantial service of the public, I feel most sensibly the loss -we sustain of your aid in our new administration. It leaves a chasm in -my arrangements, which cannot be adequately filled up. I had endeavored -to compose an administration whose talents, integrity, names, and -dispositions, should at once inspire unbounded confidence in the public -mind, and insure a perfect harmony in the conduct of the public business. -I lose you from the list, and am not sure of all the others. Should the -gentlemen who possess the public confidence decline taking a part in their -affairs, and force us to take persons unknown to the people, the evil -genius of this country may realize his avowal that "he will beat down the -administration." The return of Mr. Van Benthuysen, one of your electors, -furnishes me a confidential opportunity of writing this much to you, which -I should not have ventured through the post office at this prying season. -We shall of course see you before the 4th of March. Accept my respectful -and affectionate salutations. - - -TO JUDGE BRECKENRIDGE. - - WASHINGTON, December 18, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--I received, while at home, the letter you were so kind as -to write me. The employments of the country have such irresistible -attractions for me, that while I am at home, I am not very punctual -in acknowledging the letters of my friends. Having no refuge here from -my room and writing-table, it is my regular season for fetching up the -lee-way of my correspondence. - -Before you receive this, you will have understood that the State of South -Carolina (the only one about which there was uncertainty) has given a -republican vote, and saved us from the consequences of the annihilation -of Pennsylvania. But we are brought into dilemma by the probable equality -of the two republican candidates. The federalists in Congress mean to -take advantage of this, and either to prevent an election altogether, or -reverse what has been understood to have been the wishes of the people, -as to the President and Vice President; wishes which the Constitution -did not permit them specially to designate. The latter alternative still -gives us a republican administration. The former, a suspension of the -federal government, for want of a head. This opens to us an abyss, at -which every sincere patriot must shudder. General Davie has arrived here -with the treaty formed (under the name of a convention) with France. It -is now before the Senate for ratification, and will encounter objections. -He believes firmly that a continental peace in Europe will take place, and -that England also may be comprehended. - -Accept assurances of the great respect of, dear Sir, your most obedient -servant. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - WASHINGTON, December 19, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--Mr. Brown's departure for Virginia enables me to write -confidentially what I could not have ventured by the post at this prying -season. The election in South Carolina has in some measure decided -the great contest. Though as yet we do not know the actual votes of -Tennessee, Kentucky, and Vermont, yet we believe the votes to be on the -whole, J. seventy-three, B. seventy-three, A. sixty-five, P. sixty-four. -Rhode Island withdrew one from P. There is a possibility that Tennessee -may withdraw one from B., and Burr writes that there may be one vote -in Vermont for J. But I hold the latter impossible, and the former not -probable; and that there will be an absolute parity between the two -republican candidates. This has produced great dismay and gloom on the -republican gentlemen here, and exultation in the federalists, who openly -declare they will prevent an election, and will name a President of the -Senate, _pro tem._ by what they say would only be a _stretch_ of the -Constitution. The prospect of preventing this, is as follows: Georgia, -North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Vermont, Pennsylvania, and New York, -can be counted on for their vote in the House of Representatives, and it -is thought by some that Baer of Maryland, and Linn of New Jersey will -come over. Some even count on Morris of Vermont. But you must know the -uncertainty of such a dependence under the operation of caucuses and other -federal engines. The month of February, therefore, will present us storms -of a new character. Should they have a particular issue, I hope you will -be here a day or two, at least, before the 4th of March. I know that your -appearance on the scene before the departure of Congress, would assuage -the minority, and inspire in the majority confidence and joy unbounded, -which they would spread far and wide on their journey home. Let me beseech -you then to come with a view of staying perhaps a couple of weeks, within -which time things might be put into such a train, as would permit us -both to go home for a short time, for removal. I wrote to R. R. L. by a -confidential hand three days ago. The person proposed for the Treasury has -not come yet. - -Davie is here with the Convention, as it is called; but it is a real -treaty, and without limitation of time. It has some disagreeable -features, and will endanger the compromising us with Great Britain. I -am not at liberty to mention its contents, but I believe it will meet -with opposition from both sides of the House. It has been a bungling -negotiation. Ellsworth remains in France for the benefit of his health. -He has resigned his office of Chief Justice. Putting these two things -together, we cannot misconstrue his views. He must have had great -confidence in Mr. Adams' continuance to risk such a certainty as he -held. Jay was yesterday nominated Chief Justice. We were afraid of -something worse. A scheme of government for the territory is cooking -by a committee of each House, under separate authorities, but probably -a voluntary harmony. They let out no hints. It is believed that the -judiciary system will not be pushed, as the appointments, if made by the -present administration, could not fall on those who create them. But I -very much fear the road system will be urged. The mines of Peru would not -supply the moneys which would be wasted on this object, nor the patience -of any people stand the abuses which would be incontrollably committed -under it. I propose, as soon as the state of the election is perfectly -ascertained, to aim at a candid understanding with Mr. Adams. I do not -expect that either his feelings or his views of interest will oppose it. -I hope to induce in him dispositions liberal and accommodating. Accept my -affectionate salutations. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - WASHINGTON, December 26, 1800. - -DEAR SIR,--All the votes have now come in, except of Vermont and -Kentucky, and there is no doubt that the result is a perfect parity -between the two republican characters. The federalists appear determined -to prevent an election, and to pass a bill giving the government to -Mr. Jay, appointed Chief Justice, or to Marshall as Secretary of State. -Yet I am rather of opinion that Maryland and Jersey will give the seven -republican majorities. The French treaty will be violently opposed by the -federalists; the giving up the vessels is the article they cannot swallow. -They have got their judiciary bill forwarded to commitment. I dread this -above all the measures meditated, because appointments in the nature of -freehold render it difficult to undo what is done. We expect a report for -a territorial government which is to pay little respect to the rights of -man. - - * * * * * - -Cordial and affectionate salutations. Adieu. - - -TO TENCHE COXE, ESQ. - - December 31, 1800. - -I shall neither frank nor subscribe my letter, because I do not choose to -commit myself to the fidelity of the post-office. For the same reason, -I have avoided putting pen to paper through the whole summer, except on -mere business, because I knew it was a prying season. I received from time -to time papers under your superscription, which showed that our friends -were not inattentive to the great operation which was agitating the -nation. You are by this time apprised of the embarrassment produced by the -equality of votes between the two republican candidates. The contrivance -in the Constitution for marking the votes works badly, because it does -not enounce precisely the true expression of the public will. We do not -see what is to be the issue of the present difficulty. The federalists, -among whom those of the republican section are not the strongest, propose -to prevent an election in Congress, and to transfer the government by -an act to the C. J. (Jay) or Secretary of State, or to let it devolve on -the President _pro tem._ of the Senate, till next December, which gives -them another year's predominance, and the chances of future events. The -republicans propose to press forward to an election. If they fail in this, -a concert between the two higher candidates may prevent the dissolution -of the government and danger of anarchy, by an operation, bungling indeed -and imperfect, but better than letting the Legislature take the nomination -of the Executive entirely from the people. Excuse the infrequency of my -acknowledgments of your kind attentions. The danger of interruption makes -it prudent for me not to indulge my personal wishes in that way. I pray -you to accept assurances of my great esteem. - - -TO DR. WILLIAMSON. - - WASHINGTON, January 10, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I should sooner have acknowledged your favor of December -8th, but for a growing and pressing correspondence which I can scarcely -manage. I was particularly happy to receive the diary of Quebec, as -about the same time I happened to receive one from the Natchez, so as -to be able to make a comparison of them. The result was a wonder that -any human being should remain in a cold country who could find room in -a warm one,--should prefer 32º to 55º. Harry Hill has told me that the -temperature of Madeira is generally from 55º to 65º, its extreme about -50º and 70º. If I ever change my climate for health, it should be for -that Island. I do not know that the coincidence has ever been remarked -between the new moon and the greater degrees of cold, or the full moon and -the lesser degrees; or that the reflected beams of the moon attemper the -weather at all. On the contrary, I think I have understood that the most -powerful concave mirror presented to the moon, and throwing its focus on -the bulb of a thermometer, does not in the least effect it. I suppose the -opinion to be universal that the turkey is a native of America. Nobody, -as far as I know, has ever contradicted it but Daines Barrington; and the -arguments he produces are such as none but a head, entangled and kinked as -his is, would ever have urged. Before the discovery of America, no such -bird is mentioned in a single author, all those quoted by Barrington, -by description referring to the crane, hen, pheasant or peacock; but the -book of every traveller, who came to America soon after its discovery, is -full of accounts of the turkey and its abundance; and immediately after -that discovery we find the turkey served up at the feasts of Europe, as -their most extraordinary rarity. Mr. William Strickland, the eldest son -of St. George Strickland, of York, in England, told me the anecdote. -Some ancestor of his commanded a vessel in the navigations of Cabot. -Having occasion to consult the Herald's office concerning his family, he -found a petition from that ancestor to the crown, stating that Cabot's -circumstances being slender, he had been rewarded by the bounties he -needed from the crown; that as to himself, he asked nothing in that way, -but that as a consideration for his services in the same way, he might -be permitted to assume for the crest of his family arms, the turkey, an -American bird; and Mr. Strickland observed that their crest is actually a -turkey. You ask whether we may be quoted. In the first place, I now state -the thing from memory, and may be inexact in some small circumstances. Mr. -Strickland too, stated it to me in a conversation, and not considering -it of importance, might be inexact too. We should both dislike to be -questioned before the public for any little inaccuracy of style or -recollection. I think if you were to say that the Herald's office may -be referred to in proof of the fact, it would be authority sufficient, -without naming us. I have at home a note of Mr. Strickland's information, -which I then committed to paper. My situation does not allow me to refresh -my memory from this. I shall be glad to see your book make its appearance; -and I am sure it will be well received by the Philosophical part of -the world, for I still dare to use the word philosophy, notwithstanding -the war waged against it by bigotry and despotism. Health, respect and -friendly salutations. - - -TO WILLIAM DUNBAR, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, January 12, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of July 14th, with the papers accompanying it, -came safely to hand about the last of October. That containing remarks on -the line of demarcation I perused according to your permission, and with -great satisfaction, and then enclosed to a friend in Philadelphia, to be -forwarded to its address. The papers addressed to me, I took the liberty -of communicating to the Philosophical Society. That on the language by -signs is quite new. Soon after receiving your meteorological diary, I -received one of Quebec; and was struck with the comparison between -32 and -19¾ the lowest depression of the thermometer at Quebec and the Natchez. I -have often wondered that any human being should live in a cold country who -can find room in a warm one. I have no doubt but that cold is the source -of more sufferance to all animal nature than hunger, thirst, sickness, and -all the other pains of life and of death itself put together. I live in a -temperate climate, and under circumstances which do not expose me often -to cold. Yet when I recollect on one hand all the sufferings I have had -from cold, and on the other all my other pains, the former preponderate -greatly. What then must be the sum of that evil if we take in the vast -proportion of men who are obliged to be out in all weather, by land and by -sea, all the families of beasts, birds, reptiles, and even the vegetable -kingdom! for that too has life, and where there is life there may be -sensation. I remark a rainbow of a great portion of the circle observed -by you when on the line of demarcation. I live in a situation which has -given me an opportunity of seeing more than the semicircle often. I am -on a hill five hundred feet perpendicularly high. On the west side it -breaks down abruptly to the base, where a river passes through. A rainbow, -therefore, about sunset, plunges one of its legs down to the river, five -hundred feet below the level of the eye on the top of the hill. I have -twice seen bows formed by the moon. They were of the color of the common -circle round the moon, and were very near, being within a few paces of -me in both instances. I thank you for the little vocabularies of Bedais, -Tankawis and Teghas. I have it much at heart to make as extensive a -collection as possible of the Indian tongues. I have at present about -thirty tolerably full, among which the number radically different, is -truly wonderful. It is curious to consider how such handfuls of men, came -by different languages, and how they have preserved them so distinct. I at -first thought of reducing them all to one orthography, but I soon become -sensible that this would occasion two sources of error instead of one. I -therefore think it best to keep them in the form of orthography in which -they were taken, only noting whether that were English, French, German, or -what. I have never been a very punctual correspondent, and it is possible -that new duties may make me less so. I hope I shall not on that account -lose the benefit of your communications. Philosophical vedette at the -distance of one thousand miles, and on the verge of the terra incognito of -our continent, is precious to us here. I pray you to accept assurances of -my high consideration and esteem, and friendly salutations. - - -TO COLONEL BURR. - - WASHINGTON, February 1, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--It was to be expected that the enemy would endeavor to sow -tares between us, that they might divide us and our friends. Every -consideration satisfies me you will be on your guard against this, as I -assure you I am strongly. I hear of one stratagem so imposing and so base -that it is proper I should notice it to you. Mr. Munford, who is here, -says he saw at New York before he left it, an original letter of mine to -Judge Breckenridge, in which are sentiments highly injurious to you. He -knows my hand writing, and did not doubt that to be genuine. I enclose -you a copy taken from the press copy of the only letter I ever wrote to -Judge Breckenridge in my life: the press copy itself has been shown to -several of our mutual friends here. Of consequence, the letter seen by -Mr. Munford must be a forgery, and if it contains a sentiment unfriendly -or disrespectful to you, I affirm it solemnly to be a forgery; as also -if it varies from the copy enclosed. With the common trash of slander I -should not think of troubling you; but the forgery of one's handwriting is -too imposing to be neglected. A mutual knowledge of each other furnishes -us with the best test of the contrivances which will be practised by the -enemies of both. - -Accept assurances of my high respect and esteem. - - -TO GOVERNOR M'KEAN. - - WASHINGTON, February 2d, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I have long waited for an opportunity to acknowledge the -receipt of your favor of December the 15th, as well as that by Dr. -Mendenhall. None occurring, I shall either deliver the present to General -Muhlenburg or put it under cover to Doctor Wistar, to whom I happen -to be writing, to be sent to your house in Philadelphia, or forwarded -confidentially to Lancaster. - -The event of the election is still _in dubio_. A strong portion in the -House of Representatives will prevent an election if they can. I rather -believe they will not be able to do it, as there are six individuals of -moderate character, any one of whom coming over to the republican vote -will make a ninth State. Till this is known, it is too soon for me to -say what should be done in such atrocious cases as those you mention of -federal officers obstructing the operation of the State governments. One -thing I will say, that as to the future, interferences with elections, -whether of the State or General Government, by officers of the latter, -should be deemed cause of removal; because the constitutional remedy -by the elective principle becomes nothing, if it may be smothered by -the enormous patronage of the General Government. How far it may be -practicable, prudent or proper, to look back, is too great a question -to be decided but by the united wisdom of the whole administration when -formed. Our situation is so different from yours, that it may render -proper some differences in the practice. Your State is a single body, the -majority clearly one way. Ours is of sixteen integral parts, some of them -all one way, some all the other, some divided. Whatever may be decided -as to the past, they shall give no trouble to the State governments in -future, if it shall depend on me; and be assured, particularly as to -yourself, that I should consider the most perfect harmony and interchange -of accommodations and good offices with those governments as among the -first objects. - -Accept assurances of my high consideration, respect and esteem. - - -TO DR. WISTAR. - - WASHINGTON, February 3, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--According to your desire I wrote to Chancellor Livingston on -the subject of the bones. The following is an extract from his letter -dated January 7th. "I have paid the earliest attention to your request -relative to the bones found at Shawangun, and have this day written to -a very intelligent friend in that neighborhood. I fear however that -till they have finished their search, there will be some difficulty -in procuring any part of the bones, because when I first heard of the -discovery I made some attempts to possess myself of them, but found they -were a kind of common property, the whole town having joined in digging -for them till they were stopped by the autumnal rains. They entertain -well-grounded hopes of discovering the whole skeleton, since these bones -are not, like all those they have hitherto found in that county, placed -within the vegetable world, but are covered with a stratum of clay,--that -being sheltered from the air and water they are more perfectly preserved. -Among the bones I have heard mentioned, are the vertebra, part of the jaw, -with two of the grinders, the tusks, which some have called the horns, -the sternum, the scapula, the tibia and fibula, the tarsus and metatarsus. -Whether any of the phalanges or innominata are found, I have not heard. A -part of the head, containing the socket of the tusks, is also discovered. -From the bones of the feet, it is evidently a claw-footed animal, and from -such parts of the shoulder bones as have been discovered, it appears that -the arm or fore-leg, had a greater motion than can possibly belong to the -elephant or any of the large quadrupeds with which we are acquainted. -Since bog-earth has been used by the farmers of Ulster county for a -manure, which is subsequent to the war, fragments of at least eight or ten -have been found, but in a very decayed state in the same bog." - -From this extract, and the circumstance that the bones belong to the -town, you will be sensible of the difficulty of obtaining any considerable -portion of them. I refer to yourself to consider whether it would not be -better to select such only of which we have no specimens, and to ask them -only. It is not unlikely they would with common consent yield a particular -bone or bones, provided they may keep the mass for their own town. If you -will make the selection and communicate it to me, I will forward it to the -Chancellor, and the sooner the better. - -Accept assurances of my high consideration and attachment. - - -TO TENCHE COXE. - - WASHINGTON, February 11, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of January the 25th came to hand some days ago, and -yesterday a gentleman put into my hand, at the door of the Senate chamber, -the volume of the American Museum for 1798. As no letter accompanied it, -I took it for granted it was to bring under my eye some of its contents. I -have gone over it with satisfaction. - -This is the morning of the election by the House of Representatives. -For some time past a single individual had declared he would by his vote -make up the ninth State. On Saturday last he changed, and it stands at -present eight one way, six the other, and two divided. Which of the two -will be elected, and whether either, I deem perfectly problematical: and -my mind has long been equally made up for either of the three events. If -I can find out the person who brought me the volume from you, I shall -return it by him, because I presume it makes one of a set. If not by -him, I will find some other person who may convey it to Philadelphia if -not to Lancaster. Very possibly it may go by a different conveyance from -this letter. Very probably you will learn before the receipt of either, -the result, or progress at least, of the election. We see already at the -threshold, that if it falls on me, I shall be embarrassed by finding the -offices vacant, which cannot be even temporarily filled but with advice -of Senate, and that body is called on the fourth of March, when it is -impossible for the new members of Kentucky, Georgia and South Carolina -to receive notice in time to be here. The summons for Kentucky, dated, -as all were, January the 31st, could not go hence till the 5th, and that -for Georgia did not go till the 6th. If the difficulties of the election, -therefore, are got over, there are more and more behind, until new -elections shall have regenerated the constituted authorities. The defects -of our Constitution under circumstances like the present, appear very -great. Accept assurances of the esteem and respect of, dear Sir, your most -obedient servant. - - -TO DR. B. S. BARTON. - - WASHINGTON, February 14, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of January 18th is duly received. The subject of -it did not need apology. On the contrary, should I be placed in office, -nothing would be more desirable to me than the recommendations of those -in whom I have confidence, of persons fit for office; for if the good -withhold their testimony, we shall be at the mercy of the bad. If the -question relative to Mr. Zantzinger had been merely that of remaining in -office, your letter would have placed him on very safe ground. Besides -that, no man who has conducted himself according to his duties would have -anything to fear from me, as those who have done ill would have nothing -to hope, be their political principles what they might. The obtaining an -appointment presents more difficulties. The republicans have been excluded -from all offices from the first origin of the division into Republican and -Federalist. They have a reasonable claim to vacancies till they occupy -their due share. My hope however is that the distinction will be soon -lost, or at most that it will be only of republican and monarchist: that -the body of the nation, even that part which French excesses forced over -to the federal side, will rejoin the republicans, leaving only those who -were pure monarchists, and who will be too few to form a sect. This is -the fourth day of the ballot, and nothing done; nor do I see any reason to -suppose the six and a half States here will be less firm, as they call it, -than your thirteen Senators; if so, and the government should expire on -the 3d of March by the loss of its head, there is no regular provision for -reorganizing it, nor any authority but in the people themselves. They may -authorize a convention to reorganize and even amend the machine. There are -ten individuals in the House of Representatives, any one of whom changing -his vote may save us this troublesome operation. Be pleased to present my -friendly respects to Mrs. Barton, Mrs. Sarjeant, and Mrs. Waters, and to -accept yourself my affectionate salutations. - - -TO JAMES MONROE. - - WASHINGTON, February 15, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I have received several letters from you which have not -been acknowledged. By the post I dare not, and one or two confidential -opportunities have passed me by surprise. I have regretted it the less, -because I know you could be more safely and fully informed by others. Mr. -Tyler, the bearer of this, will give you a great deal more information -personally than can be done by letter. Four days of balloting have -produced not a single change of a vote. Yet it is confidently believed by -most that to-morrow there is to be a coalition. I know of no foundation -for this belief. However, as Mr. Tyler waits the event of it, he will -communicate it to you. If they could have been permitted to pass a law for -putting the government into the hands of an officer, they would certainly -have prevented an election. But we thought it best to declare openly and -firmly, one and all, that the day such an act passed, the middle States -would arm, and that no such usurpation, even for a single day, should be -submitted to. This first shook them; and they were completely alarmed at -the resource for which we declared, to wit, a convention to re-organize -the government, and to amend it. The very word convention gives them -the horrors, as in the present democratical spirit of America, they fear -they should lose some of the favorite morsels of the Constitution. Many -attempts have been made to obtain terms and promises from me. I have -declared to them unequivocally, that I would not receive the government -on capitulation, that I would not go into it with my hands tied. Should -they yield the election, I have reason to expect in the outset the -greatest difficulties as to nominations. The late incumbents running away -from their offices and leaving them vacant, will prevent my filling them -without the _previous_ advice of Senate. How this difficulty is to be -got over I know not. Accept for Mrs. Monroe and yourself my affectionate -salutations. Adieu. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - WASHINGTON, February 18, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Notwithstanding the suspected infidelity of the post, I must -hazard this communication. The minority in the House of Representatives, -after seeing the impossibility of electing Burr, the certainty that a -legislative usurpation would be resisted by arms, and a recourse to a -convention to re-organize and amend the government, held a consultation -on this dilemma, whether it would be better for them to come over in a -body and go with the tide of the times, or by a negative conduct suffer -the election to be made by a bare majority, keeping their body entire and -unbroken, to act in phalanx on such ground of opposition as circumstances -shall offer; and I know their determination on this question only by -their vote of yesterday. Morris of Vermont withdrew, which made Lyon's -vote that of his State. The Maryland federalists put in four blanks, -which made the positive ticket of their colleagues the vote of the State. -South Carolina and Delaware put in six blanks. So there were ten States -for one candidate, four for another, and two blanks. We consider this, -therefore, as a declaration of war, on the part of this band. But their -conduct appears to have brought over to us the whole body of federalists, -who, being alarmed with the danger of a dissolution of the government, -had been made most anxiously to wish the very administration they had -opposed, and to view it when obtained, as a child of their own. * * * * * -Mr. A. embarrasses us. He keeps the offices of State and War vacant, -but has named Bayard Minister Plenipotentiary to France, and has called -an unorganized Senate to meet the fourth of March. As you do not like to -be here on that day, I wish you would come within a day or two after. I -think that between that and the middle of the month we can so far put -things under way, as that we may go home to make arrangements for our -final removal. Come to Conrad's, where I will bespeak lodgings for you. -Yesterday Mr. A. nominated Bayard to be Minister Plenipotentiary of the -United States to the French republic; to-day, Theophilus Parsons, Attorney -General of the United States in the room of C. Lee, who, with Keith Taylor -_cum multis aliis_, are appointed judges under the new system. H. G. Otis -is nominated a district attorney. A vessel has been waiting for some -time in readiness to carry the new minister to France. My affectionate -salutations to Mrs. Madison. - - -TO LIEUTENANT DEARBORN. - - WASHINGTON, February 18, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--The House of Representatives having yesterday concluded their -choice of a person for the chair of the United States and willed me that -office, it now becomes necessary to provide an administration composed -of persons whose qualifications and standing have possessed them of the -public confidence, and whose wisdom may ensure to our fellow-citizens -the advantages they sanguinely expect. On a review of the characters -in the different States proper for the different departments, I have -had no hesitation in considering you as the person to whom it would be -most advantageous to the public to confide the Department of War. May -I therefore hope, Sir, that you will give your country the aid of your -talents as Secretary of War? The delay which has attended the election -has very much abridged our time, and rendered the call more sudden and -pressing than I could have wished. I am in hopes our administration may -be assembled during the first week of March, except yourself, and that -you can be with us in a few days after. Indeed it is probable we shall be -but a few days together (perhaps to the middle of the month) to make some -general and pressing arrangements, and then go home, for a short time, -to make our final removal hither. I mention these circumstances that you -may see the urgency of setting out for this place with the shortest delay -possible, which may be the shorter as you can return again to your family, -as we shall, to make your final arrangements for removal. I hope we shall -not be disappointed in counting on your aid, and that you will favor us -with an answer by return of post. Accept assurances of sincere esteem and -high respect from, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant. - - -TO MAJOR WILLIAM JACKSON. - - WASHINGTON, February 18, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 3d instant has been duly received. I perceive -in it that frankness which I ever found in your character, and which -honors every character in which it is found. I feel indebted also for -the justice you do me as to opinions which others, with less candor, -have imputed to me. I have received many letters stating to me in the -spirit of prophesy, caricatures which the writers, it seems, know are -to be the principles of my administration. To these no answer has been -given, because the prejudiced spirit in which they have been written -proved the writers not in a state of mind to yield to truth or reason. To -the friendly style of your letter I would gladly answer in detail were -it in my power; but I have thought that I ought not to permit myself -to form opinions in detail, until I can have the counsel of those, of -whose services I wish to avail the public in the administration of their -affairs. Till this can be done, you have justly resorted to the only -proper ground, that of estimating my future by my past conduct. Upwards -of thirty years passed on the stage of public life and under the public -eye, may surely enable them to judge whether my future course is likely -to be marked with those departures from reason and moderation, which the -passions of men have been willing to foresee. One imputation in particular -has been remarked till it seems as if some at least believe it: that I -am an enemy to commerce. They admit me as a friend to agriculture, and -suppose me an enemy to the only means of disposing of its produce. I might -appeal too to evidences of my attention to the commerce and navigation of -our country in different stations connected with them, but this would lead -to details not to be expected. I have deferred answering your letter till -this day lest the motives for these explanations should be mistaken. You -will be so good as to consider this communication so far confidential as -not to put it in the power of any person committing it to the press. I am -with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient servant. - - -TO N. R----. - - WASHINGTON, February 19, 1801. - -After exactly a week's balloting there at length appeared ten States for -me, four for Burr, and two voted blanks. This was done without a single -vote coming over. Morris of Vermont withdrew, so that Lyon's vote became -that of the State. The four Maryland federalists put in blanks, so then -the vote of the four Republicans became that of their State. Mr. Hager of -South Carolina (who had constantly voted for me) withdrew by agreement, -his colleagues agreeing in that case to put in blanks. Bayard, the sole -member of Delaware, voted blank. They had before deliberated whether they -would come over in a body, when they saw they could not force Burr on -the republicans, or keep their body entire and unbroken to act in phalanx -on such ground of opposition as they shall hereafter be able to conjure -up. Their vote showed what they had decided on, and is considered as a -declaration of perpetual war; but their conduct has completely left them -without support. Our information from all quarters is that the whole body -of federalists concurred with the republicans in the last elections, and -with equal anxiety. They had been made to interest themselves so warmly -for the very choice, which while before the people they opposed, that when -obtained it came as a thing of their own wishes, and they find themselves -embodied with the republicans, and their quondam leaders separated from -them, and I verily believe they will remain embodied with us, so that -this conduct of the minority has done in one week what very probably could -hardly have been effected by years of mild and impartial administration. -A letter from Mr. Eppes informs me that Maria is in a situation which -induces them not to risk a journey to Monticello, so we shall not have the -pleasure of meeting them here. I begin to hope I may be able to leave this -place by the middle of March. My tenderest love to my ever dear Martha, -and kisses to the little ones. Accept yourself sincere and affectionate -salutation. Adieu. - - -TO THE HON. SAMUEL DEXTER, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - WASHINGTON, Feb. 20, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--The liberality of the conversation you honored me with -yesterday evening has given me great satisfaction, and demands my sincere -thanks. It is certain that those of the Cabinet Council of the President -should be of his bosom confidence. Our geographical position has been an -impediment to that, while I can with candor declare that the imperfect -opportunities I have had of acquaintance with you, have inspired an entire -esteem for your character, and that you will carry with you that esteem -and sincere wish to be useful to you. The accommodation you have been so -kind as to offer as to the particular date of retiring from office, is -thankfully accepted, and shall be the subject of a particular letter to -you, as soon as circumstances shall enable me to speak with certainty. In -the meantime accept assurances of my high respect and consideration. - - -TO THE HON. BENJAMIN STODDART, SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. - - WASHINGTON, Feb. 21, 1801. - -SIR,--Your favor of the 18th did not get to my hand till yesterday. -I thank you for the accommodation in point of time therein offered. -Circumstances may render it a convenience; in which case I will avail -myself of it, without too far encroaching on your wishes. At this instant -it is not in my power to say anything certain on the subject of time. -The declarations of support to the administration of our government -are such as were to be expected from your character and attachment to -our Constitution. I wish support from no quarter longer than my object -candidly scanned, shall merit it; and especially, not longer than I shall -rigorously adhere to the Constitution. I am with respect, Sir, your most -obedient humble servant. - - -TO CHANCELLOR LIVINGSTON. - - WASHINGTON, Feb. 24, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--It has occurred to me that possibly you might be willing -to undertake the mission as Minister Plenipotentiary to France. If so, -I shall most gladly avail the public of your services in that office. -Though I am sensible of the advantages derived from your talent to your -particular State, yet I cannot suppress the desire of adding them to the -mass to be employed on the broader scale of the nation at large. I will -ask the favor of an immediate answer, that I may give in the nomination to -the Senate, observing at the same time, that the period of your departure -can't be settled until we get our administration together, and may perhaps -be delayed till we receive the ratification of the Senate, which would -probably be four months; consequently, the commission would not be made -out before then. This will give you ample time to make your departure -convenient. In hopes of hearing from you as speedily as you can form your -resolution, and hoping it will be favorable, I tender you my respectful -and affectionate salutations. - - -TO THOMAS LOMAX, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, Feb. 25, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 5th came to hand on the 20th, and I have but -time to acknowledge it under the present pressure of business. I recognize -in it those sentiments of virtue and patriotism which you have ever -manifested. The suspension of public opinion from the 11th to the 17th, -the alarm into which it threw all the patriotic part of the federalists, -the danger of the dissolution of our Union, and unknown consequences -of that, brought over the great body of them to wish with anxiety and -solicitation for a choice to which they had before been strenuously -opposed. In this state of mind they separated from their congressional -leaders, and came over to us; and the manner in which the last ballot -was given, has drawn a fixed line of separation between them and their -leaders. When the election took effect, it was as the most desirable -of events to them. This made it a thing of their choice, and finding -themselves aggregated with us accordingly, they are in a state of mind to -be consolidated with us, if no intemperate measures on our part revolt -them again. I am persuaded that weeks of ill-judged conduct here, has -strengthened us more than years of prudent and conciliatory administration -could have done. If we can once more get social intercourse restored to -its pristine harmony, I shall believe we have not lived in vain; and that -it may, by rallying them to true republican principles, which few of them -had thrown off, I sanguinely hope. Accept assurances of the high esteem -and respect of, dear Sir, your friend and servant. - - -TO GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE. - -To give the usual opportunity of appointing a President _pro tempore_, -I now propose to retire from the chair of the Senate; and, as the time -is near at hand when the relations will cease which have for some time -subsisted between this honorable house and myself, I beg leave before -I withdraw, to return them my grateful thanks for all the instances of -attention and respect with which they have been pleased to honor me. In -the discharge of my functions here, it has been my conscientious endeavor -to observe impartial justice, without regard to persons or subjects, and -if I have failed in impressing this on the mind of the Senate, it will be -to me a circumstance of the deepest regret. I may have erred at times--no -doubt I have erred; this is the law of human nature. For honest errors, -however, indulgence may be hoped. I owe to truth and justice at the same -time to declare that the habits of order and decorum, which so strongly -characterize the proceedings of the Senate, have rendered the umpirage -of their President an office of little difficulty, that in times and on -questions which have severely tried the sensibilities of the house, calm -and temperate discussion has rarely been disturbed by departures from -order. - -Should the support which I have received from the Senate, in the -performance of my duties here, attend me into the new station to which the -public will has transferred me, I shall consider it as commencing under -the happiest auspices. - -With these expressions of my dutiful regard to the Senate, as a body, I -ask leave to mingle my particular wishes for the health and happiness -of the individuals who compose it, and to tender them my cordial and -respectful adieus. - - -TO M. DE LA FAYETTE. - - WASHINGTON, March 1, 1801. - -MY DEAR FRIEND,--I received a letter from you the last year, and it -has been long since I wrote one to you. During the earlier part of the -period it would never have got to your hands, and during the latter, -such has been the state of politics on both sides of the water, that no -communications were safe. Nevertheless, I have never ceased to cherish -a sincere friendship for you, and to take a lively interest in your -sufferings and losses. It would make me happy to learn that they are to -have an end. We have passed through an awful scene in this country. The -convulsion of Europe shook even us to our centre. A few hardy spirits -stood firm to their post, and the ship has breasted the storm. The details -of this cannot be put on paper. For the astonishing particulars I refer -you to the bearer of this, Mr. Dorson, my friend, fully possessed of -everything, as being a Member of Congress, and worthy of confidence. From -him you must learn what America is now, or was, and what it has been; -for now I hope it is getting back to the state in which you knew it. I -will only add that the storm we have passed through proves our vessel -indestructible. I have heard with great concern of the delicacy of Mrs. de -La Fayette's health, and with anxiety to learn that it is getting better. -Having been at Monticello all the time your son was in America, I had not -an opportunity of seeing him and of proving my friendship to one in whom I -have an interest. Present the homage of my respects and attachment to Mrs. -La Fayette, and accept yourself assurances of my constant and affectionate -friendship. - -P. S. _March 18._ This moment Mr. Pickon arrived, and delivered me your -letter, of which he was the bearer. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE OF THE SENATE. - - WASHINGTON, March 2, 1801. - -SIR,--I beg leave through you to inform the Honorable the Senate of the -United States, that I propose to take the oath which the Constitution -prescribes to the President of the United States, before he enters on the -execution of his office, on Wednesday, the 4th inst., at twelve o'clock, -in the Senate chamber. - -I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, your most -obedient, and most humble servant. - - -TO THE HONORABLE JOHN MARSHALL. - - WASHINGTON, March 2, 1801. - -I was desired two or three days ago to sign some sea letters, to be -dated on or after the 4th of March, but in the meantime to be forwarded -to the different ports; and I understood you would countersign them as -the person appointed to perform the duties of Secretary of State, but -that you thought a re-appointment, to be dated the 4th of March, would -be necessary. I shall with pleasure sign such a re-appointment _nunc pro -tunc_, if you can direct it to be made out, not being able to do it myself -for want of a knowledge of the form. - -I propose to take the oath or oaths of office as President of the United -States, on Wednesday the 4th inst., at 12 o'clock, in the Senate chamber. -May I hope the favor of your attendance to administer the oath? As the -two Houses have notice of the hour, I presume a precise punctuality to it -will be expected from me. I would pray you in the meantime to consider -whether the oath prescribed in the Constitution be not the only one -necessary to take? It seems to comprehend the substance of that prescribed -by the Act of Congress to all officers, and it may be questionable -whether the Legislature can require any new oath from the President. I do -not know what has been done in this heretofore; but I presume the oaths -administered to my predecessors are recorded in the Secretary of State's -office. - -Not being yet provided with a private secretary, and needing some person -on Wednesday to be the bearer of a message or messages to the Senate, I -presume the chief clerk of the department of State might be employed with -propriety. Permit me through you to ask the favor of his attendance on me -to my lodgings on Wednesday, after I shall have been qualified. - -I have the honor to be with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, humble -servant. - - -TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. - - WASHINGTON, March 3, 1801. - -SIR,--I beg leave through you to inform the Honorable the House of -Representatives of the United States, that I shall take the oath which -the Constitution prescribes to the President of the United States, before -he enters on the execution of his office, on Wednesday, the 4th inst., at -twelve o'clock, in the Senate chamber. - -I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, your most -obedient, and most humble servant. - - -TO JOHN DICKINSON. - - WASHINGTON, March 6, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--No pleasure can exceed that which I received from reading your -letter of the 21st ultimo. It was like the joy we expect in the mansions -of the blessed, when received with the embraces of our forefathers, -we shall be welcomed with their blessing as having done our part not -unworthily of them. The storm through which we have passed, has been -tremendous indeed. The tough sides of our Argosie have been thoroughly -tried. Her strength has stood the waves into which she was steered, with -a view to sink her. We shall put her on her republican tack, and she -will now show by the beauty of her motion the skill of her builders. -Figure apart, our fellow citizens have been led hood-winked from their -principles, by a most extraordinary combination of circumstances. But -the band is removed, and they now see for themselves. I hope to see -shortly a perfect consolidation, to effect which, nothing shall be -spared on my part, short of the abandonment of the principles of our -revolution. A just and solid republican government maintained here, will -be a standing monument and example for the aim and imitation of the -people of other countries; and I join with you in the hope and belief -that they will see, from our example, that a free government is of -all others the most energetic; that the inquiry which has been excited -among the mass of mankind by our revolution and its consequences, will -ameliorate the condition of man over a great portion of the globe. What a -satisfaction have we in the contemplation of the benevolent effects of our -efforts, compared with those of the leaders on the other side, who have -discountenanced all advances in science as dangerous innovations, have -endeavored to render philosophy and republicanism terms of reproach, to -persuade us that man cannot be governed but by the rod, &c. I shall have -the happiness of living and dying in the contrary hope. Accept assurances -of my constant and sincere respect and attachment, and my affectionate -salutations. - - -TO COLONEL MONROE. - - WASHINGTON, March 7, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I had written the enclosed letter to Mrs. Trist, and was -just proceeding to begin one to you, when your favor of the 6th was put -into my hands. I thank you sincerely for it, and consider the views of -it so sound, that I have communicated it to my coadjutors as one of our -important evidences of the public sentiment, according to which we must -shape our course. I suspect, partly from this, but more from a letter -of J. Taylor's which has been put into my hands, that an incorrect idea -of my views has got abroad. I am in hopes my inaugural address will in -some measure set this to rights, as it will present the leading objects -to be conciliation and adherence to sound principle. This I know is -impracticable with the leaders of the late faction, whom I abandon as -incurables, and will never turn an inch out of my way to reconcile them. -But with the main body of the federalists, I believe it very practicable. -You know that the manœuvres of the year X. Y. Z. carried over from us a -great body of the people, real republicans, and honest men under virtuous -motives. The delusion lasted a while. At length the poor arts of tub -plots, &c. were repeated till the designs of the party became suspected. -From that moment those who had left us began to come back. It was by their -return to us that we gained the victory in November, 1800, which we should -not have gained in November, 1799. But during the suspension of the public -mind from the 11th to the 17th of February, and the anxiety and alarm -lest there should be no election, and anarchy ensue, a wonderful effect -was produced on the mass of federalists who had not before come over. -Those who had before become sensible of their error in the former change, -and only wanted a decent excuse for coming back, seized that occasion -for doing so. Another body, and a large one it is, who from timidity of -constitution had gone with those who wished for a strong executive, were -induced by the same timidity to come over to us rather than risk anarchy: -so that, according to the evidence we receive from every direction, we -may say that the whole of that portion of the people which were called -federalists, were made to desire anxiously the very event they had just -before opposed with all their energies, and to receive the election which -was made, as an object of their earnest wishes, a child of their own. -These people (I always exclude their leaders) are now aggregated with -us, they look with a certain degree of affection and confidence to the -administration, ready to become attached to it, if it avoids in the outset -acts which might revolt and throw them off. To give time for a perfect -consolidation seems prudent. I have firmly refused to follow the counsels -of those who have desired the giving offices to some of their leaders, in -order to reconcile. I have given, and will give only to republicans, under -existing circumstances. But I believe with others, that deprivations of -office, if made on the ground of political principles alone, would revolt -our new converts, and give a body to leaders who now stand alone. Some, -I know, must be made. They must be as few as possible, done gradually, -and bottomed on some malversation or inherent disqualification. Where we -shall draw the line between retaining all and none, is not yet settled, -and will not be till we get our administration together; and perhaps even -then, we shall proceed _à talons_, balancing our measures according to the -impression we perceive them to make. - -This may give you a general view of our plan. Should you be in Albemarle -the first week in April, I shall have the pleasure of seeing you there, -and of developing things more particularly, and of profiting by an -intercommunication of views. Dawson sails for France about the 15th, as -the _bearer_ only of the treaty to Elsworth and Murray. He has probably -asked your commands, and your introductory letters. - -Present my respects to Mrs. Monroe, and accept assurances of my high and -affectionate consideration and attachment. - - -TO GOVERNOR M'KEAN. - - WASHINGTON, March 9, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of February -the 20th, and to thank you for your congratulations on the event of the -election. Had it terminated in the elevation of Mr. Burr, every republican -would, I am sure, have acquiesced in a moment; because, however it might -have been variant from the intentions of the voters, yet it would have -been agreeable to the Constitution. No man would more cheerfully have -submitted than myself, because I am sure the administration would have -been republican, and the chair of the Senate permitting me to be at home -eight months in the year, would, on that account, have been much more -consonant to my real satisfaction. But in the event of an usurpation, I -was decidedly with those who were determined not to permit it. Because -that precedent once set, would be artificially reproduced, and end soon -in a dictator. Virginia was bristling up I believe. I shall know the -particulars from Governor Monroe, whom I expect to meet in a short visit -I must make home, to select some books, &c. necessary here, and make other -domestic arrangements. - - * * * * * - -Accept assurances of my high esteem and regard. - - -TO JOEL BARLOW. - - WASHINGTON, March 14, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Not having my papers here, it is not in my power to acknowledge -the receipt of your letters by their dates, but I am pretty certain I -have received two in the course of the last twelve months, one of them -covering your excellent second letter. Nothing can be sounder than the -principles it inculcates, and I am not without hopes they will make their -way. You have understood that the revolutionary movements in Europe had, -by industry and artifice, been wrought into objects of terror even to -this country, and had really involved a great portion of our well-meaning -citizens in a panic which was perfectly unaccountable, and during the -prevalence of which they were led to support measures the most insane. -They are now pretty thoroughly recovered from it, and sensible of the -mischief which was done, and preparing to be done, had their minds -continued a little longer under that derangement. The recovery bids fair -to be complete, and to obliterate entirely the line of party division -which had been so strongly drawn. Not that their late leaders have come -over, or ever can come over. But they stand, at present, almost without -followers. The principal of them have retreated into the judiciary as a -strong hold, the tenure of which renders it difficult to dislodge them. -For all the particulars I must refer you to Mr. Dawson, a member of -Congress, fully informed and worthy of entire confidence. Give me leave to -ask for him your attentions and civilities, and a verbal communication of -such things on your side the water as you know I feel a great interest in, -and as may not with safety be committed to paper. I am entirely unable to -conjecture the issue of things with you. - -Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration. - - -TO THOMAS PAINE. - - WASHINGTON, March 18, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letters of October the 1st, 4th, 6th and 16th, came -duly to hand, and the papers which they covered were, according to your -permission, published in the newspapers and in a pamphlet, and under -your own name. These papers contain precisely our principles, and I hope -they will be generally recognized here. Determined as we are to avoid, -if possible, wasting the energies of our people in war and destruction, -we shall avoid implicating ourselves with the powers of Europe, even -in support of principles which we mean to pursue. They have so many -other interests different from ours, that we must avoid being entangled -in them. We believe we can enforce those principles, as to ourselves, -by peaceable means, now that we are likely to have our public councils -detached from foreign views. The return of our citizens from the phrenzy -into which they had been wrought, partly by ill conduct in France, partly -by artifices practised on them, is almost entire, and will, I believe, -become quite so. But these details, too minute and long for a letter, will -be better developed by Mr. Dawson, the bearer of this, a member of the -late Congress, to whom I refer you for them. He goes in the Maryland, a -sloop of war, which will wait a few days at Havre to receive his letters, -to be written on his arrival at Paris. You expressed a wish to get a -passage to this country in a public vessel. Mr. Dawson is charged with -orders to the captain of the Maryland to receive and accommodate you -with a passage back, if you can be ready to depart at such short warning. -Robert R. Livingston is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the republic -of France, but will not leave this till we receive the ratification of -the convention by Mr. Dawson. I am in hopes you will find us returned -generally to sentiments worthy of former times. In these it will be your -glory to have steadily labored, and with as much effect as any man living. -That you may long live to continue your useful labors, and to reap their -reward in the thankfulness of nations, is my sincere prayer. - -Accept assurances of my high esteem and affectionate attachment. - - -TO M. DE REYNEVAL. - - WASHINGTON, March 20, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Mr. Pichon, who arrived two days ago, delivered me your favor -of January the 1st, and I had before received one by Mr. Dupont, dated -August the 24th, 1799, both on the subject of lands, claimed on behalf -of your brother, Mr. Girard, and that of August the 24th, containing a -statement of the case. I had verbally explained to Mr. Dupont, at the -time, what I presumed to have been the case, which must, I believe, be -very much mistaken in the statement sent with that letter; and I expected -he had communicated it to you. - -During the regal government, two companies, called the Loyal and the Ohio -companies, had obtained grants from the crown for eight hundred thousand, -or one million of acres of land, each, on the Ohio, on condition of -settling them in a given number of years. They surveyed some, and settled -them; but the war of 1755 came on, and broke up the settlements. After it -was over, they petitioned for a renewal. Four other large companies then -formed themselves, called the Mississippi, the Illinois, the Wabash, and -the Indiana companies, each praying for immense quantities of land, some -amounting to two hundred miles square; so that they proposed to cover -the whole country north between the Ohio and Mississippi, and a great -portion of what is south. All these petitions were depending, without any -answer whatever from the crown, when the Revolutionary war broke out. The -petitioners had associated to themselves some of the nobility of England, -and most of the characters in America of great influence. When Congress -assumed the government, they took some of their body in as partners, to -obtain their influence; and I remember to have heard, at the time, that -one of them took Mr. Girard as a partner, expecting by that to obtain -the influence of the French court, to obtain grants of those lands which -they had not been able to obtain from the British government. All these -lands were within the limits of Virginia, and that State determined, -peremptorily, that they never should be granted to large companies, but -left open equally to all; and when they passed their land law, (which I -think was in 1778,) they confirmed only so much of the lands of the Loyal -company as they had actually surveyed, which was a very small proportion, -and annulled every other pretension. And when that State conveyed the -lands to Congress, (which was not till 1784,) so determined were they -to prevent their being granted to these or any other large companies, -that they made it an express condition of the cession, that they should -be applied first towards the soldiers' bounties, and the residue sold -for the payment of the national debt, and for no other purpose. This -disposition has been, accordingly, rigorously made, and is still going on; -and Congress considers itself as having no authority to dispose of them -otherwise. - - * * * * * - -I sincerely wish, Sir, it had been in my power to have given you a more -agreeable account of this claim. But as the case actually is, the most -substantial service is to state it exactly, and not to foster false -expectations. I remember with great sensibility all the attentions you -were so good as to render me while I resided in Paris, and shall be made -happy by every occasion which can be given me of acknowledging them; and -the expressions of your friendly recollection are particularly soothing to -me. - -Accept, I pray you, the assurances of my high consideration and constant -esteem. - - -TO DOCTOR JOSEPH PRIESTLEY. - - WASHINGTON, March 21, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I learned some time ago that you were in Philadelphia, but that -it was only for a fortnight; and I supposed you were gone. It was not till -yesterday I received information that you were still there, had been very -ill, but were on the recovery. I sincerely rejoice that you are so. Yours -is one of the few lives precious to mankind, and for the continuance of -which every thinking man is solicitous. Bigots may be an exception. What -an effort, my dear Sir, of bigotry in politics and religion have we gone -through! The barbarians really flattered themselves they should be able to -bring back the times of Vandalism, when ignorance put everything into the -hands of power and priestcraft. All advances in science were proscribed -as innovations. They pretended to praise and encourage education, but -it was to be the education of our ancestors. We were to look backwards, -not forwards, for improvement; the President himself declaring, in one -of his answers to addresses, that we were never to expect to go beyond -them in real science. This was the real ground of all the attacks on -you. Those who live by mystery and _charlatanerie_, fearing you would -render them useless by simplifying the Christian philosophy,--the most -sublime and benevolent, but most perverted system that ever shone on -man,--endeavored to crush your well-earned and well-deserved fame. But -it was the Lilliputians upon Gulliver. Our countrymen have recovered from -the alarm into which art and industry had thrown them; science and honesty -are replaced on their high ground; and you, my dear Sir, as their great -apostle, are on its pinnacle. It is with heartfelt satisfaction that, in -the first moments of my public action, I can hail you with welcome to our -land, tender to you the homage of its respect and esteem, cover you under -the protection of those laws which were made for the wise and good like -you, and disdain the legitimacy of that libel on legislation, which, under -the form of a law, was for some time placed among them.[14] - -As the storm is now subsiding, and the horizon becoming serene, it is -pleasant to consider the phenomenon with attention. We can no longer -say there is nothing new under the sun. For this whole chapter in the -history of man is new. The great extent of our Republic is new. Its sparse -habitation is new. The mighty wave of public opinion which has rolled over -it is new. But the most pleasing novelty is, its so quietly subsiding -over such an extent of surface to its true level again. The order and -good sense displayed in this recovery from delusion, and in the momentous -crisis which lately arose, really bespeak a strength of character in our -nation which augurs well for the duration of our Republic; and I am much -better satisfied now of its stability than I was before it was tried. I -have been, above all things, solaced by the prospect which opened on us, -in the event of a non-election of a President; in which case, the federal -government would have been in the situation of a clock or watch run down. -There was no idea of force, nor of any occasion for it. A convention, -invited by the republican members of Congress, with the virtual President -and Vice President, would have been on the ground in eight weeks, would -have repaired the Constitution where it was defective, and wound it up -again. This peaceable and legitimate resource, to which we are in the -habit of implicit obedience, superseding all appeal to force, and being -always within our reach, shows a precious principle of self-preservation -in our composition, till a change of circumstances shall take place, which -is not within prospect at any definite period. - -But I have got into a long disquisition on politics, when I only meant -to express my sympathy in the state of your health, and to tender you all -the affections of public and private hospitality. I should be very happy -indeed to see you here. I leave this about the 30th instant, to return -about the 25th of April. If you do not leave Philadelphia before that, a -little excursion hither would help your health. I should be much gratified -with the possession of a guest I so much esteem, and should claim a right -to lodge you, should you make such an excursion. - -Accept the homage of my high consideration and respect, and assurances of -affectionate attachment. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [14] [In the margin is written by the author, "Alien law."] - - -TO GENERAL WARREN. - - WASHINGTON, March 21, 1801. - -I am much gratified by the receipt of your favor of the 4th instant, and -by the expressions of friendly sentiment it contains. It is pleasant for -those who have just escaped threatened shipwreck, to hail one another when -landed in unexpected safety. The resistance which our republic has opposed -to a course of operation, for which it was not destined, shows a strength -of body which affords the most flattering presage of duration. I hope we -shall now be permitted to steer her in her natural course, and to show -by the smoothness of her motion the skill with which she has been formed -for it. I have seen with great grief yourself and so many other venerable -patriots, retired and weeping in silence over the rapid subversion of -those principles for the attachment of which you had sacrificed the -ease and comforts of life; but I rejoice that you have lived to see -us revindicate our rights, and regain manfully the ground from which -fraud, not force, had for a moment driven us. The character which our -fellow-citizens have displayed on this occasion, gives us everything -to hope for the permanence of our government. Its extent has saved us. -While some parts were laboring under the paroxysm of delusion, others -retained their senses, and time was thus given to the affected parts to -recover their health. Your portion of the Union is longest recovering, -because the deceivers there wear a more imposing form; but a little more -time, and they too will recover. I pray you to present the homage of my -great respect to Mrs. Warren. I have long possessed evidences of her high -station in the ranks of genius; and have considered her silence as a proof -that she did not go with the current. Accept yourself, assurances of my -high consideration and respect. - - -TO NATHANIEL NILES, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, March 22, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of February 12th, which did not get to my hands till -March 2d, is entitled to my acknowledgments. It was the more agreeable as -it proved that the esteem I had entertained for you while we were acting -together on the public stage, had not been without reciprocated effect. -What wonderful scenes have passed since that time! The late chapter -of our history furnishes a lesson to man perfectly new. The times have -been awful, but they have proved an useful truth, that the good citizen -must never despair of the commonwealth. How many good men abandoned the -deck, and gave up the vessel as lost. It furnishes a new proof of the -falsehood of Montesquieu's doctrine, that a republic can be preserved -only in a small territory. The reverse is the truth. Had our territory -been even a third only of what it is, we were gone. But while frenzy and -delusion like an epidemic, gained certain parts, the residue remained -sound and untouched, and held on till their brethren could recover from -the temporary delusion; and that circumstance has given me great comfort. -There was general alarm during the pending of the election in Congress, -lest no President should be chosen, the government be dissolved and -anarchy ensue. But the cool determination of the really patriotic to call -a convention in that case, which might be on the ground in eight weeks, -and wind up the machine again which had only run down, pointed out to my -mind a perpetual and peaceable resource against * * * * * in whatever -extremity might befall us; and I am certain a convention would have -commanded immediate and universal obedience. How happy that our army had -been disbanded! What might have happened otherwise seems rather a subject -of reflection than explanation. You have seen your recommendation of Mr. -Willard duly respected. As to yourself, I hope we shall see you again in -Congress. Accept assurances of my high respect and attachment. - - -TO J. PAGE. - - WASHINGTON, March 22, 1801. - -MY DEAR FRIEND,--Yours of February 1st did not reach me till February -28th, and a pressing business has retarded my acknowledging it. I -sincerely thank you for your congratulations on my election; but this -is only the first verse of the chapter. What the last may be nobody -can tell. A consciousness that I feel no desire but to do what is best, -without passion or predilection, encourages me to hope for an indulgent -construction of what I do. I had in General Washington's time proposed -you as director of the mint, and therefore should the more readily have -turned to you, had a vacancy now happened; but that institution continuing -at Philadelphia, because the Legislature have not taken up the subject -in time to decide on it, it will of course remain there until this time -twelvemonths. Should it then be removed, the present Director would -probably, and the Treasurer certainly resign. It would give me great -pleasure to employ the talents and integrity of Dr. Foster, in the latter -office. - -I am very much in hopes we shall be able to restore union to our country. -Not indeed that the federal leaders can be brought over. They are -invincibles; but I really hope their followers may. The bulk of these -last were real republicans, carried over from us by French excesses. This -induced me to offer a political creed, and to invite to conciliation -first; and I am pleased to hear, that these principles are recognized -by them, and considered as no bar of separation. A moderate conduct -throughout, which may not revolt our new friends, and which may give them -tenets with us, must be observed. - - * * * * * - -Present my respects to Mrs. Page, and accept evidences of my constant and -affectionate esteem. - - -TO BENJAMIN WARING, ESQ., AND OTHERS. - - WASHINGTON, March 23, 1801. - -GENTLEMEN,--The reliance is most flattering to me which you are pleased -to express in the character of my public conduct, as is the expectation -with which you look forward to the inviolable preservation of our national -Constitution, deservedly the boast of our country. That peace, safety, -and concord may be the portion of our native land, and be long enjoyed -by our fellow-citizens, is the most ardent wish of my heart, and if I can -be instrumental in procuring or preserving them, I shall think I have not -lived in vain. In every country where man is free to think and to speak, -differences of opinion will arise from difference of perception, and the -imperfection of reason; but these differences, when permitted, as in this -happy country, to purify themselves by free discussion, are but as passing -clouds overspreading our land transiently, and leaving our horizon more -bright and serene. That love of order and obedience to the laws, which -so remarkably characterize the citizens of the United States, are sure -pledges of internal tranquillity; and the elective franchise, if guarded -as the act of our safety, will peaceably dissipate all combinations to -subvert a Constitution dictated by the wisdom, and resting on the will of -the people. That will is the only legitimate foundation of any government, -and to protect its free expression should be our first object. I offer -my sincere prayers to the Supreme ruler of the Universe, that he may -long preserve our country in freedom and prosperity, and to yourselves, -Gentlemen, and the citizens of Columbia and its vicinity, the assurances -of my profound consideration and respect. - - -TO MOSES ROBINSON. - - WASHINGTON, March 23, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 3d -instant, and to thank you for the friendly expressions it contains. I -entertain real hope that the whole body of your fellow citizens (many -of whom had been carried away by the X. Y. Z. business) will shortly -be consolidated in the same sentiments. When they examine the real -principles of both parties, I think they will find little to differ -about. I know, indeed, that there are some of their leaders who have -so committed themselves, that pride, if no other passion, will prevent -their coalescing. We must be easy with them. The eastern States will -be the last to come over, on account of the dominion of the clergy, who -had got a smell of union between Church and State, and began to indulge -reveries which can never be realized in the present state of science. If, -indeed, they could have prevailed on us to view all advances in science as -dangerous innovations, and to look back to the opinions and practices of -our forefathers, instead of looking forward, for improvement, a promising -groundwork would have been laid. But I am in hopes their good sense will -dictate to them, that since the mountain will not come to them, they -had better go to the mountain; that they will find their interest in -acquiescing in the liberty and science of their country, and that the -Christian religion, when divested of the rags in which they have enveloped -it, and brought to the original purity and simplicity of its benevolent -institutor, is a religion of all others most friendly to liberty, science, -and the freest expansion of the human mind. - -I sincerely wish with you, we could see our government so secured as to -depend less on the character of the person in whose hands it is trusted. -Bad men will sometimes get in, and with such an immense patronage, may -make great progress in corrupting the public mind and principles. This is -a subject with which wisdom and patriotism should be occupied. - -I pray you to accept assurances of my high respect and esteem. - - -TO WILLIAM B. GILES. - - WASHINGTON, March 23, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I received two days ago your favor of the 16th, and thank -you for your kind felicitations on my election; but whether it will be a -subject of felicitation, permanently, will be for the chapters of future -history to say. The important subjects of the government I meet with some -degree of courage and confidence, because I do believe the talents to be -associated with me, the honest line of conduct we will religiously pursue -at home and abroad, and the confidence of my fellow citizens dawning on -us, will be equal to these objects. - -But there is another branch of duty which I must meet with courage -too, though I cannot without pain; that is, the appointments and -disappointments as to offices. Madison and Gallatin being still absent, -we have not yet decided on our rules of conduct as to these. That some -ought to be removed from office, and that all ought not, all mankind -will agree. But where to draw the line, perhaps no two will agree. -Consequently, nothing like a general approbation on this subject can be -looked for. Some principles have been the subject of conversation, but -not of determination; _e. g._ 1, all appointments to _civil_ offices -_during pleasure_, made after the event of the election was certainly -known to Mr. Adams, are considered as nullities. I do not view the persons -appointed as even candidates for the office, but make others without -noticing or notifying them. Mr. Adams' best friends have agreed this is -right. 2. Officers who have been guilty of _official_ mal-conduct are -proper subjects of removal. 3. Good men, to whom there is no objection -but a difference of political principle, practised on only as far as -the right of a private citizen will justify, are not proper subjects of -removal, except in the case of attorneys and marshals. The courts being -so decidedly federal and irremovable, it is believed that republican -attorneys and marshals, being the doors of entrance into the courts, are -indispensably necessary as a shield to the republican part of our fellow -citizens, which, I believe, is the main body of the people. - -These principles are yet to be considered of, and I sketch them to you in -confidence. Not that there is objection to your mooting them as subjects -of conversation, and as proceeding from yourself, but not as matters -of executive determination. Nay, farther, I will thank you for your own -sentiments and those of others on them. If received before the 20th of -April, they will be in time for our deliberation on the subject. You know -that it was in the year X. Y. Z. that so great a transition from us to the -other side took place, and with as real republicans as we were ourselves; -that these, after getting over that delusion, have been returning to us, -and that it is to that return we owe a triumph in 1800, which in 1799 -would have been the other way. The week's suspension of the election -before Congress, seems almost to have completed that business, and to have -brought over nearly the whole remaining mass. They now find themselves -with us, and separated from their quondam leaders. If we can but avoid -shocking their feelings by unnecessary acts of severity against their late -friends, they will in a little time cement and form one mass with us, and -by these means harmony and union be restored to our country, which would -be the greatest good we could effect. It was a conviction that these -people did not differ from us in principle, which induced me to define -the principles which I deemed orthodox, and to urge a reunion on those -principles; and I am induced to hope it has conciliated many. I do not -speak of the desperadoes of the quondam faction in and out of Congress. -These I consider as incurables, on whom all attentions would be lost, and -therefore will not be wasted. But my wish is, to keep their flock from -returning to them. - -On the subject of the marshal of Virginia, I refer you confidentially to -Major Egglestone for information. I leave this about this day se'nnight, -to make some arrangements at home preparatory to my final removal to this -place, from which I shall be absent about three weeks. - -Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration and respect. - - -TO DOCTOR RUSH. - - WASHINGTON, March 24, 1801 - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your friendly favor of the -12th, and the pleasing sensations produced in my mind by its affectionate -contents. I am made very happy by learning that the sentiments expressed -in my inaugural address gave general satisfaction, and holds out a ground -on which our fellow citizens can once more unite. I am the more pleased, -because these sentiments have been long and radically mine, and therefore -will be pursued honestly and conscientiously. I know there is an obstacle -which very possibly may check the confidence which would otherwise -have been more generally reposed in my observance of these principles. -This obstacle does not arise from the measures to be pursued, as to -which I am in no fear of giving satisfaction, but from appointments and -disappointments as to office. With regard to appointments, I have so much -confidence in the justice and good sense of the federalists, that I have -no doubt they will concur in the fairness of the position, that after they -have been in the exclusive possession of all offices from the very first -origin of party among us, to the 3d of March, at 9 o'clock in the night, -no republican ever admitted, and this doctrine newly avowed, it is now -perfectly just that the republicans should come in for the vacancies which -may fall in, until something like an equilibrium in office be restored. -But the great stumbling block will be removals, which though made on -those just principles only on which my predecessor ought to have removed -the same persons, will nevertheless be ascribed to removal on party -principles. 1st. I will expunge the effects of Mr. A.'s indecent conduct, -in crowding nominations after he knew they were not for himself, till 9 -o'clock of the night, at 12 o'clock of which he was to go out of office. -So far as they are during pleasure, I shall not consider the persons -named, even as candidates for the office, nor pay the respect of notifying -them that I consider what was done as a nullity. 2d. Some removals must -be made for misconduct. One of these is of the marshal in your city, -who being an officer of justice, intrusted with the function of choosing -impartial judges for the trial of his fellow citizens, placed at the awful -tribunal of God and their country, selected judges who either avowed, or -were known to him to be predetermined to condemn; and if the lives of the -unfortunate persons were not cut short by the sword of the law, it was not -for want of _his_ good-will. In another State I have to perform the same -act of justice on the dearest connection of my dearest friend, for similar -conduct, in a case not capital. The same practice of packing juries, and -prosecuting their fellow citizens with the bitterness of party hatred, -will probably involve several other marshals and attorneys. Out of this -line I see but very few instances where past misconduct has been in a -degree to call for notice. Of the thousands of officers therefore, in the -United States, a very few individuals only, probably not twenty, will be -removed; and these only for doing what they ought not to have done. Two -or three instances indeed where Mr. A. removed men because they would not -sign addresses, &c., to him, will be rectified--the persons restored. The -whole world will say this is just. I know that in stopping thus short in -the career of removal, I shall give great offence to many of my friends. -That torrent has been pressing me heavily, and will require all my force -to bear up against; but my maxim is "_fiat justitia, ruat cælum._" After -the first unfavorable impressions of doing too much in the opinion of -some, and too little in that of others, shall be got over, I should -hope a steady line of conciliation very practicable, and that without -yielding a single republican principle. A certainty that these principles -prevailed in the breasts of the main body of federalists, was my motive -for stating them as the ground of reunion. I have said thus much for your -private satisfaction, to be used even in private conversation, as the -presumptive principles on which we shall act, but not as proceeding from -myself declaredly. Information lately received from France gives a high -idea of the progress of science there; it seems to keep pace with their -* * * * *. I have[15] just received from the A. P. Society, two volumes of -Comparative Anatomy, by Cuvier, probably the greatest work in that line -that has ever appeared. His comparisons embrace every organ of the animal -carcass; and from man to the * * * * *. Accept assurances of my sincere -friendship, and high consideration and respect. - - -TO DON JOSEPH YZNARDI. - - WASHINGTON, March 26, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--The Secretary of State is proceeding in the consideration -of the several matters which have been proposed to us by you, and will -prepare answers to them, and particularly as to our vessels taken by -French cruisers, and carried into the ports of Spain, contrary, as we -suppose, to the tenor of the convention with France. Though ordinary -business will be regularly transacted with you by the Secretary of State, -yet considering what you mentioned as to our minister at Madrid to have -been private and confidential, I take it out of the official course, and -observe to you myself that under an intimate conviction of long standing -in my mind, of the importance of an honest friendship with Spain, and -one which shall identify her American interests with our own, I see in a -strong point of view the necessity that the organ of communication which -we establish near the King should possess the favor and confidence of -that government. I have therefore destined for that mission a person whose -accommodating and reasonable conduct, which will be still more fortified -by instructions, will render him agreeable there, and an useful channel -of communication between us. I have no doubt the new appointment by that -government to this, in the room of the Chevalier d'Yrujo, has been made -under the influence of the same motives; but still, the Chevalier d'Yrujo -being intimately known to us, the integrity, sincerity, and reasonableness -of his conduct having established in us a perfect confidence, in nowise -diminished by the bickerings which took place between him and a former -Secretary of State, whose irritable temper drew on more than one affair -of the same kind, it will be a subject of regret if we lose him. However, -if the interests of Spain require that his services should be employed -elsewhere, it is the duty of a friend to acquiesce; and we shall certainly -receive any successor the King may choose to send, with every possible -degree of favor and friendship. Our administration will not be collected -till the end of the ensuing month; and consequently, till then, no other -of the mutual interests of the two nations will be under our views, -except those general assurances of friendship which I have before given -you verbally, and now repeat. Accept, I pray you, assurances of my high -consideration and respect. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [15] [The manuscript here is illegible.] - - -TO GENERAL KNOX. - - WASHINGTON, March 27, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I received with great pleasure your favor of the 16th, and -it is with the greatest satisfaction I learn from all quarters that my -inaugural address is considered as holding out a ground for conciliation -and union. I am the more pleased with this, because the opinion therein -stated as to the real ground of difference among us (to wit: the measures -rendered most expedient by French enormities), is that which I have long -entertained. I was always satisfied that the great body of those called -federalists were real republicans as well as federalists. I know, indeed, -there are monarchists among us. One character of these is in theory -only, and perfectly acquiescent in our form of government as it is, and -not entertaining a thought of destroying it merely on their theoretical -opinions. A second class, at the head of which is our quondam colleague, -are ardent for introduction of monarchy, eager for armies, making more -noise for a great naval establishment than better patriots, who wish -it on a rational scale only, commensurate to our wants and our means. -This last class ought to be tolerated, but not trusted. Believing that -(excepting the ardent monarchists) all our citizens agreed in ancient -whig principles, I thought it advisable to define and declare them, and -let them see the ground on which we could rally. And the fact proving -to be so, that they agree in these principles, I shall pursue them with -more encouragement. I am aware that the necessity of a few removals for -legal oppressions, delinquencies, and other official malversations, may -be misconstrued as done for political opinions, and produce hesitation in -the coalition so much to be desired; but the extent of these will be too -limited to make permanent impressions. In the class of removals, however, -I do not rank the new appointments which Mr. A. crowded in with whip and -spur from the 12th of December, when the event of the election was known, -and, consequently, that he was making appointments, not for himself, -but his successor, until 9 o'clock of the night, at 12 o'clock of which -he was to go out of office. This outrage on decency should not have its -effect, except in the life appointments which are irremovable; but as to -the others I consider the nominations as nullities, and will not view -the persons appointed as even candidates for _their_ office, much less -as possessing it by any title meriting respect. I mention these things -that the grounds and extent of the removals may be understood, and may -not disturb the tendency to union. Indeed that union is already effected, -from New York southwardly, almost completely. In the New England States -it will be slower than elsewhere, from particular circumstances better -known to yourself than me. But we will go on attending with the utmost -solicitude to their interests, doing them impartial justice, and I have no -doubt they will in time do justice to us. I have opened myself frankly, -because I wish to be understood by those who mean well, and are disposed -to be just towards me, as you are, and because I know you will use it for -good purposes only, and for none unfriendly to me. I leave this place in -a few days to make a short excursion home, but some domestic arrangements -are necessary previous to my final removal here, which will be about the -latter end of April. Be so good as to present my respects to Mrs. Knox, -and accept yourself assurances of my high consideration and esteem. - - -TO MESSRS. EDDY, RUSSEL, THURBER, WHEATON, AND SMITH. - - WASHINGTON. March 27, 1801. - -GENTLEMEN,--I return my sincere thanks for your kind congratulations -on my elevation to the first magistracy of the United States. I see -with pleasure every evidence of the attachment of my fellow citizens to -elective government, calculated to promote their happiness, peculiarly -adapted to their genius, habits, and situation, and the best permanent -corrective of the errors or abuses of those interests with power. The -Constitution on which our union rests, shall be administered by me -according to the safe and honest meaning contemplated by the plain -understanding of the people of the United States, at the time of its -adoption,--a meaning to be found in the explanations of those who -advocated, not those who opposed it, and who opposed it merely least the -constructions should be applied which they denounced as possible. These -explanations are preserved in the publications of the time, and are too -recent in the memories of most men to admit of question. The energies of -the nation, as depends on me, shall be reserved for improvement of the -condition of man, not wasted in his distinction. The lamentable resource -of war is not authorized for evils of imagination, but for those actual -injuries only, which would be more destructive of our well-being than war -itself. Peace, justice, and liberal intercourse with all the nations of -the world, will, I hope, with all nations, characterize this commonwealth. -Accept for yourselves, gentlemen, and the respectable citizens of the town -of Providence, assurances of my high consideration and respect. - - -TO MR. GEORGE JEFFERSON. - - WASHINGTON, March 27, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of yours of March 4th, and to -express to you the delight with which I found the just, disinterested, and -honorable point of view in which you saw the proposition it covered. The -resolution you so properly approved had long been formed in my mind. The -public will never be made to believe that an appointment of a relative is -made on the ground of merit alone, uninfluenced by family views; nor can -they ever see with approbation offices, the disposal of which they entrust -to their Presidents for public purposes, divided out as family property. -Mr. Adams degraded himself infinitely by his conduct on this subject, as -General Washington had done himself the greatest honor. With two such -examples to proceed by, I should be doubly inexcusable to err. It is -true that this places the relations of the President in a worse situation -than if he were a stranger, but the public good, which cannot be affected -if its confidence be lost, requires this sacrifice. Perhaps, too, it is -compensated by sharing in the public esteem. I could not be satisfied till -I assured you of the increased esteem with which this transaction fills me -for you. Accept my affectionate expressions of it. - - -TO SAMUEL ADAMS. - - WASHINGTON, March 29, 1801. - -I addressed a letter to you, my very dear and ancient friend, on the 4th -of March: not indeed to you by name, but through the medium of some of -my fellow citizens, whom occasion called on me to address. In meditating -the matter of that address, I often asked myself, is this exactly in the -spirit of the patriarch, Samuel Adams? Is it as he would express it? Will -he approve of it? I have felt a great deal for our country in the times -we have seen. But individually for no one so much as yourself. When I -have been told that you were avoided, insulted, frowned on, I could but -ejaculate, 'Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do.' I -confess I felt an indignation for you, which for myself I have been able, -under every trial, to keep entirely passive. However, the storm is over, -and we are in port. The ship was not rigged for the service she was put -on. We will show the smoothness of her motions on her republican tack. I -hope we shall once more see harmony restored among our citizens, and an -entire oblivion of past feuds. Some of the leaders who have most committed -themselves cannot come into this. But I hope the great body of our fellow -citizens will do it. I will sacrifice everything but principle to procure -it. A few examples of justice on officers who have perverted their -functions to the oppression of their fellow citizens, must, in justice -to those citizens, be made. But opinion, and the just maintenance of it, -shall never be a crime in my view: nor bring injury on the individual. -Those whose misconduct in office ought to have produced their removal -even by my predecessor, must not be protected by the delicacy due only to -honest men. How much I lament that time has deprived me of your aid. It -would have been a day of glory which should have called you to the first -office of the administration. But give us your counsel my friend, and give -us your blessing; and be assured that there exists not in the heart of man -a more faithful esteem than mine to you, and that I shall ever bear you -the most affectionate veneration and respect. - - -TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. - - WASHINGTON, March 29, 1801. - -MY DEAR SIR,--Your two letters of January the 15th and February the 24th, -came safely to hand, and I thank you for the history of a transaction -which will ever be interesting in our affairs. It has been very precisely -as I had imagined. I thought, on your return, that if you had come forward -boldly, and appealed to the public by a full statement, it would have had -a great effect in your favor personally, and that of the republican cause -then oppressed almost unto death. But I judged from a tact of the southern -pulse. I suspect that of the north was different and decided your conduct; -and perhaps it has been as well. If the revolution of sentiment has been -later, it has perhaps been not less sure. At length it has arrived. What -with the natural current of opinion which has been setting over to us -for eighteen months, and the immense impetus which was given it from the -11th to the 17th of February, we may now say that the United States from -New York southwardly, are as unanimous in the principles of '76, as they -were in '76. The only difference is, that the leaders who remain behind -are more numerous and bolder than the apostles of toryism in '76. The -reason is, that we are now justly more tolerant than we could safely have -been then, circumstanced as we were. Your part of the Union though as -absolutely republican as ours, had drunk deeper of the delusion, and is -therefore slower in recovering from it. The ægis of government, and the -temples of religion and of justice, have all been prostituted there to -toll us back to the times when we burnt witches. But your people will rise -again. They will awake like Sampson from his sleep, and carry away the -gates and posts of the city. You, my friend, are destined to rally them -again under their former banner, and when called to the post, exercise -it with firmness and with inflexible adherence to your own principles. -The people will support you, notwithstanding the howlings of the ravenous -crew from whose jaws they are escaping. It will be a great blessing to -our country if we can once more restore harmony and social love among -its citizens. I confess, as to myself, it is almost the first object of -my heart, and one to which I would sacrifice everything but principle. -With the people I have hopes of effecting it. But their Coryphæi are -incurables. I expect little from them. - -I was not deluded by the eulogiums of the public papers in the first -moments of change. If they could have continued to get all the loaves and -fishes, that is, if I would have gone over to them, they would continue -to eulogise. But I well knew that the moment that such removals should -take place, as the justice of the preceding administration ought to have -executed, their hue and cry would be set up, and they would take their old -stand. I shall disregard that also. Mr. Adams' last appointments, when -he knew he was naming counsellors and aids for me and not for himself, -I set aside as far as depends on me. Officers who have been guilty of -gross abuses of office, such as marshals packing juries, &c., I shall now -remove, as my predecessor ought in justice to have done. The instances -will be few, and governed by strict rule, and not party passion. The right -of opinion shall suffer no invasion from me. Those who have acted well -have nothing to fear, however they may have differed from me in opinion: -those who have done ill, however, have nothing to hope; nor shall I fail -to do justice lest it should be ascribed to that difference of opinion. -A coalition of sentiments is not for the interest of the printers. They, -like the clergy, live by the zeal they can kindle, and the schisms they -can create. It is contest of opinion in politics as well as religion which -makes us take great interest in them, and bestow our money liberally -on those who furnish aliment to our appetite. The mild and simple -principles of the Christian philosophy would produce too much calm, too -much regularity of good, to extract from its disciples a support from a -numerous priesthood, were they not to sophisticate it, ramify it, split -it into hairs, and twist its texts till they cover the divine morality of -its author with mysteries, and require a priesthood to explain them. The -Quakers seem to have discovered this. They have no priests, therefore no -schisms. They judge of the text by the dictates of common sense and common -morality. So the printers can never leave us in a state of perfect rest -and union of opinion. They would be no longer useful, and would have to -go to the plough. In the first moments of quietude which have succeeded -the election, they seem to have aroused their lying faculties beyond their -ordinary state, to re-agitate the public mind. What appointments to office -have they detailed which had never been thought of, merely to found a text -for their calumniating commentaries. However, the steady character of our -countrymen is a rock to which we may safely moor; and notwithstanding the -efforts of the papers to disseminate early discontents, I expect that a -just, dispassionate and steady conduct, will at length rally to a proper -system the great body of our country. Unequivocal in principle, reasonable -in manner, we shall be able I hope to do a great deal of good to the cause -of freedom and harmony. I shall be happy to hear from you often, to know -your own sentiments and those of others on the course of things, and to -concur with you in efforts for the common good. Your letters through the -post will not come safely. Present my best respects to Mrs. Gerry, and -accept yourself assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration. - - -TO DOCTOR WALTER JONES. - - WASHINGTON, March 31, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I was already almost in the act of mounting my horse for -a short excursion home, when your favor of the 14th was put into my -hands. I stop barely to acknowledge it, and to thank you for your kind -congratulations, and still more for your interesting observations on the -course of things. I am sensible how far I should fall short of effecting -all the reformation which reason would suggest, and experience approve, -were I free to do whatever I thought best; but when we reflect how -difficult it is to move or inflect the great machine of society, how -impossible to advance the notions of a whole people suddenly to ideal -right, we see the wisdom of Solon's remark, that no more good must be -attempted than the nation can bear, and that all will be chiefly to reform -the waste of public money, and thus drive away the vultures who prey -upon it, and improve some little on old routines. Some new fences for -securing constitutional rights may, with the aid of a good legislature, -perhaps be attainable. I am going home for three weeks, to make some final -arrangements there for my removal hither. Mr. Madison and Mr. Gallatin -will be here by the last of the month. Dearborne and Lincoln remain here; -and General Smith entered yesterday on the naval department, but only -_pro tempore_, and to give me time to look for what cannot be obtained--a -prominent officer, equal and willing to undertake the duties. Accept -assurances of my constant and affectionate respect. - - -TO A. STUART, ESQ. - - MONTICELLO, April 8, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I arrived here on the 4th, and expect to stay a fortnight, -in order to make some arrangements preparatory to my final removal -to Washington. You know that the last Congress established a Western -judiciary district in Virginia, comprehending chiefly the Western -counties. Mr. Adams, who continued filling all the offices till nine -o'clock of the night, at twelve of which he was to go out of office -himself, took care to appoint for this district also. The judge, of -course, stands till the law shall be repealed, which we trust will be -at the next Congress. But as to all others, I made it immediately known -that I should consider them as nullities, and appoint others, as I think -I have a preferable right to name agents for my own administration, at -least to the vacancies falling after it was known that Mr. Adams was not -naming for himself. Consequently, we want an attorney and marshal for -the Western district. I have thought of Mr. Coalter, but I am told he -has a clerkship incompatible with it by our laws. I thought also of Hugh -Holmes; but I fear he is so far off, he would not attend the court, which -is to be in Rockbridge, I believe. This is the extent of my personal -knowledge. Pray recommend one to me, as also a marshal; and let them be -the most respectable and unexceptionable possible, and especially let -them be republicans. The only shield for our republican citizens against -the federalism of the courts is to have the attorneys and marshals -republicans. There is nothing I am so anxious about as good nominations, -conscious that the merit as well as reputation of an administration -depends as much on that as on its measures. - -Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration and respect. - - -TO HUGH WHITE, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, May 2, 1801. - -SIR,--The satisfaction which, in the name of the foreigners residing -in Beaver County, you are pleased to express in my appointment to -the Presidency of the United States, the expectations you form of the -character of my administration, and your kind wishes for my happiness, -demand my sincere thanks. Born in other countries, yet believing you -could be happy in this, our laws acknowledge, as they should do, your -right to join us in society, conforming, as I doubt not you will do, to -our established rules. That these rules shall be as equal as prudential -considerations will admit, will certainly be the aim of our legislatures, -general and particular. To unequal privileges among members of the same -society the spirit of our nation is, with one accord, adverse. If the -_unexample_ state of the world has in any instance occasioned among us -temporary departures from the system of equal rule, the restoration -of tranquillity will doubtless produce reconsideration; and your own -knowledge of the liberal conduct heretofore observed towards strangers -settling among us will warrant the belief that what is right will be done. -Accept a reciprocation of wishes for your present and future welfare, and -assurances of my high consideration and respect. - - -TO GIDEON GRANGER. - - WASHINGTON, May 3, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 29th of March. Yours of the 25th of that -month, with the address it covered, had not reached this place on the 1st -of April, when I set out on a short visit to my residence in Virginia, -where some arrangements were necessary previous to my settlement here. In -fact, your letter came to me at Monticello only the 24th of April, two -days before my departure from thence. This, I hope, will sufficiently -apologize for the delay of the answer, which those unapprised of these -circumstances will have thought extraordinary. - -A new subject of congratulation has arisen. I mean the regeneration of -Rhode Island. I hope it is the beginning of that resurrection of the -genuine spirit of New England which rises for life eternal. According -to natural order, Vermont will emerge next, because least, after Rhode -Island, under the yoke of hierocracy. I have never dreamed that all -opposition was to cease. The clergy, who have missed their union with the -State, the Anglomen, who have missed their union with England, and the -political adventurers, who have lost the chance of swindling and plunder -in the waste of public money, will never cease to bawl, on the breaking up -of their sanctuary. But among the people, the schism is healed, and with -tender treatment the wound will not re-open. Their quondam leaders have -been astounded with the suddenness of the desertion; and their silence and -appearance of acquiescence have proceeded not from a thought of joining -us, but the uncertainty what ground to take. The very first acts of the -administration, the nominations, have accordingly furnished something -to yelp on; and all our subsequent acts will furnish them fresh matter, -because there is nothing against which human ingenuity will not be able to -find something to say. - -Accept assurances of my sincere attachment and high respect. - - -TO NATHANIEL MACON. - - WASHINGTON, May 14, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favors of April the 20th and 23d had been received, and -the commission made out for Mr. Potts, before I received the letter of the -1st instant. I have still thought it better to forward the commission, -in the hope that reconsideration, or the influence of yourself and -friends, might induce an acceptance of it. Should it be otherwise, you -must recommend some other good person, as I had rather be guided by your -opinion than that of the person you refer me to. Perhaps Mr. Potts may be -willing to stop the gap till you meet and repeal the law. If he does not, -let me receive a recommendation from you as quickly as possible. And in -all cases, when an office becomes vacant in your State, as the distance -would occasion a great delay were you to wait to be regularly consulted, -I shall be much obliged to you to recommend the best characters. There is -nothing I am so anxious about as making the best possible appointments, -and no case in which the best men are more liable to mislead us, by -yielding to the solicitations of applicants. For this reason your -own spontaneous recommendation would be desirable. Now to answer your -particulars, _seriatim_,-- - -Levees are done away. - -The first communication to the next Congress will be, like all subsequent -ones, by message, to which no answer will be expected. - -The diplomatic establishment in Europe will be reduced to three ministers. - -The compensations to collectors depend on you, and not on - -The army is undergoing a chaste reformation. - -The navy will be reduced to the legal establishment by the last of this -month. - -Agencies in every department will be revised. - -We shall push you to the uttermost in economising. - -A very early recommendation had been given to the Post Master General to -employ no printer, foreigner, or revolutionary tory in any of his offices. -This department is still untouched. - -The arrival of Mr. Gallatin yesterday, completed the organization of our -administration. - -Accept assurances of my sincere esteem and high respect. - - -TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. - - WASHINGTON, May 26, 1801. - -I return my grateful thanks to the General Assembly of the State of Rhode -Island and Providence Plantations, for the congratulations which, on -behalf of themselves and their constituents, they have been pleased to -express on my election to the Chief Magistracy of the United States; and -I learn with pleasure their approbation of the principles declared by me -on that occasion; principles which flowed sincerely from the heart and -judgment, and which, with sincerity, will be pursued. While acting on -them, I ask only to be judged with truth and candor. - -To preserve the peace of our fellow citizens, promote their prosperity -and happiness, reunite opinion, cultivate a spirit of candor, moderation, -charity, and forbearance towards one another, are objects calling for -the efforts and sacrifices of every good man and patriot. Our religion -enjoins it; our happiness demands it; and no sacrifice is requisite but of -passions hostile to both. - -It is a momentous truth, and happily of universal impression on the public -mind, that our safety rests on the preservation of our Union. Our citizens -have wisely formed themselves into one nation as to others, and several -States as among themselves. To the united nation belongs our external and -mutual relations, to each State severally the care of our persons, our -property, our reputation, and religious freedom. This wise distribution, -if carefully preserved, will prove, I trust from example, that while -smaller governments are better adapted to the ordinary objects of society, -larger confederations more effectually secure independence and the -preservation of republican government. - -I am sensible of the great interest which your State justly feels in -the prosperity of commerce. It is of vital interest also to States more -agricultural, whose produce, without commerce, could not be exchanged. As -the handmaid of agriculture therefore, commerce will be cherished by me -both from principle and duty. - -Accept, I beseech you, for the General Assembly of the State of Rhode -Island and Providence Plantations, the homage of my high consideration and -respect, and I pray God to have them always in his safe and holy keeping. - - -TO LEVI LINCOLN. - - WASHINGTON, July 11, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 15th came to hand on the 25th of June, and -conveyed a great deal of that information which I am anxious to receive. -The consolidation of our fellow citizens in general is the great object -we ought to keep in view, and that being once obtained, while we associate -with us in affairs, to a certain degree, the federal sect of republicans, -we must strip of all the means of influence the Essex junto, and their -associate monocrats in every part of the Union. The former differ from -us only in the shades of power to be given to the executive, being, -with us, attached to republican government. The latter wish to sap the -republic by fraud, if they cannot destroy it by force, and to erect an -English monarchy in its place; some of them (as Mr. Adams) thinking its -corrupt parts should be cleansed away, others (as Hamilton) thinking that -would make it an impracticable machine. We are proceeding gradually in -the regeneration of offices, and introducing republicans to some share -in them. I do not know that it will be pushed further than was settled -before you went away, except as to Essex men. I must ask you to make out -a list of those in office in yours and the neighboring States, and to -furnish me with it. There is little of this spirit south of the Hudson. I -understand that Jackson is a very determined one, though in private life -amiable and honorable. But amiable monarchists are not safe subjects of -republican confidence. What will be the effect of his removal? How should -it be timed? Who his successor? What place can General Lyman properly -occupy? Our gradual reformations seem to produce good effects everywhere -except in Connecticut. Their late session of legislature has been more -intolerant than all others. We must meet them with equal intolerance. When -they will give a share in the State offices, they shall be replaced in -a share of the General offices. Till then we must follow their example. -Mr. Goodrich's removal has produced a bitter _remonstrance_, with much -personality against the two Bishops. I am sincerely sorry to see the -inflexibility of the _federal_ spirit there, for I cannot believe they are -_all monarchists_. - -I observe your tory papers make much of the Berceau. As that is one of -the subjects to be laid before Congress, it is material to commit to -writing, while fresh in memory, the important circumstances. You possess -more of these than any other person. I pray you, therefore, immediately -to state to me all the circumstances you recollect. I will aid you with -the following hints, which you can correct and incorporate. Pichon, I -think, arrived about the 12th of March. I do not remember when he first -proposed the question about the Insurgente and Berceau. On the 20th of -March, Mr. Stoddart wrote to his agent at Boston to put the Berceau into -handsome order to be restored, but whether he did that of his own accord, -or after previous consultation with you or myself, I do not recollect. I -set out for Monticello April the 1st. About that time General Smith sent -new directions to put her precisely into the state in which she was before -the capture. Do you recollect from what fund it was contemplated to do -this? I had trusted for this to Stoddart, who was familiar with all the -funds, being myself entirely new in office at that time. What will those -repairs have cost? Did we not leave to Le Tombe to make what allowance he -thought proper to the officers, we only advancing money on his undertaking -repayment? I shall hope to receive from you as full a statement as you can -make. It may be useful to inquire into the time and circumstances of her -being dismantled. When you shall have retraced the whole matter in your -memory, would it not be well to make a summary statement of the important -circumstances for insertion in the Chronicle, in order to set the minds -of the candid part of the public to rights? Mr. Madison has had a slight -bilious attack. I am advising him to get off by the middle of this month. -We who have stronger constitutions shall stay to the end of it. But during -August and September, we also must take refuge in climates rendered safer -by our habits and confidence. The post will be so arranged as that letters -will go hence to Monticello, and the answer return here in a week. I hope -I shall continue to hear from you there. - -Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem and high respect. - -P. S. The French convention was laid before the Senate December the 16th. -I think the Berceau arrived afterwards. If so, she was dismantled, when it -was known she was to be restored. When did she arrive? By whose orders was -she dismantled? - - -TO GOVERNOR MONROE. - - WASHINGTON, July 11, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--As to the mode of correspondence between the general and -particular executives, I do not think myself a good judge. Not because my -position gives me any prejudice on the occasion; for if it be possible -to be certainly conscious of anything, I am conscious of feeling no -difference between writing to the highest and lowest being on earth; -but because I have ever thought that forms should yield to whatever -should facilitate business. Comparing the two governments together, it -is observable that in all those cases where the independent or reserved -rights of the States are in question, the two executives, if they are -to act together, must be exactly co-ordinate; they are, in these cases, -each the supreme head of an independent government. In other cases, to -wit, those transferred by the Constitution to the General Government, -the general executive is certainly pre-ordinate; _e. g._ in a question -respecting the militia, and others easily to be recollected. Were there, -therefore, to be a stiff adherence to etiquette, I should say that in the -former cases the correspondence should be between the two heads, and that -in the latter, the Governor must be subject to receive orders from the war -department as any other subordinate officer would. And were it observed -that either party set up unjustifiable pretensions, perhaps the other -might be right in opposing them by a tenaciousness of his own rigorous -rights. But I think the practice in General Washington's administration -was most friendly to business, and was absolutely equal; sometimes he -wrote to the Governors, and sometimes the heads of departments wrote. -If a letter is to be on a general subject, I see no reason why the -President should not write; but if it is to go into details, these being -known only to the head of the department, it is better he should write -directly. Otherwise, the correspondence must involve circuities. If this -be practised promiscuously in both classes of cases, each party setting -examples of neglecting etiquette, both will stand on equal ground, and -convenience alone will dictate through whom any particular communication -is to be made. On the whole, I think a free correspondence best, and shall -never hesitate to write myself to the Governors, in every federal case, -where the occasion presents itself to me particularly. Accept assurances -of my sincere and constant affection and respect. - - -TO ELIAS SHIPMAN AND OTHERS, A COMMITTEE OF THE MERCHANTS OF NEW HAVEN. - - WASHINGTON, July 12, 1801. - -GENTLEMEN,--I have received the remonstrance you were pleased to address -to me, on the appointment of Samuel Bishop to the office of collector of -New Haven, lately vacated by the death of David Austin. The right of our -fellow citizens to represent to the public functionaries their opinion -on proceedings interesting to them, is unquestionably a constitutional -right, often useful, sometimes necessary, and will always be respectfully -acknowledged by me. - -Of the various executive duties, no one excites more anxious concern -than that of placing the interests of our fellow citizens in the hands of -honest men, with understandings sufficient for their stations. No duty, at -the same time, is more difficult to fulfil. The knowledge of characters -possessed by a single individual is, of necessity, limited. To seek out -the best through the whole Union, we must resort to other information, -which, from the best of men, acting disinterestedly and with the purest -motives, is sometimes incorrect. In the case of Samuel Bishop, however, -the subject of your remonstrance, time was taken, information was sought, -and such obtained as could leave no room for doubt of his fitness. From -private sources it was learned that his understanding was sound, his -integrity pure, his character unstained. And the offices confided to him -within his own State, are public evidences of the estimation in which he -is held by the State in general, and the city and township particularly -in which he lives. He is said to be the town clerk, a justice of the -peace, mayor of the city of New Haven, an office held at the will of -the legislature, chief judge of the court of common pleas for New Haven -county, a court of high criminal and civil jurisdiction wherein most -causes are decided without the right of appeal or review, and sole judge -of the court of probates, wherein he singly decides all questions of -wills, settlement of estates, testate and intestate, appoints guardians, -settles their accounts, and in fact has under his jurisdiction and care -all the property real and personal of persons dying. The two last offices, -in the annual gift of the legislature, were given to him in May last. Is -it possible that the man to whom the legislature of Connecticut has so -recently committed trusts of such difficulty and magnitude, is 'unfit to -be the collector of the district of New Haven,' though acknowledged in -the same writing, to have obtained all this confidence 'by a long life -of usefulness?' It is objected, indeed, in the remonstrance, that he is -seventy-seven years of age; but at a much more advanced age, our Franklin -was the ornament of human nature. He may not be able to perform in person, -all the details of his office; but if he gives us the benefit of his -understanding, his integrity, his watchfulness, and takes care that all -the details are well performed by himself or his necessary assistants, -all public purposes will be answered. The remonstrance, indeed, does not -allege that the office _has been_ illy conducted, but only apprehends that -it _will be_ so. Should this happen in event, be assured I will do in it -what shall be just and necessary for the public service. In the meantime, -he should be tried without being prejudged. - -The removal, as it is called, of Mr. Goodrich, forms another subject of -complaint. Declarations by myself in favor of _political tolerance_, -exhortations to _harmony_ and affection in social intercourse, and -to respect for the _equal rights_ of the minority, have, on certain -occasions, been quoted and misconstrued into assurances that the tenure of -offices was to be undisturbed. But could candor apply such a construction? -It is not indeed in the remonstrance that we find it; but it leads to the -explanations which that calls for. When it is considered, that during the -late administration, those who were not of a particular sect of politics -were excluded from all office; when, by a steady pursuit of this measure, -nearly the whole offices of the United States were monopolized by that -sect; when the public sentiment at length declared itself, and burst -open the doors of honor and confidence to those whose opinions they more -approved, was it to be imagined that this monopoly of office was still to -be continued in the hands of the minority? Does it violate their _equal -rights_, to assert some rights in the majority also? Is it _political -intolerance_ to claim a proportionate share in the direction of the public -affairs? Can they not _harmonize_ in society unless they have everything -in their own hands? If the will of the nation, manifested by their -various elections, calls for an administration of government according -with the opinions of those elected; if, for the fulfilment of that will, -displacements are necessary, with whom can they so justly begin as with -persons appointed in the last moments of an administration, not for its -own aid, but to begin a career at the same time with their successors, -by whom they had never been approved, and who could scarcely expect from -them a cordial co-operation? Mr. Goodrich was one of these. Was it proper -for him to place himself in office, without knowing whether those whose -agent he was to be would have confidence in his agency? Can the preference -of another, as the successor to Mr. Austin, be candidly called a removal -of Mr. Goodrich? If a due participation of office is a matter of right, -how are vacancies to be obtained? Those by death are few; by resignation, -none. Can any other mode than that of removal be proposed? This is a -painful office; but it is made my duty, and I meet it as such. I proceed -in the operation with deliberation and inquiry, that it may injure the -best men least, and effect the purposes of justice and public utility with -the least private distress; that it may be thrown, as much as possible, -on delinquency, on oppression, on intolerance, on ante-revolutionary -adherence to our enemies. - -The remonstrance laments "that a change in the administration must produce -a change in the subordinate officers;" in other words, that it should be -deemed necessary for all officers to think with their principal? But on -whom does this imputation bear? On those who have excluded from office -every shade of opinion which was not theirs? Or on those who have been -so excluded? I lament sincerely that unessential differences of opinion -should ever have been deemed sufficient to interdict half the society -from the rights and the blessings of self-government, to proscribe them -as unworthy of every trust. It would have been to me a circumstance of -great relief, had I found a moderate participation of office in the hands -of the majority. I would gladly have left to time and accident to raise -them to their just share. But their total exclusion calls for prompter -corrections. I shall correct the procedure; but that done, return with joy -to that state of things, when the only questions concerning a candidate -shall be, is he honest? Is he capable? Is he faithful to the Constitution? - -I tender you the homage of my high respect. - - -TO LEVI LINCOLN. - - MONTICELLO, August 26, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of July the 28th was received here on the 20th -instant. The superscription of my letter of July the 11th by another hand -was to prevent danger to it from the curious. Your statement respecting -the Berceau coincided with my own recollection, in the circumstances -recollected by me, and I concur with you in supposing it may not now be -necessary to give any explanations on the subject in the papers. The -purchase was made by our predecessors, and the repairs begun by them. -Had she been to continue ours, we were authorized to put and keep her in -good order out of the fund of the naval contingencies; and when in good -order, we obeyed a law of the land, the treaty, in giving her up. It -is true the treaty was not ratified; but when ratified, it is validated -retrospectively. We took on ourselves this risk, but France had put more -into our hands on the same risk. I do not know whether the clamor, as -to the allowance to the French officers of their regular pay, has been -rectified by a statement that it was on the request of the French consul, -and his promise to repay it. So that they cost the United States, on this -arrangement, nothing. - -I am glad to learn from you that the answer to New Haven had a good -effect in Massachusetts on the republicans, and no ill effects on the -sincere federalists. I had foreseen, years ago, that the first republican -President who should come into office after all the places in the -government had become exclusively occupied by federalists, would have -a dreadful operation to perform. That the republicans would consent to -a continuation of everything in federal hands, was not to be expected, -because neither just nor politic. On him, then, was to devolve the office -of an executioner, that of lopping off. I cannot say that it has worked -harder than I expected. You know the moderation of our views in this -business, and that we all concurred in them. We determined to proceed with -deliberation. This produced impatience in the republicans, and a belief -we meant to do nothing. Some occasion of public explanation was eagerly -desired, when the New Haven remonstrance offered us that occasion. The -answer was meant as an explanation to our friends. It has had on them, -everywhere, the most wholesome effect. Appearances of schismatizing from -us have been entirely done away. I own I expected it would check the -current with which the republican federalists were returning to their -brethren, the republicans. I extremely lamented this effect; for the -moment which should convince me that a healing of the nation into one is -impracticable, would be the last moment of my wishing to remain where -I am. (Of the monarchical federalists I have no expectations. They are -incurables, to be taken care of in a mad house, if necessary, and on -motives of charity.) I am much pleased, therefore, with your information -that the republican federalists are still coming in to the desired union. -The Eastern newspapers had given me a different impression, because -I supposed the printers knew the taste of their customers, and cooked -their dishes to their palates. The Palladium is understood to be the -_clerical_ paper, and from the clergy I expect no mercy. They crucified -their Saviour, who preached that their kingdom was not of this world; and -all who practise on that precept must expect the extreme of their wrath. -The laws of the present day withhold their hands from blood; but lies and -slander still remain to them. - -I am satisfied that the heaping of abuse on me, personally, has been -with the design and the hope of provoking me to make a general sweep of -all federalists out of office. But as I have carried no passion into the -execution of this disagreeable duty, I shall suffer none to be excited. -The clamor which has been raised will not provoke me to remove one more, -nor deter me from removing one less, than if not a word had been said -on the subject. In Massachusetts, you may be assured, great moderation -will be used. Indeed, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and -Delaware, are the only States where anything considerable is desired. In -the course of the summer all which is necessary will be done; and we may -hope that this cause of offence being at an end, the measures we shall -pursue and propose for the amelioration of the public affairs will be so -confessedly salutary as to unite all men not monarchists in principle. - -We have considerable hopes of republican senators from South Carolina, -Maryland and Delaware, and some as to Vermont. In any event, we are -secure of a majority in the Senate; and consequently that there will be -a concert of action between the Legislature and executive. The removal -of excrescences from the judiciary is the universal demand. We propose to -re-assemble at Washington on the last day of September. Accept assurances -of my affectionate esteem and high respect. - - -TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. - - MONTICELLO, September 9, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--You will receive, probably by this post, from the Secretary -of State, his final instructions for your mission to France. We have not -thought it necessary to say anything in them on the great question of the -maritime law of nations, which at present agitates Europe; that is to say, -whether free ships shall make free goods; because we do not mean to take -any side in it during the war. But, as I had before communicated to you -some loose thoughts on that subject, and have since considered it with -somewhat more attention, I have thought it might be useful that you should -possess my ideas in a more matured form than that in which they were -before given. Unforeseen circumstances may perhaps oblige you to hazard an -opinion, on some occasion or other, on this subject, and it is better that -it should not be at variance with ours. I write this, too, myself, that -it may not be considered as official, but merely my individual opinion, -unadvised by those official counsellors whose opinions I deem my safest -guide, and should unquestionably take in form, were circumstances to call -for a solemn decision of the question. - -When Europe assumed the general form in which it is occupied by the -nations now composing it, and turned its attention to maritime commerce, -we found among its earliest practices, that of taking the goods of -an enemy from the ship of a friend; and that into this practice every -maritime State went sooner or later, as it appeared on the theatre of -the ocean. If, therefore, we are to consider the practice of nations as -the sole and sufficient evidence of the law of nature among nations, we -should unquestionably place this principle among those of the natural -laws. But its inconveniences, as they affected neutral nations peaceably -pursuing their commerce, and its tendency to embroil them with the powers -happening to be at war, and thus to extend the flames of war, induced -nations to introduce by special compacts, from time to time, a more -convenient rule; that "free ships should make free goods;" and this latter -principle has by every maritime nation of Europe been established, to -a greater or less degree, in its treaties with other nations; insomuch, -that all of them have, more or less frequently, assented to it, as a rule -of action in particular cases. Indeed, it is now urged, and I think with -great appearance of reason, that this is the genuine principle dictated -by national morality; and that the first practice arose from accident, -and the particular convenience of the States[16] which first figured on -the water, rather than from well-digested reflections on the relations of -friend and enemy, on the rights of territorial jurisdiction, and on the -dictates of moral law applied to these. Thus it had never been supposed -lawful, in the territory of a friend to seize the goods of an enemy. -On an element which nature has not subjected to the jurisdiction of any -particular nation, but has made common to all for the purposes to which it -is fitted, it would seem that the particular portion of it which happens -to be occupied by the vessel of any nation, in the course of its voyage, -is for the moment, the exclusive property of that nation, and, with the -vessel, is exempt from intrusion by any other, and from its jurisdiction, -as much as if it were lying in the harbor of its sovereign. In no country, -we believe, is the rule otherwise, as to the subjects of property common -to all. Thus the place occupied by an individual in a highway, a church, -a theatre, or other public assembly, cannot be intruded on, while its -occupant holds it for the purposes of its institution. The persons on -board a vessel traversing the ocean, carrying with them the laws of their -nation, have among themselves a jurisdiction, a police, not established -by their individual will, but by the authority of their nation, of whose -territory their vessel still seems to compose a part, so long as it does -enter the exclusive territory of another. No nation ever pretended a right -to govern by their laws the ship of another nation navigating the ocean. -By what law then can it enter that ship while in peaceable and orderly -use of the common element? We recognize no natural precept for submission -to such a right; and perceive no distinction between the movable and -immovable jurisdiction of a friend, which would authorize the entering the -one and not the other, to seize the property of an enemy. - -It may be objected that this proves too much, as it proves you cannot -enter the ship of a friend to search for contraband of war. But this -is not proving too much. We believe the practice of seizing what is -called contraband of war, is an abusive practice, not founded in natural -right. War between two nations cannot diminish the rights of the rest -of the world remaining at peace. The doctrine that the rights of nations -remaining quietly in the exercise of moral and social duties, are to give -way to the convenience of those who prefer plundering and murdering one -another, is a monstrous doctrine; and ought to yield to the more rational -law, that "the wrong which two nations endeavor to inflict on each other, -must not infringe on the rights or conveniences of those remaining at -peace." And what is _contraband_, by the law of nature? Either everything -which may aid or comfort an enemy, or nothing. Either all commerce which -would accommodate him is unlawful, or none is. The difference between -articles of one or another description, is a difference in degree only. No -line between them can be drawn. Either all intercourse must cease between -neutrals and belligerents, or all be permitted. Can the world hesitate to -say which shall be the rule? Shall two nations turning tigers, break up in -one instant the peaceable relations of the whole world? Reason and nature -clearly pronounce that the neutral is to go on in the enjoyment of all its -rights, that its commerce remains free, not subject to the jurisdiction of -another, nor consequently its vessels to search, or to enquiries whether -their contents are the property of an enemy, or are of those which have -been called contraband of war. - -Nor does this doctrine contravene the right of preventing vessels from -entering a blockaded port. This right stands on other ground. When the -fleet of any nation actually beleaguers the port of its enemy, no other -has a right to enter their line, any more than their line of battle in -the open sea, or their lines of circumvallation, or of encampment, or -of battle array on land. The space included within their lines in any -of those cases, is either the property of their enemy, or it is common -property assumed and possessed for the moment, which cannot be intruded -on, even by a neutral, without committing the very trespass we are now -considering, that of intruding into the lawful possession of a friend. - -Although I consider the observance of these principles as of great -importance to the interests of peaceable nations, among whom I hope the -United States will ever place themselves, yet in the present state of -things they are not worth a war. Nor do I believe war the most certain -means of enforcing them. Those peaceable coercions which are in the power -of every nation, if undertaken in concert and in time of peace, are more -likely to produce the desired effect. - -The opinions I have here given are those which have generally been -sanctioned by our government. In our treaties with France, the United -Netherlands, Sweden and Prussia, the principle of free bottom, free -goods, was uniformly maintained. In the instructions of 1784, given by -Congress to their ministers appointed to treat with the nations of Europe -generally, the same principle, and the doing away contraband of war, were -enjoined, and were acceded to in the treaty signed with Portugal. In the -late treaty with England, indeed, that power perseveringly refused the -principle of free bottoms, free goods; and it was avoided in the late -treaty with Prussia, at the instance of our then administration, lest -it should seem to take side in a question then threatening decision by -the sword. At the commencement of the war between France and England, -the representative of the French republic then residing in the United -States, complaining that the British armed ships captured French property -in American bottoms, insisted that the principle of "free bottoms, free -goods," was of the acknowledged law of nations; that the violation of that -principle by the British was a wrong committed on us, and such an one as -we ought to repel by joining in the war against that country. We denied -his position, and appealed to the universal practice of Europe, in proof -that the principle of "free bottoms, free goods," was not acknowledged -as of the natural law of nations, but only of its conventional law. And I -believe we may safely affirm, that not a single instance can be produced -where any nation of Europe, acting professedly under the law of nations -alone, unrestrained by treaty, has, either by its executive or judiciary -organs, decided on the principle of "free bottoms, free goods." Judging -of the law of nations by what has been _practised_ among nations, we were -authorized to say that the contrary principle was their rule, and this -but an exception to it, introduced by special treaties in special cases -only; that having no treaty with England substituting this instead of -the ordinary rule, we had neither the right nor the disposition to go to -war for its establishment. But though we would not then, nor will we now, -engage in war to establish this principle, we are nevertheless sincerely -friendly to it. We think that the nations of Europe have originally set -out in error; that experience has proved the error oppressive to the -rights and interests of the peaceable part of mankind; that every nation -but one has acknowledged this, by consenting to the change, and that one -has consented in particular cases; that nations have a right to correct -an erroneous principle, and to establish that which is right as their -rule of action; and if they should adopt measures for effecting this in -a peaceable way, we shall wish them success, and not stand in their way -to it. But should it become, at any time, expedient for us to co-operate -in the establishment of this principle, the opinion of the executive, on -the advice of its constitutional counsellors, must then be given; and that -of the legislature, an independent and essential organ in the operation, -must also be expressed; in forming which, they will be governed, every -man by his own judgment, and may, very possibly, judge differently from -the executive. With the same honest views, the most honest men often form -different conclusions. As far, however, as we can judge, the principle of -"free bottoms, free goods," is that which would carry the wishes of our -nation. - -Wishing you smooth seas and prosperous gales, with the enjoyment of good -health, I tender you the assurances of my constant friendship and high -consideration and respect. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [16] Venice and Genoa. - - -TO WILLIAM SHORT. - - WASHINGTON, October 3, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--* * * * * - -I trusted to Mr. Dawson to give you a full explanation, verbally, on -a subject which I find he has but slightly mentioned to you. I shall -therefore now do it. When I returned from France, after an absence of six -or seven years, I was astonished at the change which I found had taken -place in the United States in that time. No more like the same people; -their notions, their habits and manners, the course of their commerce, so -totally changed, that I, who stood in those of 1784, found myself not at -all qualified to speak their sentiments, or forward their views in 1790. -Very soon, therefore, after entering on the office of Secretary of State, -I recommended to General Washington to establish as a rule of practice, -that no person should be continued on foreign mission beyond an absence -of six, seven, or eight years. He approved it. On the only subsequent -missions which took place in my time, the persons appointed were notified -that they could not be continued beyond that period. All returned within -it except Humphreys. His term was not quite out when General Washington -went out of office. The succeeding administration had no rule for -anything; so he continued. Immediately on my coming to the administration, -I wrote to him myself, reminded him of the rule I had communicated to him -on his departure; that he had then been absent about eleven years, and -consequently must return. On this ground solely he was superseded. Under -these circumstances, your appointment was impossible after an absence of -seventeen years. Under any others, I should never fail to give to yourself -and the world proofs of my friendship for you, and of my confidence in -you. Whenever you shall return, you will be sensible in a greater, of what -I was in a smaller degree, of the change in this nation from what it was -when we both left it in 1784. We return like foreigners, and, like them, -require a considerable residence here to become Americanized. - -The state of political opinions continues to return steadily towards -republicanism. To judge from the opposition papers, a stranger would -suppose that a considerable check to it had been produced by certain -removals of public officers. But this is not the case. All offices were -in the hands of the federalists. The injustice of having totally excluded -republicans was acknowledged by every man. To have removed one half, and -to have placed republicans in their stead, would have been rigorously -just, when it was known that these composed a very great majority of the -nation. Yet such was their moderation in most of the States, that they -did not desire it. In these, therefore, no removals took place but for -malversation. In the middle States the contention had been higher, spirits -were more sharpened and less accommodating. It was necessary in these to -practise a different treatment, and to make a few changes to tranquillize -the injured party. A few have been made there, a very few still remain to -be made. When this painful operation shall be over, I see nothing else -ahead of us which can give uneasiness to any of our citizens, or retard -that consolidation of sentiment so essential to our happiness and our -strength. The tory papers will still find fault with everything. But these -papers are sinking daily, from their dissonance with the sentiments of -their subscribers, and very few will shortly remain to keep up a solitary -and ineffectual barking. - -There is no point in which an American, long absent from his country, -wanders so widely from its sentiments as on the subject of its foreign -affairs. We have a perfect horror at everything like connecting ourselves -with the politics of Europe. It would indeed be advantageous to us to -have neutral rights established on a broad ground; but no dependence can -be placed in any European coalition for that. They have so many other -bye-interests of greater weight, that some one or other will always be -bought off. To be entangled with them would be a much greater evil than -a temporary acquiescence in the false principles which have prevailed. -Peace is our most important interest, and a recovery from debt. We -feel ourselves strong, and daily growing stronger. The census just now -concluded, shows we have added to our population a third of what it was -ten years ago. This will be a duplication in twenty-three or twenty-four -years. If we can delay but for a few years the necessity of vindicating -the laws of nature on the ocean, we shall be the more sure of doing it -with effect. The day is within my time as well as yours, when we may -say by what laws other nations shall treat us on the sea. And we will -say it. In the meantime, we wish to let every treaty we have drop off -without renewal. We call in our diplomatic missions, barely keeping up -those to the most important nations. There is a strong disposition in -our countrymen to discontinue even these; and very possibly it may be -done. Consuls will be continued as usual. The interest which European -nations feel, as well as ourselves, in the mutual patronage of commercial -intercourse, is a sufficient stimulus on both sides to insure that -patronage. A treaty, contrary to that interest, renders war necessary to -get rid of it. - -I send this by Chancellor Livingston, named to the Senate the day after I -came into office, as our Minister Plenipotentiary to France. I have taken -care to impress him with the value of your society. You will find him an -amiable and honorable man; unfortunately, so deaf that he will have to -transact all his business by writing. You will have known long ago that -Mr. Skipworth is reinstated in his consulship, as well as some others who -had been set aside. I recollect no domestic news interesting to you. Your -letters to your brother have been regularly transmitted, and I lately -forwarded one from him, to be carried you by Mr. Livingston. - -Present my best respects to our amiable and mutual friend, and accept -yourself assurances of my sincere and constant affection. - - -CIRCULAR TO THE HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS, AND PRIVATE. - - WASHINGTON, November 6, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Coming all of us into executive office, new, and unfamiliar -with the course of business previously practised, it was not to be -expected we should, in the first outset, adopt in every part a line of -proceeding so perfect as to admit no amendment. The mode and degrees -of communication, particularly between the President and heads of -departments, have not been practised exactly on the same scale in all of -them. Yet it would certainly be more safe and satisfactory for ourselves -as well as the public, that not only the best, but also an uniform course -of proceeding as to manner and degree, should be observed. Having been -a member of the first administration under General Washington, I can -state with exactness what our course then was. Letters of business came -addressed sometimes to the President, but most frequently to the heads -of departments. If addressed to himself, he referred them to the proper -department to be acted on: if to one of the secretaries, the letter, if -it required no answer, was communicated to the President, simply for his -information. If an answer was requisite, the secretary of the department -communicated the letter and his proposed answer to the President. -Generally they were simply sent back after perusal, which signified his -approbation. Sometimes he returned them with an informal note, suggesting -an alteration or a query. If a doubt of any importance arose, he reserved -it for conference. By this means, he was always in accurate possession of -all facts and proceedings in every part of the Union, and to whatsoever -department they related; he formed a central point for the different -branches; preserved an unity of object and action among them; exercised -that participation in the suggestion of affairs which his office made -incumbent on him; and met himself the due responsibility for whatever -was done. During Mr. Adams' administration, his long and habitual -absences from the seat of government, rendered this kind of communication -impracticable, removed him from any share in the transaction of affairs, -and parceled out the government, in fact, among four independent heads, -drawing sometimes in opposite directions. That the former is preferable -to the latter course, cannot be doubted. It gave, indeed, to the heads of -departments the trouble of making up, once a day, a packet of all their -communications for the perusal of the President; it commonly also retarded -one day their despatches by mail. But in pressing cases, this injury -was prevented by presenting that case singly for immediate attention; -and it produced us in return the benefit of his sanction for every act -we did. Whether any change of circumstances may render a change in this -procedure necessary, a little experience will show us. But I cannot -withhold recommending to heads of departments, that we should adopt this -course for the present, leaving any necessary modifications of it to time -and trial. I am sure my conduct must have proved, better than a thousand -declarations would, that my confidence in those whom I am so happy as -to have associated with me, is unlimited, unqualified and unabated. I am -well satisfied that everything goes on with a wisdom and rectitude which -I could not improve. If I had the universe to choose from, I could not -change one of my associates to my better satisfaction. My sole motives -are those before expressed, as governing the first administration in -chalking out the rules of their proceeding; adding to them only a sense of -obligation imposed on me by the public will, to meet personally the duties -to which they have appointed me. If this mode of proceeding shall meet the -approbation of the heads of departments, it may go into execution without -giving them the trouble of an answer; if any other can be suggested -which would answer our views and add less to their labors, that will be -a sufficient reason for my preferring it to my own proposition, to the -substance of which only, and not the form, I attach any importance. - -Accept for yourself particularly, my dear Sir, assurances of my constant -and sincere affection and respect. - - -TO AMOS MARSH, ESQUIRE. - - WASHINGTON, November 20, 1801. - -SIR,--I receive with great satisfaction the address you have been pleased -to enclose me from the House of Representatives, of the freemen of the -State of Vermont. The friendly and favorable sentiments they are so -good as to express towards myself personally, are high encouragement to -perseverance in duty, and call for my sincere thanks. - -With them I join cordially in admiring and revering the Constitution of -the United States,--the result of the collected wisdom of our country. -That wisdom has committed to us the important task of proving by example -that a government, if organized in all its parts on the Representative -principle, unadulterated by the infusion of spurious elements, if founded, -not in the fears and follies of man, but on his reason, on his sense of -right, on the predominance of the social over his dissocial passions, may -be so free as to restrain him in no moral right, and so firm as to protect -him from every moral wrong. To observe our fellow citizens gathering -daily under the banners of this faith, devoting their powers to its -establishment, and strengthening with their confidence the instruments of -their selection, cannot but give new animation to the zeal of those who, -steadfast in the same belief, have seen no other object worthy the labors -and losses we have all encountered. - -To draw around the whole nation the strength of the general government, as -a barrier against foreign foes, to watch the borders of every State, that -no external hand may intrude, or disturb the exercise of self-government -reserved to itself, to equalize and moderate the public contributions, -that while the requisite services are invited by due remuneration, nothing -beyond this may exist to attract the attention of our citizens from the -pursuits of useful industry, nor unjustly to burthen those who continue -in those pursuits--these are functions of the general government on which -you have a right to call. They are in unison with those principles which -have met the approbation of the Representatives of Vermont, as announced -by myself on the former and recent occasions alluded to. These shall -be faithfully pursued according to the plain and candid import of the -expressions in which they were announced. No longer than they are so, will -I ask that support which, through you, has been so respectfully tendered -me. And I join in addressing Him, whose Kingdom ruleth over all, to direct -the administration of their affairs to their own greatest good. - -Praying you to be the channel of communicating these sentiments to the -House of Representatives of the freemen of the State of Vermont, I beseech -you to accept for yourself personally, as well as for them, the homage of -my high respect and consideration. - - -TO GOVERNOR MONROE. - - WASHINGTON, November 24, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I had not been unmindful of your letter of June 15th, covering -a resolution of the House of Representatives of Virginia, and referred -to in yours of the 17th inst. The importance of the subject, and the -belief that it gave us time for consideration till the next meeting of -the Legislature, have induced me to defer the answer to this date. You -will perceive that some circumstances connected with the subject, and -necessarily presenting themselves to view, would be improper but for -yours' and the legislative ear. Their publication might have an ill effect -in more than one quarter. In confidence of attention to this, I shall -indulge greater freedom in writing. - -Common malefactors, I presume, make no part of the object of that -resolution. Neither their numbers, nor the nature of their offences, seem -to require any provisions beyond those practised heretofore, and found -adequate to the repression of ordinary crimes. Conspiracy, insurgency, -treason, rebellion, (among that description of persons who brought on us -the alarm, and on themselves the tragedy, of 1800,) were doubtless within -the view of every one; but many perhaps contemplated, and one expression -of the resolution might comprehend, a much larger scope. Respect to both -opinions makes it my duty to understand the resolution in all the extent -of which it is susceptible. - -The idea seems to be to provide for these people by a purchase of lands; -and it is asked whether such a purchase can be made of the United States -in their western territory? A very great extent of country, north of the -Ohio, has been laid off into townships, and is now at market, according -to the provisions of the acts of Congress, with which you are acquainted. -There is nothing which would restrain the State of Virginia either in -the purchase or the application of these lands; but a purchase, by the -acre, might perhaps be a more expensive provision than the House of -Representatives contemplated. Questions would also arise whether the -establishment of such a colony within our limits, and to become a part of -our union, would be desirable to the State of Virginia itself, or to the -other States--especially those who would be in its vicinity? - -Could we procure lands beyond the limits of the United States to form a -receptacle for these people? On our northern boundary, the country not -occupied by British subjects, is the property of Indian nations, whose -title would be to be extinguished, with the consent of Great Britain; and -the new settlers would be British subjects. It is hardly to be believed -that either Great Britain or the Indian proprietors have so disinterested -a regard for us, as to be willing to relieve us, by receiving such a -colony themselves; and as much to be doubted whether that race of men -could long exist in so rigorous a climate. On our western and southern -frontiers, Spain holds an immense country, the occupancy of which, -however, is in the Indian natives, except a few insulated spots possessed -by Spanish subjects. It is very questionable, indeed, whether the Indians -would sell? whether Spain would be willing to receive these people? and -nearly certain that she would not alienate the sovereignty. The same -question to ourselves would recur here also, as did in the first case: -should we be willing to have such a colony in contact with us? However our -present interests may restrain us within our own limits, it is impossible -not to look forward to distant times, when our rapid multiplication will -expand itself beyond those limits, and cover the whole northern, if not -the southern continent, with a people speaking the same language, governed -in similar forms, and by similar laws; nor can we contemplate with -satisfaction either blot or mixture on that surface. Spain, France, and -Portugal hold possessions on the southern continent, as to which I am not -well enough informed to say how far they might meet our views. But either -there or in the northern continent, should the constituted authorities of -Virginia fix their attention, of preference, I will have the dispositions -of those powers sounded in the first instance. - -The West Indies offer a more probable and practicable retreat for them. -Inhabited already by a people of their own race and color; climates -congenial with their natural constitution; insulated from the other -descriptions of men; nature seems to have formed these islands to become -the receptacle of the blacks transplanted into this hemisphere. Whether -we could obtain from the European sovereigns of those islands leave to -send thither the persons under consideration, I cannot say; but I think -it more probable than the former propositions, because of their being -already inhabited more or less by the same race. The most promising -portion of them is the island of St. Domingo, where the blacks are -established into a sovereignty _de facto_, and have organized themselves -under regular laws and government. I should conjecture that their present -ruler might be willing, on many considerations, to receive over that -description which would be exiled for acts deemed criminal by us, but -meritorious, perhaps, by him. The possibility that these exiles might -stimulate and conduct vindicative or predatory descents on our coasts, and -facilitate concert with their brethren remaining here, looks to a state -of things between that island and us not probable on a contemplation of -our relative strength, and of the disproportion daily growing; and it is -overweighed by the humanity of the measures proposed, and the advantages -of disembarrassing ourselves of such dangerous characters. Africa would -offer a last and undoubted resort, if all others more desirable should -fail us. Whenever the Legislature of Virginia shall have brought its -mind to a point, so that I may know exactly what to propose to foreign -authorities, I will execute their wishes with fidelity and zeal. I hope, -however, they will pardon me for suggesting a single question for their -own consideration. When we contemplate the variety of countries and of -sovereigns towards which we may direct our views, the vast revolutions -and changes of circumstances which are now in a course of progression, -the possibilities that arrangements now to be made, with a view to any -particular plea, may, at no great distance of time, be totally deranged by -a change of sovereignty, of government, or of other circumstances, it will -be for the Legislature to consider whether, after they shall have made -all those general provisions which may be fixed by legislative authority, -it would be reposing too much confidence in their Executive to leave the -place of relegation to be decided on by _them_. They could accommodate -their arrangements to the actual state of things, in which countries or -powers may be found to exist at the day; and may prevent the effect of the -law from being defeated by intervening changes. This, however, is for them -to decide. Our duty will be to respect their decision. - -Accept assurances of my constant affection, and high consideration and -respect. - - -TO THE REVEREND ISAAC STORY. - - WASHINGTON, December 5th, 1801. - -SIR,--Your favor of October 27 was received some time since, and read with -pleasure. It is not for me to pronounce on the hypothesis you present -of a transmigration of souls from one body to another in certain cases. -The laws of nature have withheld from us the means of physical knowledge -of the country of spirits, and revelation has, for reasons unknown to -us, chosen to leave us in the dark as we were. When I was young I was -fond of the speculations which seemed to promise some insight into that -hidden country, but observing at length that they left me in the same -ignorance in which they had found me, I have for very many years ceased -to read or to think concerning them, and have reposed my head on that -pillow of ignorance which a benevolent Creator has made so soft for us, -knowing how much we should be forced to use it. I have thought it better, -by nourishing the good passions and controlling the bad, to merit an -inheritance in a state of being of which I can know so little, and to -trust for the future to Him who has been so good for the past. I perceive -too that these speculations have with you been only the amusement of -leisure hours; while your labors have been devoted to the education of -your children, making them good members of society, to the instructing -men in their duties, and performing the other offices of a large parish. -I am happy in your approbation of the principles I avowed on entering on -the government. Ingenious minds, availing themselves of the imperfection -of language, have tortured the expressions out of their plain meaning -in order to infer departures from them in practice. If revealed language -has not been able to guard itself against misinterpretations, I could not -expect it. But if an administration quadrating with the obvious import -of my language can conciliate the affections of my opposers, I will merit -that conciliation. I pray you to accept assurances of my respect and best -wishes. - - -TO PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE. - - December, 8, 1801. - -SIR,--The circumstances under which we find ourselves at this place -rendering inconvenient the mode heretofore practised of making, by -personal address, the first communications between the legislative and -executive branches, I have adopted that by message, as used on all -subsequent occasions through the session. In doing this, I have had -principal regard to the convenience of the Legislature, to the economy -of their time, to their relief from the embarrassment of immediate -answers, on subjects not yet fully before them, and to the benefits thence -resulting to the public affairs. Trusting that a procedure, founded on -these motives, will meet their approbation, I beg leave through you, Sir, -to communicate the enclosed copy, with the documents accompanying it, to -the honorable the Senate, and pray you to accept for yourself and them, -the homage of my high regard and consideration. - - -TO JOHN DICKINSON. - - WASHINGTON, December 19, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--The approbation of my ancient friends is, above all things, -the most grateful to my heart. They know for what objects we relinquished -the delights of domestic society, tranquillity and science, and committed -ourselves to the ocean of revolution, to wear out the only life God has -given us here in scenes the benefits of which will accrue only to those -who follow us. Surely we had in view to obtain the theory and practice -of good government; and how any, who seemed so ardent in this pursuit, -could as shamelessly have apostatized, and supposed we meant only to -put our government into other hands, but not other forms, is indeed -wonderful. The lesson we have had will probably be useful to the people -at large, by showing to them how capable they are of being made the -instruments of their own bondage. A little more prudence and moderation -in those who had mounted themselves on their fears, and it would have -been long and difficult to unhorse them. Their madness had done in three -years what reason alone, acting against them, would not have effected in -many; and the more, as they might have gone on forming new entrenchments -for themselves from year to year. My great anxiety at present is, to -avail ourselves of our ascendancy to establish good principles and good -practices; to fortify republicanism behind as many barriers as possible, -that the outworks may give time to rally and save the citadel, should that -be again in danger. On their part, they have retired into the judiciary as -a stronghold. There the remains of federalism are to be preserved and fed -from the treasury, and from that battery all the works of republicanism -are to be beaten down and erased. By a fraudulent use of the Constitution, -which has made judges irremovable, they have multiplied useless judges -merely to strengthen their phalanx. - -You will perhaps have been alarmed, as some have been, at the proposition -to abolish the whole of the internal taxes. But it is perfectly safe. -They are under a million of dollars, and we can economize the government -two or three millions a year. The impost alone gives us ten or eleven -millions annually, increasing at a compound ratio of six and two-thirds -per cent. per annum, and consequently doubling in ten years. But leaving -that increase for contingencies, the present amount will support the -government, pay the interest of the public debt, and discharge the -principal in fifteen years. If the increase proceeds, and no contingencies -demand it, it will pay off the principal in a shorter time. Exactly one -half of the public debt, to wit, thirty-seven millions of dollars, is -owned in the United States. That capital, then, will be set afloat, to -be employed in rescuing our commerce from the hands of foreigners, or in -agriculture, canals, bridges, or other useful enterprises. By suppressing -at once the whole internal taxes, we abolish three-fourths of the offices -now existing, and spread over the land. Seeing the interest you take in -the public affairs, I have indulged myself in observations flowing from -a sincere and ardent desire of seeing our affairs put into an honest and -advantageous train. Accept assurances of my constant and affectionate -esteem and high respect. - - -TO DOCTOR RUSH. - - WASHINGTON, December 20, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--I have received your favor of November 27, with your -introductory lecture, which I have read with the pleasure and edification -I do everything from you. I am happy to see that vaccination is -introduced, and likely to be kept up, in Philadelphia; but I shall not -think it exhibits all its utility until experience shall have hit upon -some mark or rule by which the popular eye may distinguish genuine from -spurious virus. It was with this view that I wished to discover whether -time could not be made the standard, and supposed, from the little -experience I had, that matter, taken at eight times twenty-four hours from -the time of insertion, could always be in the proper state. As far as I -went I found it so; but I shall be happy to learn what the immense field -of experience in Philadelphia will teach us on that subject. - -Our winter campaign has opened with more good humor than I expected. -By sending a message, instead of making a speech at the opening of the -session, I have prevented the bloody conflict to which the making an -answer would have committed them. They consequently were able to set into -real business at once, without losing ten or twelve days in combating -an answer. Hitherto there has been no disagreeable altercations. The -suppression of useless offices, and lopping off the parasitical plant -engrafted at the last session on the judiciary body, will probably produce -some. Bitter men are not pleased with the suppression of taxes. Not daring -to condemn the measure, they attack the motive; and too disingenuous to -ascribe it to the honest one of freeing our citizens from unnecessary -burthens and unnecessary systems of office, they ascribe it to a desire -of popularity. But every honest man will suppose honest acts to flow from -honest principles, and the rogues may rail without intermission. - -My health has been always so uniformly firm, that I have for some years -dreaded nothing so much as the living too long. I think, however, that -a flaw has appeared which ensures me against that, without cutting short -any of the period during which I could expect to remain capable of being -useful. It will probably give me as many years as I wish, and without pain -or debility. Should this be the case, my most anxious prayers will have -been fulfilled by Heaven. - -I have said as much to no mortal breathing, and my florid health is -calculated to keep my friends as well as foes quiet, as they should be. -Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high respect. - - -TO MR. LINCOLN. - - January 1, 1802. - -Averse to receive addresses, yet unable to prevent them, I have generally -endeavored to turn them to some account, by making them the occasion, by -way of answer, of sowing useful truths and principles among the people, -which might germinate and become rooted among their political tenets. The -Baptist address, now enclosed, admits of a condemnation of the alliance -between Church and State, under the authority of the Constitution. It -furnishes an occasion, too, which I have long wished to find, of saying -why I do not proclaim fastings and thanksgivings, as my predecessors did. -The address, to be sure, does not point at this, and its introduction -is awkward. But I foresee no opportunity of doing it more pertinently. -I know it will give great offence to the New England clergy; but the -advocate of religious freedom is to expect neither peace nor forgiveness -from them. Will you be so good as to examine the answer, and suggest any -alterations which might prevent an ill effect, or promote a good one, -among the people? You understand the temper of those in the North, and can -weaken it, therefore, to their stomachs: it is at present seasoned to the -Southern taste only. I would ask the favor of you to return it, with the -address, in the course of the day or evening. Health and affection. - - -TO ALBERT GALLATIN. - - WASHINGTON, April 1, 1802. - -DEAR SIR,--I have read and considered your report on the operations of the -sinking fund, and entirely approve of it, as the best plan on which we can -set out. I think it an object of great importance, to be kept in view and -to be undertaken at a fit season, to simplify our system of finance, and -bring it within the comprehension of every member of Congress. Hamilton -set out on a different plan. In order that he might have the entire -government of his machine, he determined so to complicate it as that -neither the President or Congress should be able to understand it, or to -control him. He succeeded in doing this, not only beyond their reach, but -so that he at length could not unravel it himself. He gave to the debt, -in the first instance, in funding it, the most artificial and mysterious -form he could devise. He then moulded up his appropriations of a number of -scraps and remnants, many of which were nothing at all, and applied them -to different objects in reversion and remainder, until the whole system -was involved in impenetrable fog; and while he was giving himself the airs -of providing for the payment of the debt, he left himself free to add to -it continually, as he did in fact, instead of paying it. I like your idea -of kneading all his little scraps and fragments into one batch, and adding -to it a complementary sum, which, while it forms it into a single mass -from which everything is to be paid, will enable us, should a breach of -appropriation ever be charged on us, to prove that the sum appropriated, -and more, has been applied to its specific object. - -But there is a point beyond this on which I should wish to keep my -eye, and to which I should aim to approach by every tack which previous -arrangements force on us. That is, to form into one consolidated mass all -the moneys received into the treasury, and to the several expenditures, -giving them a preference of payment according to the order in which -they should be arranged. As for example. 1. The interest of the public -debt. 2. Such portion of principal as are exigible. 3. The expenses of -government. 4. Such other portions of principal as, though not exigible, -we are still free to pay when we please. The last object might be made -to take up the residuum of money remaining in the treasury at the end of -every year, after the three first objects were complied with, and would be -the barometer whereby to test the economy of the administration. It would -furnish a simple measure by which every one could mete their merit, and by -which every one could decide when taxes were deficient or superabundant. -If to this can be added a simplification of the form of accounts in the -treasury department, and in the organization of its officers, so as to -bring everything to a single centre, we might hope to see the finances -of the Union as clear and intelligible as a merchant's books, so that -every member of Congress, and every man of any mind in the Union, should -be able to comprehend them, to investigate abuses, and consequently to -control them. Our predecessors have endeavored by intricacies of system, -and shuffling the investigator over from one officer to another, to cover -everything from detection. I hope we shall go in the contrary direction, -and that by our honest and judicious reformations, we may be able, -within the limits of our time, to bring things back to that simple and -intelligible system on which they should have been organized at first. - -I have suggested only a single alteration in the report, which is merely -verbal and of no consequence. We shall now get rid of the commissioner -of the internal revenue, and superintendent of stamps. It remains to -amalgamate the comptroller and auditor into one, and reduce the register -to a clerk of accounts; and then the organization will consist, as it -should at first, of a keeper of money, a keeper of accounts, and the -head of the department. This constellation of great men in the treasury -department was of a piece with the rest of Hamilton's plans. He took his -own stand as a Lieutenant General, surrounded by his Major Generals, and -stationing his Brigadiers and Colonels under the name of Supervisors, -Inspectors, &c., in the different States. Let us deserve well of our -country by making her interests the end of all our plans, and not our -own pomp, patronage and irresponsibility. I have hazarded these hasty -and crude ideas, which occurred on contemplating your report. They may be -the subject of future conversation and correction. Accept my affectionate -salutations. - - -TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO. - - WASHINGTON, April 2, 1802. - -DEAR GENERAL,--It is but lately that I have received your letter of the -25th Frimaire (December 15) wishing to know whether some officers of your -country could expect to be employed in this country. To prevent a suspense -injurious to them, I hasten to inform you, that we are now actually -engaged in reducing our military establishment one-third, and discharging -one-third of our officers. We keep in service no more than men enough to -garrison the small posts dispersed at great distances on our frontiers, -which garrisons will generally consist of a captain's company only, -and in no cases of more than two or three, in not one, of a sufficient -number to require a field officer; and no circumstance whatever can bring -these garrisons together, because it would be an abandonment of their -forts. Thus circumstanced, you will perceive the entire impossibility of -providing for the persons you recommend. I wish it had been in my power -to give you a more favorable answer; but next to the fulfilling your -wishes, the most grateful thing I can do is to give a faithful answer. The -session of the first Congress convened since republicanism has recovered -its ascendancy, is now drawing to a close. They will pretty completely -fulfil all the desires of the people. They have reduced the army and -navy to what is barely necessary. They are disarming executive patronage -and preponderance, by putting down one-half the offices of the United -States, which are no longer necessary. These economies have enabled them -to suppress all the internal taxes, and still to make such provision for -the payment of their public debt as to discharge that in eighteen years. -They have lopped off a parasite limb, planted by their predecessors on -their judiciary body for party purposes; they are opening the doors of -hospitality to fugitives from the oppressions of other countries; and -we have suppressed all those public forms and ceremonies which tended -to familiarize the public eye to the harbingers of another form of -government. The people are nearly all united; their quondam leaders, -infuriated with the sense of their impotence, will soon be seen or heard -only in the newspapers, which serve as chimneys to carry off noxious -vapors and smoke, and all is now tranquil, firm and well, as it should -be. I add no signature because unnecessary for you. God bless you, and -preserve you still for a season of usefulness to your country. - - -TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. - - WASHINGTON, April 18, 1802. - -DEAR SIR,--A favorable and confidential opportunity offering by M. Dupont -de Nemours, who is revisiting his native country, gives me an opportunity -of sending you a cypher to be used between us, which will give you some -trouble to understand, but once understood, is the easiest to use, the -most indecypherable, and varied by a new key with the greatest facility, -of any I have ever known. I am in hopes the explanation enclosed will be -sufficient. - - * * * * * - -But writing by Mr. Dupont, I need use no cypher. I require from him to put -this into your own and no other hand, let the delay occasioned by that be -what it will. - -The cession of Louisiana and the Floridas by Spain to France, works most -sorely on the United States. On this subject the Secretary of State has -written to you fully, yet I cannot forbear recurring to it personally, -so deep is the impression it makes on my mind. It completely reverses all -the political relations of the United States, and will form a new epoch in -our political course. Of all nations of any consideration, France is the -one which, hitherto, has offered the fewest points on which we could have -any conflict of right, and the most points of a communion of interests. -From these causes, we have ever looked to her as our _natural friend_, as -one with which we never could have an occasion of difference. Her growth, -therefore, we viewed as our own, her misfortunes ours. There is on the -globe one single spot, the possessor of which is our natural and habitual -enemy. It is New Orleans, through which the produce of three-eighths of -our territory must pass to market, and from its fertility it will ere long -yield more than half of our whole produce, and contain more than half of -our inhabitants. France, placing herself in that door, assumes to us the -attitude of defiance. Spain might have retained it quietly for years. Her -pacific dispositions, her feeble state, would induce her to increase our -facilities there, so that her possession of the place would be hardly felt -by us, and it would not, perhaps, be very long before some circumstance -might arise, which might make the cession of it to us the price of -something of more worth to her. Not so can it ever be in the hands of -France: the impetuosity of her temper, the energy and restlessness of -her character, placed in a point of eternal friction with us, and our -character, which, though quiet and loving peace and the pursuit of wealth, -is high-minded, despising wealth in competition with insult or injury, -enterprising and energetic as any nation on earth; these circumstances -render it impossible that France and the United States can continue long -friends, when they meet in so irritable a position. They, as well as we, -must be blind if they do not see this; and we must be very improvident -if we do not begin to make arrangements on that hypothesis. The day that -France takes possession of New Orleans, fixes the sentence which is to -restrain her forever within her low-water mark. It seals the union of two -nations, who, in conjunction, can maintain exclusive possession of the -ocean. From that moment, we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and -nation. We must turn all our attention to a maritime force, for which our -resources place us on very high ground; and having formed and connected -together a power which may render reinforcement of her settlements here -impossible to France, make the first cannon which shall be fired in Europe -the signal for the tearing up any settlement she may have made, and for -holding the two continents of America in sequestration for the common -purposes of the United British and American nations. This is not a state -of things we seek or desire. It is one which this measure, if adopted by -France, forces on us as necessarily, as any other cause, by the laws of -nature, brings on its necessary effect. It is not from a fear of France -that we deprecate this measure proposed by her. For however greater her -force is than ours, compared in the abstract, it is nothing in comparison -of ours, when to be exerted on our soil. But it is from a sincere love of -peace, and a firm persuasion, that bound to France by the interests and -the strong sympathies still existing in the minds of our citizens, and -holding relative positions which insure their continuance, we are secure -of a long course of peace. Whereas, the change of friends, which will be -rendered necessary if France changes that position, embarks us necessarily -as a belligerent power in the first war of Europe. In that case, France -will have held possession of New Orleans during the interval of a peace, -long or short, at the end of which it will be wrested from her. Will this -short-lived possession have been an equivalent to her for the transfer -of such a weight into the scale of her enemy? Will not the amalgamation -of a young, thriving nation, continue to that enemy the health and force -which are at present so evidently on the decline? And will a few years' -possession of New Orleans add equally to the strength of France? She may -say she needs Louisiana for the supply of her West Indies. She does not -need it in time of peace, and in war she could not depend on them, because -they would be so easily intercepted. I should suppose that all these -considerations might, in some proper form, be brought into view of the -government of France. Though stated by us, it ought not to give offence; -because we do not bring them forward as a menace, but as consequences -not controllable by us, but inevitable from the course of things. We -mention them, not as things which we desire by any means, but as things we -deprecate; and we beseech a friend to look forward and to prevent them for -our common interest. - -If France considers Louisiana, however, as indispensable for her views, -she might perhaps be willing to look about for arrangements which might -reconcile it to our interests. If anything could do this, it would be -the ceding to us the island of New Orleans and the Floridas. This would -certainly, in a great degree, remove the causes of jarring and irritation -between us, and perhaps for such a length of time, as might produce other -means of making the measure permanently conciliatory to our interests -and friendships. It would, at any rate, relieve us from the necessity -of taking immediate measures for countervailing such an operation by -arrangements in another quarter. But still we should consider New Orleans -and the Floridas as no equivalent for the risk of a quarrel with France, -produced by her vicinage. - -I have no doubt you have urged these considerations, on every proper -occasion, with the government where you are. They are such as must have -effect, if you can find means of producing thorough reflection on them by -that government. The idea here is, that the troops sent to St. Domingo, -were to proceed to Louisiana after finishing their work in that island. If -this were the arrangement, it will give you time to return again and again -to the charge. For the conquest of St. Domingo will not be a short work. -It will take considerable time, and wear down a great number of soldiers. -Every eye in the United States is now fixed on the affairs of Louisiana. -Perhaps nothing since the revolutionary war, has produced more uneasy -sensations through the body of the nation. Notwithstanding temporary -bickerings have taken place with France, she has still a strong hold on -the affections of our citizens generally. I have thought it not amiss, -by way of supplement to the letters of the Secretary of State, to write -you this private one, to impress you with the importance we affix to this -transaction. I pray you to cherish Dupont. He has the best disposition for -the continuance of friendship between the two nations, and perhaps you may -be able to make a good use of him. - -Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem and high consideration. - - -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. - - WASHINGTON, April 25, 1802. - -DEAR SIR,--The week being now closed, during which you had given me a hope -of seeing you here, I think it safe to enclose you my letters for Paris, -lest they should fail of the benefit of so desirable a conveyance. They -are addressed to Kosciugha, Madame de Corny, Mrs. Short, and Chancellor -Livingston. You will perceive the unlimited confidence I repose in your -good faith, and in your cordial dispositions to serve both countries, when -you observe that I leave the letters for Chancellor Livingston open for -your perusal. The first page respects a cypher, as do the loose sheets -folded with the letter. These are interesting to him and myself only, and -therefore are not for your perusal. It is the second, third, and fourth -pages which I wish you to read to possess yourself of completely, and -then seal the letter with wafers stuck under the flying seal, that it -may be seen by nobody else if any accident should happen to you. I wish -you to be possessed of the subject, because you may be able to impress -on the government of France the inevitable consequences of their taking -possession of Louisiana; and though, as I here mention, the cession of -New Orleans and the Floridas to us would be a palliation, yet I believe it -would be no more, and that this measure will cost France, and perhaps not -very long hence, a war which will annihilate her on the ocean, and place -that element under the despotism of two nations, which I am not reconciled -to the more because my own would be one of them. Add to this the exclusive -appropriation of both continents of America as a consequence. I wish the -present order of things to continue, and with a view to this I value -highly a state of friendship between France and us. You know too well -how sincere I have ever been in these dispositions to doubt them. You -know, too, how much I value peace, and how unwillingly I should see any -event take place which would render war a necessary resource; and that -all our movements should change their character and object. I am thus -open with you, because I trust that you will have it in your power to -impress on that government considerations, in the scale against which -the possession of Louisiana is nothing. In Europe, nothing but Europe -is seen, or supposed to have any right in the affairs of nations; but -this little event, of France's possessing herself of Louisiana, which is -thrown in as nothing, as a mere make-weight in the general settlement of -accounts,--this speck which now appears as an almost invisible point in -the horizon, is the embryo of a tornado which will burst on the countries -on both sides of the Atlantic, and involve in its effects their highest -destinies. That it may yet be avoided is my sincere prayer; and if you can -be the means of informing the wisdom of Bonaparte of all its consequences, -you have deserved well of both countries. Peace and abstinence from -European interferences are our objects, and so will continue while the -present order of things in America remain uninterrupted. There is another -service you can render. I am told that Talleyrand is personally hostile -to us. This, I suppose, has been occasioned by the X Y Z history. But -he should consider that that was the artifice of a party, willing to -sacrifice him to the consolidation of their power. This nation has done -him justice by dismissing them; that those in power are precisely those -who disbelieved that story, and saw in it nothing but an attempt to -deceive our country; that we entertain towards him personally the most -friendly dispositions; that as to the government of France, we know too -little of the state of things there to understand what it is, and have -no inclination to meddle in their settlement. Whatever government they -establish, we wish to be well with it. One more request,--that you deliver -the letter to Chancellor Livingston with your own hands, and, moreover, -that you charge Madame Dupont, if any accident happen to you, that she -deliver the letter with her own hands. If it passes only through hers and -yours, I shall have perfect confidence in its safety. Present her my most -sincere respects, and accept yourself assurances of my constant affection, -and my prayers, that a genial sky and propitious gales may place you, -after a pleasant voyage, in the midst of your friends. - - -TO MR. BARLOW. - - WASHINGTON, May 3, 1802. - -DEAR SIR,--I have doubted whether to write to you, because yours of -August 25th, received only March 27th, gives me reason to expect you are -now on the ocean; however, as I know that voyages so important are often -delayed, I shall venture a line by Mr. Dupont de Nemours. The Legislature -rises this day. They have carried into execution, steadily almost, all -the propositions submitted to them in my message at the opening of the -session. Some few are laid over for want of time. The most material is -the militia, the plan of which they cannot easily modify to their general -approbation. Our majority in the House of Representatives has been about -two to one; in the Senate, eighteen to fifteen. After another election it -will be of two to one in the Senate, and it would not be for the public -good to have it greater. A respectable minority is useful as censors. The -present one is not respectable, being the bitterest remains of the cup -of federalism, rendered desperate and furious by despair. A small check -in the tide of republicanism in Massachusetts, which has showed itself -very unexpectedly at the last election, is not accounted for. Everywhere -else we are becoming one. In Rhode Island the late election gives us -two to one through the whole State. Vermont is decidedly with us. It is -said and believed that New Hampshire has got a majority of republicans -now in its Legislature; and wanted a few hundreds only of turning out -their federal Governor. He goes assuredly the next trial. Connecticut is -supposed to have gained for us about fifteen or twenty per cent. since -the last election; but the exact issue is not yet known here; nor is -it certainly known how we shall stand in the House of Representatives -of Massachusetts. In the Senate there we have lost ground. The candid -federalists acknowledge that their party can never more raise its head. -The operations of this session of Congress, when known among the people -at large, will consolidate them. We shall now be so strong that we shall -certainly split again; for freemen, thinking differently and speaking and -acting as they think, will form into classes of sentiment. But it must -be under another name. That of federalism is become so odious that no -party can rise under it. As the division into whig and tory is founded -in the nature of man; the weakly and nerveless, the rich and the corrupt, -seeing more safety and accessibility in a strong executive; the healthy, -firm, and virtuous, feeling a confidence in their physical and moral -resources, and willing to part with only so much power as is necessary -for their good government; and, therefore, to retain the rest in the hands -of the many, the division will substantially be into whig and tory, as in -England formerly. As yet no symptoms show themselves, nor will, till after -another election. I am extremely happy to learn that you are so much at -your ease, that you can devote the rest of your life to the information -of others. The choice of a place of residence is material. I do not -think you can do better than to fix here for awhile, till you can become -again Americanized, and understand the map of the country. This may be -considered as a pleasant country residence, with a number of neat little -villages scattered around within the distance of a mile and a half, and -furnishing a plain and substantially good society. They have begun their -buildings in about four or five different points, at each of which there -are buildings enough to be considered as a village. The whole population -is about six thousand. Mr. Madison and myself have cut out a piece of work -for you, which is to write the history of the United States, from the -close of the war downwards. We are rich ourselves in materials, and can -open all the public archives to you; but your residence here is essential, -because a great deal of the knowledge of things is not on paper, but only -within ourselves, for verbal communication. John Marshall is writing the -life of General Washington from his papers. It is intended to come out -just in time to influence the next presidential election. It is written, -therefore, principally with a view to electioneering purposes. But it -will consequently be out in time to aid you with information, as well as -to point out the perversions of truth necessary to be rectified. Think of -this, and agree to it; and be assured of my high esteem and attachment. - -P. S. There is a most lovely seat adjoining this city, on a high hill, -commanding a most extensive view of the Potomac, now for sale. A superb -house, gardens, &c., with thirty or forty acres of ground. It will be sold -under circumstances of distress, and will probably go for the half of what -it has cost. It was built by Gustavus Scott, who is dead bankrupt. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - June 19, 1802. - -With respect to the bank of Pennsylvania, their difficulties proceed from -excessive discounts. The $3,000,000 due to them comprehend doubtless all -the desperate debts accumulated since their institution. Their buildings -should only be counted at the value of the naked ground belonging to them; -because, if brought to market, they are worth to private builders no more -than their materials, which are known by experience to be worth no more -than the cost of pulling down and removing them. Their situation then is - - They owe $2,200,000 - They have of good money $710,000 - 250,000 - Ground worth perhaps 5,000 965,000 - --------- - $1,235,000 - -To pay which $1,235,000, they depend on $3,000,000 of debts due to them, -the amount of which shows they are of long standing, a part desperate, a -part not commandable. In this situation it does not seem safe to deposit -public money with them, and the effect would only be to enable them -to nourish their disease by continuing their excessive discounts, the -checking of which is the only means of saving themselves from bankruptcy. -The getting them to pay the Dutch debt, is but a deposit in another though -a safer form. If we can with propriety recommend indulgence to the bank -of the United States, it would be attended with the least danger to us -of any of the measures suggested, but it is in fact asking that bank to -lend to the one of Pennsylvania, that they may be enabled to continue -lending to others. The monopoly of a single bank is certainly an evil. -The multiplication of them was intended to cure it; but it multiplied -an influence of the same character with the first, and completed the -supplanting the precious metals by a paper circulation. Between such -parties the less we meddle the better. - - -TO DOCTOR PRIESTLEY. - - WASHINGTON, June 19, 1802. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 12th has been duly received, and with that -pleasure which the approbation of the good and the wise must ever give. -The sentiments it impresses are far beyond my merits or pretensions; they -are precious testimonies to me however, that my sincere desire to do -what is right and just is viewed with candor. That it should be handed -to the world under the authority of your name is securing its credit -with posterity. In the great work which has been effected in America, no -individual has a right to take any great share to himself. Our people in -a body are wise, because they are under the unrestrained and unperverted -operation of their own understanding. Those whom they have assigned to -the direction of their affairs, have stood with a pretty even front. -If any one of them was withdrawn, many others entirely equal, have been -ready to fill his place with as good abilities. A nation, composed of such -materials, and free in all its members from distressing wants, furnishes -hopeful implements for the interesting experiment of self-government; -and we feel that we are acting under obligations not confined to the -limits of our own society. It is impossible not to be sensible that we -are acting for all mankind; that circumstances denied to others, but -indulged to us, have imposed on us the duty of proving what is the degree -of freedom and self-government in which a society may venture to leave -its individual members. One passage, in the paper you enclosed me, must -be corrected. It is the following, "and all say it was yourself more -than any other individual, that planned and established it," _i. e._ the -Constitution. I was in Europe when the Constitution was planned, and never -saw it till after it was established. On receiving it I wrote strongly to -Mr. Madison, urging the want of provision for the freedom of religion, -freedom of the press, trial by jury, habeas corpus, the substitution of -militia for a standing army, and an express reservation to the States of -all rights not specifically granted to the Union. He accordingly moved in -the first session of Congress for these amendments, which were agreed to -and ratified by the States as they now stand. This is all the hand I had -in what related to the Constitution. Our predecessors made it doubtful -how far even these were of any value; for the very law which endangered -your personal safety, as well as that which restrained the freedom of -the press, were gross violations of them. However, it is still certain -that though written constitutions may be violated in moments of passion -or delusion, yet they furnish a text to which those who are watchful -may again rally and recall the people; they fix too for the people the -principles of their political creed. We shall all absent ourselves from -this place during the sickly season; say from about the 22d of July to the -last of September. Should your curiosity lead you hither either before or -after that interval, I shall be very happy to receive you, and shall claim -you as my guest. I wish the advantages of a mild over a winter climate -had been tried for you before you were located where you are. I have ever -considered this as a public as well as personal misfortune. The choice you -made of our country for your asylum was honorable to it; and I lament that -for the sake of your happiness and health its most benign climates were -not selected. Certainly it is a truth that climate is one of the sources -of the greatest sensual enjoyment. I received in due time the letter of -April 10th referred to in your last, with the pamphlet it enclosed, which -I read with the pleasure I do everything from you. Accept assurances of my -highest veneration and respect. - - -TO RUFUS KING. - - WASHINGTON, July 13, 1802. - -DEAR SIR,--The course of things in the neighboring islands of the West -Indies, appear to have given a considerable impulse to the minds of the -slaves in different parts of the United States. A great disposition to -insurgency has manifested itself among them, which, in one instance, in -the State of Virginia, broke out into actual insurrection. This was easily -suppressed; but many of those concerned (between twenty and thirty, I -believe) fell victims to the law. So extensive an execution could not -but excite sensibility in the public mind, and begat a regret that the -laws had not provided for such cases, some alternative, combining more -mildness with equal efficacy. The Legislature of the State at a subsequent -meeting took the subject into consideration, and have communicated to -me through the Governor of the State, their wish that some place could -be provided, out of the limits of the United States, to which slaves -guilty of insurgency might be transported; and they have particularly -looked to Africa as offering the most desirable receptacle. We might, -for this purpose, enter into negotiations with the natives, on some part -of the coast, to obtain a settlement; and, by establishing an African -company, combine with it commercial operations, which might not only -reimburse expenses, but procure profit also. But there being already such -an establishment on that coast by the English Sierra Leone company, made -for the express purpose of colonizing civilized blacks to that country, -it would seem better, by incorporating our emigrants with theirs, to -make one strong, rather than two weak colonies. This would be the more -desirable because the blacks settled at Sierra Leone having chiefly gone -from the States, would often receive among those we should send, their -acquaintances and relatives. The object of this letter therefore is to -ask the favor of you to enter into conference with such persons private -and public as would be necessary to give us permission to send thither -the persons under contemplation. It is material to observe that they are -not felons, or common malefactors, but persons guilty of what the safety -of society, under actual circumstances, obliges us to treat as a crime, -but which their feelings may represent in a far different shape. They are -such as will be a valuable acquisition to the settlement already existing -there, and well calculated to co-operate in the plan of civilization. - -As the expense of so distant a transportation would be very heavy, and -might weigh unfavorably in deciding between the modes of punishment, it -is very desirable that it should be lessened as much as practicable. If -the regulations of the place would permit these emigrants to dispose of -themselves, as the Germans and others do who come to this country poor, -by giving their labor for a certain time to some one who will pay their -passage; and if the master of the vessel could be permitted to carry -articles of commerce from this country and take back others from that, -which might yield him a mercantile profit sufficient to cover the expenses -of the voyage, a serious difficulty would be removed. I will ask your -attention therefore to arrangements necessary for this purpose. - -The consequences of permitting emancipations to become extensive, unless -the condition of emigration be annexed to them, furnish also matter of -solicitation to the Legislature of Virginia, as you will perceive by -their resolution enclosed to you. Although provision for the settlement of -emancipated negroes might perhaps be obtainable nearer home than Africa, -yet it is desirable that we should be free to expatriate this description -of people also to the colony of Sierra Leone, if considerations respecting -either themselves or us should render it more expedient. I will pray you -therefore to get the same permission extended to the reception of these -as well as the first mentioned. Nor will there be a selection of bad -subjects; the emancipations, for the most part, being either of the whole -slaves of the master, or of such individuals as have particularly deserved -well: the latter is most frequent. - -The request of the Legislature of Virginia having produced to me the -occasion of addressing you, I avail myself of it to assure you of my -perfect satisfaction with the manner in which you have conducted the -several matters confided to you by us; and to express my hope that through -your agency we may be able to remove everything inauspicious to a cordial -friendship between this country and the one in which you are stationed; -a friendship dictated by too many considerations not to be felt by the -wise and the dispassionate of both nations. It is therefore with the -sincerest pleasure I have observed on the part of the British government -various manifestations of just and friendly disposition towards us. We -wish to cultivate peace and friendship with all nations, believing that -course most conducive to the welfare of our own. It is natural that these -friendships should bear some proportion to the common interests of the -parties. The interesting relations between Great Britain and the United -States, are certainly of the first order; and as such are estimated, -and will be faithfully cultivated by us. These sentiments have been -communicated to you from time to time in the official correspondence of -the Secretary of State; but I have thought it might not be unacceptable -to be assured that they perfectly concur with my own personal convictions, -both in relation to yourself and the country in which you are. I pray you -to accept assurances of my high consideration and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR MONROE. - - WASHINGTON, July 15, 1802. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 7th has been duly received. I am really -mortified at the base ingratitude of Callendar. It presents human nature -in a hideous form. It gives me concern, because I perceive that relief, -which was afforded him on mere motives of charity, may be viewed under -the aspect of employing him as a writer. When the Political Progress of -Britain first appeared in this country, it was in a periodical publication -called the Bee, where I saw it. I was speaking of it in terms of strong -approbation to a friend in Philadelphia, when he asked me if I knew that -the author was then in the city, a fugitive from prosecution on account of -that work, and in want of employ for his subsistence. This was the first -of my learning that Callendar was the author of the work. I considered him -as a man of science fled from persecution, and assured my friend of my -readiness to do whatever could serve him. It was long after this before -I saw him; probably not till 1798. He had, in the meantime, written a -second part of the Political Progress, much inferior to the first, and -his History of the United States. In 1798, I think, I was applied to by -Mr. Lieper to contribute to his relief. I did so. In 1799, I think, S. T. -Mason applied for him. I contributed again. He had, by this time, paid me -two or three personal visits. When he fled in a panic from Philadelphia to -General Mason's, he wrote to me that he was a fugitive in want of employ, -wished to know if he could get into a counting-house or a school, in my -neighborhood or in that of Richmond; that he had materials for a volume, -and if he could get as much money as would buy the paper, the profit of -the sale would be all his own. I availed myself of this pretext to cover -a mere charity, by desiring him to consider me a subscriber for as many -copies of his book as the money enclosed (fifty dollars) amounted to; but -to send me two copies only, as the others might lay till called for. But -I discouraged his coming into my neighborhood. His first writings here had -fallen far short of his original Political Progress, and the scurrilities -of his subsequent ones began evidently to do mischief. As to myself, -no man wished more to see his pen stopped; but I considered him still -as a proper object of benevolence. The succeeding year, he again wanted -money to buy paper for another volume. I made his letter, as before, the -occasion of giving him another fifty dollars. He considers these as proofs -of my approbation of his writings, when they were mere charities, yielded -under a strong conviction that he was injuring us by his writings. It is -known to many that the sums given to him were such, and even smaller than -I was in the habit of giving to others in distress, of the federal as well -as the republican party, without attention to political principles. Soon -after I was elected to the government, Callendar came on here, wishing to -be made postmaster at Richmond. I knew him to be totally unfit for it; -and however ready I was to aid him with my own charities, (and I then -gave him fifty dollars,) I did not think the public offices confided -to me to give away as charities. He took it in mortal offence, and from -that moment has been hauling off to his former enemies, the federalists. -Besides the letter I wrote him in answer to the one from General Mason's, -I wrote him another, containing answers to two questions he addressed -to me. 1. Whether Mr. Jay received salary as Chief Justice and Envoy at -the same time; and 2, something relative to the expenses of an embassy -to Constantinople. I think these were the only letters I ever wrote him -in answer to volumes he was perpetually writing to me. This is the true -state of what has passed between him and me. I do not know that it can be -used without committing me in controversy, as it were, with one too little -respected by the public to merit that notice. I leave to your judgment -what use can be made of these facts. Perhaps it will be better judged of, -when we see what use the tories will endeavor to make of their new friend. -I shall leave this on the 21st, and be at Monticello probably on the 24th, -or within two or three days of that, and shall hope, ere long, to see you -there. - -Accept assurances of my affectionate attachment. - - -TO GOVERNOR MONROE. - - WASHINGTON, July 17, 1802. - -DEAR SIR,--After writing you on the 15th, I turned to my letter file to -see what letters I had written to Callendar, and found them to have been -of the dates of 1798, October the 11th, and 1799, September the 6th, -and October the 6th; but on looking for the letters, they were not in -their places, nor to be found. On recollection, I believe I sent them -to you a year or two ago. If you have them, I shall be glad to receive -them at Monticello, where I shall be on this day se'nnight. I enclose -you a paper which shows the tories mean to pervert these charities to -Callendar as much as they can. They will probably first represent me as -the patron and support of the Prospect before us, and other things of -Callender's; and then picking out all the scurrilities of the author -against General Washington, Mr. Adams, and others, impute them to me. -I, as well as most other republicans who were in the way of doing it, -contributed what I could afford to the support of the republican papers -and printers, paid sums of money for the Bee, the Albany Register, &c., -when they were staggering under the sedition law; contributed to the fines -of Callendar himself, of Holt, Brown and others, suffering under that law. -I discharged, when I came into office, such as were under the persecution -of our enemies, without instituting any prosecutions in retaliation. -They may, therefore, with the same justice, impute to me, or to every -republican contributor, everything which was ever published in those -papers or by those persons. I must correct a fact in mine of the 15th. -I find I did not enclose the fifty dollars to Callendar himself while at -General Mason's, but authorized the general to draw on my correspondent at -Richmond, and to give the money to Callendar. So the other fifty dollars -of which he speaks were by order on my correspondent at Richmond. - -Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem and respect. - - -TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. - - WASHINGTON, October 10, 1802. - -DEAR SIR,--The departure of Madame Brugnard for France furnishes me a safe -conveyance of a letter, which I cannot avoid embracing, although I have -nothing particular for the subject of it. It is well, however, to be able -to inform you, generally, through a safe channel, that we stand completely -corrected of the error, that either the government or the nation of France -has any remains of friendship for us. The portion of that country which -forms an exception, though respectable in weight, is weak in numbers. On -the contrary, it appears evident, that an unfriendly spirit prevails in -the most important individuals of the government, towards us. In this -state of things, we shall so take our distance between the two rival -nations, as, remaining disengaged till necessity compels us, we may haul -finally to the enemy of that which shall make it necessary. We see all -the disadvantageous consequences of taking a side, and shall be forced -into it only by a more disagreeable alternative; in which event, we must -countervail the disadvantages by measures which will give us splendor -and power, but not as much happiness as our present system. We wish, -therefore, to remain well with France. But we see that no consequences, -however ruinous to them, can secure us with certainty against the -extravagance of her present rulers. I think, therefore, that while we -do nothing which the first nation on earth would deem crouching, we had -better give to all our communications with them a very mild, complaisant, -and even friendly complexion, but always independent. Ask no favors, -leave small and irritating things to be conducted by the individuals -interested in them, interfere ourselves but in the greatest cases, and -then not push them to irritation. No matter at present existing between -them and us is important enough to risk a breach of peace; peace being -indeed the most important of all things for us, except the preserving an -erect and independent attitude. Although I know your own judgment leads -you to pursue this line identically, yet I thought it just to strengthen -it by the concurrence of my own. You will have seen by our newspapers, -that with the aid of a lying renegado from republicanism, the federalists -have opened all their sluices of calumny. They say we lied them out of -power, and openly avow they will do the same by us. But it was not lies or -arguments on our part which dethroned them, but their own foolish acts, -sedition laws, alien laws, taxes, extravagances and heresies. Porcupine, -their friend, wrote them down. Callendar, their new recruit, will do -the same. Every decent man among them revolts at his filth; and there -cannot be a doubt, that were a Presidential election to come on this day, -they would certainly have but three New England States, and about half a -dozen votes from Maryland and North Carolina; these two States electing -by districts. Were all the States to elect by a general ticket, they -would have but three out of sixteen States. And these three are coming up -slowly. We do, indeed, consider Jersey and Delaware as rather doubtful. -Elections which have lately taken place there, but their event not yet -known here, will show the present point of their varying condition. - -_My_ letters to you being merely private, I leave all details of business -to their official channel. - -Accept assurances of my constant friendship and high respect. - -P. S. We have received your letter announcing the arrival of Mr. Dupont. - - -TO ALBERT GALLATIN. - - October 13, 1802. - -You know my doubts, or rather convictions, about the unconstitutionality -of the act for building piers in the Delaware, and the fears that it -will lead to a bottomless expense, and to the greatest abuses. There -is, however, one intention of which the act is susceptible, and which -will bring it within the Constitution; and we ought always to presume -that the real intention which is alone consistent with the Constitution. -Although the power to regulate commerce does not give a power to build -piers, wharves, open ports, clear the beds of rivers, dig canals, build -warehouses, build manufacturing machines, set up manufactories, cultivate -the earth, to all of which the power would go if it went to the first, yet -a power to provide and maintain a navy, is a power to provide receptacles -for it, and places to cover and preserve it. In choosing the places -where this money should be laid out, I should be much disposed, as far -as contracts will permit, to confine it to such place or places as the -ships of war may lie at, and be protected from ice; and I should be for -stating this in a message to Congress, in order to prevent the effect of -the present example. This act has been built on the exercise of the power -of building light houses, as a regulation of commerce. But I well remember -the opposition, on this very ground, to the first act for building a light -house. The utility of the thing has sanctioned the infraction. But if on -that infraction we build a second, on that second a third, &c., any one -of the powers in the Constitution may be made to comprehend every power -of government. Will you read the enclosed letters on the subject of New -Orleans, and think what we can do or propose in the case? - -Accept my affectionate salutations. - - -TO LEVI LINCOLN. - - WASHINGTON, October 25, 1802. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 16th is received, and that of July the 24th -had come to hand while I was at Monticello. I sincerely condole with -you on the sickly state of your family, and hope this will find them -re-established with the approach of the cold season. As yet, however, -we have had no frost in this place, and it is believed the yellow fever -still continues in Philadelphia, if not in Baltimore. We shall all be -happy to see you here whenever the state of your family admits it. You -will have seen by the newspapers that we have gained ground generally -in the elections, that we have lost ground in not a single district of -the United States, except Kent county in Delaware, where a religious -dissension occasioned it. In Jersey the elections are always carried -by small majorities, consequently the issue is affected by the smallest -accidents. By the paper of the last night we have a majority of three in -their Council, and one in their House of Representatives; another says -it is only of one in each House: even the latter is sufficient for every -purpose. The opinion I originally formed has never been changed, that -such of the body of the people as thought themselves federalists, would -find that they were in truth republicans, and would come over to us by -degrees; but that their leaders had gone too far ever to change. Their -bitterness increases with their desperation. They are trying slanders now -which nothing could prompt but a gall which blinds their judgments as well -as their consciences. I shall take no other revenge, than, by a steady -pursuit of economy and peace, and by the establishment of republican -principles in substance and in form, to sink federalism into an abyss from -which there shall be no resurrection for it. I still think our original -idea as to office is best: that is, to depend, for the obtaining a just -participation, on deaths, resignations, and delinquencies. This will -least affect the tranquillity of the people, and prevent their giving into -the suggestion of our enemies, that ours has been a contest for office, -not for principle. This is rather a slow operation, but it is sure if we -pursue it steadily, which, however, has not been done with the undeviating -resolution I could have wished. To these means of obtaining a just share -in the transaction of the public business, shall be added one other, -to wit, removal for electioneering activity, or open and industrious -opposition to the principles of the present government, legislative and -executive. Every officer of the government may vote at elections according -to his conscience; but we should betray the cause committed to our care, -were we to permit the influence of official patronage to be used to -overthrow that cause. Your present situation will enable you to judge of -prominent offenders in your State, in the case of the present election. I -pray you to seek them, to mark them, to be quite sure of your ground, that -we may commit no error or wrong, and leave the rest to me. I have been -urged to remove Mr. Whittemore, the surveyor of Gloucester, on grounds of -neglect of duty and industrious opposition. Yet no facts are so distinctly -charged as to make the step sure which we should take in this. Will you -take the trouble to satisfy yourself on this point? I think it not amiss -that it should be known that we are determined to remove officers who -are active or open mouthed against the government, by which I mean the -legislature as well as the executive. Accept assurances of my sincere -friendship and high respect. - - -TO THOMAS COOPER, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, November 29, 1802. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of October 25th was received in due time, and I -thank you for the long extract you took the trouble of making from Mr. -Stone's letter. Certainly the information it communicates as to Alexander -kindles a great deal of interest in his existence, and strong spasms of -the heart in his favor. Though his means of doing good are great, yet the -materials on which he is to work are refractory. Whether he engages in -private correspondences abroad, as the King of Prussia did much, and his -grandfather sometimes, I know not; but certainly such a correspondence -would be very interesting to those who are sincerely anxious to see -mankind raised from their present abject condition. It delights me to find -that there are persons who still think that all is not lost in France: -that their retrogradation from a limited to an unlimited despotism, is -but to give themselves a new impulse. But I see not how or when. The -press, the only tocsin of a nation, is completely silenced there, and all -means of a general effort taken away. However, I am willing to hope, and -as long as anybody will hope with me; and I am entirely persuaded that -the agitations of the public mind advance its powers, and that at every -vibration between the points of liberty and despotism, something will be -gained for the former. As men become better informed, their rulers must -respect them the more. I think you will be sensible that our citizens are -fast returning, from the panic into which they were artfully thrown to the -dictates of their own reason; and I believe the delusions they have seen -themselves hurried into will be useful as a lesson under similar attempts -on them in future. The good effects of our late fiscal arrangements will -certainly tend to unite them in opinion, and in confidence as to the -views of their public functionaries, legislative and executive. The path -we have to pursue is so quiet that we have nothing scarcely to propose to -our Legislature. A noiseless course, meddling with the affairs of others, -unattractive of notice, is a mark that society is going on in happiness. -If we can prevent the government from wasting the labors of the people, -under the pretence of taking care of them, they must become happy. Their -finances are now under such a course of application as nothing could -derange but war or federalism. The gripe of the latter has shown itself -as deadly as the jaws of the former. Our adversaries say we are indebted -to their providence for the means of paying the public debt. We never -charged them with the want of foresight in providing money, but with the -misapplication of it after they had provided it. We say they raised not -only enough, but too much; and that after giving back the surplus we do -more with a part than they did with the whole. - -Your letter of November 18th is also received. The places of midshipman -are so much sought that (being limited) there is never a vacancy. Your son -shall be set down for the 2d, which shall; the 1st being anticipated. We -are not long generally without vacancies happening. As soon as he can be -appointed you shall know it. I pray you to accept assurances of my great -attachment and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR MONROE. - - WASHINGTON, January 13, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--I dropped you a line on the 10th, informing you of a nomination -I had made of you to the Senate, and yesterday I enclosed you their -approbation, not then having time to write. The agitation of the public -mind on occasion of the late suspension of our right of deposit at New -Orleans is extreme. In the western country it is natural, and grounded -on honest motives. In the sea ports it proceeds from a desire for war, -which increases the mercantile lottery: in the federalists, generally, -and especially those of Congress, the object is to force us into war if -possible, in order to derange our finances, or if this cannot be done, -to attach the western country to them, as their best friends, and thus -get again into power. Remonstrances, memorials, &c., are now circulating -through the whole of the western country, and signed by the body of -the people. The measures we have been pursuing, being invisible, do not -satisfy their minds. Something sensible, therefore, has become necessary; -and indeed our object of purchasing New Orleans and the Floridas is a -measure liable to assume so many shapes, that no instructions could -be squared to fit them. It was essential then, to send a minister -extraordinary, to be joined with the ordinary one, with discretionary -powers; first, however, well impressed with all our views, and therefore -qualified to meet and modify to these every form of proposition which -could come from the other party. This could be done only in full and -frequent oral communications. Having determined on this, there could not -be two opinions among the republicans as to the person. You possessed the -unlimited confidence of the administration and of the western people; and -generally of the republicans everywhere; and were you to refuse to go, no -other man can be found who does this. The measure has already silenced -the federalists here. Congress will no longer be agitated by them; and -the country will become calm fast as the information extends over it. All -eyes, all hopes are now fixed on you; and were you to decline, the chagrin -would be universal, and would shake under your feet the high ground -on which you stand with the public. Indeed, I know nothing which would -produce such a shock. For on the event of this mission depend the future -destinies of this republic. If we cannot by a purchase of the country, -insure to ourselves a course of perpetual peace and friendship with all -nations, then as war cannot be distant, it behooves us immediately to be -preparing for that course, without, however, hastening it; and it may -be necessary (on your failure on the continent) to cross the channel. -We shall get entangled in European politics, and figuring more, be much -less happy and prosperous. This can only be prevented by a successful -issue to your present mission. I am sensible after the measures you have -taken for getting into a different line of business, that it will be -a great sacrifice on your part, and presents from the season and other -circumstances serious difficulties. But some men are born for the public. -Nature by fitting them for the service of the human race on a broad scale, -has stamped them with the evidences of her destination and their duty. - -But I am particularly concerned, that, in the present case, you have -more than one sacrifice to make. To reform the prodigalities of our -predecessors is understood to be peculiarly our duty, and to bring the -government to a simple and economical course. They, in order to increase -expense, debt, taxation and patronage, tried always how much they could -give. The outfit given to ministers resident to enable them to furnish -their house, but given by no nation to a temporary minister, who is never -expected to take a house or to entertain, but considered on the footing of -a _voyageur_, they gave to their extraordinary ministers by wholesale. In -the beginning of our administration, among other articles of reformation -in expense, it was determined not to give an outfit to ministers -extraordinary, and not to incur the expense with any minister of sending -a frigate to carry or bring him. The Boston happened to be going to the -Mediterranean, and was permitted, therefore, to take up Mr. Livingston, -and touch in a port of France. A frigate was denied to Charles Pinckney, -and has been refused to Mr. King for his return. Mr. Madison's friendship -and mine to you being so well known, the public will have eagle eyes to -watch if we grant you any indulgences out of the general rule; and on the -other hand, the example set in your case will be more cogent on future -ones, and produce greater approbation to our conduct. The allowance, -therefore, will be in this, and all similar cases, all the expenses of -your journey and voyage, taking a ship's cabin to yourself, nine thousand -dollars a year from your leaving home till the proceedings of your mission -are terminated, and then the quarter's salary for the expenses of your -return, as prescribed by law. As to the time of your going, you cannot too -much hasten it, as the moment in France is critical. St. Domingo delays -their taking possession of Louisiana, and they are in the last distress -for money for current purposes. You should arrange your affairs for an -absence of a year at least, perhaps for a long one. It will be necessary -for you to stay here some days on your way to New York. You will receive -here what advance you choose. - -Accept assurances of my constant and affectionate attachment. - - -TO M. DUPONT. - - WASHINGTON, February 1, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of August -the 16th and October the 4th. The latter I received with peculiar -satisfaction; because, while it holds up terms which cannot be entirely -yielded, it proposes such as a mutual spirit of accommodation and -sacrifice of opinion may bring to some point of union. While we were -preparing on this subject such modifications of the propositions of your -letter of October the 4th, as we could assent to, an event happened -which obliged us to adopt measures of urgency. The suspension of the -right of deposit at New Orleans, ceded to us by our treaty with Spain, -threw our whole country into such a ferment as imminently threatened -its peace. This, however, was believed to be the act of the Intendant, -unauthorized by his government. But it showed the necessity of making -effectual arrangements to secure the peace of the two countries against -the indiscreet acts of subordinate agents. The urgency of the case, as -well as the public spirit, therefore induced us to make a more solemn -appeal to the justice and judgment of our neighbors, by sending a minister -extraordinary to impress them with the necessity of some arrangement. -Mr. Monroe has been selected. His good dispositions cannot be doubted. -Multiplied conversations with him, and views of the subject taken in -all the shapes in which it can present itself, have possessed him with -our estimates of everything relating to it, with a minuteness which no -written communication to Mr. Livingston could ever have attained. These -will prepare them to meet and decide on every form of proposition which -can occur, without awaiting new instructions from hence, which might -draw to an indefinite length a discussion where circumstances imperiously -oblige us to a prompt decision. For the occlusion of the Mississippi is a -state of things in which we cannot exist. He goes, therefore, joined with -Chancellor Livingston, to aid in the issue of a crisis the most important -the United States have ever met since their independence, and which is -to decide their future character and career. The confidence which the -government of France reposes in you, will undoubtedly give great weight -to your information. An equal confidence on our part, founded on your -knowledge of the subject, your just views of it, your good dispositions -towards this country, and my long experience of your personal faith -and friendship, assures me that you will render between us all the -good offices in your power. The interests of the two countries being -absolutely the same as to this matter, your aid may be conscientiously -given. It will often perhaps, be possible for you, having a freedom -of communication, _omnibus horis_, which diplomatic gentlemen will be -excluded from by forms, to smooth difficulties by representations and -reasonings, which would be received with more suspicion from them. You -will thereby render great good to both countries. For our circumstances -are so imperious as to admit of no delay as to our course; and the use -of the Mississippi so indispensable, that we cannot hesitate one moment -to hazard our existence for its maintenance. If we fail in this effort to -put it beyond the reach of accident, we see the destinies we have to run, -and prepare at once for them. Not but that we shall still endeavor to go -on in peace and friendship with our neighbors as long as we can, _if our -rights of navigation and deposit are respected_; but as we foresee that -the caprices of the local officers, and the abuse of those rights by our -boatmen and navigators, which neither government can prevent, will keep -up a state of irritation which cannot long be kept inactive, we should -be criminally improvident not to take at once eventual measures for -strengthening ourselves for the contest. It may be said, if this object -be so all-important to us, why do we not offer such a sum to as to insure -its purchase? The answer is simple. We are an agricultural people, poor -in money, and owing great debts. These will be falling due by instalments -for fifteen years to come, and require from us the practice of a rigorous -economy to accomplish their payment; and it is our principle to pay to a -moment whatever we have engaged, and never to engage what we cannot, and -mean not faithfully to pay. We have calculated our resources, and find -the sum to be moderate which they would enable us to pay, and we know from -late trials that little can be added to it by borrowing. The country, too, -which we wish to purchase, except the portion already granted, and which -must be confirmed to the private holders, is a barren sand, six hundred -miles from east to west, and from thirty to forty and fifty miles from -north to south, formed by deposition of the sands by the Gulf Stream in -its circular course round the Mexican Gulf, and which being spent after -performing a semicircle, has made from its last depositions the sand bank -of East Florida. In West Florida, indeed, there are on the borders of -the rivers some rich bottoms, formed by the mud brought from the upper -country. These bottoms are all possessed by individuals. But the spaces -between river and river are mere banks of sand; and in East Florida there -are neither rivers, nor consequently any bottoms. We cannot then make -anything by a sale of the lands to individuals. So that it is peace alone -which makes it an object with us, and which ought to make the cession of -it desirable to France. Whatever power, other than ourselves, holds the -country east of the Mississippi becomes our natural enemy. Will such a -possession do France as much good, as such an enemy may do her harm? And -how long would it be hers, were such an enemy, situated at its door, added -to Great Britain? I confess, it appears to me as essential to France to -keep at peace with us, as it is to us to keep at peace with her; and that, -if this cannot be secured without some compromise as to the territory in -question, it will be useful for both to make some sacrifices to effect the -compromise. - -You see, my good friend, with what frankness I communicate with you on -this subject; that I hide nothing from you, and that I am endeavoring -to turn our private friendship to the good of our respective countries. -And can private friendship ever answer a nobler end than by keeping two -nations at peace, who, if this new position which one of them is taking -were rendered innocent, have more points of common interest, and fewer -of collision, than any two on earth; who become natural friends, instead -of natural enemies, which this change of position would make them. My -letters of April the 25th, May the 5th, and this present one have been -written, without any disguise, in this view; and while safe in your hands -they can never do anything but good. But you and I are now at that time -of life when our call to another state of being cannot be distant, and -may be near. Besides, your government is in the habit of seizing papers -without notice. These letters might thus get into hands, which, like the -hornet which extracts poison from the same flower that yields honey to -the bee, might make them the ground of blowing up a flame between our two -countries, and make our friendship and confidence in each other effect -exactly the reverse of what we are aiming it. Being yourself thoroughly -possessed of every idea in them, let me ask from your friendship an -immediate consignment of them to the flames. That alone can make all safe, -and ourselves secure. - -I intended to have answered you here, on the subject of your agency in the -transacting what money matters we may have at Paris, and for that purpose -meant to have conferred with Mr. Gallatin. But he has, for two or three -days, been confined to his room, and is not yet able to do business. If he -is out before Mr. Monroe's departure, I will write an additional letter on -that subject. Be assured that it will be a great additional satisfaction -to me to render services to yourself and sons by the same acts which shall -at the same time promote the public service. Be so good as to present my -respectful salutations to Madame Dupont, and to accept yourself assurances -of my constant and affectionate friendship and great respect. - - -TO CHANCELLOR LIVINGSTON. - - WASHINGTON, February 3, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--My last to you was by Mr. Dupont. Since that I received -yours of May 22d. Mr. Madison supposes you have written a subsequent -one which has never come to hand. A late suspension by the Intendant of -New Orleans of our right of deposit there, without which the right of -navigation is impracticable, has thrown this country into such a flame of -hostile disposition as can scarcely be described. The western country was -peculiarly sensible to it as you may suppose. Our business was to take the -most effectual pacific measures in our power to remove the suspension, -and at the same time to persuade our countrymen that pacific measures -would be the most effectual and the most speedily so. The opposition -caught it as a plank in a shipwreck, hoping it would enable them to tack -the Western people to them. They raised the cry of war, were intriguing -in all quarters to exasperate the Western inhabitants to arm and go down -on their own authority and possess themselves of New Orleans, and in the -meantime were daily reiterating, in new shapes, inflammatory resolutions -for the adoption of the House. As a remedy to all this we determined to -name a minister extraordinary to go immediately to Paris and Madrid to -settle this matter. This measure being a visible one, and the person named -peculiarly proper with the Western country, crushed at once and put an -end to all further attempts on the Legislature. From that moment all has -become quiet; and the more readily in the Western country, as the sudden -alliance of these new federal friends had of itself already began to make -them suspect the wisdom of their own course. The measure was moreover -proposed from another cause. We must know at once whether we can acquire -New Orleans or not. We are satisfied nothing else will secure us against -a war at no distant period; and we cannot press this reason without -beginning those arrangements which will be necessary if war is hereafter -to result. For this purpose it was necessary that the negotiators should -be fully possessed of every idea we have on the subject, so as to meet -the propositions of the opposite party, in whatever form they may be -offered; and give them a shape admissible by us without being obliged to -await new instructions hence. With this view, we have joined Mr. Monroe -with yourself at Paris, and to Mr. Pintency at Madrid, although we believe -it will be hardly necessary for him to go to this last place. Should we -fail in this object of the mission, a further one will be superadded for -the other side of the channel. On this subject you will be informed by -the Secretary of State, and Mr. Monroe will be able also to inform you -of all our views and purposes. By him I send another letter to Dupont, -whose aid may be of the greatest service, as it will be divested of the -shackles of form. The letter is left open for your perusal, after which -I wish a wafer stuck in it before it be delivered. The official and the -verbal communications to you by Mr. Monroe will be so full and minute, -that I need not trouble you with an inofficial repetition of them. The -future destinies of our country hang on the event of this negotiation, -and I am sure they could not be placed in more able or more zealous hands. -On our parts we shall be satisfied that what you do not effect, cannot be -effected. Accept therefore assurances of my sincere and constant affection -and high respect. - - -TO MR. PICTET. - - WASHINGTON, February 5, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--It is long since I might have acknowledged your favor of May -20, 1801, which however I did not receive till January, 1802. My incessant -occupations on matters which will not bear delay, occasion those which -can be put off to lie often for a considerable time. I rejoice that the -opinion which I gave you on the removal hither proved useful. I knew -it was not safe for you to take such a step until it would be done on -sure ground. I hoped at that time that some canal shares, which were -at the disposal of General Washington, might have been applied towards -the establishment of a good seminary of learning; but he had already -proceeded too far on another plan to change their direction. I have still -had constantly in view to propose to the legislature of Virginia the -establishment of one on as large a scale as our present circumstances -would require or bear. But as yet no favorable moment has occurred. In -the meanwhile I am endeavoring to procure materials for a good plan. -With this view I am to ask the favor of you to give me a sketch of the -branches of science taught in your college, how they are distributed among -the professors, that is to say, how many professors there are, and what -branches of science are allotted to each professor, and the days and hours -assigned to each branch. Your successful experience in the distribution of -business will be a valuable guide to us, who are without experience. I am -sensible I am imposing on your goodness a troublesome task; but I believe -every son of science feels a strong and disinterested desire of promoting -it in every part of the earth, and it is the consciousness as well as -confidence in this which emboldens me to make the present request. - -In the line of science we have little new here. Our citizens almost -all follow some industrious occupation, and therefore have little -time to devote to abstract science. In the arts, and especially in the -mechanical arts, many ingenious improvements are made in consequence -of the patent-right giving exclusive use of them for fourteen years. -But the great mass of our people are agricultural; and the commercial -cities, though, by the command of newspapers, they make a great deal -of noise, have little effect in the direction of the government. They -are as different in sentiment and character from the country people as -any two distinct nations, and are clamorous against the order of things -established by the agricultural interest. Under this order, our citizens -generally are enjoying a very great degree of liberty and security in the -most temperate manner. Every man being at his ease, feels an interest in -the preservation of order, and comes forth to preserve it at the first -call of the magistrate. We are endeavoring too to reduce the government -to the practice of a rigorous economy, to avoid burthening the people, -and arming the magistrate with a patronage of money, which might be used -to corrupt and undermine the principles of our government. I state these -general outlines to you, because I believe you take some interest in our -fortune, and because our newspapers for the most part, present only the -caricatures of disaffected minds. Indeed the abuses of the freedom of -the press here have been carried to a length never before known or borne -by any civilized nation. But it is so difficult to draw a clear line of -separation between the abuse and the wholesome use of the press, that -as yet we have found it better to trust the public judgment, rather than -the magistrate, with the discrimination between truth and falsehood. And -hitherto the public judgment has performed that office with wonderful -correctness. Should you favor me with a letter, the safest channel of -conveyance will be the American minister at Paris or London. I pray you to -accept assurances of my great esteem, and high respect and consideration. - - -TO GENERAL JACKSON. - - WASHINGTON, February 16, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 14th was received on the same day, and will -be duly attended to in the course of our affairs with the Creeks. In -keeping agents among the Indians, two objects are principally in view: 1. -The preservation of peace; 2. The obtaining lands. Towards effecting the -latter object, we consider the leading the Indians to agriculture as the -principal means from which we can expect much effect in future. When they -shall cultivate small spots of earth, and see how useless their extensive -forests are, they will sell, from time to time, to help out their personal -labor in stocking their farms, and procuring clothes and comforts from -our trading houses. Towards the attainment of our two objects of peace -and lands, it is essential that our agent acquire that sort of influence -over the Indians which rests on confidence. In this respect, I suppose -that no man has ever obtained more influence than Colonel Hawkins. Towards -the preservation of peace, he is omnipotent; in the encouragement of -agriculture, he is indefatigable and successful. These are important -portions of his duty. But doubts are entertained by some whether he is not -more attached to the interests of the Indians than of the United States; -whether he is willing they should cede lands, when they are willing to do -it. If his own solemn protestations can command any faith, he urges the -ceding lands as far as he finds it practicable to induce them. He only -refuses to urge what he knows cannot be obtained. He is not willing to -destroy his own influence by pressing what he knows cannot be obtained. -This is his representation. Against this I should not be willing to -substitute suspicion for proof; but I shall always be open to any proofs -that he obstructs cessions of land which the Indians are willing to make; -and of this, Sir, you may be assured, that he shall be placed under as -strong a pressure from the executive to obtain cessions as he can feel -from any opposite quarter to obstruct. He shall be made sensible that -his value will be estimated by us in proportion to the benefits he can -obtain for us. I am myself alive to the obtaining lands from the Indians -by all _honest and peaceable means_, and I believe that the honest and -peaceable means adopted by us will obtain them as fast as the expansion -of our settlements, with due regard to compactness, will require. The war -department, charged with Indian affairs, is under the impression of these -principles, and will second my views with sincerity. And, in the present -case, besides the official directions which will go to Colonel Hawkins, -immediately to spare no efforts from which any success can be hoped to -obtain the residue of the Oconee and Oakmulgee fork, I shall myself write -to Colonel Hawkins, and possess him fully of my views and expectations; -and this with such explanations as I trust will bring him cordially into -them, as they are unquestionably equally for the interest of the Indians -and ourselves. - -I have availed myself of the occasion furnished by your letter -of explaining to you my views on this subject with candor, and of -assuring you they shall be pursued unremittingly. When speaking of -the Oakmulgee fork, I ought to have added, that we shall do whatever -can be done properly in behalf of Wafford's settlement; and that as to -the South-Eastern road, it will be effected, as we consider ourselves -entitled, on principles acknowledged by all men, to an innocent passage -through the lands of a neighbor, and to admit no refusal of it. Accept -assurances of my great esteem and high consideration. - - -TO COLONEL HAWKINS. - - WASHINGTON, February 18, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--Mr. Hill's return to you offers so safe a conveyance for a -letter, that I feel irresistibly disposed to write one, though there is -but little to write about. You have been so long absent from this part of -the world, and the state of society so changed in that time, that details -respecting those who compose it are no longer interesting or intelligible -to you. One source of great change in social intercourse arose while -you were with us, though its effects were as yet scarcely sensible on -society or government. I mean the British treaty, which produced a schism -that went on widening and rankling till the years '98, '99, when a final -dissolution of all bonds, civil and social, appeared imminent. In that -awful crisis, the people awaked from the phrenzy into which they had been -thrown, began to return to their sober and ancient principles, and have -now become five-sixths of one sentiment, to wit, for peace, economy, and a -government bottomed on popular election in its legislative and executive -branches. In the public counsels the federal party hold still one-third. -This, however, will lessen, but not exactly to the standard of the people; -because it will be forever seen that of bodies of men even elected by the -people, there will always be a greater proportion aristocratic than among -their constituents. The present administration had a task imposed on it -which was unavoidable, and could not fail to exert the bitterest hostility -in those opposed to it. The preceding administration left ninety-nine out -of every hundred in public offices of the federal sect. Republicanism -had been the mark on Cain which had rendered those who bore it exiles -from all portion in the trusts and authorities of their country. This -description of citizens called imperiously and justly for a restoration -of right. It was intended, however, to have yielded to this in so moderate -a degree as might conciliate those who had obtained exclusive possession; -but as soon as they were touched, they endeavored to set fire to the four -corners of the public fabric, and obliged us to deprive of the influence -of office several who were using it with activity and vigilance to destroy -the confidence of the people in their government, and thus to proceed in -the drudgery of removal farther than would have been, had not their own -hostile enterprises rendered it necessary in self-defence. But I think -it will not be long before the whole nation will be consolidated in their -ancient principles, excepting a few who have committed themselves beyond -recall, and who will retire to obscurity and settled disaffection. - -Although you will receive, through the official channel of the War Office, -every communication necessary to develop to you our views respecting -the Indians, and to direct your conduct, yet, supposing it will be -satisfactory to you, and to those with whom you are placed, to understand -my personal dispositions and opinions in this particular, I shall avail -myself of this private letter to state them generally. I consider the -business of hunting as already become insufficient to furnish clothing -and subsistence to the Indians. The promotion of agriculture, therefore, -and household manufacture, are essential in their preservation, and I -am disposed to aid and encourage it liberally. This will enable them to -live on much smaller portions of land, and indeed will render their vast -forests useless but for the range of cattle; for which purpose, also, -as they become better farmers, they will be found useless, and even -disadvantageous. While they are learning to do better on less land, our -increasing numbers will be calling for more land, and thus a coincidence -of interests will be produced between those who have lands to spare, and -want other necessaries, and those who have such necessaries to spare, and -want lands. This commerce, then, will be for the good of both, and those -who are friends to both ought to encourage it. You are in the station -peculiarly charged with this interchange, and who have it peculiarly in -your power to promote among the Indians a sense of the superior value -of a little land, well cultivated, over a great deal, unimproved, and -to encourage them to make this estimate truly. The wisdom of the animal -which amputates and abandons to the hunter the parts for which he is -pursued should be theirs, with this difference, that the former sacrifices -what is useful, the latter what is not. In truth, the ultimate point of -rest and happiness for them is to let our settlements and theirs meet -and blend together, to intermix, and become one people. Incorporating -themselves with us as citizens of the United States, this is what the -natural progress of things will of course bring on, and it will be better -to promote than to retard it. Surely it will be better for them to be -identified with us, and preserved in the occupation of their lands, than -be exposed to the many casualties which may endanger them while a separate -people. I have little doubt but that your reflections must have led you -to view the various ways in which their history may terminate, and to -see that this is the one most for their happiness. And we have already -had an application from a settlement of Indians to become citizens of -the United States. It is possible, perhaps probable, that this idea may -be so novel as that it might shock the Indians, were it even hinted to -them. Of course, you will keep it for your own reflection; but, convinced -of its soundness, I feel it consistent with pure morality to lead them -towards it, to familiarize them to the idea that it is for their interest -to cede lands at times to the United States, and for us thus to procure -gratifications to our citizens, from time to time, by new acquisitions -of land. From no quarter is there at present so strong a pressure on -this subject as from Georgia for the residue of the fork of Oconee and -Oakmulgee; and indeed I believe it will be difficult to resist it. As it -has been mentioned that the Creeks had at one time made up their minds -to sell this, and were only checked in it by some indiscretion of an -individual, I am in hopes you will be able to bring them to it again. I -beseech you to use your most earnest endeavors; for it will relieve us -here from a great pressure, and yourself from the unreasonable suspicions -of the Georgians which you notice, that you are more attached to the -interests of the Indians than of the United States, and throw cold -water on their willingness to part with lands. It is so easy to excite -suspicion, that none are to be wondered at; but I am in hopes it will be -in your power to quash them by effecting the object. - -Mr. Madison enjoys better health since his removal to this place than -he had done in Orange. Mr. Giles is in a state of health feared to be -irrecoverable, although he may hold on for some time, and perhaps be -re-established. Browze Trist is now in the Mississippi territory, forming -an establishment for his family, which is still in Albemarle, and will -remove to the Mississippi in the spring. Mrs. Trist, his mother, begins -to yield a little to time. I retain myself very perfect health, having not -had twenty hours of fever in forty-two years past. I have sometimes had a -troublesome headache, and some slight rheumatic pains; but now sixty years -old nearly, I have had as little to complain of in point of health as most -people. I learn you have the gout. I did not expect that Indian cookery -or Indian fare would produce that; but it is considered as a security for -good health otherwise. That it may be so with you, I sincerely pray, and -tender you my friendly and respectful salutations. - - -TO ----. - - WASHINGTON, February 25, 1803. - -SIR,--In compliance with a request of the House of Representatives of the -United States, as well as with a sense of what is necessary, I take the -liberty of urging on you the importance and indispensable necessity of -vigorous exertions, on the part of the State governments, to carry into -effect the militia system adopted by the national Legislature, agreeable -to the powers reserved to the States respectively, by the Constitution of -the United States, and in a manner the best calculated to ensure such a -degree of military discipline, and knowledge of tactics, as will under the -auspices of a benign providence, render the militia a sure and permanent -bulwark of national defence. - -None but an armed nation can dispense with a standing army; to keep ours -armed and disciplined, is therefore at all times important, but especially -so at a moment when rights the most essential to our welfare have been -violated, and an infraction of treaty committed without color or pretext; -and although we are willing to believe that this has been the act of a -subordinate agent only, yet is it wise to prepare for the possibility that -it may have been the leading measure of a system. While, therefore, we -are endeavoring, and with a considerable degree of confidence, to obtain -by friendly negotiation a peaceable redress of the injury, and effectual -provision against its repetition, let us array the strength of the nation, -and be ready to do with promptitude and effect whatever a regard to -justice and our future security may require. - -In order that I may have a full and correct view of the resources of our -country in all its different parts, I must desire you, with as little -delay as possible, to have me furnished with a return of the militia, and -of the arms and accoutrements of your State, and of the several counties, -or other geographical divisions of it. - -Accept assurances of my high consideration and respect. - - -TO DR. BARTON. - - WASHINGTON, February 27, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--I enclose to you a copy of two discourses sent you by Mr. -Lalepida through the hands of Mr. Paine, who delivered them with some sent -me. What follows in that letter is strictly confidential. You know we have -been many years wishing to have the Missouri explored, and whatever river, -heading with that, runs into the western ocean. Congress, in some secret -proceedings, have yielded to a proposition I made them for permitting -me to have it done. It is to be undertaken immediately, with a party of -about ten, and I have appointed Captain Lewis, my Secretary, to conduct -it. It was impossible to find a character who, to a complete science in -Botany, Natural History, Mineralogy and Astronomy, joined the firmness of -constitution and character, prudence, habits adapted to the woods, and -familiarity with the Indian manners and character, requisite for this -undertaking. All the latter qualifications Captain Lewis has. Although -no regular botanist, &c., he possesses a remarkable store of accurate -observation on all the subjects of the three kingdoms, and will therefore -readily single out whatever presents itself new to him in either; and -he has qualified himself for taking the observations of longitude and -latitude necessary to fix the geography of the line he passes through. -In order to draw his attention at once, to the objects most desirable, I -must ask the favor of you to prepare for him a note of those in the lines -of botany, zoology, or of Indian history, which you think most worthy of -enquiry and observation. He will be with you in Philadelphia in two or -three weeks, and will wait on you, and receive thankfully on paper, and -any verbal communications which you may be so good as to make to him. I -make no apology for this trouble, because I know that the same wish to -promote science which has induced me to bring forward this proposition, -will induce you to aid in promoting it. Accept assurances of my friendly -esteem and high respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR HARRISON. - - WASHINGTON, February 27, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--While at Monticello in August last I received your favor of -August 8th, and meant to have acknowledged it on my return to the seat of -government at the close of the ensuing month, but on my return I found -that you were expected to be on here in person, and this expectation -continued till winter. I have since received your favor of December 30th. - -In the former you mentioned the plan of the town which you had done me the -honor to name after me, and to lay out according to an idea I had formerly -expressed to you. I am thoroughly persuaded that it will be found handsome -and pleasant, and I do believe it to be the best means of preserving -the cities of America from the scourge of the yellow fever, which being -peculiar to our country, must be derived from some peculiarity in it. -That peculiarity I take to be our cloudless skies. In Europe, where the -sun does not shine more than half the number of days in the year which it -does in America, they can build their town in a solid block with impunity; -but here a constant sun produces too great an accumulation of heat to -admit that. Ventilation is indispensably necessary. Experience has taught -us that in the open air of the country the yellow fever is not only not -generated, but ceases to be infectious. I cannot decide from the drawing -you sent me, whether you have laid off streets round the squares thus: or -only the diagonal streets therein marked. The former was my idea, and is, -I imagine, most convenient. - - [Illustration: Pattern of squares.] - -You will receive herewith an answer to your letter as President of -the Convention; and from the Secretary of War you receive from time -to time information and instructions as to our Indian affairs. These -communications being for the public records, are restrained always to -particular objects and occasions; but this letter being unofficial and -private, I may with safety give you a more extensive view of our policy -respecting the Indians, that you may the better comprehend the parts -dealt out to you in detail through the official channel, and observing -the system of which they make a part, conduct yourself in unison with it -in cases where you are obliged to act without instruction. Our system is -to live in perpetual peace with the Indians, to cultivate an affectionate -attachment from them, by everything just and liberal which we can do -for them within the bounds of reason, and by giving them effectual -protection against wrongs from our own people. The decrease of game -rendering their subsistence by hunting insufficient, we wish to draw -them to agriculture, to spinning and weaving. The latter branches they -take up with great readiness, because they fall to the women, who gain -by quitting the labors of the field for those which are exercised within -doors. When they withdraw themselves to the culture of a small piece of -land, they will perceive how useless to them are their extensive forests, -and will be willing to pare them off from time to time in exchange for -necessaries for their farms and families. To promote this disposition to -exchange lands, which they have to spare and we want, for necessaries, -which we have to spare and they want, we shall push our trading uses, -and be glad to see the good and influential individuals among them run -in debt, because we observe that when these debts get beyond what the -individuals can pay, they become willing to lop them off by a cession of -lands. At our trading houses, too, we mean to sell so low as merely to -repay us cost and charges, so as neither to lessen or enlarge our capital. -This is what private traders cannot do, for they must gain; they will -consequently retire from the competition, and we shall thus get clear of -this pest without giving offence or umbrage to the Indians. In this way -our settlements will gradually circumscribe and approach the Indians, and -they will in time either incorporate with us as citizens of the United -States, or remove beyond the Mississippi. The former is certainly the -termination of their history most happy for themselves; but, in the whole -course of this, it is essential to cultivate their love. As to their -fear, we presume that our strength and their weakness is now so visible -that they must see we have only to shut our hand to crush them, and that -all our liberalities to them proceed from motives of pure humanity only. -Should any tribe be fool-hardy enough to take up the hatchet at any time, -the seizing the whole country of that tribe, and driving them across -the Mississippi, as the only condition of peace, would be an example to -others, and a furtherance of our final consolidation. - -Combined with these views, and to be prepared against the occupation of -Louisiana by a powerful and enterprising people, it is important that, -setting less value on interior extension of purchases from the Indians, -we bend our whole views to the purchase and settlement of the country -on the Mississippi, from its mouth to its northern regions, that we may -be able to present as strong a front on our western as on our eastern -border, and plant on the Mississippi itself the means of its own defence. -We now own from 31' to the Yazoo, and hope this summer to purchase what -belongs to the Choctaws from the Yazoo up to their boundary, supposed -to be about opposite the mouth of Acanza. We wish at the same time -to begin in your quarter, for which there is at present a favorable -opening. The Cahokias extinct, we are entitled to their country by our -paramount sovereignty. The Piorias, we understand, have all been driven -off from their country, and we might claim it in the same way; but as we -understand there is one chief remaining, who would, as the survivor of -the tribe, sell the right, it is better to give him such terms as will -make him easy for life, and take a conveyance from him. The Kaskaskias -being reduced to a few families, I presume we may purchase their whole -country for what would place every individual of them at his ease, and be -a small price to us,--say by laying off for each family, whenever they -would choose it, as much rich land as they could cultivate, adjacent to -each other, enclosing the whole in a single fence, and giving them such -an annuity in money or goods forever as would place them in happiness; -and we might take them also under the protection of the United States. -Thus possessed of the rights of these tribes, we should proceed to the -settling their boundaries with the Poutewatamies and Kickapoos; claiming -all doubtful territory, but paying them a price for the relinquishment -of their concurrent claim, and even prevailing on them, if possible, to -_cede_, for a price, such of their own unquestioned territory as would -give us a convenient northern boundary. Before broaching this, and while -we are bargaining with the Kaskaskies, the minds of the Poutewatamies and -Kickapoos should be soothed and conciliated by liberalities and sincere -assurances of friendship. Perhaps by sending a well-qualified character -to stay some time in Decoigne's village, as if on other business, and to -sound him and introduce the subject by degrees to his mind and that of the -other heads of families, inculcating in the way of conversation, all those -considerations which prove the advantages they would receive by a cession -on these terms, the object might be more easily and effectually obtained -than by abruptly proposing it to them at a formal treaty. Of the means, -however, of obtaining what we wish, you will be the best judge; and I -have given you this view of the system which we suppose will best promote -the interests of the Indians and ourselves, and finally consolidate our -whole country to one nation only; that you may be enabled the better -to adapt your means to the object, for this purpose we have given you -a general commission for treating. The crisis is pressing: whatever can -now be obtained must be obtained quickly. The occupation of New Orleans, -hourly expected, by the French, is already felt like a light breeze by the -Indians. You know the sentiments they entertain of that nation; under the -hope of their protection they will immediately stiffen against cessions of -lands to us. We had better, therefore, do at once what can now be done. - -I must repeat that this letter is to be considered as private and -friendly, and is not to control any particular instructions which you may -receive through official channel. You will also perceive how sacredly it -must be kept within your own breast, and especially how improper to be -understood by the Indians. For their interests and their tranquillity it -is best they should see only the present age of their history. I pray you -to accept assurances of my esteem and high consideration. - - -TO DR. PRIESTLEY. - - WASHINGTON, April 9, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--While on a short visit lately to Monticello, I received from -you a copy of your comparative view of Socrates and Jesus, and I avail -myself of the first moment of leisure after my return to acknowledge the -pleasure I had in the perusal of it, and the desire it excited to see -you take up the subject on a more extended scale. In consequence of some -conversation with Dr. Rush, in the year 1798-99, I had promised some -day to write him a letter giving him my view of the Christian system. I -have reflected often on it since, and even sketched the outlines in my -own mind. I should first take a general view of the moral doctrines of -the most remarkable of the ancient philosophers, of whose ethics we have -sufficient information to make an estimate, say Pythagoras, Epicurus, -Epictetus, Socrates, Cicero, Seneca, Antoninus. I should do justice to the -branches of morality they have treated well; but point out the importance -of those in which they are deficient. I should then take a view of the -deism and ethics of the Jews, and show in what a degraded state they were, -and the necessity they presented of a reformation. I should proceed to -a view of the life, character, and doctrines of Jesus, who sensible of -incorrectness of their ideas of the Deity, and of morality, endeavored -to bring them to the principles of a pure deism, and juster notions of -the attributes of God, to reform their moral doctrines to the standard -of reason, justice and philanthropy, and to inculcate the belief of a -future state. This view would purposely omit the question of his divinity, -and even his inspiration. To do him justice, it would be necessary to -remark the disadvantages his doctrines had to encounter, not having been -committed to writing by himself, but by the most unlettered of men, by -memory, long after they had heard them from him; when much was forgotten, -much misunderstood, and presented in every paradoxical shape. Yet such -are the fragments remaining as to show a master workman, and that his -system of morality was the most benevolent and sublime probably that has -been ever taught, and consequently more perfect than those of any of the -ancient philosophers. His character and doctrines have received still -greater injury from those who pretend to be his special disciples, and who -have disfigured and sophisticated his actions and precepts, from views -of personal interest, so as to induce the unthinking part of mankind to -throw off the whole system in disgust, and to pass sentence as an impostor -on the most innocent, the most benevolent, the most eloquent and sublime -character that ever has been exhibited to man. This is the outline; but -I have not the time, and still less the information which the subject -needs. It will therefore rest with me in contemplation only. You are the -person of all others would do it best, and most promptly. You have all the -materials at hand, and you put together with ease. I wish you could be -induced to extend your late work to the whole subject. I have not heard -particularly what is the state of your health; but as it has been equal -to the journey to Philadelphia, perhaps it might encourage the curiosity -you must feel to see for once this place, which nature has formed on a -beautiful scale, and circumstances destine for a great one. As yet we -are but a cluster of villages; we cannot offer you the learned society -of Philadelphia; but you will have that of a few characters whom you -esteem, and a bed and hearty welcome with one who will rejoice in every -opportunity of testifying to you his high veneration and affectionate -attachment. - - -TO EDWARD DOWSE, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, April 19, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--I now return the sermon you were so kind as to enclose me, -having perused it with attention. The reprinting it by me, as you have -proposed, would very readily be ascribed to hypocritical affectation, by -those who, when they cannot blame our acts, have recourse to the expedient -of imputing them to bad motives. This is a resource which can never fail -them, because there is no act, however virtuous, for which ingenuity may -not find some bad motive. I must also add that though I concur with the -author in considering the moral precepts of Jesus as more pure, correct, -and sublime than those of the ancient philosophers, yet I do not concur -with him in the mode of proving it. He thinks it necessary to libel and -decry the doctrines of the philosophers; but a man must be blinded indeed -by prejudice, who can deny them a great degree of merit. I give them -their just due, and yet maintain that the morality of Jesus, as taught by -himself, and freed from the corruptions of latter times, is far superior. -Their philosophy went chiefly to the government of our passions, so far -as respected ourselves, and the procuring our own tranquillity. In our -duties to others they were short and deficient. They extended their cares -scarcely beyond our kindred and friends individually, and our country in -the abstract. Jesus embraced with charity and philanthropy our neighbors, -our countrymen, and the whole family of mankind. They confined themselves -to actions; he pressed his sentiments into the region of our thoughts, and -called for purity at the fountain head. In a pamphlet lately published in -Philadelphia by Dr. Priestley, he has treated, with more justice and skill -than Mr. Bennet, a small portion of this subject. His is a comparative -view of Socrates only with Jesus. I have urged him to take up the subject -on a broader scale. - -Every word which goes from me, whether verbally or in writing, becomes the -subject of so much malignant distortion, and perverted construction, that -I am obliged to caution my friends against admitting the possibility of -my letters getting into the public papers, or a copy of them to be taken -under any degree of confidence. The present one is perhaps of a tenor to -silence some calumniators, but I never will, by any word or act, bow to -the shrine of intolerance, or admit a right of inquiry into the religious -opinions of others. On the contrary, we are bound, you, I, and every one, -to make common cause, even with error itself, to maintain the common right -of freedom of conscience. We ought with one heart and one hand to hew -down the daring and dangerous efforts of those who would seduce the public -opinion to substitute itself into that tyranny over religious faith which -the laws have so justly abdicated. For this reason, were my opinions up to -the standard of those who arrogate the right of questioning them, I would -not countenance that arrogance by descending to an explanation. Accept my -friendly salutations and high esteem. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - April 21, 1803. - -The Act of Congress 1789, c. 9, assumes on the General Government the -maintenance and repair of all lighthouses, beacons, buoys, and public -piers then existing, and provides for the building a new lighthouse. -This was done under the authority given by the Constitution "to regulate -commerce," was contested at the time as not within the meaning of these -terms, and yielded to only on the urgent necessity of the case. The -Act of 1802, c. 20, f. 8, for repairing and erecting public piers in -the Delaware, does not take any new ground--it is in strict conformity -with the Act of 1789. While we pursue, then, the construction of the -Legislature, that the repairing and erecting lighthouses, beacons, buoys, -and piers, is authorized as belonging to the regulation of commerce, -we must take care not to go ahead of them, and strain the meaning of -the terms still further to the clearing out the channels of all the -rivers, &c. of the United States. The removing a sunken vessel is not the -repairing of a pier. - -How far the authority "to levy taxes to provide for the common defence," -and that "for providing and maintaining a navy," may authorize the -removing obstructions in a river or harbor, is a question not involved in -the present case. - - -TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. - - WASHINGTON, April 21, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--In some of the delightful conversations with you, in the -evenings of 1798-99, and which served as an anodyne to the afflictions -of the crisis through which our country was then laboring, the Christian -religion was sometimes our topic; and I then promised you, that one day or -other, I would give you my views of it. They are the result of a life of -inquiry and reflection, and very different from that anti-Christian system -imputed to me by those who know nothing of my opinions. To the corruptions -of Christianity I am indeed opposed; but not to the genuine precepts of -Jesus himself. I am a Christian, in the only sense in which he wished -any one to be; sincerely attached to his doctrines, in preference to all -others; ascribing to himself every _human_ excellence; and believing he -never claimed any other. At the short intervals since these conversations, -when I could justifiably abstract my mind from public affairs, the subject -has been under my contemplation. But the more I considered it, the more -it expanded beyond the measure of either my time or information. In -the moment of my late departure from Monticello, I received from Doctor -Priestley, his little treatise of "Socrates and Jesus compared." This -being a section of the general view I had taken of the field, it became -a subject of reflection while on the road, and unoccupied otherwise. -The result was, to arrange in my mind a syllabus, or outline of such an -estimate of the comparative merits of Christianity, as I wished to see -executed by some one of more leisure and information for the task, than -myself. This I now send you, as the only discharge of my promise I can -probably ever execute. And in confiding it to you, I know it will not be -exposed to the malignant perversions of those who make every word from me -a text for new misrepresentations and calumnies. I am moreover averse to -the communication of my religious tenets to the public; because it would -countenance the presumption of those who have endeavored to draw them -before that tribunal, and to seduce public opinion to erect itself into -that inquisition over the rights of conscience, which the laws have so -justly proscribed. It behoves every man who values liberty of conscience -for himself, to resist invasions of it in the case of others; or their -case may, by change of circumstances, become his own. It behoves him, -too, in his own case, to give no example of concession, betraying the -common right of independent opinion, by answering questions of faith, -which the laws have left between God and himself. Accept my affectionate -salutations. - - -_Syllabus of an Estimate of the Merit of the Doctrines of Jesus, compared -with those of others._ - -In a comparative view of the Ethics of the enlightened nations of -antiquity, of the Jews and of Jesus, no notice should be taken of the -corruptions of reason among the ancients, to wit, the idolatry and -superstition of the vulgar, nor of the corruptions of Christianity by the -learned among its professors. - -Let a just view be taken of the moral principles inculcated by the most -esteemed of the sects of ancient philosophy, or of their individuals; -particularly Pythagoras, Socrates, Epicurus, Cicero, Epictetus, Seneca, -Antoninus. - -I. Philosophers. 1. Their precepts related chiefly to ourselves, and -the government of those passions which, unrestrained, would disturb our -tranquillity of mind.[17] In this branch of philosophy they were really -great. - -2. In developing our duties to others, they were short and defective. -They embraced, indeed, the circles of kindred and friends, and inculcated -patriotism, or the love of our country in the aggregate, as a primary -obligation: towards our neighbors and countrymen they taught justice, but -scarcely viewed them as within the circle of benevolence. Still less have -they inculcated peace, charity and love to our fellow men, or embraced -with benevolence the whole family of mankind. - -II. Jews. 1. Their system was Deism; that is, the belief in one only God. -But their ideas of him and of his attributes were degrading and injurious. - -2. Their Ethics were not only imperfect, but often irreconcilable with -the sound dictates of reason and morality, as they respect intercourse -with those around us; and repulsive and anti-social, as respecting other -nations. They needed reformation, therefore, in an eminent degree. - -III. Jesus. In this state of things among the Jews, Jesus appeared. His -parentage was obscure; his condition poor; his education null; his natural -endowments great; his life correct and innocent: he was meek, benevolent, -patient, firm, disinterested, and of the sublimest eloquence. - -The disadvantages under which his doctrines appear are remarkable. - -1. Like Socrates and Epictetus, he wrote nothing himself. - -2. But he had not, like them, a Xenophon or an Arrian to write for him. I -name not Plato, who only used the name of Socrates to cover the whimsies -of his own brain. On the contrary, all the learned of his country, -entrenched in its power and riches, were opposed to him, lest his labors -should undermine their advantages; and the committing to writing his life -and doctrines fell on unlettered and ignorant men; who wrote, too, from -memory, and not till long after the transactions had passed. - -3. According to the ordinary fate of those who attempt to enlighten and -reform mankind, he fell an early victim to the jealousy and combination of -the altar and the throne, at about thirty-three years of age, his reason -having not yet attained the _maximum_ of its energy, nor the course of his -preaching, which was but of three years at most, presented occasions for -developing a complete system of morals. - -4. Hence the doctrines which he really delivered were defective as -a whole, and fragments only of what he did deliver have come to us -mutilated, misstated, and often unintelligible. - -5. They have been still more disfigured by the corruptions of -schismatizing followers, who have found an interest in sophisticating -and perverting the simple doctrines he taught, by engrafting on them the -mysticisms of a Grecian sophist, frittering them into subtleties, and -obscuring them with jargon, until they have caused good men to reject the -whole in disgust, and to view Jesus himself as an impostor. - -Notwithstanding these disadvantages, a system of morals is presented to -us, which, if filled up in the style and spirit of the rich fragments he -left us, would be the most perfect and sublime that has ever been taught -by man. - -The question of his being a member of the Godhead, or in direct -communication with it, claimed for him by some of his followers, and -denied by others, is foreign to the present view, which is merely an -estimate of the intrinsic merits of his doctrines. - -1. He corrected the Deism of the Jews, confirming them in their belief -of one only God, and giving them juster notions of his attributes and -government. - -2. His moral doctrines, relating to kindred and friends, were more pure -and perfect than those of the most correct of the philosophers, and -greatly more so than those of the Jews; and they went far beyond both -in inculcating universal philanthropy, not only to kindred and friends, -to neighbors and countrymen, but to all mankind, gathering all into one -family, under the bonds of love, charity, peace, common wants and common -aids. A development of this head will evince the peculiar superiority of -the system of Jesus over all others. - -3. The precepts of philosophy, and of the Hebrew code, laid hold of -actions only. He pushed his scrutinies into the heart of man; erected his -tribunal in the region of his thoughts, and purified the waters at the -fountain head. - -4. He taught, emphatically, the doctrines of a future state, which was -either doubted, or disbelieved by the Jews; and wielded it with efficacy, -as an important incentive, supplementary to the other motives to moral -conduct. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [17] To explain, I will exhibit the heads of Seneca's and - Cicero's philosophical works, the most extensive of any we have - received from the ancients. Of ten heads in Seneca, seven relate - to ourselves, viz. _de ira_, _consolatio_, _de tranquilitate_, - _de constantia sapientis_, _de otio sapientis_, _de vita beata_, - _de brevitate vitae_; two relate to others, _de elementia_, _de - beneficiis_; and one relates to the government of the world, _de - providentia_. Of eleven tracts of Cicero, five respect ourselves, - viz. _de finibus_, _Tusculana_, _academica_, _paradoxa_, _de - Senectute_; one, _de officiis_, relates partly to ourselves, - partly to others; one, _de amicitia_, relates to others; and - four are on different subjects, to wit, _de natura deorum_, _de - divinatione_, _de fato_, and _somnium Scipionis_. - - -TO DOCTOR HUGH WILLIAMSON. - - WASHINGTON, April 30, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--I thank you for the information on the subject of navigation -of the Herville contained in yours of the 10th. In running the late line -between the Choctaws and us, we found the Amite to be about thirty miles -from the Mississippi where that line crossed it, which was but a little -northward of our southern boundary. For the present we have a respite on -that subject, Spain having without delay restored our infracted right, -and assured us it is expressly saved by the instrument of her cession -of Louisiana to France. Although I do not count with confidence on -obtaining New Orleans from France for money, yet I am confident in the -policy of putting off the day of contention for it till we have lessened -the embarrassment of debt accumulated instead of being discharged by -our predecessors, till we obtain more of that strength which is growing -on us so rapidly, and especially till we have planted a population on -the Mississippi itself sufficient to do its own work without marching -men fifteen hundred miles from the Atlantic shores to perish by fatigue -and unfriendly climates. This will soon take place. In the meantime we -have obtained by a peaceable appeal to justice, in four months, what -we should not have obtained under seven years of war, the loss of one -hundred thousand lives, an hundred millions of additional debt, many -hundred millions worth of produce and property lost for want of market, -or in seeking it, and that demoralization which war superinduces on the -human mind. To have seized New Orleans, as our federal maniacs wished, -would only have changed the character and extent of the blockade of our -western commerce. It would have produced a blockade, by superior naval -force, of the navigation of the river as well as of the entrance into -New Orleans, instead of a paper blockade from New Orleans alone while the -river remained open, and I am persuaded that had not the deposit been so -quickly rendered we should have found soon that it would be better now to -ascend the river to Natchez, in order to be clear of the embarrassments, -plunderings, and irritations at New Orleans, and to fatten by the benefits -of the depôt a city and citizens of our own, rather than those of a -foreign nation. Accept my friendly and respectful salutations. - -P. S. Water line of the Herville, Amite, and to Ponchartrain, becoming -a boundary between France and Spain, we have a double chance of an -acknowledgment of our right to use it on the same ground of national right -on which we claim the navigation of the Mobile and other rivers heading in -our territory and running through the Floridas. - - -TO MR NICHOLSON. - - WASHINGTON, May 13, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--I return you the letter of Captain Jones, with thanks for the -perusal. While it is well to have an eye on our enemy's camp it is not -amiss to keep one for the movements in our own. I have no doubt that the -agitation of the public mind on the continuance of tories in office is -excited in some degree by those who want to get in themselves. However, -the mass of those affected by it can have no views of that kind. It -is composed of such of our friends as have a warm sense of the former -intolerance and present bitterness of our adversaries, and they are not -without excuse. While it is best for our own tranquillity to see and -hear with apathy the atrocious calumnies of the presses which our enemies -support for the purpose of calumny, it is what we have no right to expect; -nor can we consider the indignation they excite in others as unjust, or -strongly censure those whose temperament is not proof against it. Nor -are they protected in their places by any right they have to more than -a just proportion of them, and still less by their own examples while in -power; but by considerations respecting the public mind. This tranquillity -seems necessary to predispose the candid part of our fellow-citizens who -have erred and strayed from their ways, to return again to them, and -to consolidate once more that union of will, without which the nation -will not stand firm against foreign force and intrigue. On the subject -of the particular schism at Philadelphia, a well-informed friend says, -"The fretful, turbulent disposition which has manifested itself in -Philadelphia, originated, in some degree, from a sufficient cause, which I -will explain when I see you. A re-union will take place, and in the issue -it will be useful. Their resolves will be so tempered as to remove most of -the unpleasant feelings which have been experienced." I shall certainly be -glad to receive the explanation and modification of their proceedings; for -they were taking a form which could not be approved on true principles. -We laid down our line of proceedings on mature inquiry and consideration -in 1801, and have not departed from it. Some removals, to wit, sixteen to -the end of our first session of Congress were made on political principles -alone, in very urgent cases; and we determined to make no more but for -delinquency, or active and bitter opposition to the order of things -which the public will had established. On this last ground nine were -removed from the end of the first to the end of the second session of -Congress; and one since that. So that sixteen only have been removed in -the whole for political principles, that is to say, to make room for some -participation for the republicans. These were a mere fraud not suffered -to go into effect. Pursuing our object of harmonizing all good people of -whatever description, we shall steadily adhere to our rule, and it is with -sincere pleasure I learn that it is approved by the more moderate part of -our friends. - -We have received official information that, in the instrument of cession -of Louisiana to France, were these words, "Saving the rights acquired by -other powers in virtue of treaties made with them by Spain;" and cordial -acknowledgments from this power for our temperate forbearance under the -misconduct of her officer. The French prefect too has assured Governor -Claiborne that if the suspension is not removed before he takes his place -he will remove it. But the Spanish Intendant has before this day received -the positive order of his government to do it, sent here by a vessel of -war, and forwarded by us to Natchez. - -Although there is probably no truth in the stories of war actually -commenced, yet I believe it inevitable. England insists on a -re-modification of the affairs of Europe, so much changed by Bonaparte -since the treaty of Amiens. So that we may soon expect to hear of -hostilities. You must have heard of the extraordinary charge of Chace to -the Grand Jury at Baltimore. Ought this seditious and official attack on -the principles of our Constitution, and on the proceedings of a State, to -go unpunished? and to whom so pointedly as yourself will the public look -for the necessary measures? I ask these questions for your consideration, -for myself it is better that I should not interfere. Accept my friendly -salutations and assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. - - WASHINGTON, May 24, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--The within being for communication to your House of -Representatives, when it meets, I enclose it in this which is of a private -character. The former I think had better be kept up until the meeting -of the Representatives, lest it should have any effect on the present -critical state of things beyond the Atlantic. Although I have endeavored -to make it as inoffensive there as was compatible with the giving an -answer to the Representatives. Pending a negotiation, and with a jealous -power, small matters may excite alarm, and repugnance to what we are -claiming. I consider war between France and England as unavoidable. The -former is much averse to it, but the latter sees her own existence to -depend on a remodification of the face of Europe, over which France has -extended its sway much farther since than before the treaty of Amiens. -That instrument is therefore considered as insufficient for the general -security; in fact, as virtually subverted, by the subsequent usurpations -of Bonaparte on the powers of Europe. A remodification is therefore -required by England, and evidently cannot be agreed to by Bonaparte, whose -power, resting on the transcendent opinion entertained of him, would sink -with that on any retrograde movement. In this conflict, our neutrality -will be cheaply purchased by a cession of the island of New Orleans and -the Floridas; because taking part in the war, we could so certainly seize -and securely hold them and more. And although it would be unwise in us -to let such an opportunity pass by of obtaining the necessary accession -to our territory even by force, if not obtainable otherwise, yet it is -infinitely more desirable to obtain it with the blessing of neutrality -rather than the curse of war. As a means of increasing the security, and -providing a protection for our lower possessions on the Mississippi, I -think it also all important to press on the Indians, as steadily and -strenuously as they can bear, the extension of our purchases on the -Mississippi from the Yazoo upwards; and to encourage a settlement along -the whole length of that river, that it may possess on its own banks the -means of defending itself, and presenting as strong a frontier on our -western as we have on our eastern border. We have therefore recommended -to Governor Dickinson taking on the Tombigbee only as much as will cover -our actual settlements, to transfer the purchase from the Choctaws to -their lands westward of the Big Black, rather than the fork of Tombigbee -and Alabama, which has been offered by them in order to pay their debt -to Ponton and Leslie. I have confident expectations of purchasing this -summer a good breadth on the Mississippi, from the mouth of the Illinois -down to the mouth of the Ohio, which would settle immediately and thickly; -and we should then have between that settlement and the lower one, only -the uninhabited lands of the Chickasaws on the Mississippi; on which we -could be working at both ends. You will be sensible that the preceding -views, as well those which respect the European powers as the Indians, -are such as should not be formally declared, but be held as a rule of -action to govern the conduct of those within whose agency they lie; and it -is for this reason that instead of having it said to you in an official -letter, committed to records which are open to many, I have thought it -better that you should learn my views from a private and confidential -letter, and be enabled to act upon them yourself, and guide others into -them. The elections which have taken place this spring, prove that the -spirit of republicanism has repossessed the whole mass of our country from -Connecticut southwardly and westwardly. The three New England States of -New Hampshire, Massachusetts and Connecticut, alone hold out. In these, -though we have not gained the last year as much as we had expected, yet -we are gaining steadily and sensibly. In Massachusetts we have gained -three senators more than we had the last year, and it is believed our gain -in the lower House will be in proportion. In Connecticut we have rather -lost in their Legislature, but in the mass of the people, where we had -on the election of Governor the last year, but twenty-nine republican -out of every hundred votes, we this year have thirty-five out of every -hundred; with the phalanx of priests and lawyers against us, republicanism -works up slowly in that quarter; but in a year or two more we shall have -a majority even there. In the next House of Representatives there will -be about forty-two federal and a hundred republican members. Be assured -that, excepting in this north-eastern and your south-western corner of -the Union, monarchism, which has been so falsely miscalled federalism, -is dead and buried, and no day of resurrection will ever dawn upon that; -that it has retired to the two extreme and opposite angles of our land, -from whence it will have ultimately and shortly to take its final flight. -While speaking of the Indians, I omitted to mention that I think it would -be good policy in us to take by the hand those of them who have emigrated -from ours to the other side of the Mississippi, to furnish them generously -with arms, ammunition, and other essentials, with a view to render a -situation there desirable to those they have left behind, to toll them -in this way across the Mississippi, and thus prepare in time an eligible -retreat for the whole. We have not as yet however began to act on this. -I believe a considerable number from all the four southern tribes have -settled between the St. Francis and Akanza, but mostly from the Cherokees. -I presume that with a view to this object we ought to establish a factory -on the eastern bank of the Mississippi, where it would be most convenient -for them to come and trade. We have an idea of running a path in a direct -line from Knoxville to Natchez, believing it would save 200 miles in the -carriage of our mail. The consent of the Indians will be necessary, and it -will be very important to get individuals among them to take each a white -man into partnership, and to establish at every nineteen miles a house -of entertainment, and a farm for its support. The profits of this would -soon reconcile the Indians to the practice, and extend it, and render the -public use of the road as much an object of desire as it is now of fear; -and such a horsepath would soon, with their consent, become a wagon-road. -I have appointed Isaac Briggs of Maryland, surveyor of the lands south of -Tennessee. He is a Quaker, a sound republican, and of a pure and unspotted -character. In point of science, in astronomy, geometry and mathematics, -he stands in a line with Mr. Ellicot, and second to no man in the United -States. He set out yesterday for his destination, and I recommend him -to your particular patronage; the candor, modesty and simplicity of his -manners cannot fail to gain your esteem. For the office of surveyor, men -of the first order of science in astronomy and mathematics are essentially -necessary. I am about appointing a similar character for the north-western -department, and charging him with determining by celestial observations -the longitude and latitude of several interesting points of lakes -Michigan and Superior, and an accurate survey of the Mississippi, from St. -Anthony's Falls to the mouth of the Ohio, correcting his admeasurements -by observations of longitude and latitude. From your quarter Mr. Briggs -will be expected to take accurate observations of such interesting points -as Mr. Ellicot has omitted, so that it will not be long before we shall -possess an accurate map of the outlines of the United States. Your country -is so abundant in everything which is good, that one does not know what -there is here of that description which you have not, and which could be -offered in exchange for a barrel of fresh peccans every autumn. Yet I will -venture to propose such an exchange, taking information of the article -most acceptable from home, either from yourself or such others as can -inform me. I pray you to accept my friendly salutations and assurances of -great esteem and respect. - - -TO SIR JOHN SINCLAIR. - - WASHINGTON, June 30, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--It is so long since I have had the pleasure of writing to you, -that it would be vain to look back to dates to connect the old and the -new. Yet I ought not to pass over my acknowledgments to you for various -publications received from time to time, and with great satisfaction -and thankfulness. I send you a small one in return, the work of a very -unlettered farmer, yet valuable, as it relates plain facts of importance -to farmers. You will discover that Mr. Binns is an enthusiast for the -use of gypsum. But there are two facts which prove he has a right to be -so: 1. He began poor, and has made himself tolerably rich by his farming -alone. 2. The county of Loudon, in which he lives, had been so exhausted -and wasted by bad husbandry, that it began to depopulate, the inhabitants -going Southwardly in quest of better lands. Binns' success has stopped -that emigration. It is now becoming one of the most productive counties -of the State of Virginia, and the price given for the lands is multiplied -manifold. - -We are still uninformed here whether you are again at war. Bonaparte -has produced such a state of things in Europe as it would seem difficult -for him to relinquish in any sensible degree, and equally dangerous for -Great Britain to suffer to go on, especially if accompanied by maritime -preparations on his part. The events which have taken place in France -have lessened in the American mind the motives of interest which it felt -in that revolution, and its amity towards that country now rests on its -love of peace and commerce. We see, at the same time, with great concern, -the position in which Great Britain is placed, and should be sincerely -afflicted were any disaster to deprive mankind of the benefit of such a -bulwark against the torrent which has for some time been bearing down all -before it. But her power and powers at sea seem to render everything safe -in the end. Peace is our passion, and the wrongs might drive us from it. -We prefer trying _ever_ other just principles, right and safety, before we -would recur to war. - -I hope your agricultural institution goes on with success. I consider -you as the author of all the good it shall do. A better idea has never -been carried into practice. Our agricultural society has at length -formed itself. Like our American Philosophical Society, it is voluntary, -and unconnected with the public, and is precisely an execution of the -plan I formerly sketched to you. Some State societies have been formed -heretofore; the others will do the same. Each State society names two -of its members of Congress to be their members in the Central society, -which is of course together during the sessions of Congress. They are to -select matter from the proceedings of the State societies, and to publish -it; so that their publications may be called _l'esprit des sociétes -d'agriculture_, &c. The Central society was formed the last winter only, -so that it will be some time before they get under way. Mr. Madison, the -Secretary of State, was elected their President. - -Recollecting with great satisfaction our friendly intercourse while I was -in Europe, I nourish the hope it still preserves a place in your mind; -and with my salutations, I pray you to accept assurances of my constant -attachment and high respect. - - -TO CAPTAIN MERIWETHER LEWIS. - - WASHINGTON, United States of America, July 4, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--In the journey which you are about to undertake, for the -discovery of the course and source of the Missouri, and of the most -convenient water communication from thence to the Pacific Ocean, -your party being small, it is to be expected that you will encounter -considerable dangers from the Indian inhabitants. Should you escape those -dangers, and reach the Pacific Ocean, you may find it imprudent to hazard -a return the same way, and be forced to seek a passage round by sea, in -such vessels as you may find on the Western coast; but you will be without -money, without clothes, and other necessaries, as a sufficient supply -cannot be carried from hence. Your resource, in that case, can only be in -the credit of the United States; for which purpose I hereby authorize you -to draw on the Secretaries of State, of the Treasury, of War, and of the -Navy of the United States, according as you may find your draughts will -be most negociable, for the purpose of obtaining money or necessaries for -yourself and men; and I solemnly pledge the faith of the United States, -that these draughts shall be paid punctually at the date at which they are -made payable. I also ask of the consuls, agents, merchants, and citizens -of any nation with which we have intercourse or amity, to furnish you -with those supplies which your necessities may call for, assuring them -of honorable and prompt retribution; and our own consuls in foreign -parts, where you may happen to be, are hereby instructed and required -to be aiding and assisting to you in whatsoever may be necessary for -procuring your return back to the United States. And to give more entire -satisfaction and confidence to those who may be disposed to aid you, I, -Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States of America, have written -this letter of general credit for you with my own hand, and signed it with -my name. - - -TO EARL OF BUCHAN. - - WASHINGTON, July 10, 1803. - -MY LORD,--I received, through the hands of Mr. Lenox, on his return -to the United States, the valuable volume you were so good as to send -me on the life and writings of Fletcher, of Saltoun. The political -principles of that patriot were worthy the purest periods of the British -Constitution; they are those which were in vigor at the epoch of the -American emigration. Our ancestors brought them here, and they needed -little strengthening to make us what we are. But in the weakened condition -of English whigism at this day, it requires more firmness to publish and -advocate them than it then did to act on them. This merit is peculiarly -your Lordship's; and no one honors it more than myself. While I freely -admit the right of a nation to change its political principles and -constitution at will, and the impropriety of any but its own citizens -censuring that change, I expect your Lordship has been disappointed, -as I acknowledge I have been, in the issue of the convulsions on the -other side the channel. This has certainly lessened the interest which -the philanthropist warmly felt in those struggles. Without befriending -human liberty, a gigantic force has risen up which seems to threaten the -world. But it hangs on the thread of opinion, which may break from one -day to another. I feel real anxiety on the conflict to which imperious -circumstances seem to call your nation, and bless the Almighty Being, who, -in gathering together the waters under the heavens into one place, divided -the dry land of your hemisphere from the dry lands of ours, and said, at -least be there peace. I hope that peace and amity with all nations will -long be the character of our land, and that its prosperity under the -Charter will react on the mind of Europe, and profit her by the example. -My hope of preserving peace for our country is not founded in the greater -principles of non-resistance under every wrong, but in the belief that a -just and friendly conduct on our part will procure justice and friendship -from others. In the existing contest, each of the combatants will find -an interest in our friendship. I cannot say we shall be unconcerned -spectators of this combat. We feel for human sufferings, and we wish the -good of all. We shall look on, therefore, with the sensations which these -dispositions and the events of the war will produce. - -I feel a pride in the justice which your Lordship's sentiments render to -the character of my illustrious countryman, Washington. The moderation of -his desires, and the strength of his judgment, enabled him to calculate -correctly, that the road to that glory which never dies is to use power -for the support of the laws and liberties of our country, not for their -destruction; and his will accordingly survives the wreck of everything now -living. - -Accept, my lord, the tribute of esteem, from one who renders it with -warmth to the disinterested friend of mankind, and assurances of my high -consideration and respect. - - -TO GENERAL GATES. - - WASHINGTON, July 11, 1803. - -DEAR GENERAL,--I accept with pleasure, and with pleasure reciprocate your -congratulations on the acquisition of Louisiana; for it is a subject -of mutual congratulation, as it interests every man of the nation. The -territory acquired, as it includes all the waters of the Missouri and -Mississippi, has more than doubled the area of the United States, and -the new parts is not inferior to the old in soil, climate, productions -and important communications. If our Legislature dispose of it with the -wisdom we have a right to expect, they may make it the means of tempting -all our Indians on the east side of the Mississippi to remove to the -west, and of condensing instead of scattering our population. I find our -opposition is very willing to pluck feathers from Monroe, although not -fond of sticking them into Livingston's coat. The truth is, both have a -just portion of merit; and were it necessary or proper, it would be shown -that each has rendered peculiar services, and of important value. These -grumblers, too, are very uneasy lest the administration should share some -little credit for the acquisition, the whole of which they ascribe to the -accident of war. They would be cruelly mortified could they see our files -from May, 1801, the first organization of the administration, but more -especially from April, 1802. They would see, that though we could not say -when war would arise, yet we said with energy what would take place when -it should arise. We did not, by our intrigues, produce the war; but we -availed ourselves of it when it happened. The other party saw the case now -existing, on which our representations were predicated, and the wisdom of -timely sacrifice. But when these people make the war give us everything, -they authorize us to ask what the war gave us in their day? They had a -war; what did they make it bring us? Instead of making our neutrality -the ground of gain to their country, they were for plunging into the -war. And if they were now in place, they would now be at war against the -atheists and disorganizers of France. They were for making their country -an appendage to England. We are friendly, cordially and conscientiously -friendly to England. We are not hostile to France. We will be rigorously -just and sincerely friendly to both. I do not believe we shall have as -much to swallow from them as our predecessors had. - - * * * * * - -Present me respectfully to Mrs. Gates, and accept yourself my affectionate -salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem. - - -TO M. CABANIS. - - WASHINGTON, July 12, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--I lately received your friendly letter of 28 Vendem. an. 11, -with the two volumes on the relations between the physical and moral -faculties of man. This has ever been a subject of great interest to -the inquisitive mind, and it could not have got into better hands for -discussion than yours. That thought may be a faculty of our material -organization, has been believed in the gross; and though the "modus -operandi" of nature, in this, as in most other cases, can never be -developed and demonstrated to beings limited as we are, yet I feel -confident you will have conducted us as far on the road as we can go, and -have lodged us within reconnoitering distance of the citadel itself. While -_here_, I have time to read nothing. But our annual recess for the months -of August and September is now approaching, during which time I shall be -at the Montrials, where I anticipate great satisfaction in the presence -of these volumes. It is with great satisfaction, too, I recollect the -agreeable hours I have past with yourself and M. de La Roche, at the house -of our late excellent friend, Madame Helvetius, and elsewhere; and I am -happy to learn you continue your residence there. Antevil always appeared -to me a delicious village, and Madame Helvetius's the most delicious -spot in it. In those days how sanguine we were! and how soon were the -virtuous hopes and confidence of every good man blasted! and how many -excellent friends have we lost in your efforts towards self-government, -_et cui bono?_ But let us draw a veil over the dead, and hope the best -for the living. If the hero who has saved you from a combination of -enemies, shall also be the means of giving you as great a portion of -liberty as the opinions, habits and character of the nation are prepared -for, progressive preparation may fit you for progressive portions of that -first of blessings, and you may in time attain what we erred in supposing -could be hastily seized and maintained, in the present state of political -information among your citizens at large. In this way all may end well. - -You are again at war, I find. But we, I hope, shall be permitted to run -the race of peace. Your government has wisely removed what certainly -endangered collision between us. I now see nothing which need ever -interrupt the friendship between France and this country. Twenty years -of peace, and the prosperity so visibly flowing from it, have but -strengthened our attachment to it, and the blessings it brings, and we do -not despair of being always a peaceable nation. We think that peaceable -means may be devised of keeping nations in the path of justice towards -us, by making justice their interest, and injuries to react on themselves. -Our distance enables us to pursue a course which the crowded situation of -Europe renders perhaps impracticable there. - -Be so good as to accept for yourself and M. de La Roche, my friendly -salutations, and assurances of great consideration and respect. - - -TO DANIEL CLARKE, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, July 17, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--You will be informed by a letter from the Secretary of State -of the terms and the extent of the cession of Louisiana by France to the -United States, a cession which I hope will give as much satisfaction to -the inhabitants of that province as it does to us, and the more as the -title being lawfully acquired and with consent of the power conveying, -can never be hereafter reclaimed under any pretense of force. In order to -procure a ratification in good time, I have found it necessary to convene -Congress as early as the 17th of October. It is essential that before -that period we should obtain all the information respecting the province -which may be necessary to enable Congress to make the best arrangements -for its tranquillity, security and government. It is only on the spot that -this information can be obtained, and to obtain it there, I am obliged -to ask your agency; for this purpose I have proposed a set of questions, -now enclosed, answers to which in the most exact terms practicable, I -am to ask you to procure. It is probable you may be able to answer some -of them yourself; however, it will doubtless be necessary for you to -distribute them among the different persons best qualified to answer them -respectively. As you will not have above six weeks, from the receipt of -them till they should be sent off to be here by the meeting of Congress, -it will be the more necessary to employ different persons on different -parts of them. This is left to your own judgment, and your best exertions -to obtain them in time are desired. You will be so good as to engage the -persons who undertake them, to complete them in time, and to accept such -recompense as you shall think reasonable, which shall be paid on your -draft on the Secretary of State. We rely that the friendly dispositions -of the Spanish government will give such access to the archives of the -province as may facilitate information, equally desirable by Spain on -parting with her ancient subjects, as by us on receiving them. This favor -therefore will, I doubt not, be granted on your respectful application. - -Accept my salutations and assurances of esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. BRECKENRIDGE. - - MONTICELLO, August 12, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--The enclosed letter, though directed to you, was intended to -me also, and was left open with a request, that when forwarded, I would -forward it to you. It gives me occasion to write a word to you on the -subject of Louisiana, which being a new one, an interchange of sentiments -may produce correct ideas before we are to act on them. - -Our information as to the country is very incomplete; we have taken -measures to obtain it full as to the settled part, which I hope to receive -in time for Congress. The boundaries, which I deem not admitting question, -are the high lands on the western side of the Mississippi enclosing all -its waters, the Missouri of course, and terminating in the line drawn from -the northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods to the nearest source of -the Mississippi, as lately settled between Great Britain and the United -States. We have some claims, to extend on the sea coast westwardly to -the Rio Norte or Bravo, and better, to go eastwardly to the Rio Perdido, -between Mobile and Pensacola, the ancient boundary of Louisiana. These -claims will be a subject of negotiation with Spain, and if, as soon as -she is at war, we push them strongly with one hand, holding out a price in -the other, we shall certainly obtain the Floridas, and all in good time. -In the meanwhile, without waiting for permission, we shall enter into the -exercise of the natural right we have always insisted on with Spain, to -wit, that of a nation holding the upper part of streams, having a right of -innocent passage through them to the ocean. We shall prepare her to see us -practise on this, and she will not oppose it by force. - -Objections are raising to the eastward against the vast extent of our -boundaries, and propositions are made to exchange Louisiana, or a part -of it, for the Floridas. But, as I have said, we shall get the Floridas -without, and I would not give one inch of the waters of the Mississippi -to any nation, because I see in a light very important to our peace the -exclusive right to its navigation, and the admission of no nation into -it, but as into the Potomac or Delaware, with our consent and under -our police. These federalists see in this acquisition the formation -of a new confederacy, embracing all the waters of the Mississippi, on -both sides of it, and a separation of its eastern waters from us. These -combinations depend on so many circumstances which we cannot foresee, -that I place little reliance on them. We have seldom seen neighborhood -produce affection among nations. The reverse is almost the universal -truth. Besides, if it should become the great interest of those nations -to separate from this, if their happiness should depend on it so strongly -as to induce them to go through that convulsion, why should the Atlantic -States dread it? But especially why should we, their present inhabitants, -take side in such a question? When I view the Atlantic States, procuring -for those on the eastern waters of the Mississippi friendly instead of -hostile neighbors on its western waters, I do not view it as an Englishman -would the procuring future blessings for the French nation, with whom -he has no relations of blood or affection. The future inhabitants of -the Atlantic and Mississippi States will be our sons. We leave them in -distinct but bordering establishments. We think we see their happiness -in their union, and we wish it. Events may prove it otherwise; and if -they see their interest in separation, why should we take side with our -Atlantic rather than our Mississippi descendants? It is the elder and the -younger son differing. God bless them both, and keep them in union, if it -be for their good, but separate them, if it be better. The inhabited part -of Louisiana, from Point Coupée to the sea, will of course be immediately -a territorial government, and soon a State. But above that, the best use -we can make of the country for some time, will be to give establishments -in it to the Indians on the east side of the Mississippi, in exchange for -their present country, and open land offices in the last, and thus make -this acquisition the means of filling up the eastern side, instead of -drawing off its population. When we shall be full on this side, we may lay -off a range of States on the western bank from the head to the mouth, and -so, range after range, advancing compactly as we multiply. - -This treaty must of course be laid before both Houses, because both -have important functions to exercise respecting it. They, I presume, -will see their duty to their country in ratifying and paying for it, -so as to secure a good which would otherwise probably be never again -in their power. But I suppose they must then appeal to _the nation_ for -an additional article to the Constitution, approving and confirming an -act which the nation had not previously authorized. The Constitution -has made no provision for our holding foreign territory, still less for -incorporating foreign nations into our Union. The executive in seizing -the fugitive occurrence which so much advances the good of their country, -have done an act beyond the Constitution. The Legislature in casting -behind them metaphysical subtleties, and risking themselves like faithful -servants, must ratify and pay for it, and throw themselves on their -country for doing for them unauthorized, what we know they would have done -for themselves had they been in a situation to do it. It is the case of -a guardian, investing the money of his ward in purchasing an important -adjacent territory; and saying to him when of age, I did this for your -good; I pretend to no right to bind you: you may disavow me, and I must -get out of the scrape as I can: I thought it my duty to risk myself -for you. But we shall not be disavowed by the nation, and their act of -indemnity will confirm and not weaken the Constitution, by more strongly -marking out its lines. - -We have nothing later from Europe than the public papers give. I hope -yourself and all the western members will make a sacred point of being at -the first day of the meeting of Congress; for _vestra res regitur_. - -Accept my affectionate salutations and assurances of esteem and respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, August 25, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--Your two favors of the 18th and 20th were received on the -21st. The letters of Livingston and Monroe were sent to Mr. Gallatin as -you proposed. That of Simpson to Mr. Smith for the purpose of execution. -All of them will be returned. Thornton's, Clarke's, Charles's, Picnau's, -Appleton's, Davis's, Newton's, and Dericure's letters are now enclosed. -With respect to the impressment of our seamen I think we had better -propose to Great Britain to act on the stipulations which had been -agreed to between that Government and Mr. King, as if they had been -signed. I think they were, that they would forbid impressments at sea, -and that we should acquiesce in the search in their harbors necessary -to prevent concealments of their citizens. Mr. Thornton's attempt to -justify his nation in using our ports as cruising stations on our friends -and ourselves, renders the matter so serious as to call, I think, for -answer. That we ought, in courtesy and friendship, to extend to them -all the rights of hospitality is certain, that they should not use our -hospitality to injure our friends or ourselves is equally enjoined by -morality and honor. After the rigorous exertions we made in Genet's time -to prevent this abuse on his part, and the indulgencies extended by Mr. -Adams to the British cruisers even after our pacification with France, -by ourselves also from an unwillingness to change the course of things -as the war was near its close, I did not expect to hear from that quarter -charges of partiality. In the Mediterranean we need ask from no nation but -the permission to refresh and repair in their ports. We do not wish our -vessels to lounge in their ports. In the case at Gibraltar, if they had -disapproved, our vessels ought to have left the port. Besides, although -nations have treated with the piratical States, they have not, in malice, -ever been considered as entitled to all the favors of the laws of nations. -Thornton says they watch our trade only to prevent contraband. We say it -is to plunder under pretext of contraband, for which, though so shamefully -exercised, they have given us no satisfaction but by confessing the -fact in new modifying their courts of Admiralty. Certainly the evils we -experience from it, and the just complaints which France may urge, render -it indispensable that we restrain the English from abusing the rights of -hospitality to their prejudice as well as our own. - -Graham's letter manifests a degree of imprudence, which I had not expected -from him. His pride has probably been hurt at some of the regulations of -that court, and has had its part in inspiring the ill temper he shows. -If you understand him as serious in asking leave to return, I see no -great objection to it. At the date of your letter you had not received -mine on the subject of Dovieux's claim. I still think the limits therein -stated reasonable. I think a guinea a day till he leaves Washington would -be as low an allowance as we could justify, and should not be opposed -to anything not exceeding the allowance to Dawson. Fix between these as -you please. I suppose Monroe will touch on the limits of Louisiana only -incidentally, inasmuch as its extension to Perdido curtails Florida, and -renders it of less worth. I have used my spare moments to investigate, -by the help of my books here, the subject of the limits of Louisiana. I -am satisfied our right to the Perdido is substantial, and can be opposed -by a quibble on form only; and our right westwardly to the Bay of St. -Bernard, may be strongly maintained. I will use the first leisure to make -a statement of the facts and principles on which this depends. Further -reflection on the amendment to the Constitution necessary in the case of -Louisiana, satisfies me it will be better to give general powers, with -specified exceptions, somewhat in the way stated below. Mrs. Madison -promised us a visit about the last of this month. I wish you could -have met with General Page here, whom, with his family, I expect in a -day or two, and will pass a week with us. But in this consult your own -convenience, as that will increase the pleasure with which I shall or may -see you here. Accept my affectionate salutations and constant attachment. - -P. S. Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is made a -part of the United States. Its white inhabitants shall be citizens, and -stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the same footing with other -citizens of the United States in analogous situations. - -Save only that as to the portion thereof lying north of the latitude -of the mouth of Oreansa river, no new State shall be established, nor -any grants of land made therein, other than to Indians, in exchange for -equivalent portions of land occupied by them, until amendment to the -Constitution shall be made for these purposes. - -Florida also, whensoever it may be rightfully obtained, shall become -a part of the United States. Its white inhabitants shall thereupon be -citizens, and shall stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the -same footing with other citizens of the United States in analogous -circumstances. - - -TO LEVI LINCOLN. - - MONTICELLO, August 30, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--The enclosed letter came to hand by yesterday's post. You will -be sensible of the circumstances which make it improper that I should -hazard a formal answer, as well as of the desire its friendly aspect -naturally excites, that those concerned in it should understand that -the spirit they express is friendly viewed. You can judge also from your -knowledge of the ground, whether it may be usefully encouraged. I take the -liberty, therefore, of availing myself of your neighborhood to Boston, -and of your friendship to me, to request you to say to the captain and -others verbally whatever you think would be proper, as expressive of my -sentiments on the subject. With respect to the day on which they wish -to fix their anniversary, they may be told, that disapproving myself -of transferring the honors and veneration for the great birthday of our -republic to any individual, or of dividing them with individuals, I have -declined letting my own birthday be known, and have engaged my family not -to communicate it. This has been the uniform answer to every application -of the kind. - -On further consideration as to the amendment to our Constitution -respecting Louisiana, I have thought it better, instead of enumerating the -powers which Congress may exercise, to give them the same powers they have -as to other portions of the Union generally, and to enumerate the special -exceptions, in some such form as the following: - -"Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is made a part of -the United States, its white inhabitants shall be citizens, and stand, as -to their rights and obligations, on the same footing with other citizens -of the United States in analogous situations. Save only that as to the -portion thereof lying north of an east and west line drawn through the -mouth of Arkansas river, no new State shall be established, nor any grants -of land made, other than to Indians, in exchange for equivalent portions -of land occupied by them, until an amendment of the Constitution shall be -made for these purposes. - -"Florida also, whensoever it may be rightfully obtained, shall become -a part of the United States, its white inhabitants shall thereupon be -citizens, and shall stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the -same footing with other citizens of the United States, in analogous -situations." - -I quote this for your consideration, observing that the less that is -said about any constitutional difficulty, the better; and that it will -be desirable for Congress to do what is necessary, _in silence_. I find -but one opinion as to the necessity of shutting up the country for some -time. We meet in Washington the 25th of September to prepare for Congress. -Accept my affectionate salutations, and great esteem and respect. - - -TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. - - MONTICELLO, September 7, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 3d was delivered me at court; but we were -much disappointed at not seeing you here, Mr. Madison and the Governor -being here at the time. I enclose you a letter from Monroe on the subject -of the late treaty. You will observe a hint in it, to do without delay -what we are bound to do. There is reason, in the opinion of our ministers, -to believe, that if the thing were to do over again, it could not be -obtained, and that if we give the least opening, they will declare the -treaty void. A warning amounting to that has been given to them, and -an unusual kind of letter written by their minister to our Secretary of -State, direct. Whatever Congress shall think it necessary to do, should -be done with as little debate as possible, and particularly so far as -respects the constitutional difficulty. I am aware of the force of the -observations you make on the power given by the Constitution to Congress, -to admit new States into the Union, without restraining the subject to -the territory then constituting the United States. But when I consider -that the limits of the United States are precisely fixed by the treaty of -1783, that the Constitution expressly declares itself to be made for the -United States, I cannot help believing the intention was not to permit -Congress to admit into the Union new States, which should be formed -out of the territory for which, and under whose authority alone, they -were then acting. I do not believe it was meant that they might receive -England, Ireland, Holland, &c. into it, which would be the case on your -construction. When an instrument admits two constructions, the one safe, -the other dangerous, the one precise, the other indefinite, I prefer -that which is safe and precise. I had rather ask an enlargement of power -from the nation, where it is found necessary, than to assume it by a -construction which would make our powers boundless. Our peculiar security -is in the possession of a written Constitution. Let us not make it a -blank paper by construction. I say the same as to the opinion of those -who consider the grant of the treaty making power as boundless. If it is, -then we have no Constitution. If it has bounds, they can be no others than -the definitions of the powers which that instrument gives. It specifies -and delineates the operations permitted to the federal government, and -gives all the powers necessary to carry these into execution. Whatever of -these enumerated objects is proper for a law, Congress may make the law; -whatever is proper to be executed by way of a treaty, the President and -Senate may enter into the treaty; whatever is to be done by a judicial -sentence, the judges may pass the sentence. Nothing is more likely than -that their enumeration of powers is defective. This is the ordinary case -of all human works. Let us go on then perfecting it, by adding, by way of -amendment to the Constitution, those powers which time and trial show are -still wanting. But it has been taken too much for granted, that by this -rigorous construction the treaty power would be reduced to nothing. I had -occasion once to examine its effect on the French treaty, made by the old -Congress, and found that out of thirty odd articles which that contained, -there were one, two, or three only which could not now be stipulated under -our present Constitution. I confess, then, I think it important, in the -present case, to set an example against broad construction, by appealing -for new power to the people. If, however, our friends shall think -differently, certainly I shall acquiesce with satisfaction; confiding, -that the good sense of our country will correct the evil of construction -when it shall produce ill effects. - -No apologies for writing or speaking to me freely are necessary. On the -contrary, nothing my friends can do is so dear to me, and proves to me -their friendship so clearly, as the information they give me of their -sentiments and those of others on interesting points where I am to act, -and where information and warning is so essential to excite in me that due -reflection which ought to precede action. I leave this about the 21st, and -shall hope the District Court will give me an opportunity of seeing you. - -Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of cordial esteem and -respect. - - -TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. - - WASHINGTON, October 4, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--No one would more willingly than myself pay the just tribute -due to the services of Captain Barry, by writing a letter of condolence -to his widow, as you suggest. But when one undertakes to administer -justice, it must be with an even hand, and by rule; what is done for one, -must be done for every one in equal degree. To what a train of attentions -would this draw a President? How difficult would it be to draw the line -between that degree of merit entitled to such a testimonial of it, and -that not so entitled? If drawn in a particular case differently from -what the friends of the deceased would judge right, what offence would -it give, and of the most tender kind? How much offence would be given by -accidental inattentions, or want of information? The first step into such -an undertaking ought to be well weighed. On the death of Dr. Franklin, -the King and Convention of France went into mourning. So did the House of -Representatives of the United States: the Senate refused. I proposed to -General Washington that the executive department should wear mourning; he -declined it, because he said he should not know where to draw the line, -if he once began that ceremony. Mr. Adams was then Vice President, and I -thought General Washington had his eye on him, whom he certainly did not -love. I told him the world had drawn so broad a line between himself and -Dr. Franklin, on the one side, and the residue of mankind, on the other, -that we might wear mourning for them, and the question still remain new -and undecided as to all others. He thought it best, however, to avoid -it. On these considerations alone, however well affected to the merit of -Commodore Barry, I think it prudent not to engage myself in a practice -which may become embarrassing. - -Tremendous times in Europe! How mighty this battle of lions and tigers! -With what sensations should the common herd of cattle look on it? With -no partialities, certainly. If they can so far worry one another as to -destroy their power of tyrannizing, the one over the earth, the other the -waters, the world may perhaps enjoy peace, till they recruit again. - -Affectionate and respectful salutations. - - -TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. - - WASHINGTON, November 1, 1803. - -MY DEAR SIR,--Your favors of April the 6th, and June the 27th, were duly -received, and with the welcome which everything brings from you. The -treaty which has so happily sealed the friendship of our two countries, -has been received here with general acclamation. Some inflexible -federalists have still ventured to brave the public opinion. It will fix -their character with the world and with posterity, who, not descending -to the other points of difference between us, will judge them by this -fact, so palpable as to speak for itself in all times and places. For -myself and my country, I thank you for the aids you have given in it; and -I congratulate you on having lived to give those aids in a transaction -replete with blessings to unborn millions of men, and which will mark the -face of a portion on the globe so extensive as that which now composes the -United States of America. It is true that at this moment a little cloud -hovers in the horizon. The government of Spain has protested against the -right of France to transfer; and it is possible she may refuse possession, -and that this may bring on acts of force. But against such neighbors as -France there, and the United States here, what she can expect from so -gross a compound of folly and false faith, is not to be sought in the -book of wisdom. She is afraid of her enemies in Mexico; but not more than -we are. Our policy will be, to form New Orleans, and the country on both -sides of it on the Gulf of Mexico, into a State; and, as to all above -that, to transplant our Indians into it, constituting them a Marechaussée -to prevent emigrants crossing the river, until we shall have filled up -all the vacant country on this side. This will secure both Spain and us -as to the mines of Mexico, for half a century, and we may safely trust the -provisions for that time to the men who shall live in it. - -I have communicated with Mr. Gallatin on the subject of using your house -in any matters of consequence we may have to do at Paris. He is impressed -with the same desire I feel to give this mark of our confidence in you, -and the sense we entertain of your friendship and fidelity. Mr. Behring -informs him that none of the money which will be due from us to him, as -the assignee of France, will be wanting at Paris. Be assured that our -dispositions are such as to let no occasion pass unimproved of serving -you, where occurrences will permit it. - -Present my respects to Madame Dupont, and accept yourself assurances of my -constant and warm friendship. - - -TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. - - WASHINGTON, November 4, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--A report reaches us this day from Baltimore, (on probable, -but not certain grounds,) that Mr. Jerome Bonaparte, brother of the -First Consul, was yesterday[18] married to Miss Patterson, of that city. -The effect of this measure on the mind of the First Consul, is not for -me to suppose; but as it might occur to him, _primâ facie_, that the -Executive of the United States ought to have prevented it, I have thought -it advisable to mention the subject to you, that, if necessary, you may -by explanations set that idea to rights. You know that by our laws, all -persons are free to enter into marriage, if of twenty-one years of age, -no one having a power to restrain it, not even their parents; and that -under that age, no one can prevent it but the parent or guardian. The -lady is under age, and the parents, placed between her affections, which -were strongly fixed, and the considerations opposing the measure, yielded -with pain and anxiety to the former. Mr. Patterson is the President of the -Bank of Baltimore, the wealthiest man in Maryland, perhaps in the United -States, except Mr. Carroll; a man of great virtue and respectability; -the mother is the sister of the lady of General Samuel Smith; and, -consequently, the station of the family in society is with the first of -the United States. These circumstances fix rank in a country where there -are no hereditary titles. - -Your treaty has obtained nearly a general approbation. The federalists -spoke and voted against it, but they are now so reduced in their numbers -as to be nothing. The question on its ratification in the Senate was -decided by twenty-four against seven, which was ten more than enough. -The vote in the House of Representatives for making provision for its -execution was carried by eighty-nine against twenty-three, which was -a majority of sixty-six, and the necessary bills are going through the -Houses by greater majorities. Mr. Pichon, according to instructions from -his government, proposed to have added to the ratification a protestation -against any failure in time or other circumstances of execution, on -our part. He was told, that in that case we should annex a counter -protestation, which would leave the thing exactly where it was. That this -transaction had been conducted, from the commencement of the negociation -to this stage of it, with a frankness and sincerity honorable to both -nations, and comfortable to the heart of an honest man to review; that -to annex to this last chapter of the transaction such an evidence of -mutual distrust, was to change its aspect dishonorably for us both, and -contrary to truth as to us; for that we had not the smallest doubt that -France would punctually execute its part; and I assured Mr. Pichon that -I had more confidence in the word of the First Consul than in all the -parchment we could sign. He saw that we had ratified the treaty; that both -branches had passed, by great majorities, one of the bills for execution, -and would soon pass the other two; that no circumstances remained that -could leave a doubt of our punctual performance; and like an able and an -honest minister, (which he is in the highest degree,) he undertook to do -what he knew his employers would do themselves, were they here spectators -of all the existing circumstances, and exchanged the ratifications purely -and simply: so that this instrument goes to the world as an evidence of -the candor and confidence of the nations in each other, which will have -the best effects. This was the more justifiable, as Mr. Pichon knew that -Spain had entered with us a protestation against our ratification of the -treaty, grounded, first, on the assertion that the First Consul had not -executed the conditions of the treaties of cession; and, secondly, that -he had broken a solemn promise not to alienate the country to any nation. -We answered, that these were private questions between France and Spain, -which they must settle together; that we derived our title from the -First Consul, and did not doubt his guarantee of it; and we, four days -ago, sent off orders to the Governor of the Mississippi territory and -General Wilkinson to move down with the troops at hand to New Orleans, -to receive the possession from Mr. Laussat. If he is heartily disposed -to carry the order of the Consul into execution, he can probably command -a volunteer force at New Orleans, and will have the aid of ours also, if -he desires it, to take the possession, and deliver it to us. If he is not -so disposed, _we_ shall take the possession, and it will rest with the -government of France, by adopting the act as their own, and obtaining the -confirmation of Spain, to supply the non-execution of their stipulation to -deliver, and to entitle themselves to the complete execution of our part -of the agreements. In the meantime, the Legislature is passing the bills, -and we are preparing everything to be done on our part towards execution; -and we shall not avail ourselves of the three months' delay after -possession of the province, allowed by the treaty for the delivery of -the stock, but shall deliver it the moment that possession is known here, -which will be on the eighteenth day after it has taken place. - - * * * * * - -Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of my constant esteem -and respect. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [18] November 8. It is now said that it did not take place on the - 3d, but will this day. - - -TO DAVID WILLIAMS. - - WASHINGTON, November 14, 1803. - -SIR,--I have duly received the volume on the claims of literature, which -you did me the favor to send me through Mr. Monroe, and have read with -satisfaction the many judicious reflections it contains, on the condition -of the respectable class of literary men. The efforts for their relief, -made by a society of private citizens, are truly laudable; but they are, -as you justly observe, but a palliation of an evil, the cure of which -calls for all the wisdom and the means of the nation. The greatest evils -of populous society have ever appeared to me to spring from the vicious -distribution of its members among the occupations called for. I have -no doubt that those nations are essentially right, which leave this to -individual choice, as a better guide to an advantageous distribution -than any other which could be devised. But when, by a blind concourse, -particular occupations are ruinously overcharged, and others left in want -of hands, the national authorities can do much towards restoring the -equilibrium. On the revival of letters, learning became the universal -favorite. And with reason, because there was not enough of it existing -to manage the affairs of a nation to the best advantage, nor to advance -its individuals to the happiness of which they were susceptible, by -improvements in their minds, their morals, their health, and in those -conveniences which contribute to the comfort and embellishment of life. -All the efforts of the society, therefore, were directed to the increase -of learning, and the inducements of respect, ease, and profit were held up -for its encouragement. Even the charities of the nation forgot that misery -was their object, and spent themselves in founding schools to transfer -to science the hardy sons of the plough. To these incitements were added -the powerful fascinations of great cities. These circumstances have long -since produced an overcharge in the class of competitors for learned -occupation, and great distress among the supernumerary candidates; and -the more, as their habits of life have disqualified them for re-entering -into the laborious class. The evil cannot be suddenly, nor perhaps ever -entirely cured: nor should I presume to say by what means it may be cured. -Doubtless there are many engines which the nation might bring to bear on -this object. Public opinion, and public encouragement are among these. -The class principally defective is that of agriculture. It is the first -in utility, and ought to be the first in respect. The same artificial -means which have been used to produce a competition in learning, may be -equally successful in restoring agriculture to its primary dignity in -the eyes of men. It is a science of the very first order. It counts among -its handmaids the most respectable sciences, such as Chemistry, Natural -Philosophy, Mechanics, Mathematics generally, Natural History, Botany. -In every College and University, a professorship of agriculture, and the -class of its students, might be honored as the first. Young men closing -their academical education with this, as the crown of all other sciences, -fascinated with its solid charms, and at a time when they are to choose -an occupation, instead of crowding the other classes, would return to -the farms of their fathers, their own, or those of others, and replenish -and invigorate a calling, now languishing under contempt and oppression. -The charitable schools, instead of storing their pupils with a lore which -the present state of society does not call for, converted into schools of -agriculture, might restore them to that branch qualified to enrich and -honor themselves, and to increase the productions of the nation instead -of consuming them. A gradual abolition of the useless offices, so much -accumulated in all governments, might close this drain also from the -labors of the field, and lessen the burthens imposed on them. By these, -and the better means which will occur to others, the surcharge of the -learned, might in time be drawn off to recruit the laboring class of -citizens, the sum of industry be increased, and that of misery diminished. - -Among the ancients, the redundance of population was sometimes checked -by exposing infants. To the moderns, America has offered a more humane -resource. Many, who cannot find employment in Europe, accordingly come -here. Those who can labor do well, for the most part. Of the learned class -of emigrants, a small portion find employments analogous to their talents. -But many fail, and return to complete their course of misery in the scenes -where it began. Even here we find too strong a current from the country to -the towns; and instances beginning to appear of that species of misery, -which you are so humanely endeavoring to relieve with you. Although we -have in the old countries of Europe the lesson of their experience to warn -us, yet I am not satisfied we shall have the firmness and wisdom to profit -by it. The general desire of men to live by their heads rather than their -hands, and the strong allurements of great cities to those who have any -turn for dissipation, threaten to make them here, as in Europe, the sinks -of voluntary misery. I perceive, however, that I have suffered my pen to -run into a disquisition, when I had taken it up only to thank you for the -volume you had been so kind as to send me, and to express my approbation -of it. After apologizing, therefore, for having touched on a subject so -much more familiar to you, and better understood, I beg leave to assure -you of my high consideration and respect. - - -TO CAPTAIN LEWIS. - - WASHINGTON, November 16, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--I have not written to you since the 11th and 15th of July, -since which yours of July 18, 22, 25, September 8, 13, and October 3, -have been received. The present has been long delayed by an expectation -daily of getting the enclosed account of Louisiana through the press. -The materials are received from different persons, of good authority. I -enclose you also copies of the treaties for Louisiana, the act for taking -possession, a letter from Dr. Wistar, and some information obtained -by myself from Truteau's journal in MS., all of which may be useful to -you. The act for taking possession passed with only some small verbal -variations from that enclosed, of no consequence. Orders went from hence -signed by the King of Spain and the first consul of France, so as to -arrive at Natchez yesterday evening, and we expect the delivery of the -province at New Orleans will take place about the close of the ensuing -week, say about the 26th instant. Governor Claiborne is appointed to -execute the powers of Commandant and Intendant, until a regular government -shall be organized here. At the moment of delivering over the ports in the -vicinity of New Orleans, orders will be despatched from thence to those in -upper Louisiana to evacuate and deliver them immediately. You can judge -better than I can when they may be expected to arrive at these ports, -considering how much you have been detained by the low waters, how late it -will be before you can leave Cahokia, how little progress up the Missouri -you can make before the freezing of the river; that your winter might -be passed in gaining much information, by making Cahokia or Caskaskia -your head quarters, and going to St. Louis and the other Spanish forts, -that your stores, &c. would thereby be spared for the winter, as your -men would draw their military rations. All danger of Spanish opposition -avoided, we are strongly of opinion here that you had better not enter -the Missouri till the spring. But as you have a view of all circumstances -on the spot, we do not pretend to enjoin it, but leave it to your own -judgment in which we have entire confidence. One thing, however, we are -decided in; that you must not undertake the winter excursion which you -propose in yours of October 3d. Such an excursion will be more dangerous -than the main expedition up the Missouri, and would by an accident to -you, hazard our main object, which, since the acquisition of Louisiana, -interests everybody in the highest degree. The object of your mission -is single, the direct water communication from sea to sea formed by the -bed of the Missouri, and perhaps the Oregon; by having Mr. Clarke with -you we consider the expedition as double manned, and therefore the less -liable to failure; for which reason neither of you should be exposed to -risks by going off of your line. I have proposed in conversation, and it -seems generally assented to, that Congress shall appropriate ten or twelve -thousand dollars for exploring the principal waters of the Mississippi -and Missouri. In that case, I should send a party up the Red river to its -head, then to cross over to the head of the Arkansas, and come down that. -A second party for the Pani and Padouca rivers, and a third, perhaps, for -the Morsigona and St. Peter's. As the boundaries of interior Louisiana are -the high lands enclosing all the waters which run into the Mississippi -or Missouri directly or indirectly, with a quarter breadth on the Gulf -of Mexico, it becomes interesting to fix with precision by celestial -observations the longitude and latitude of the sources of these rivers, so -providing points in the contour of our new limits. This will be attempted -distinctly from your mission, which we consider as of major importance, -and therefore, not to be delayed or hazarded by any episodes whatever. - -The votes of both Houses on ratifying and carrying the treaties into -execution, have been precisely party votes, except that General Dayton has -separated from his friends on these questions, and voted for the treaties. -I will direct the Aurora National Intelligencer to be forwarded to you -for six months at Cadokie or Kaskaskia, on the presumption you will be -there. Your friends and acquaintances here, and in Albemarle, are all -well, so far as I have heard; and I recollect no other small news worth -communicating. Present my friendly salutations to Mr. Clarke, and accept -them affectionately yourself. - - -TO JOHN RANDOLPH. - - WASHINGTON, December 1, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--The explanations in your letter of yesterday were quite -unnecessary to me. I have had too satisfactory proofs of your friendly -regard, to be disposed to suspect anything of a contrary aspect. I -understood perfectly the expressions stated in the newspaper to which you -allude, to mean, that "though the proposition came from the _republican -quarter_ of the House, yet you should not concur with it." I am aware that -in parts of the Union, and even with persons to whom Mr. Eppes and Mr. -Randolph are unknown, and myself little known, it will be presumed from -their connection, that what comes from them comes from me. No men on earth -are more independent in their sentiments than they are, nor any one less -disposed than I am to influence the opinions of others. We rarely speak -of politics, or of the proceedings of the House, but merely historically, -and I carefully avoid expressing an opinion on them, in their presence, -that we may all be at our ease. With other members, I have believed that -more unreserved communications would be advantageous to the public. This -has been, perhaps, prevented by mutual delicacy. I have been afraid to -express opinions unasked, lest I should be suspected of wishing to direct -the legislative action of members. They have avoided asking communications -from me, probably, lest they should be suspected of wishing to fish out -executive secrets. I see too many proofs of the imperfection of human -reason, to entertain wonder or intolerance at any difference of opinion on -any subject; and acquiesce in that difference as easily as on a difference -of feature or form; experience having long taught me the reasonableness -of mutual sacrifices of opinion among those who are to act together for -any common object, and the expediency of doing what good we can, when we -cannot do all we would wish. - -Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - WASHINGTON, December 13, 1803. - -The Attorney General having considered and decided that the prescription -in the law for establishing a bank, that the officers in the subordinate -offices of discount and deposit, shall be appointed "on the same terms -and in the same manner practised in the principal bank," does not extend -to them the principle of rotation, established by the Legislature in the -body of directors in the principal bank, it follows that the extension -of that principle has been merely a voluntary and prudential act of the -principal bank, from which they are free to depart. I think the extension -was wise and proper on their part, because the Legislature having deemed -rotation useful in the principal bank constituted by them, there would be -the same reason for it in the subordinate banks to be established by the -principal. It breaks in upon the _esprit du corps_ so apt to prevail in -permanent bodies; it gives a chance for the public eye penetrating into -the sanctuary of those proceedings and practices, which the avarice of -the directors may introduce for their personal emolument, and which the -resentments of excluded directors, or the honesty of those duly admitted, -might betray to the public; and it gives an opportunity at the end of the -year, or at other periods, of correcting a choice, which, on trial, proves -to have been unfortunate; an evil of which themselves complain in their -distant institutions. Whether, however, they have a power to alter this, -or not, the executive has no right to decide; and their consultation with -you has been merely an act of complaisance, or from a desire to shield so -important an innovation under the cover of executive sanction. But ought -we to volunteer our sanction in such a case? Ought we to disarm ourselves -of any fair right of animadversion, whenever that institution shall be a -legitimate subject of consideration? I own, I think the most proper answer -would be, that we do not think ourselves authorized to give an opinion on -the question. - -From a passage in the letter of the President, I observe an idea of -establishing a branch bank of the United States in New Orleans. This -institution is one of the most deadly hostility existing, against the -principles and form of our Constitution. The nation is, at this time, -so strong and united in its sentiments, that it cannot be shaken at this -moment. But suppose a series of untoward events should occur, sufficient -to bring into doubt the competency of a republican government to meet -a crisis of great danger, or to unhinge the confidence of the people in -the public functionaries; an institution like this, penetrating by its -branches every part of the Union, acting by command and in phalanx, may, -in a critical moment, upset the government. I deem no government safe -which is under the vassalage of any self-constituted authorities, or any -other authority than that of the nation, or its regular functionaries. -What an obstruction could not this bank of the United States, with all -its branch banks, be in time of war? It might dictate to us the peace we -should accept, or withdraw its aids. Ought we then to give further growth -to an institution so powerful, so hostile? That it is so hostile we know, -1, from a knowledge of the principles of the persons composing the body -of directors in every bank, principal or branch; and those of most of the -stockholders: 2, from their opposition to the measures and principles of -the government, and to the election of those friendly to them: and 3, from -the sentiments of the newspapers they support. Now, while we are strong, -it is the greatest duty we owe to the safety of our Constitution, to bring -this powerful enemy to a perfect subordination under its authorities. -The first measure would be to reduce them to an equal footing only with -other banks, as to the favors of the government. But, in order to be -able to meet a general combination of the banks against us, in a critical -emergency, could we not make a beginning towards an independent use of our -own money, towards holding our own bank in all the deposits where it is -received, and letting the treasurer give his draft or note, for payment at -any particular place, which, in a well-conducted government, ought to have -as much credit as any private draft, or bank note, or bill, and would give -us the same facilities which we derive from the banks? I pray you to turn -this subject in your mind, and to give it the benefit of your knowledge -of details; whereas, I have only very general views of the subject. -Affectionate salutations. - - -TO GOVERNOR CLINTON. - - WASHINGTON, December 31, 1803. - -DEAR SIR,--I received last night your favor of the 22d, written on the -occasion of the libellous pamphlet lately published with you. I began to -read it, but the dulness of the first page made me give up the reading -for a dip into here and there a passage, till I came to what respected -myself. The falsehood of that gave me a test for the rest of the work, -and considering it always useless to read lies, I threw it by. As to -yourself, be assured no contradiction was necessary. The uniform tenor -of a man's life furnishes better evidence of what he has said or done on -any particular occasion than the word of an enemy, and of an enemy too -who shows that he prefers the use of falsehoods which suit him to truths -which do not. Little squibs in certain papers had long ago apprized me of -a design to sow tares between particular republican characters, but to -divide those by lying tales whom truths cannot divide, is the hackneyed -policy of the gossips of every society. Our business is to march straight -forward to the object which has occupied us for eight and twenty years, -without either turning to the right or left. My opinion is that two or -three years more will bring back to the fold of republicanism all our -wandering brethren whom the cry of "wolf" scattered in 1798. Till that -is done, let every man stand to his post, and hazard nothing by change. -And when that is done, you and I may retire to the tranquillity which our -years begin to call for, and revise with satisfaction the efforts of the -age we happened to be born in, crowned with complete success. In the hour -of death we shall have the consolation to see established in the land of -our fathers the most wonderful work of wisdom and disinterested patriotism -that has ever yet appeared on the globe. - -In confidence that you will not be weary in well doing, I tender my wishes -that your future days may be as happy as your past ones have been useful, -and pray you to accept my friendly salutations and assurances of high -consideration and respect. - - -TO CAPTAIN MERIWETHER LEWIS. - - WASHINGTON, January 22, 1804. - -DEAR SIR,--My letters since your departure have been of July 11th and -15th, November 16th, and January 13th. Yours received are of July 8th, -15th, 22d, and 25th, September 25th and 30th, and October 3d. Since the -date of the last we have no certain information of your movements. With -mine of November 16th, I sent you some extracts made by myself from the -journal of an agent of the trading company of St. Louis up the Missouri. I -now enclose a translation of that journal in full for your information. In -that of the 13th instant I enclosed you a map of a Mr. Evans, a Welshman, -employed by the Spanish government for that purpose, but whose original -object I believe had been to go in search of the Welsh Indians, said -to be up the Missouri. On this subject a Mr. Rees, of the same nation, -established in the western part of Pennsylvania, will write to you. New -Orleans was delivered to us on the 20th of December, and our garrisons -and government established there. The orders for the delivery of the -upper ports were to leave New Orleans on the 28th, and we presume all -those ports will be occupied by our troops by the last day of the present -month. When your instructions were penned, this new position was not so -authentically known as to affect the complexion of your instructions. -Being now become sovereigns of the country, without, however, any -diminution of the Indian rights of occupancy, we are authorized to -propose to them in direct terms the institution of commerce with them. -It will now be proper you should inform those through whose country you -will pass, or whom you may meet, that their late fathers, the Spaniards, -have agreed to withdraw all their troops from all the waters and country -of the Mississippi and Missouri. That they have surrendered to us all -their subjects, Spanish and French, settled there and all their posts and -lands; that henceforward we become their fathers and friends, and that -we shall endeavor that they shall have no cause to lament the change; -that we have sent you to inquire into the nature of the country and the -nations inhabiting it, to know at what places and times we must establish -stores of goods among them, to exchange for their peltries; that as soon -as you return with the necessary information, we shall prepare supplies -of goods and persons to carry them, and make the proper establishments; -that in the meantime the same traders who reside among us visit them, and -who now are a part of us, will continue to supply them as usual; that -we shall endeavor to become acquainted with them as soon as possible; -and that they will find in us faithful friends and protectors. Although -you will pass through no settlements of the Sioux (except seceders) yet -you will probably meet with parties of them. On that nation we wish most -particularly to make a friendly impression, because of their immense -power, and because we learn that they are very desirous of being on the -most friendly terms with us. - -I enclose you a letter, which I believe is from some one on the part of -the Philosophical Society. They have made you a member, and your diploma -is lodged with me; but I suppose it safest to keep it here and not to send -it after you. Mr. Harvie departs to-morrow for France, as the bearer of -the Louisiana stock to Paris. Captain William Brent takes his place with -me. Congress will probably continue in session through the month of March. -Your friends here and in Albemarle, as far as I recollect, are well. -Trist will be the collector of New Orleans, and his family will go to him -in the spring. Dr. Bache is now in Philadelphia, and probably will not -return to New Orleans. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of -affectionate esteem and respect. - - -TO TIMOTHY BLOODWORTH, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, January 29, 1804. - -DEAR SIR,--I thank you for the seed of the fly-trap. It is the first -I have ever been able to obtain, and shall take great care of it. I am -well pleased to hear of the progress of republicanism with you. To do -without a land tax, excise, stamp tax and the other internal taxes, to -supply their place by economies, so as still to support the government -properly, and to apply $7,300,000 a year steadily to the payment of the -public debt; to discontinue a great portion of the expenses on armies and -navies, yet protect our country and its commerce with what remains; to -purchase a country as large and more fertile than the one we possessed -before, yet ask neither a new tax, nor another soldier to be added, but -to provide that that country shall by its own income, pay for itself -before the purchase money is due; to preserve peace with all nations, and -particularly an equal friendship to the two great rival powers France and -England, and to maintain the credit and character of the nation in as high -a degree as it has ever enjoyed, are measures which I think must reconcile -the great body of those who thought themselves our enemies; but were in -truth only the enemies of certain Jacobinical, atheistical, anarchical, -imaginary caricatures, which existed only in the land of the raw head -and bloody bones, beings created to frighten the credulous. By this time -they see enough of us to judge our characters by what we do, and not by -what we never did, nor thought of doing, but in the lying chronicles of -the newspapers. I know indeed there are some characters who have been -too prominent to retract, too proud and impassioned to relent, too greedy -after office and profit to relinquish their longings, and who have covered -their devotion to monarchism under the mantle of federalism, who never -can be cured of their enmities. These are incurable maniacs, for whom the -hospitable doors of Bedlam are ready to open, but they are permitted to -walk abroad while they refrain from personal assault. - -The applications for Louisiana are so numerous that it would be immoral to -give a hope to the friends you mention. The rage for going to that country -seems universal. Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of -great esteem and respect. - - -TO DOCTOR PRIESTLEY. - - WASHINGTON, January 29, 1804. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of December the 12th came duly to hand, as did the -second letter to Doctor Linn, and the treatise on Phlogiston, for which -I pray you to accept my thanks. The copy for Mr. Livingston has been -delivered, together with your letter to him, to Mr. Harvie, my secretary, -who departs in a day or two for Paris, and will deliver them himself -to Mr. Livingston, whose attention to your matter cannot be doubted. I -have also to add my thanks to Mr. Priestley, your son, for the copy of -your Harmony, which I have gone through with great satisfaction. It is -the first I have been able to meet with, which is clear of those long -repetitions of the same transaction, as if it were a different one because -related with some different circumstances. - -I rejoice that you have undertaken the task of comparing the moral -doctrines of Jesus with those of the ancient Philosophers. You are so -much in possession of the whole subject, that you will do it easier and -better than any other person living. I think you cannot avoid giving, as -preliminary to the comparison, a digest of his moral doctrines, extracted -in his own words from the Evangelists, and leaving out everything relative -to his personal history and character. It would be short and precious. -With a view to do this for my own satisfaction, I had sent to Philadelphia -to get two testaments (Greek) of the same edition, and two English, with a -design to cut out the morsels of morality, and paste them on the leaves of -a book, in the manner you describe as having been pursued in forming your -Harmony. But I shall now get the thing done by better hands. - -I very early saw that Louisiana was indeed a speck in our horizon which -was to burst in a tornado; and the public are unapprised how near this -catastrophe was. Nothing but a frank and friendly development of causes -and effects on our part, and good sense enough in Bonaparte to see that -the train was unavoidable, and would change the face of the world, saved -us from that storm. I did not expect he would yield till a war took place -between France and England, and my hope was to palliate and endure, if -Messrs. Ross, Morris, &c. did not force a premature rupture, until that -event. I believed the event not very distant, but acknowledge it came on -sooner than I had expected. Whether, however, the good sense of Bonaparte -might not see the course predicted to be necessary and unavoidable, even -before a war should be imminent, was a chance which we thought it our -duty to try; but the immediate prospect of rupture brought the case to -immediate decision. The _denouement_ has been happy; and I confess I look -to this duplication of area for the extending a government so free and -economical as ours, as a great achievement to the mass of happiness which -is to ensue. Whether we remain in one confederacy, or form into Atlantic -and Mississippi confederacies, I believe not very important to the -happiness of either part. Those of the western confederacy will be as much -our children and descendants as those of the eastern, and I feel myself -as much identified with that country, in future time, as with this; and -did I now foresee a separation at some future day, yet I should feel the -duty and the desire to promote the western interests as zealously as the -eastern, doing all the good for both portions of our future family which -should fall within my power. - -Have you seen the new work of Malthus on population? It is one of the -ablest I have ever seen. Although his main object is to delineate the -effects of redundancy of population, and to test the poor laws of England, -and other palliations for that evil, several important questions in -political economy, allied to his subject incidentally, are treated with -a masterly hand. It is a single octavo volume, and I have been only able -to read a borrowed copy, the only one I have yet heard of. Probably our -friends in England will think of you, and give you an opportunity of -reading it. Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of great -esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. SAY. - - WASHINGTON, February 1, 1804. - -DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your obliging letter, and -with it, of two very interesting volumes on Political Economy. These found -me engaged in giving the leisure moments I rarely find, to the perusal of -Malthus' work on population, a work of sound logic, in which some of the -opinions of Adam Smith, as well as of the economists, are ably examined. -I was pleased, on turning to some chapters where you treat the same -questions, to find his opinions corroborated by yours. I shall proceed to -the reading of your work with great pleasure. In the meantime, the present -conveyance, by a gentlemen of my family going to Paris, is too safe to -hazard a delay in making my acknowledgments for this mark of attention, -and for having afforded to me a satisfaction, which the ordinary course of -literary communications could not have given me for a considerable time. - -The differences of circumstance between this and the old countries of -Europe, furnish differences of fact whereon to reason, in questions of -political economy, and will consequently produce sometimes a difference -of result. There, for instance, the quantity of food is fixed, or -increasing in a slow and only arithmetical ratio, and the proportion is -limited by the same ratio. Supernumerary births consequently add only -to your mortality. Here the immense extent of uncultivated and fertile -lands enables every one who will labor to marry young, and to raise a -family of any size. Our food, then, may increase geometrically with our -laborers, and our births, however multiplied, become effective. Again, -there the best distribution of labor is supposed to be that which places -the manufacturing hands alongside the agricultural; so that the one -part shall feed both, and the other part furnish both with clothes and -other comforts. Would that be best here? Egoism and first appearances -say yes. Or would it be better that all our laborers should be employed -in agriculture? In this case a double or treble portion of fertile lands -would be brought into culture; a double or treble creation of food be -produced, and its surplus go to nourish the now perishing births of -Europe, who in return would manufacture and send us in exchange our -clothes and other comforts. Morality listens to this, and so invariably -do the laws of nature create our duties and interests, that when they seem -to be at variance, we ought to suspect some fallacy in our reasonings. In -solving this question, too, we should allow its just weight to the moral -and physical preference of the agricultural, over the manufacturing, man. -My occupations permit me only to ask questions. They deny me the time, if -I had the information, to answer them. Perhaps, as worthy the attention -of the author of the Traité d'Economie Politique, I shall find them -answered in that work. If they are not, the reason will have been that -you wrote for Europe; while I shall have asked them because I think for -America. Accept, Sir, my respectful salutations, and assurances of great -consideration. - - -TO RUFUS KING, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, February 17, 1804. - -DEAR SIR,--I now return you the manuscript history of Bacon's rebellion, -with many thanks for the communication. It is really a valuable morsel -in the history of Virginia. That transaction is the more marked, as it -was the only rebellion or insurrection which had ever taken place in the -colony before the American Revolution. Neither its cause nor course have -been well understood, the public records containing little on the subject. -It is very long since I read the several histories of Virginia, but the -impression remaining on my mind was not at all that which the writer -gives; and it is impossible to refuse assent to the candor and simplicity -of history. I have taken the liberty of copying it, which has been the -reason of the detention of it. I had an opportunity, too, of communicating -it to a person who was just putting into the press a history of Virginia, -but all in a situation to be corrected. I think it possible that among the -ancient manuscripts I possess at Monticello, I may be able to trace the -author. I shall endeavor to do it the first visit I make to that place, -and if with success, I will do myself the pleasure of communicating it -to you. From the public records there is no hope, as they were destroyed -by the British, I believe, very completely, during their invasion of -Virginia. Accept my salutations, and assurances of high consideration and -respect. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - February 19, 1804. - -Doctor Stevens having been sent by the preceding administration, in -1798, to St. Domingo, with the commission of consul-general, and also -with authorities as an agent additional to the consular powers, under a -stipulation that his expenses should be borne; an account of these is now -exhibited to the Secretary of State, and the questions arise whether the -payment can be authorized by the Executive, and out of what fund? - -The Constitution has made the Executive the organ for managing our -intercourse with foreign nations. It authorizes him to appoint and receive -ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls. The term minister -being applicable to other agents as well as diplomatic, the constant -practice of the government, considered as a commentary, established this -broad meaning; and the public interest approves it; because it would be -extravagant to employ a diplomatic minister for a business which a mere -rider would execute. The Executive being thus charged with the foreign -intercourse, no law has undertaken to prescribe its specific duties. -The permanent act of 1801, however, first, where he uses the agency of -a minister plenipotentiary, or chargé, restricts him in the sums to be -allowed for outfit, salary, return, and a secretary; and second, when -any law has appropriated a sum for the _contingent_ expenses of foreign -intercourse, leaves to his discretion to dispense with the exhibition of -the vouchers of its expenditure in the public offices. Under these two -standing provisions there is annually a sum appropriated for the expenses -of intercourse with foreign nations. The _purposes_ of the appropriation -being expressed by the _law_, in terms as general as the _duties_ are by -the _Constitution_, the application of the money is left as much to the -discretion of the Executive, as the performance of the duties, saving -always the provisions of 1801. - -It is true that this appropriation is usually made on an estimate, given -by the Secretary of State to the Secretary of the Treasury, and by him -reported to Congress. But Congress, aware that too minute a specification -has its evil as well as a too general one, does not make the estimate -a part of their law, but gives a sum in gross, trusting the Executive -discretion for that year and that sum only; so in other departments, as -of war for instance, the estimate of the Secretary specifies all the items -of clothing, subsistence, pay, &c., of the army. And Congress throws this -into such masses as they think best, to wit, a sum in gross for clothing, -another for subsistence, a third for pay, &c., binding up the Executive -discretion only by the sum, and the object generalized to a certain -degree. The minute details of the estimate are thus dispensed with in -point of obligation, and the discretion of the officer is enlarged to the -limits of the classification, which Congress thinks it best for the public -interest to make. In the case before us, then, the sum appropriated may -be applied to any agency with a foreign nation, which the Constitution -has made a part of the duty of the President, as the organ of foreign -intercourse. - -The sum appropriated is generally the exact amount of the estimate, but -not always. In the present instance the estimate, being for 1803, was only -of $62,550, (including two outfits,) and the appropriation was of $75,562, -leaving a difference of $13,012. If indeed, there be not enough of this -appropriation left to pay Dr. Stevens' just demands, they cannot be paid -until Congress shall make some appropriation applicable to them. I say his -_just_ demands, because by the undertaking of the then administration to -pay his expenses, justice as well as law will understand his _reasonable_ -expenses. These must be tried by the scale which law and usage have -established, whereon the Minister, Chargé, and Secretary, are given as -fixed terms of comparison. The undefined agency of Dr. Stevens must be -placed opposite to that term of the scale, with which it may fairly be -thought to correspond; and if he has gone beyond that, his expenses should -be reduced to it. I think them beyond it, and suppose that Dr. Stevens, -viewing himself as a merchant, as well as a public agent, found it -answer his purposes as a merchant to apply a part of his receipts in that -character in addition to what he might reasonably expect from the public, -not then meaning to charge to his public character the extraordinary -style of expense which he believed at the time he could afford out of his -mercantile profits. - - [_Statement of Dr. Stevens' case, referred to in preceding letter._] - -The Constitution having provided that the President should appoint -ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and all other officers -which shall be established by law, the first Congress which met passed -a law (July 1, 1790) authorizing him to draw from the treasury $40,000 -annually for the support of such persons as he shall commission to serve -the United States in foreign parts, and for the expense incident to the -business in which they may be employed; with a proviso that, exclusive -of an outfit to a Minister Plenipotentiary or Chargé, not exceeding a -year's salary, he should allow to any Minister Plenipotentiary not more -than $9,000 a year, for all his personal services and other expenses; -to a Chargé not more than $4,500; to a Secretary not more than $1,350; -and with a second proviso as to the mode of settlement. This act, which -was temporary, was continued by those of 1793, February 9, 1794, March -20, 1796, May 30, 1798, March 19, till 1800, May 10, when they turned -the two provisos into enacting clauses, and made them permanent, and -the appropriating clause which made the body of the law before, is now -annually inserted in the general appropriating law. See 1800, May 7, 1801, -March 3, 1802, May 1, 1803, March 2, and 1804, March --. As Congress, in -order to limit the discretion of officers as far as is safe, is in the -practice of throwing the objects of appropriations into groups, _e. g._ to -the Secretary of State, and clerks, and other persons in that department -so much; Secretary of Treasury, &c., so much; clothing for the army so -much; subsistence so much; pay so much, &c. So they might have analysed -the foreign appropriation by allowing for outfits of ministers so much; -salaries of ministers so much; contingent expenses so much, &c. But they -chose to throw it all into one mass, only providing that no outfit should -exceed a year's salary, and no salary of a minister be more than $9,000; -of a Chargé $4,500; Secretary $1,350, &c.; leaving the President free to -give them less if he chose, and to give to Ambassadors, Envoys, and other -agents, what he thought proper. From the origin of the present government -to this day, the construction of the laws, and the practice under them, -has been to consider the whole fund (with only the limitations before -mentioned) as under the discretion of the President as to the persons he -should commission to serve the United States in foreign parts, and all -the expenses incident to the business in which they may be employed. The -grade consequently or character in which they should be employed, their -allowance, &c. Thus Governor Morris was appointed by General Washington -informally and without a commission to confer with the British ministers, -and was allowed for eight months (I think) $1,000. Colonel Humphreys was -appointed in 1790, to go as an agent to Madrid, and was allowed at the -rate of $2,250 per annum. Dumas was kept at the Hague many years as an -agent at $1,300 a year. Mr. Cutting was allowed disbursements for sailors -in London in 1791, $233 33. Presents were made to the Chevalier Luzerne, -on taking leave, worth $1,062. Van Berkel $697. Du Moustier $555, in 1791. -Mr. Short was sent to Amsterdam as an agent in 1792, and allowed $444 43. -James Blake was sent as agent to Madrid in 1793, and received an advance -of $800. I know not how much afterwards, as I left the office of Secretary -of State at the close of that year. In 1794, Mr. Jay was appointed Envoy -Extraordinary, a grade not particularly named in the Constitution, or -any law, yet General Washington fixed his allowance. During the present -administration Mr. Dawson and Lieutenant Leonard have been sent on special -agencies. From the beginning of the government it has been the rule when -one of our ministers is ordered to another place on a special business, -to allow his expenses on that special mission, his salary going on at -his residence where his family remains. Mr. Short's mission from Paris to -Amsterdam, from Paris to Madrid; Mr. Pinckney from London to Madrid; Mr. -Murray's from the Hague to Paris, and others not recollected by me, are -instances of this. These facts are stated to show that it has been the -uniform opinion and practice that the whole foreign fund was placed by the -Legislature on the footing of a contingent fund, in which they undertake -no specifications, but leave the whole to the discretion of the President. -The whole is but from forty to sixty or seventy thousand dollars. After -the establishment of the general fund for foreign intercourse, Congress -found it necessary to make a separate branch for the Barbary powers. This -was done covertly in the beginning, to wit, in 1792, they gave $50,000 -additional to the foreign fund, in 1794, $1,000,000 additional without -limiting it to Barbary. Yet it was secretly understood by the President, -and his discretion was trusted. In 1796, they gave $260,000 for treaties -with the Mediterranean powers, in 1797, $280,259 03, for the expenses of -negotiation with Algiers. They did not undertake a more minute analysis -or specification, but left it to the President. The laws of 1796, May 6, -1797, March 3, 1799, March 2, give sums for specific purposes because -these purposes were simple and understood by the Legislature. But in -general, in this branch of the foreign expenses, as in the former one, -the Legislature has thought that to cramp the public service by too minute -specifications in cases which they could not foresee, might do more evil -than a temporary trust to the President, which could be put an end to if -abused. - -In our western governments, heretofore established, they were so well -understood by Congress, that they could and did specify every item of -expense, except a very small residuum for which they made contingent -appropriations. But when they came to provide at this session for the -Louisiana government, with which they were not acquainted, they gave -twenty thousand dollars for compensation to the officers of the government -employed by the President, and for other civil expenses under the -direction of the President. And their first step towards the acquisition -of that country was to confide to the President two millions of dollars -under the general appropriation for foreign intercourse. These facts show -that so far from having experienced evil from confiding the forty thousand -dollars foreign fund to the discretion of the executive without a specific -analysis of its application, they have continued it on that footing, and -in many other great cases where analysis was difficult or inexpedient they -have given the sums in mass, and left the analysis to him, only requiring -an account to be rendered. - -This statement has been made in order to place on its true ground the case -of Doctor Stevens. He was employed by Mr. Adams as Agent to St. Domingo, -and was to be allowed his expenses, though these were not limited, yet -the law limits them in such case to what were reasonable. Doubts have -arisen at the treasury whether the executive had a right to make such a -contract, and whether there be any fund out of which it can be paid? Some -doubt has been expressed whether an appropriation law gives authority -to pay for the purpose of the appropriation without some particular law -authorizing it. If this be the case, the forty thousand dollar fund has -been paid away without authority from its first establishment; for it -never has been given but by a clause of appropriation. The executive -believes this sufficient authority, and so we presume did the Legislature, -or they would have given authority in some other sufficient form. And -where is the rule of legal construction to be found which ascribes less -effect to the words of an appropriation law, than of any other law? It -is also doubted whether the estimate on which an appropriation is founded -does not restrain the application to the specific articles, their number -and amount as stated in the estimate? Were an appropriation law to come -before a judge would he decide its meaning from its text, or would he call -on the officer to produce their estimates as being a part of the law? -On the whole, the following questions are to be determined: 1. Whether -the laws do not justify the construction which has been uniformly given, -either strictly, or at least so ambiguously, that, as in judiciary cases, -the decisions which have taken place have fixed their meaning and made it -law? 2. Whether they are so palpably against law that the practice must -be arrested? 3. Whether it shall be arrested retrospectively as to moneys -engaged but not yet actually paid, or only as to future contracts? 4. -Whether any circumstances take Dr. Stevens' case out of the conditions and -rights of other foreign agencies? - -March 23, 1804. - - -TO MR. LATROBE. - - WASHINGTON, February 28, 1804. - -DEAR SIR,--I am sorry the explanations attempted between Dr. Thornton -and yourself, on the manner of finishing the chamber of the House of -Representatives, have not succeeded. At the original establishment of this -place advertisements were published many months offering premiums for the -best plans for a Capitol and a President's house. Many were sent in. A -council was held by General Washington with the board of Commissioners, -and after very mature examination two were preferred, and the premiums -given to their authors, Doctor Thornton and Hobens, and the plans were -decided on. Hobens' has been executed. On Doctor Thornton's plan of the -Capitol the north wing has been extended, and the south raised one story. -In order to get along with any public undertaking it is necessary that -some stability of plan be observed--nothing impedes progress so much as -perpetual changes of design. I yield to this principle in the present case -more willingly because the plan begun for the Representative room will, in -my opinion, be more handsome and commodious than anything which can now -be proposed on the same area. And though the spheroidical dome presents -difficulties to the executor, yet they are not beyond his art; and it is -to overcome difficulties that we employ men of genius. While however I -express my opinion that we had better go through with this wing of the -Capitol on the plan which has been settled, I would not be understood to -suppose there does exist sufficient authority to control the original plan -in any of its parts, and to accommodate it to changes of circumstances. -I only mean that it is not advisable to change that of this wing in its -present stage. Though I have spoken of a spheroidical roof, that will -not be correct by the figure. Every rib will be a portion of a circle of -which the radius will be determined by the span and rise of each rib. -Would it not be best to make the internal columns of well-burnt brick, -moulded in portions of circles adapted to the diminution of the columns? -2d. Burlington, in his notes on Palladio, tells us that he found most of -the buildings erected under Palladio's direction, and described in his -architecture, to have their columns made of brick in this way and covered -over with stucco. I know an instance of a range of six or eight columns -in Virginia, twenty feet high, well proportioned and properly diminished, -executed by a common bricklayer. The bases and capitols would of course -be of hewn stone. I suggest this for your consideration, and tender you my -friendly salutations. - - -TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. - - WASHINGTON, March 3, 1804. - -DEAR SIR,--Although it is long since I received your favor of October the -27th, yet I have not had leisure sooner to acknowledge it. In the middle -and southern States, as great an union of sentiment has now taken place -as is perhaps desirable. For as there will always be an opposition, I -believe it had better be from avowed monarchists than republicans. New -York seems to be in danger of republican division; Vermont is solidly with -us; Rhode Island with us on anomalous grounds; New Hampshire on the verge -of the republican shore; Connecticut advancing towards it very slowly, -but with steady step; your State only uncertain of making port at all. I -had forgotten Delaware, which will be always uncertain, from the divided -character of her citizens. If the amendment of the Constitution passes -Rhode Island, (and we expect to hear in a day or two,) the election for -the ensuing four years seems to present nothing formidable. I sincerely -regret that the unbounded calumnies of the federal party have obliged -me to throw myself on the verdict of my country for trial, my great -desire having been to retire, at the end of the present term, to a -life of tranquillity; and it was my decided purpose when I entered into -office. They force my continuance. If we can keep the vessel of State as -steadily in her course for another four years, my earthly purposes will be -accomplished, and I shall be free to enjoy, as you are doing, my family, -my farm, and my books. That your enjoyments may continue as long as you -shall wish them, I sincerely pray, and tender you my friendly salutations, -and assurances of great respect and esteem. - - -TO WILLIAM DUNBAR, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, March 13, 1804. - - [Illustration: Geometrical Drawing.] - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of January 28 has been duly received, and I have -read with great satisfaction your ingenuous paper on the subject of -the Mississippi, which I shall immediately forward to the Philosophical -Society, where it will be duly prized. To prove the value I set on it, -and my wish that it may go to the public without any imperfection about -it, I will take the liberty of submitting to your consideration the only -passage which I think may require it. You say, page 9, "The velocity of -rivers is greatest at the surface, and gradually diminishes downwards." -And this principle enters into some subsequent parts of the paper, and -has too much effect on the phenomena of that river not to merit mature -consideration. I can but suppose it at variance with the law of motion -in rivers. In strict theory, the velocity of water at any given depth -in a river is (in addition to its velocity at its surface) whatever a -body would have acquired by falling through a space equal to that depth. -If, in the middle of a river, we drop a vertical line, _a e_, from its -surface to its bottom, and (using a perch, or rather a measure of 16.125 -feet, for our unit of measure) we draw, at the depths, _b c d e_, (which -suppose = 1.4 9.16 perch ordinates in the direction of the stream, equal -to the odd numbers, 3, 5, 7, 9 perch, these ordinates will represent the -additional velocities of the water per second of time, at the depth of -their respective abscissæ, and will terminate in a curve, _a f g h i_,) -which will represent the velocity of their current in every point, and -the whole mass of water passing on in a second of time.[19] This would -be the theory of the motion of rivers, were there no friction; but the -bottom being rough, its friction with the lower sheet or lamina of water -will retard that lamina; the friction or viscosity of the particles of -which, again, with those of the one next above, will retard that somewhat -less, the 2d retard the 3d, the 3d the 4th, and so on upwards, diminishing -till the retardation becomes insensible; and the theoretic curve will be -modified by that cause, as at _n o_, removing the maximum of motion from -the bottom somewhere upwardly. Again, the same circumstances of friction -and viscosity of the particles of water among themselves, will cause -the lamina at the surface to be accelerated by the quicker motion of the -one next below it, the 2d still more by the 3d, the 3d by the 4th, and -so on downwards, the acceleration always increasing till it reached the -lamina of greatest motion. The exact point of the maximum of motion cannot -be calculated, because it depends on friction; but it is probably much -nearer the bottom than top, because the greater power of the current there -sooner overcomes the effect of the friction. Ultimately, the curve will be -sensibly varied by being swelled outwardly above, and retracted inwardly -below, somewhat like _a k l m n o_, in the preceding diagram. - -Indulging corollaries on this theory, let us suppose a plane surface, as -a large sheet of cast-iron, let down by a cable from a boat, and made to -present its surface to the current by a long vane fixed on its axis in -the direction of the current. Would not the current below, laying hold -of this plate, draw the boat down the stream with more rapidity than that -with which it otherwise moves on the surface of the water? Again, at the -cross current of the surface which flows into the Chafaleya, and endangers -the drawing boats into that river, as you mention, page 18, would not the -same plane surface, if let down into the under current, which moves in -the direction of the bed of the main river, have the effect of drawing the -vessel across the lateral current prevailing at its surface, and conduct -the boat with safety along the channel of the river? - -The preceding observations are submitted to your consideration. By -drawing your attention to the subject, they will enable you, on further -reflection, to confirm or correct your first opinion. If the latter, -there would be time, before we print a volume, to make any alterations or -additions to your paper which you might wish. We were much indebted for -your communications on the subject of Louisiana. The substance of what was -received from you, as well as others, was digested together and printed, -without letting it be seen from whom the particulars came, as some were -of a nature to excite ill-will. Of these publications I sent you a copy. -On the subject of the limits of Louisiana, nothing was said therein, -because we thought it best first to have explanations with Spain. In the -first visit, after receiving the treaty, which I paid to Monticello, which -was in August, I availed myself of what I have there, to investigate the -limits. While I was in Europe, I had purchased everything I could lay -my hands on which related to any part of America, and particularly had -a pretty full collection of the English, French and Spanish authors, on -the subject of Louisiana. The information I got from these was entirely -satisfactory, and I threw it into a shape which would easily take the form -of a memorial. I now enclose you a copy of it. One single fact in it was -taken from a publication in a newspaper, supposed to be written by Judge -Bay, who had lived in West Florida. This asserted that the country from -the Iberville to the Perdido was to this day called Louisiana, and a part -of the government of Louisiana. I wrote to you to ascertain that fact, and -received the information you were so kind as to send me; on the receipt -of which, I changed the form of the assertion, so as to adapt it to what I -suppose to be the fact, and to reconcile the testimony I have received, to -wit, that though the name and division of West Florida have been retained; -and in strictness, that country is still called by that name; yet it -is also called Louisiana in common parlance, and even in some authentic -public documents. The fact, however, is not of much importance. It would -only have been an _argumentum ad hominem_. Although I would wish the paper -enclosed never to be seen by anybody but yourself, and that it should not -even be mentioned that the facts and opinions therein stated are founded -in public authority, yet I have no objections to their being freely -advanced in conversation, and as private and individual opinion, believing -it will be advantageous that the extent of our rights should be known to -the inhabitants of the country; and that however we may compromise on our -Western limits, we never shall on the Eastern. - -I formerly acquainted you with the mission of Captain Lewis up the -Missouri, and across from its head to the Pacific. He takes about a dozen -men with him, is well provided with instruments, and qualified to give -us the geography of the line he passes along with astronomical accuracy. -He is now hutted opposite the mouth of the Missouri, ready to enter -it on the opening of the season. He will be at least two years on the -expedition. I propose to charge the Surveyor-general N. of Ohio, with a -survey of the Mississippi from its source to the mouth of the Ohio, and -with settling some other interesting points of geography in that quarter. -Congress will probably authorize me to explore the greater waters on the -western side of the Mississippi and Missouri, to their sources. In this -case I should propose to send one party up the Panis river to its source, -thence along the highlands to the source of the Radoneas river and down -it to its mouth, giving the whole course of both parties, corrected -by astronomical observation. These several surveys will enable us to -prepare a map of Louisiana, which in its contour and main waters will -be perfectly correct, and will give us a skeleton to be filled up with -details hereafter. For what lies north of the Missouri, we suppose British -industry will furnish that. As you live so near to the point of departure -of the lowest expedition, and possess and can acquire so much better -the information, which may direct that to the best advantage, I have -thought, if Congress should authorize the enterprise, to propose to you -the unprofitable trouble of directing it. The party would consist of ten -or twelve picked soldiers, volunteers with an officer, under the guidance -of one or two persons qualified to survey and correct by observations of -latitude and longitude, the latter lunar, and as well informed as we can -get them in the departments of botany, natural history, and mineralogy. I -am told there is a Mr. Walker in your town, and a Mr. Gillespie in North -Carolina, possessing good qualifications. As you know them both, you -can judge whether both are qualified, should two persons go, or which is -best, should but one be sent, or whether there is any other person better -qualified than either. Their pay would probably not exceed $1000 a year, -to which would be added their subsistence. All preparations would be to -be made at Natchez and New Orleans on your order. Instructions similar to -those of Captain Lewis would go from here, to be added to by what should -occur to yourself, and you would be the centre for the communications from -the party to the government. Still this is a matter of speculation only, -as Congress are hurrying over their business for adjournment, and may -leave this article of it unfinished. In that case what I have said will be -as if I had not said it. - -There is such a difference of opinion in Congress as to the government -to be given to Louisiana, that they may continue the present one another -year. I hope and urge their not doing it, and the establishment of a -government on the spot capable of meeting promptly its own emergencies. -Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and -respect. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [19] These ordinates are arithmetical progressionals, each of - which is double the root of its abscissa, plus unit. The equation, - therefore, expressing the law of the curve is _y = 2 N x + 1_; - that is, the velocity of the water of any depth will be double the - root of that depth, plus unit. Were the line _a e a_ wall, and_ b - f e g d h e i_ troughs, along which water spouted from apertures - at _b c d e_, their intersections with the curve at _f g h i_ - would mark the point in each trough to which the water would flow - in a second of time, abating for friction. - - -TO GIDEON GRANGER. - - MONTICELLO, April 16, 1804. - -DEAR SIR,--* * * * * - -In our last conversation you mentioned a federal scheme afloat, of -forming a coalition between the federalists and republicans, of what -they called the seven eastern States. The idea was new to me, and after -time for reflection I had no opportunity of conversing with you again. -The federalists know, that _eo nomine_, they are gone forever. Their -object, therefore, is how to return into power under some other form. -Undoubtedly they have but one means, which is to divide the republicans, -join the minority, and barter with them for the cloak of their name. I -say, _join the minority_; because the majority of the republicans not -needing them, will not buy them. The minority, having no other means of -ruling the majority, will give a price for auxiliaries, and that price -must be principle. It is true that the federalists, needing their numbers -also, must also give a price, and principle is the coin they must pay in. -Thus a bastard system of federo-republicanism will rise on the ruins of -the true principles of our revolution. And when this party is formed, who -will constitute the majority of it, which majority is then to dictate? -Certainly the federalists. Thus their proposition of putting themselves -into gear with the republican minority, is exactly like Roger Sherman's -proposition to add Connecticut to Rhode Island. The idea of forming seven -eastern States is moreover clearly to form the basis of a separation of -the Union. Is it possible that real republicans can be gulled by such -a bait? And for what? What do they wish that they have not? Federal -measures? That is impossible. Republican measures? Have they them not? Can -any one deny, that in all important questions of principle, republicanism -prevails? But do they want that their individual will shall govern the -majority? They may purchase the gratification of this unjust wish, for -a little time, at a great price; but the federalists must not have the -passions of other men, if, after getting thus into the seat of power, -they suffer themselves to be governed by their minority. This minority may -say, that whenever they relapse into their own principles, they will quit -them, and draw the seat from under them. They may quit them, indeed, but, -in the meantime, all the venal will have become associated with them, and -will give them a majority sufficient to keep them in place, and to enable -them to eject the heterogeneous friends by whose aid they get again into -power. I cannot believe any portion of real republicans will enter into -this trap; and if they do, I do not believe they can carry with them the -mass of their States, advancing so steadily as we see them, to an union -of principle with their brethren. It will be found in this, as in all -other similar cases, that crooked schemes will end by overwhelming their -authors and coadjutors in disgrace, and that he alone who walks strict and -upright, and who, in matters of opinion, will be contented that others -should be as free as himself, and acquiesce when his opinion is fairly -overruled, will attain his object in the end. And that this may be the -conduct of us all, I offer my sincere prayers, as well as for your health -and happiness. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - May 30, 1804. - -Although I know that it is best generally to assign no reason for a -removal from office, yet there are also times when the declaration of a -principle is advantageous. Such was the moment at which the New Haven -letter appeared. It explained our principles to our friends, and they -rallied to them. The public sentiment has taken a considerable stride -since that, and seems to require that they should know again where -we stand. I suggest therefore for your consideration, instead of the -following passage in your letter to Bowen, "I think it due to candor at -the same time to inform you, that I had for some time been determined to -remove you from office, although a successor has not yet been appointed by -the President, nor the precise time fixed for that purpose communicated -to me;" to substitute this, "I think it due to candor at the same time -to inform you, that the President considering that the patronage of -public office should no longer be confided to one who uses it for active -opposition to the national will, had, some time since, determined to place -your office in other hands. But a successor not being yet fixed on, I am -not able to name the precise time when it will take place." - -My own opinion is, that the declaration of this principle will meet the -entire approbation of all moderate republicans, and will extort indulgence -from the warmer ones. Seeing that we do not mean to leave arms in the -hands of active enemies, they will care the less at our tolerance of the -inactive. Nevertheless, if you are strongly of opinion against such a -declaration, let the letter go as you had written it. - - -TO BARON DE HUMBOLDT. - - June 9, 1804 - -Thomas Jefferson asks leave to observe to Baron de Humboldt that the -question of limits of Louisiana, between Spain and the United States is -this. They claim to hold to the river Mexicana or Sabine, and from the -head of that northwardly along the heads of the waters of the Mississippi, -to the head of the Red river and so on. We claim to the North river from -its mouth to the source either of its eastern or western branch, thence to -the head of Red river, and so on. Can the Baron inform me what population -may be between those lines, of white, red, or black people? And whether -any and what mines are within them? The information will be thankfully -received. He tenders him his respectful salutations. - - -TO MRS. ADAMS. - - WASHINGTON, June 13, 1804. - -DEAR MADAM,--The affectionate sentiments which you have had the goodness -to express in your letter of May the 20th, towards my dear departed -daughter, have awakened in me sensibilities natural to the occasion, -and recalled your kindnesses to her, which I shall ever remember with -gratitude and friendship. I can assure you with truth, they had made an -indelible impression on her mind, and that to the last, on our meetings -after long separations, whether I had heard lately of you, and how -you did, were among the earliest of her inquiries. In giving you this -assurance I perform a sacred duty for her, and, at the same time, am -thankful for the occasion furnished me, of expressing my regret that -circumstances should have arisen, which have seemed to draw a line of -separation between us, The friendship with which you honored me has ever -been valued, and fully reciprocated; and although events have been passing -which might be trying to some minds, I never believed yours to be of that -kind, nor felt that my own was. Neither my estimate of your character, -nor the esteem founded in that, has ever been lessened for a single -moment, although doubts whether it would be acceptable may have forbidden -manifestations of it. - -Mr. Adams' friendship and mine began at an earlier date. It accompanied -us through long and important scenes. The different conclusions we had -drawn from our political reading and reflections, were not permitted to -lessen personal esteem; each party being conscious they were the result of -an honest conviction in the other. Like differences of opinion existing -among our fellow citizens, attached them to one or the other of us, and -produced a rivalship in their minds which did not exist in ours. We never -stood in one another's way; for if either had been withdrawn at any time, -his favorers would not have gone over to the other, but would have sought -for some one of homogeneous opinions. This consideration was sufficient -to keep down all jealousy between us, and to guard our friendship from -any disturbance by sentiments of rivalship; and I can say with truth, that -one act of Mr. Adams' life, and one only, ever gave me a moment's personal -displeasure. I did consider his last appointments to office as personally -unkind. They were from among my most ardent political enemies, from whom -no faithful co-operation could ever be expected; and laid me under the -embarrassment of acting through men whose views were to defeat mine, or to -encounter the odium of putting others in their places. It seems but common -justice to leave a successor free to act by instruments of his own choice. -If my respect for him did not permit me to ascribe the whole blame to -the influence of others, it left something for friendship to forgive, and -after brooding over it for some little time, and not always resisting the -expression of it, I forgave it cordially, and returned to the same state -of esteem and respect for him which had so long subsisted. Having come -into life a little later than Mr. Adams, his career has preceded mine, as -mine is followed by some other; and it will probably be closed at the same -distance after him which time originally placed between us. I maintain -for him, and shall carry into private life, an uniform and high measure of -respect and good will, and for yourself a sincere attachment. - -I have thus, my dear Madam, opened myself to you without reserve, which -I have long wished an opportunity of doing; and without knowing how it -will be received, I feel relief from being unbosomed. And I have now -only to entreat your forgiveness for this transition from a subject of -domestic affliction, to one which seems of a different aspect. But though -connected with political events, it has been viewed by me most strongly -in its unfortunate bearings on my private friendships. The injury these -have sustained has been a heavy price for what has never given me equal -pleasure. That you may both be favored with health, tranquillity and long -life, is the prayer of one who tenders you the assurance of his highest -consideration and esteem. - - -TO GOVERNOR PAGE. - - WASHINGTON, June 25, 1804. - -Your letter, my dear friend, of the 25th ultimo, is a new proof of -the goodness of your heart, and the part you take in my loss marks an -affectionate concern for the greatness of it. It is great indeed. Others -may lose of their abundance, but I, of my want, have lost even the half -of all I had. My evening prospects now hang on the slender thread of -a single life. Perhaps I may be destined to see even this last cord of -parental affection broken! The hope with which I had looked forward to the -moment, when, resigning public cares to younger hands, I was to retire to -that domestic comfort from which the last great step is to be taken, is -fearfully blighted. When you and I look back on the country over which we -have passed, what a field of slaughter does it exhibit! Where are all the -friends who entered it with us, under all the inspiring energies of health -and hope? As if pursued by the havoc of war, they are strewed by the way, -some earlier, some later, and scarce a few stragglers remain to count the -numbers fallen, and to mark yet, by their own fall, the last footsteps -of their party. Is it a desirable thing to bear up through the heat of -the action, to witness the death of all our companions, and merely be the -last victim? I doubt it. We have, however, the traveller's consolation. -Every step shortens the distance we have to go; the end of our journey is -in sight, the bed wherein we are to rest, and to rise in the midst of the -friends we have lost. "We sorrow not then as others who have no hope;" -but look forward to the day which "joins us to the great majority." But -whatever is to be our destiny, wisdom, as well as duty, dictates that we -should acquiesce in the will of Him whose it is to give and take away, -and be contented in the enjoyment of those who are still permitted to -be with us. Of those connected by blood, the number does not depend on -us. But friends we have, if we have merited them. Those of our earliest -years stand nearest in our affections. But in this too, you and I have -been unlucky. Of our college friends (and they are the dearest) how few -have stood with us in the great political questions which have agitated -our country; and these were of a nature to justify agitation. I did not -believe the Lilliputian fetters of that day strong enough to have bound so -many. Will not Mrs. Page, yourself and family, think it prudent to seek -a healthier region for the months of August and September? And may we -not flatter ourselves that you will cast your eye on Monticello? We have -not many summers to live. While fortune places us then within striking -distance, let us avail ourselves of it, to meet and talk over the tales of -other times. - -Present me respectfully to Mrs. Page, and accept yourself my friendly -salutations, and assurances of constant affection. - - -TO JUDGE TYLER. - - WASHINGTON, June 28, 1801. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 10th instant has been duly received. Amidst -the direct falsehoods, the misrepresentations of truth, the calumnies -and the insults resorted to by a faction to mislead the public mind, -and to overwhelm those entrusted with its interests, our support is to -be found in the approving voice of our conscience and country, in the -testimony of our fellow citizens, that their confidence is not shaken by -these artifices. When to the plaudits of the honest multitude, the sober -approbation of the sage in his closet is added, it becomes a gratification -of an higher order. It is the sanction of wisdom superadded to the voice -of affection. The terms, therefore, in which you are so good as to express -your satisfaction with the course of the present administration cannot but -give me great pleasure. I may err in my measures, but never shall deflect -from the intention to fortify the public liberty by every possible means, -and to put it out of the power of the few to riot on the labors of the -many. No experiment can be more interesting than that we are now trying, -and which we trust will end in establishing the fact, that man may be -governed by reason and truth. Our first object should therefore be, to -leave open to him all the avenues to truth. The most effectual hitherto -found, is the freedom of the press. It is therefore, the first shut up by -those who fear the investigation of their actions. The firmness with which -the people have withstood the late abuses of the press, the discernment -they have manifested between truth and falsehood, show that they may -safely be trusted to hear everything true and false, and to form a correct -judgment between them. As little is it necessary to impose on their -senses, or dazzle their minds by pomp, splendor, or forms. Instead of this -artificial, how much surer is that real respect, which results from the -use of their reason, and the habit of bringing everything to the test of -common sense. - -I hold it, therefore, certain, that to open the doors of truth, and to -fortify the habit of testing everything by reason, are the most effectual -manacles we can rivet on the hands of our successors to prevent their -manacling the people with their own consent. The panic into which they -were artfully thrown in 1798, the frenzy which was excited in them -by their enemies against their apparent readiness to abandon all the -principles established for their own protection, seemed for awhile to -countenance the opinions of those who say they cannot be trusted with -their own government. But I never doubted their rallying; and they did -rally much sooner than I expected. On the whole, that experiment on their -credulity has confirmed my confidence in their ultimate good sense and -virtue. - -I lament to learn that a like misfortune has enabled you to estimate the -afflictions of a father on the loss of a beloved child. However terrible -the possibility of such another accident, it is still a blessing for you -of inestimable value that you would not even then descend childless to the -grave. Three sons, and hopeful ones too, are a rich treasure. I rejoice -when I hear of young men of virtue and talents, worthy to receive, and -likely to preserve the splendid inheritance of self-government, which we -have acquired and shaped for them. - -The complement of midshipmen for the Tripoline squadron, is full; and -I hope the frigates have left the Capes by this time. I have, however, -this day, signed warrants of midshipmen for the two young gentlemen you -recommended. These will be forwarded by the Secretary of the Navy. He -tells me that their first services will be to be performed on board the -gun boats. - -Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO J. MADISON. - - July 5, 1804. - -We did not collect the sense of our brethren the other day by regular -questions, but as far as I could understand from what was said, it -appeared to be,--1. That an acknowledgment of our right to the Perdido, -is a _sine qua non_, and no price to be given for it. 2. No absolute and -perpetual relinquishment of right is to be made of the country east of -the Rio Bravo del Norte, even in exchange for Florida. [I am not quite -sure that this was the opinion of all.] 3. That a country may be laid -off within which no further settlement shall be made by either party for -a given time, say thirty years. This country to be from the North river -eastwardly towards the Colorado, or even to, but not beyond the Mexican -or Sabine river. To whatever river it be extended, it might from its -source run north-west, as the most eligible direction; but a due north -line would produce no restraint that we should feel in twenty years. This -relinquishment, and two millions of dollars, to be the price of all the -Floridas east of the Perdido, or to be apportioned to whatever part they -will cede. - -But on entering into conferences, both parties should agree that, during -their continuance, neither should strengthen their situation between the -Iberville, Mississippi, and Perdido, nor interrupt the navigation of the -rivers therein. If they will not give such an order instantly, they should -be told that we have for peace sake only, forborne till they could have -time to give such an order, but that as soon as we receive notice of their -refusal to give the order we shall intermit the exercise of our right of -navigating the Mobile, and protect it, and increase our force there _pari -passu_ with them. - - -TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. - - WASHINGTON, July 7, 1804. - -DEAR SIR,--In a letter of the 17th of April, which I wrote you from -Monticello, I observed to you that as the legislative council for the -territory of Orleans, was to be appointed by me, and our distance was -great, and early communication on the subject was necessary, that it ought -to be composed of men of integrity, of understanding, of clear property -and influence among the people, well acquainted with the laws, customs, -and habits of the country, and drawn from the different parts of the -territory, whose population was considerable. And I asked the favor of you -to inform me of the proper characters, with short sketches of the material -outlines for estimating them; and I observed that a majority should be of -sound American characters long established and esteemed there, and the -rest of French or Spaniards, the most estimable and well affected. When -in daily expectation of an answer from you, I received your favor of May -29th, whereby I perceive that my letter to you has never got to hand. I -must therefore, at this late day, repeat my request to you, and ask an -early answer, because after receiving it, I may perhaps have occasion to -consult you again before a final determination. A letter _written_ any -time in August will find me at Monticello, near Milton, and had better -be so directed. A blank commission for a Surveyor and Inspector for the -port of Bayou St. John, will be forwarded to you to be filled up with any -name you approve. I would prefer a native Frenchman, if you can find one -proper and disposed to co-operate with us in extirpating that corruption -which has prevailed in those offices under the former government, and had -so familiarized itself as that men, otherwise honest, could look on that -without horror. I pray you to be alive to the suppression of this odious -practice, and that you bring to punishment and brand with eternal disgrace -every man guilty of it, whatever be his station. - - -TO P. MAZZEI. - - WASHINGTON, July 18, 1804. - -MY DEAR SIR,--It is very long, I know, since I wrote you. So constant -is the pressure of business that there is never a moment, scarcely, that -something of public importance is not waiting for me. I have, therefore, -on a principle of conscience, thought it my duty to withdraw almost -entirely from all private correspondence, and chiefly the trans-Atlantic; -I scarcely write a letter a year to any friend beyond sea. Another -consideration has led to this, which is the liability of my letters -to miscarry, be opened, and made ill use of. Although the great body -of our country are perfectly returned to their ancient principles, yet -there remains a phalanx of old tories and monarchists, more envenomed, -as all their hopes become more desperate. Every word of mine which they -can get hold of, however innocent, however orthodox even, is twisted, -tormented, perverted, and, like the words of holy writ, are made to mean -everything but what they were intended to mean. I trust little, therefore, -unnecessarily in their way, and especially on political subjects. I -shall not, therefore, be free to answer all the several articles of your -letters. - -On the subject of treaties, our system is to have none with any nation, -as far as can be avoided. The treaty with England has therefore not -been renewed, and all overtures for treaty with other nations have been -declined. We believe, that with nations as with individuals, dealings may -be carried on as advantageously, perhaps more so, while their continuance -depends on a voluntary good treatment, as if fixed by a contract, which, -when it becomes injurious to either, is made, by forced constructions, -to mean what suits them, and becomes a cause of war instead of a bond of -peace. We wish to be on the closest terms of friendship with Naples, and -we will prove it by giving to her citizens, vessels and goods all the -privileges of the most favored nation; and while we do this voluntarily, -we cannot doubt they will voluntarily do the same for us. Our interests -against the Barbaresques being also the same, we have little doubt she -will give us every facility to insure them, which our situation may ask -and hers admit. It is not, then, from a want of friendship that we do -not propose a treaty with Naples, but because it is against our system to -embarrass ourselves with treaties, or to entangle ourselves at all with -the affairs of Europe. The kind offices we receive from that government -are more sensibly felt, as such, than they would be, if rendered only as -due to us by treaty. - -Five fine frigates left the Chesapeake the 1st instant for Tripoli, which, -in addition to the force now there, will, I trust, recover the credit -which Commodore Morris' two years' sleep lost us, and for which he has -been broke. I think they will make Tripoli sensible, that they mistake -their interest in choosing war with us; and Tunis also, should she have -declared war as we expect, and almost wish. - -Notwithstanding this little diversion, we pay seven or eight millions of -dollars annually of our public debt, and shall completely discharge it in -twelve years more. That done, our annual revenue, now thirteen millions -of dollars, which by that time will be twenty-five, will pay the expenses -of any war we may be forced into, without new taxes or loans. The spirit -of republicanism is now in almost all its ancient vigor, five-sixths of -the people being with us. Fourteen of the seventeen States are completely -with us, and two of the other three will be in one year. We have now got -back to the ground on which you left us. I should have retired at the end -of the first four years, but that the immense load of tory calumnies which -have been manufactured respecting me, and have filled the European market, -have obliged me to appeal once more to my country for a justification. I -have no fear but that I shall receive honorable testimony by their verdict -on those calumnies. At the end of the next four years I shall certainly -retire. Age, inclination and principle all dictate this. My health, which -at one time threatened an unfavorable turn, is now firm. The acquisition -of Louisiana, besides doubling our extent, and trebling our quantity -of fertile country, is of incalculable value, as relieving us from the -danger of war. It has enabled us to do a handsome thing for Fayette. He -had received a grant of between eleven and twelve thousand acres north -of Ohio, worth, perhaps, a dollar an acre. We have obtained permission -of Congress to locate it in Louisiana. Locations can be found adjacent to -the city of New Orleans, in the island of New Orleans and in its vicinity, -the value of which cannot be calculated. I hope it will induce him to come -over and settle there with his family. Mr. Livingston having asked leave -to return, General Armstrong, his brother-in-law, goes in his place: he is -of the first order of talents. - - * * * * * - -Remarkable deaths lately, are, Samuel Adams, Edmund Pendleton, Alexander -Hamilton, Stephens Thompson Mason, Mann Page, Bellini, and Parson Andrews. -To these I have the inexpressible grief of adding the name of my youngest -daughter, who had married a son of Mr. Eppes, and has left two children. -My eldest daughter alone remains to me, and has six children. This loss -has increased my anxiety to retire, while it has dreadfully lessened -the comfort of doing it. Wythe, Dickinson, and Charles Thompson are -all living, and are firm republicans. You informed me formerly of your -marriage, and your having a daughter, but have said nothing in your late -letters on that subject. Yet whatever concerns your happiness is sincerely -interesting to me, and is a subject of anxiety, retaining as I do, cordial -sentiments of esteem and affection for you. Accept, I pray you, my sincere -assurances of this, with my most friendly salutations. - - -TO MRS. ADAMS. - - WASHINGTON, July 22, 1804. - -DEAR MADAM,--Your favor of the 1st instant was duly received, and I would -not have again intruded on you, but to rectify certain facts which seem -not to have been presented to you under their true aspect. My charities -to Callendar are considered as rewards for his calumnies. As early, I -think, as 1796, I was told in Philadelphia that Callendar, the author -of the Political Progress of Britain, was in that city, a fugitive from -persecution for having written that book, and in distress. I had read -and approved the book; I considered him as a man of genius, unjustly -persecuted. I knew nothing of his private character, and immediately -expressed my readiness to contribute to his relief, and to serve him. It -was a considerable time after, that, on application from a person who -thought of him as I did, I contributed to his relief, and afterwards -repeated the contribution. Himself I did not see till long after, nor -ever more than two or three times. When he first began to write, he told -some useful truths in his coarse way; but nobody sooner disapproved of his -writing than I did, or wished more that he would be silent. My charities -to him were no more meant as encouragements to his scurrilities, than -those I give to the beggar at my door are meant as rewards for the vices -of his life, and to make them chargeable to myself. In truth, they would -have been greater to him, had he never written a word after the work for -which he fled from Britain. With respect to the calumnies and falsehoods -which writers and printers at large published against Mr. Adams, I -was as far from stooping to any concern or approbation of them, as Mr. -Adams was respecting those of Porcupine, Fenno, or Russel, who published -volumes against me for every sentence vended by their opponents against -Mr. Adams. But I never supposed Mr. Adams had any participation in the -atrocities of these editors, or their writers. I knew myself incapable of -that base warfare, and believed him to be so. On the contrary, whatever -I may have thought of the acts of the administration of that day, I -have ever borne testimony to Mr. Adams' personal worth; nor was it ever -impeached in my presence, without a just vindication of it on my part. -I never supposed that any person who knew either of us, could believe -that either of us meddled in that dirty work. But another fact is, that -I "liberated a wretch who was suffering for a libel against Mr. Adams." -I do not know who was the particular wretch alluded to; but I discharged -every person under punishment or prosecution under the sedition law, -because I considered, and now consider, that law to be a nullity, as -absolute and as palpable as if Congress had ordered us to fall down and -worship a golden image; and that it was as much my duty to arrest its -execution in every stage, as it would have been to have rescued from the -fiery furnace those who should have been cast into it for refusing to -worship the image. It was accordingly done in every instance, without -asking what the offenders had done, or against whom they had offended, but -whether the pains they were suffering were inflicted under the pretended -sedition law. It was certainly possible that my motives for contributing -to the relief of Callendar, and liberating sufferers under the sedition -law, might have been to protect, encourage, and reward slander; but they -may also have been those which inspire ordinary charities to objects of -distress, meritorious or not, or the obligation of an oath to protect -the Constitution, violated by an unauthorized act of Congress. Which of -these were my motives, must be decided by a regard to the general tenor -of my life. On this I am not afraid to appeal to the nation at large, to -posterity, and still less to that Being who sees himself our motives, who -will judge us from his own knowledge of them, and not on the testimony of -Porcupine or Fenno. - -You observe, there has been one other act of my administration personally -unkind, and suppose it will readily suggest itself to me. I declare on my -honor, Madam, I have not the least conception what act was alluded to. I -never did a single one with an unkind intention. My sole object in this -letter being to place before your attention, that the acts imputed to me -are either such as are falsely imputed, or as might flow from good as well -as bad motives, I shall make no other addition, than the assurances of my -continued wishes for the health and happiness of yourself and Mr. Adams. - - -TO JAMES MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, August 15, 1804. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter dated the 7th should probably have been of the -14th, as I received it only by that day's post. I return you Monroe's -letter, which is of an awful complexion; and I do not wonder the -communications it contains made some impression on him. To a person placed -in Europe, surrounded by the immense resources of the nations there, -and the greater wickedness of their courts, even the limits which nature -imposes on their enterprises are scarcely sensible. It is impossible that -France and England should combine for any purpose; their mutual distrust -and deadly hatred of each other admit no co-operation. It is impossible -that England should be willing to see France re-possess Louisiana, or get -footing on our continent, and that France should willingly see the United -States re-annexed to the British dominions. That the Bourbons should -be replaced on their throne and agree to any terms of restitution, is -possible; but that they and England joined, could recover us to British -dominion, is impossible. If these things are not so, then human reason -is of no aid in conjecturing the conduct of nations. Still, however, it -is our unquestionable interest and duty to conduct ourselves with such -sincere friendship and impartiality towards both nations, as that each -may see unequivocally, what is unquestionably true, that we may be very -possibly driven into her scale by unjust conduct in the other. I am so -much impressed with the expediency of putting a termination to the right -of France to patronize the rights of Louisiana, which will cease with -their complete adoption as citizens of the United States, that I hope to -see that take place on the meeting of Congress. I enclosed you a paragraph -from a newspaper respecting St. Domingo, which gives me uneasiness. -Still I conceive the British insults in our harbor as more threatening. -We cannot be respected by France as a neutral nation, nor by the world -ourselves as an independent one, if we do not take effectual measures to -support, at every risk, our authority in our own harbors. I shall write to -Mr. Wagner directly (that a post may not be lost by passing through you) -to send us blank commissions for Orleans and Louisiana, ready sealed, to -be filled up, signed and forwarded by us. Affectionate salutations and -constant esteem. - - -TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE. - - MONTICELLO, August 13, 1804. - -DEAR SIR,--Various circumstances of delay have prevented my forwarding -till now, the general arrangements of the government of the territory -of Orleans. Enclosed herewith you will receive the commissions. Among -these is one for yourself as Governor. With respect to this I will -enter into frank explanations. This office was originally destined -for a person[20] whose great services and established fame would have -rendered him peculiarly acceptable to the nation at large. Circumstances, -however, exist, which do not now permit his nomination, and perhaps may -not at any time hereafter. That, therefore, being suspended and entirely -contingent, your services have been so much approved as to leave no -desire to look elsewhere to fill the office. Should the doubts you have -sometimes expressed, whether it would be eligible for you to continue, -still exist in your mind, the acceptance of the commission gives you time -to satisfy yourself by further experience, and to make the time and manner -of withdrawing; should you ultimately determine on that, agreeable to -yourself. Be assured that whether you continue or retire, it will be with -every disposition on my part to be just and friendly to you. - - * * * * * - -I salute you with friendship and respect. - -FOOTNOTE: - - [20] [In the margin is written by the author, "La Fayette."] - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. - - MONTICELLO, September 8, 1804. - -DEAR SIR,--As we shall have to lay before Congress the proceedings of the -British vessels at New York, it will be necessary for us to say to them -with certainty which specific aggressions were committed within the common -law, which within the admiralty jurisdiction, and which on the high seas. -The rule of the common law is that wherever you can see from land to land, -all the water within the line of sight is in the body of the adjacent -county and within common law jurisdiction. Thus, if in this curvature -[Illustration: Sketch of curve with points marked a, b, and c.] you -can see from _a_ to_ b_, all the water within the line of sight is within -common law jurisdiction, and a murder committed at _c_ is to be tried as -at common law. Our coast is generally visible, I believe, by the time you -get within about twenty-five miles. I suppose that at New York you must be -some miles out of the Hook before the opposite shores recede twenty-five -miles from each other. The three miles of maritime jurisdiction is always -to be counted from this line of sight. It will be necessary we should be -furnished with the most accurate chart to be had of the shores and waters -in the neighborhood of the Hook; and that we may be able to ascertain on -it the spot of every aggression. I presume it would be within the province -of Mr. Gelston to procure such a chart, and to ascertain the positions of -the offending vessels. If I am right in this, will you be so good as to -instruct him so to do? - -I think the officers of the federal government are meddling too much -with the public elections. Will it be best to admonish them privately -or by proclamation? This for consideration till we meet. I shall be at -Washington by the last day of the month. I salute you with affection and -respect. - - -TO MRS. ADAMS. - - MONTICELLO, September 11, 1804. - -Your letter, Madam, of the 18th of August has been some days received, -but a press of business has prevented the acknowledgment of it: perhaps, -indeed, I may have already trespassed too far on your attention. With -those who wish to think amiss of me, I have learned to be perfectly -indifferent; but where I know a mind to be ingenuous, and to need only -truth to set it to rights, I cannot be as passive. The act of personal -unkindness alluded to in your former letter, is said in your last to have -been the removal of your eldest son from some office to which the judges -had appointed him. I conclude then he must have been a commissioner of -bankruptcy. But I declare to you, on my honor, that this is the first -knowledge I have ever had that he was so. It may be thought, perhaps, -that I ought to have inquired who were such, before I appointed others. -But it is to be observed, that the former law permitted the judges -to name commissioners occasionally only, for every case as it arose, -and not to make them permanent officers. Nobody, therefore, being in -office, there could be no removal. The judges, you well know, have been -considered as highly federal; and it was noted that they confined their -nominations exclusively to federalists. The Legislature, dissatisfied with -this, transferred the nomination to the President, and made the offices -permanent. The very object in passing the law was, that he should correct, -not confirm, what was deemed the partiality of the judges. I thought -it therefore proper to inquire, not whom they had employed, but whom I -ought to appoint to fulfil the intentions of the law. In making these -appointments, I put in a proportion of federalists, equal, I believe, to -the proportion they bear in numbers through the Union generally. Had I -known that your son had acted, it would have been a real pleasure to me -to have preferred him to some who were named in Boston, in what was deemed -the same line of politics. To this I should have been led by my knowledge -of his integrity, as well as my sincere dispositions towards yourself and -Mr. Adams. - -You seem to think it devolved on the judges to decide on the validity of -the sedition law. But nothing in the Constitution has given them a right -to decide for the executive, more than to the executive to decide for -them. Both magistrates are equally independent in the sphere of action -assigned to them. The judges, believing the law constitutional, had a -right to pass a sentence of fine and imprisonment; because the power was -placed in their hands by the Constitution. But the executive, believing -the law to be unconstitutional, were bound to remit the execution of it; -because that power has been confided to them by the Constitution. That -instrument meant that its coordinate branches should be checks on each -other. But the opinion which gives to the judges the right to decide what -laws are constitutional, and what not, not only for themselves in their -own sphere of action, but for the Legislature and executive also, in their -spheres, would make the judiciary a despotic branch. Nor does the opinion -of the unconstitutionality, and consequent nullity of that law, remove all -restraint from the overwhelming torrent of slander, which is confounding -all vice and virtue, all truth and falsehood, in the United States. The -power to do that is fully possessed by the several State Legislatures. -It was reserved to them, and was denied to the General Government, by -the Constitution, according to our construction of it. While we deny -that Congress have a right to control the freedom of the press, we have -ever asserted the right of the States, and their exclusive right, to do -so. They have accordingly, all of them, made provisions for punishing -slander, which those who have time and inclination, resort to for the -vindication of their characters. In general, the State laws appear to have -made the presses responsible for slander as far as is consistent with its -useful freedom. In those States where they do not admit even the truth of -allegations to protect the printer, they have gone too far. - -The candor manifested in your letter, and which I ever believed you to -possess, has alone inspired the desire of calling your attention, once -more, to those circumstances of fact and motive by which I claim to be -judged. I hope you will see these intrusions on your time to be, what -they really are, proofs of my great respect for you. I tolerate with the -utmost latitude the right of others to differ from me in opinion without -imputing to them criminality. I know too well the weakness and uncertainty -of human reason to wonder at its different results. Both of our political -parties, at least the honest part of them, agree conscientiously in the -same object--the public good; but they differ essentially in what they -deem the means of promoting that good. One side believes it best done by -one composition of the governing powers; the other, by a different one. -One fears most the ignorance of the people; the other, the selfishness -of rulers independent of them. Which is right, time and experience will -prove. We think that one side of this experiment has been long enough -tried, and proved not to promote the good of the many; and that the -other has not been fairly and sufficiently tried. Our opponents think -the reverse. With whichever opinion the body of the nation concurs, that -must prevail. My anxieties on this subject will never carry me beyond -the use of fair and honorable means, of truth and reason; nor have they -ever lessened my esteem for moral worth, nor alienated my affections from -a single friend, who did not first withdraw himself. Whenever this has -happened, I confess I have not been insensible to it; yet have ever kept -myself open to a return of their justice. I conclude with sincere prayers -for your health and happiness, that yourself and Mr. Adams may long enjoy -the tranquillity you desire and merit, and see in the prosperity of your -family what is the consummation of the last and warmest of human wishes. - - -TO J. F. MERCER, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, October 9, 1804. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of September 28th, in behalf of Mr. Harwood, was -duly received; the grounds on which one of the competitors stood, set -aside of necessity all hesitation. Mr. Hall's having been a member of -the Legislature, a Speaker of the Representatives, and a member of the -Executive Council, were evidences of the respect of the State towards -him, which our respect for the State could not neglect. You say you are -forcibly led to say something on another subject very near your heart, -which you defer to another opportunity. I presume it to be on your -political situation, and perhaps the degree in which it may bear on our -friendship. In the first case I declare to you that I have never suffered -political opinion to enter into the estimate of my private friendships; -nor did I ever abdicate the society of a friend on that account till he -had first withdrawn from mine. Many have left me on that account, but -with many I still preserve affectionate intercourse, only avoiding to -speak on politics, as with a Quaker or Catholic I would avoid speaking -on religion. But I do not apply this to you; for however confidently it -has been affirmed, I have not supposed that you have changed principles. -What in fact is the difference of principle between the two parties here? -The one desires to preserve an entire independence of the executive and -legislative branches on each other, and the dependence of both on the same -source--the free election of the people. The other party wishes to lessen -the dependence of the Executive and of one branch of the Legislature on -the people, some by making them hold for life, some hereditary, and some -even for giving the Executive an influence by patronage or corruption -over the remaining popular branch, so as to reduce the elective franchise -to its minimum. I shall not believe you gone over to the latter opinions -till better evidence than I have had. Yet were it the case, I repeat my -declaration that exclusive of political coincidence of opinion, I have -found a sufficiency of other qualities in you to value and cherish your -friendship. - - -TO MR. LITHSON. - - WASHINGTON, January 4, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of December 4th has been duly received. Mr. Duane -informed me that he meant to publish a new edition of the Notes on -Virginia, and I had in contemplation some particular alterations which -would require little time to make. My occupations by no means permit me at -this time to revise the text, and make those changes in it which I should -now do. I should in that case certainly qualify several expressions in -the nineteenth chapter, which have been construed differently from what -they were intended. I had under my eye when writing, the manufacturers -of the great cities in the old countries, at the time present, with whom -the want of food and clothing necessary to sustain life, has begotten a -depravity of morals, a dependence and corruption, which renders them an -undesirable accession to a country whose morals are sound. My expressions -looked forward to the time when our own great cities would get into the -same state. But they have been quoted as if meant for the present time -here. As yet our manufacturers are as much at their ease, as independent -and moral as our agricultural inhabitants, and they will continue so as -long as there are vacant lands for them to resort to; because whenever it -shall be attempted by the other classes to reduce them to the minimum of -subsistence, they will quit their trades and go to laboring the earth. A -first question is, whether it is desirable for us to receive at present -the dissolute and demoralized handicraftsmen of the old cities of Europe? -A second and more difficult one is, when even good handicraftsmen arrive -here, is it better for them to set up their trade, or go to the culture -of the earth? Whether their labor in their trade is worth more than their -labor on the soil, increased by the creative energies of the earth? Had I -time to revise that chapter, this question should be discussed, and other -views of the subject taken, which are presented by the wonderful changes -which have taken place here since 1781, when the Notes on Virginia were -written. Perhaps when I retire, I may amuse myself with a serious review -of this work; at present it is out of the question. Accept my salutations -and good wishes. - - -TO J. TAYLOR, ESQ. - - WASHINGTON, January 6, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of December 26th has been duly received, as a proof -of your friendly partialities to me, of which I have so often had reason -to be sensible. My opinion originally was that the President of the United -States should have been elected for seven years, and forever ineligible -afterwards. I have since become sensible that seven years is too long to -be irremovable, and that there should be a peaceable way of withdrawing -a man in midway who is doing wrong. The service for eight years, with -a power to remove at the end of the first four, comes nearly to my -principle as corrected by experience; and it is in adherence to that, -that I determine to withdraw at the end of my second term. The danger -is that the indulgence and attachments of the people will keep a man in -the chair after he becomes a dotard, that re-election through life shall -become habitual, and election for life follow that. General Washington -set the example of voluntary retirement after eight years. I shall follow -it. And a few more precedents will oppose the obstacle of habit to any -one after awhile who shall endeavor to extend his term. Perhaps it may -beget a disposition to establish it by an amendment of the Constitution. -I believe I am doing right therefore in pursuing my principle. I had -determined to declare my intention, but I have consented to be silent on -the opinion of friends, who think it best not to put a continuance out -of my power in defiance of all circumstances. There is, however, but one -circumstance which could engage my acquiescence in another election; to -wit, such a division about a successor, as might bring in a monarchist. -But that circumstance is impossible. While, therefore, I shall make no -formal declaration to the public of my purpose, I have freely let it be -understood in private conversation. In this I am persuaded yourself and -my friends generally will approve of my views. And should I, at the end -of a second term, carry into retirement all the favor which the first -has acquired, I shall feel the consolation of having done all the good -in my power, and expect with more than composure the termination of a -life no longer valuable to others or of importance to myself. Accept my -affectionate salutations and assurances of great esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - January 26, 1805. - -The question arising on Mr. Simons' letter of January 10th is whether -sea-letters shall be given to the vessels of citizens neither born nor -residing in the United States. Sea-letters are the creatures of treaties. -No act of the ordinary Legislature requires them. The only treaties now -existing with us, and calling for them, are those with Holland, Spain, -Prussia, and France. In the two former we have stipulated that when the -other party shall be at war, the vessels belonging to our people shall -be furnished with sea-letters; in the two latter that the _vessels of -the neutral_ party shall be so furnished. France being now at war, the -sea-letter is made necessary for our vessels; and consequently it is our -duty to furnish them. The laws of the United States confine registers -to _home-built_ vessels belonging to citizens; but they do not make it -unlawful for citizens to own foreign-built vessels; and the treaties give -the right of sea-letters to all vessels belonging to citizens. - -But who are citizens? The laws of registry consider a citizenship obtained -by a foreigner who comes merely for that purpose, and returns to reside -in his own country, as fraudulent, and deny a register to such an one, -even owning home-built vessels. I consider the distinction as sound and -safe, and that we ought not to give sea-letters to a vessel belonging to -such a pseudo-citizen. It compromises our peace, by lending our flag to -cover the goods of one of the belligerents to the injury of the other. -It produces vexatious searches on the vessels of our real citizens, and -gives to others the participation of our neutral advantages, which belong -to the real citizen only. And inasmuch as an uniformity of rule between -the different branches of the government is convenient and proper, I would -propose as a rule that sea-letters be given to all vessels _belonging_ to -citizens under whose ownership of a registered vessel such vessel would be -entitled to the benefits of her register. Affectionate salutations. - - -TO MR. NICHOLSON. - - WASHINGTON, January 29, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--Mr. Eppes has this moment put into my hands your letter of -yesterday, asking information on the subject of the gunboats proposed -to be built. I lose no time in communicating to you fully my whole views -respecting them, premising a few words on the system of fortifications. -Considering the harbors which, from their situation and importance, are -entitled to defence, and the estimates we have seen of the fortifications -planned for some of them, this system cannot be completed on a moderate -scale for less than fifty millions of dollars, nor manned in time of -war, with less than fifty thousand men, and in peace, two thousand. -And when done they avail little; because all military men agree, that -wherever a vessel may pass a fort without tacking under her guns, which -is the case at all our seaport towns, she may be annoyed more or less, -according to the advantages of the position, but can never be prevented. -Our own experience during the war proved this on different occasions. Our -predecessors have, nevertheless, proposed to go into this system, and had -commenced it. But no law requiring us to proceed, we have suspended it. - -If we cannot hinder vessels from entering our harbors, we should turn our -attention to the putting it out of their power to lie, or come to, before -a town, to injure it. Two means of doing this may be adopted in aid of -each other. 1. Heavy cannon on travelling carriages, which may be moved to -any point on the bank or beach most convenient for dislodging the vessel. -A sufficient number of these should be lent to each seaport town, and -their militia trained to them. The executive is authorized to do this; it -has been done in a small degree, and will now be done more competently. - -2. Having cannon on floating batteries or boats, which may be so stationed -as to prevent a vessel entering the harbor, or force her, after entering, -to depart. There are about fifteen harbors in the United States which -ought to be in a state of substantial defence. The whole of these would -require, according to the best opinions, two hundred and forty gun-boats. -Their cost was estimated by Captain Rogers at two thousand dollars -each; but we had better say four thousand dollars. The whole would -cost one million of dollars. But we should allow ourselves ten years to -complete it, unless circumstances should force it sooner. There are three -situations in which the gun-boat may be. 1. Hauled up under a shed, in -readiness to be launched and manned by the seamen and militia of the town -on short notice. In this situation she costs nothing but an enclosure, -or a sentinel to see that no mischief is done to her. 2. Afloat, and with -men enough to navigate her in harbor and take care of her, but depending -on receiving her crew from the town on short warning. In this situation, -her annual expense is about two thousand dollars, as by an official -estimate at the end of this letter. 3. Fully manned for action. Her -annual expense in this situation is about eight thousand dollars, as per -estimate subjoined. When there is general peace, we should probably keep -about six or seven afloat in the second situation; their annual expense -twelve to fourteen thousand dollars; the rest all hauled up. When France -and England are at war, we should keep, at the utmost, twenty-five in the -second situation; their annual expense, fifty thousand dollars. When we -should be at war ourselves, some of them would probably be kept in the -third situation, at an annual expense of eight thousand dollars; but how -many, must depend on the circumstances of the war. We now possess ten, -built and building. It is the opinion of those consulted, that fifteen -more would enable us to put every harbor under our view into a respectable -condition; and that this should limit the views of the present year. This -would require an appropriation of sixty thousand dollars; and I suppose -_that_ the best way of limiting it, without declaring the number, as -perhaps that sum would build more. I should think it best not to give a -detailed report, which exposes our policy too much. A bill, with verbal -explanations, will suffice for the information of the House. I do not -know whether General Wilkinson would approve the printing his paper. If he -would, it would be useful. - -Accept affectionate and respectful salutations. - - -TO MR. VOLNEY. - - WASHINGTON, February 8, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter of November the 26th came to hand May the 14th; the -books some time after, which were all distributed according to direction. -The copy for the East Indies went immediately by a safe conveyance. -The letter of April the 28th, and the copy of your work accompanying -that, did not come to hand till August. That copy was deposited in the -Congressional library. It was not till my return here from my autumnal -visit to Monticello, that I had an opportunity of reading your work. I -have read it, and with great satisfaction. Of the first part I am less a -judge than most people, having never travelled westward of Staunton, so as -to know anything of the face of the country; nor much indulged myself in -geological inquiries, from a belief that the skin-deep scratches which we -can make or find on the surface of the earth, do not repay our time with -as certain and useful deductions as our pursuits in some other branches. -The subject of our winds is more familiar to me. On that, the views you -have taken are always great, supported in their outlines by your facts; -and though more extensive observations, and longer continued, may produce -some anomalies, yet they will probably take their place in this first -great canvas which you have sketched. In no case, perhaps, does habit -attach our choice or judgment more than in climate. The Canadian glows -with delight in his sleigh and snow; the very idea of which gives me the -shivers. The comparison of climate between Europe and North America, -taking together its corresponding parts, hangs chiefly on three great -points. 1. The changes between heat and cold in America are greater -and more frequent, and the extremes comprehend a greater scale on the -thermometer in America than in Europe. Habit, however, prevents these -from affecting us more than the smaller changes of Europe affect the -European. But he is greatly affected by ours. 2. Our sky is always clear; -that of Europe always cloudy. Hence a greater accumulation of heat here -than there, in the same parallel. 3. The changes between wet and dry are -much more frequent and sudden in Europe than in America. Though we have -double the rain, it falls in half the time. Taking all these together, I -prefer much the climate of the United States to that of Europe. I think -it a more cheerful one. It is our cloudless sky which has eradicated -from our constitutions all disposition to hang ourselves, which we might -otherwise have inherited from our English ancestors. During a residence of -between six and seven years in Paris, I never, but once, saw the sun shine -through a whole day, without being obscured by a cloud in any part of it; -and I never saw the moment, in which, viewing the sky through its whole -hemisphere, I could say there was not the smallest speck of a cloud in it. -I arrived at Monticello, on my return from France, in January; and during -only two months' stay there, I observed to my daughters, who had been with -me to France, that, twenty odd times within that term, there was not a -speck of a cloud in the whole hemisphere. Still I do not wonder that an -European should prefer his gray to our azure sky. Habit decides our taste -in this, as in most other cases. - -The account you give of the yellow fever, is entirely agreeable to what -we then knew of it. Further experience has developed more and more its -peculiar character. Facts appear to have established that it is originated -here by a local atmosphere, which is never generated but in the lower, -closer, and dirtier parts of our large cities, in the neighborhood of -the water: and that, to catch the disease, you must enter the local -atmosphere. Persons having taken the disease in the infected quarter, and -going into the country, are nursed and buried by their friends, without -an example of communicating it. A vessel going from the infected quarter, -and carrying its atmosphere in its hold into another State, has given the -disease to every person who there entered her. These have died in the arms -of their families, without a single communication of the disease. It is -certainly, therefore, an epidemic, not a contagious disease; and calls on -the chemists for some mode of purifying the vessel by a decomposition of -its atmosphere, if ventilation be found insufficient. In the long scale -of bilious fevers, graduated by many shades, this is probably the last -and most mortal term. It seizes the native of the place equally with -strangers. It has not been long known in any part of the United States. -The shade next above it, called the stranger's fever, has been coëval -with the settlement of the larger cities in the Southern parts, to wit, -Norfolk, Charleston, New Orleans. Strangers going to these places in the -months of July, August, or September, find this fever as mortal as the -genuine yellow fever. But it rarely attacks those who have resided in -them some time. Since we have known that kind of yellow fever which is -no respecter of persons, its name has been extended to the stranger's -fever, and every species of bilious fever which produces a black vomit, -that is to say, a discharge of very dark bile. Hence we hear of yellow -fever on the Alleghany mountains, in Kentucky, &c. This is a matter of -definition only; but it leads into error those who do not know how loosely -and how interestedly some physicians think and speak. So far as we have -yet seen, I think we are correct in saying, that the yellow fever, which -seizes on all indiscriminately, is an ultimate degree of bilious fever -never known in the United States till lately, nor farther South, as yet, -than Alexandria; and that what they have recently called the yellow fever -in New Orleans, Charleston and Norfolk, is what has always been known in -those places as confined chiefly to strangers, and nearly as mortal _to -them_, as the other is to _all_ its subjects. But both grades are local; -the stranger's fever less so, as it sometimes extends a little into the -neighborhood; but the yellow fever rigorously so, confined within narrow -and well-defined limits, and not communicable out of those limits. Such -a constitution of atmosphere being requisite to originate this disease as -is generated only in low, close, and ill-cleansed parts of a town, I have -supposed it practicable to prevent its generation by building our cities -on a more open plan. Take, for instance, the chequer board for a plan. -Let the black squares only be building squares, and the white ones be left -open, in turf and trees. Every square of houses will be surrounded by four -open squares, and every house will front an open square. The atmosphere -of such a town would be like that of the country, insusceptible of the -miasmata which produce yellow fever. I have accordingly proposed that -the enlargements of the city of New Orleans, which must immediately take -place, shall be on this plan. But it is only in ease of enlargements to -be made, or of cities to be built, that this means of prevention can be -employed. - -The _genus irritabile vatum_ could not let the author of the Ruins publish -a new work, without seeking in it the means of discrediting that puzzling -composition. Some one of those holy calumniators has selected from your -new work every scrap of a sentence, which, detached from its context, -could displease an American reader. A cento has been made of these, which -has run through a particular description of newspapers, and excited a -disapprobation even in friendly minds, which nothing but the reading of -the book will cure. But time and truth will at length correct error. - -Our countrymen are so much occupied in the busy scenes of life, that they -have little time to write or invent. A good invention here, therefore, -is such a rarity as it is lawful to offer to the acceptance of a friend. -A Mr. Hawkins of Frankford, near Philadelphia, has invented a machine -which he calls a polygraph, and which carries two, three, or four pens. -That of two pens, with which I am now writing, is best; and is so perfect -that I have laid aside the copying-press, for a twelve month past, and -write always with the polygraph. I have directed one to be made, of which -I ask your acceptance. By what conveyance I shall send it while Havre is -blockaded, I do not yet know. I think you will be pleased with it, and -will use it habitually as I do; because it requires only that degree of -mechanical attention which I know you to possess. I am glad to hear that -M. Cabanis is engaged in writing on the reformation of medicine. It needs -the hand of a reformer, and cannot be in better hands than his. Will you -permit my respects to him and the Abbe de la Roche to find a place here? - -A word now on our political state. The two parties which prevailed with so -much violence when you were here, are almost wholly melted into one. At -the late Presidential election I have received one hundred and sixty-two -votes against fourteen only. Connecticut is still federal by a small -majority; and Delaware on a poise, as she has been since 1775, and will -be till Anglomany with her yields to Americanism. Connecticut will be -with us in a short time. Though the people in mass have joined us, their -leaders had committed themselves too far to retract. Pride keeps them -hostile; they brood over their angry passions, and give them vent in the -newspapers which they maintain. They still make as much noise as if they -were the whole nation. Unfortunately, these being the mercantile papers, -published chiefly in the sea-ports, are the only ones which find their -way to Europe, and make very false impressions there. I am happy to hear -that the late derangement of your health is going off, and that you are -re-established. I sincerely pray for the continuance of that blessing, and -with my affectionate salutations, tender you assurances of great respect -and attachment. - -P. S. The sheets which you receive are those of the copying-pen of the -polygraph, not of the one with which I have written. - - -TO JUDGE TYLER. - - MONTICELLO, March 29, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 17th found me on a short visit to this place, -and I observe in it with great pleasure a continuance of your approbation -of the course we are pursuing, and particularly the satisfaction you -express with the last inaugural address. The first was, from the nature of -the case, all profession and promise. Performance, therefore, seemed to be -the proper office of the second. But the occasion restricted me to mention -only the most prominent heads, and the strongest justification of these in -the fewest words possible. The crusade preached against philosophy by the -modern disciples of steady habits, induced me to dwell more in showing its -effect with the Indians than the subject otherwise justified. - -The war with Tripoli stands on two grounds of fact. 1st. It is made known -to us by our agents with the three other Barbary States, that they only -wait to see the event of this, to shape their conduct accordingly. If -the war is ended by additional tribute, they mean to offer us the same -alternative. 2dly. If peace was made, we should still, and shall ever, -be obliged to keep a frigate in the Mediterranean to overawe rupture, -or we must abandon that market. Our intention in sending Morris with a -respectable force, was to try whether peace could be forced by a coercive -enterprise on their town. His inexecution of orders baffled that effort. -Having broke him, we try the same experiment under a better commander. -If in the course of the summer they cannot produce peace, we shall recall -our force, except one frigate and two small vessels, which will keep up a -perpetual blockade. Such a blockade will cost us no more than a state of -peace, and will save us from increased tributes, and the disgrace attached -to them. There is reason to believe the example we have set, begins -already to work on the dispositions of the powers of Europe to emancipate -themselves from that degrading yoke. Should we produce such a revolution -there, we shall be amply rewarded for what we have done. Accept my -friendly salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem. - - -TO DOCTOR LOGAN. - - WASHINGTON, May 11, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--* * * * * - -I see with infinite pain the bloody schism which has taken place among -our friends in Pennsylvania and New York, and will probably take place -in other States. The main body of both sections mean well, but their good -intentions will produce great public evil. The minority, whichever section -shall be the minority, will end in coalition with the federalists, and -some compromise of principle; because these will not sell their aid for -nothing. Republicanism will thus lose, and royalism gain, some portion -of that ground which we thought we had rescued to good government. I -do not express my sense of our misfortunes from any idea that they are -remediable. I know that the passions of men will take their course, that -they are not to be controlled but by despotism, and that this melancholy -truth is the pretext for despotism. The duty of an upright administration -is to pursue its course steadily, to know nothing of these family -dissensions, and to cherish the good principles of both parties. The war -_ad internecionem_ which we have waged against federalism, has filled -our latter times with strife and unhappiness. We have met it, with pain -indeed, but with firmness, because we believed it the last convulsive -effort of that Hydra, which in earlier times we had conquered in the -field. But if any degeneracy of principle should ever render it necessary -to give ascendancy to one of the rising sections over the other, I thank -my God it will fall to some other to perform that operation. The only -cordial I wish to carry into my retirement, is the undivided good will of -all those with whom I have acted. - -Present me affectionately to Mrs. Logan, and accept my salutations, and -assurances of constant friendship and respect. - - -TO JUDGE SULLIVAN. - - WASHINGTON, May 21, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--An accumulation of business, which I found on my return here -from a short visit to Monticello, has prevented till now my acknowledgment -of your favor of the 14th ultimo. This delay has given time to see the -result of the contest in your State, and I cannot but congratulate you on -the advance it manifests, and the certain prospect it offers that another -year restores Massachusetts to the general body of the nation. You have -indeed received the federal unction of lying and slandering. But who has -not? Who will ever again come into eminent office, unanointed with this -chrism? It seems to be fixed that falsehood and calumny are to be their -ordinary engines of opposition; engines which will not be entirely without -effect. The circle of characters equal to the first stations is not -too large, and will be lessened by the voluntary retreat of those whose -sensibilities are stronger than their confidence in the justice of public -opinion. I certainly have known, and still know, characters eminently -qualified for the most exalted trusts, who could not bear up against the -brutal hackings and hewings of these heroes of Billingsgate. I may say, -from intimate knowledge, that we should have lost the services of the -greatest character of our country, had he been assailed with the degree of -abandoned licentiousness now practised. The torture he felt under rare and -slight attacks, proved that under those of which the federal bands have -shown themselves capable, he would have thrown up the helm in a burst of -indignation. Yet this effect of sensibility must not be yielded to. If we -suffer ourselves to be frightened from our post by mere lying, surely the -enemy will use that weapon; for what one so cheap to those of whose system -of politics morality makes no part? The patriot, like the Christian, -must learn that to bear revilings and persecutions is a part of his -duty; and in proportion as the trial is severe, firmness under it becomes -more requisite and praiseworthy. It requires, indeed, self-command. But -that will be fortified in proportion as the calls for its exercise are -repeated. In this I am persuaded we shall have the benefit of your good -example. To the other falsehoods they have brought forward, should they -add, as you expect, insinuations of want of confidence in you from the -administration generally, or myself particularly, it will, like their -other falsehoods, produce in the public mind a contrary inference. - - * * * * * - -I tender you my friendly and respectful salutations. - - -TO MR. DUNBAR. - - WASHINGTON, May 25, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--Your several letters, with the portions of your journals, -forwarded at different times, have been duly received; and I am now -putting the journal into the hands of a person properly qualified to -extract the results of your observations, and the various interesting -information contained among them, and bring them into such a compass as -may be communicated to the Legislature. Not knowing whether you might not -intend to make a map yourself, of the course of the river, he will defer -that to the last part of his work, on the possibility that we may receive -it from yourself. Your observations on the difficulty of transporting -baggage from the head of the Red river to that of the Arkansas, with -the dangers from the seceding Osages residing on the last river, have -determined me to confine the ensuing mission to the ascent of the Red -river to its source, and to descend the same river again, which will -give an opportunity of better ascertaining that which, in truth, next -to the Missouri, is the most interesting water of the Mississippi. You -will accordingly receive instructions to this effect, from the Secretary -of War. Dr. Hunter does not propose to take a part in this mission, and -we suppose that Mr. George Davis, a deputy of Mr. Briggs, will be the -fittest person to take the direction of the expedition, and Col. Freeman -as an assistant, and successor, in case of accident, to the principal. -Still, these propositions are submitted to your control, as being better -acquainted with both characters. I write to Gov. Claiborne, to endeavor -to get a passport from the Marquis of Casa-Calvo, for our party, as a -protection from any Spaniards who may be fallen in with on the route. We -offer to receive one or two persons, to be named by him, and subsisted by -us into the party, as a proof that the expedition is merely scientific, -and without any views to which Spain could take exception. The best -protection against the Indians will be the authority to confer with them -on the subject of commerce. Such conferences should be particularly held -with the Arkansas and Panis, residing on the Red river, and everything -possible be done to attach them to us affectionately. In the present -state of things between Spain and us, we should spare nothing to secure -the friendship of the Indians within reach of her. While Capt. Lewis' -mission was preparing, as it was understood that his reliance for his -longitudes must be on the lunar observations taken, as at sea, with the -aid of a time-keeper, and I knew that a thousand accidents might happen -to that in such a journey as his, and thus deprive us of the principal -object of the expedition, to wit, the ascertaining the geography of that -river, I set myself to consider whether in making observations at land, -that furnishes no resource which may dispense with the time-keeper, so -necessary at sea. It occurred to me that as we can always have a meridian -at land, that would furnish what the want of it at sea obliges us to -supply by the time-keeper. Supposing Capt. Lewis then furnished with -a meridian, and having the requisite tables and nautical almanac with -him,--first, he might find the right ascension of the moon, when on the -meridian of Greenwich, on any given day; then find by observation when -the moon should attain that right ascension (by the aid of a known star), -and measure her distance in that moment from his meridian. This distance -would be the difference of longitude between Greenwich and the place of -observation. Or secondly, observe the moon's passage over his meridian, -and her right ascension at that moment. See by the tables the time at -Greenwich when she had that right ascension. That gives her distance -from the meridian of Greenwich, when she was on his meridian. Or thirdly, -observe the moon's distance from his meridian at any moment, and her right -ascension at that moment; and find from the tables her distance from the -meridian of Greenwich, when she had that right ascension, which will give -the distance of the two meridians. This last process will he simplified -by taking, for the moment of observation, that of an appulse of the -moon and a known star, or when the moon and a known star are in the same -vertical. I suggested this to Mr. Briggs, who considered it as correct -and practicable, and proposed communicating it to the Philosophical -Society; but I observed that it was too obvious not to have been thought -of before, and supposed it had not been adopted in practice, because -of no use at sea, where a meridian cannot be had, and where alone the -nations of Europe had occasion for it. Before his confirmation of the -idea, however, Capt. Lewis was gone. In conversation afterwards with Baron -Humboldt, he observed that the idea was correct, but not new; that I would -find it in the third volume of Delalande. I received two days ago the -third and fourth volumes of Montuela's History of Mathematics, finished -and edited by Delalande; and find, in fact, that Morin and Vanlangren, -in the seventeenth century, proposed observations of the moon on the -meridian, but it does not appear whether they meant to dispense with the -time-keeper. But a meridian at sea being too impracticable, their idea was -not pursued. The purpose of troubling you with these details, is to submit -to your consideration and decision whether any use can be made of them -advantageously in our future expeditions, and particularly that up the Red -river. - -Your letter on the current of the Mississippi, and paper on the same -subject, corrected at once my doubts on your theory of the currents -of that river. Constant employment in a very different line permits -me to turn to philosophical subjects only when some circumstance -forces them on my attention. No occurrence had called my mind to this -subject, particularly since I had first been initiated into the original -Torricellian doctrine of the velocities at different depths, being in -the sub-duplicate ratio of the depths. And though Buat had given me his -book while at Paris, your letter was the first occasion of my turning -to it, and getting my mind set to rights to a certain degree. There is a -subsequent work by Bernard, which is said to have furnished corrections -and additions to Buat; but I have never seen it. - -The work we are now doing is, I trust, done for posterity, in such a way -that they need not repeat it. For this we are much indebted to you, not -only for the labor and time you have devoted to it, but for the excellent -method of which you have set the example, and which I hope will be the -model to be followed by others. We shall delineate with correctness the -great arteries of this great country. Those who come after us will extend -the ramifications as they become acquainted with them, and fill up the -canvas we begin. With my acknowledgments for your zealous aid in this -business, accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem -and respect. - - -TO DOCTOR SIBLEY. - - WASHINGTON, May 27, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--I have been some time a debtor for your letters of March -20th and September 2d, of the last year. A constant pressure of things -which will not admit delay, prevents my acknowledging with punctuality -the letters I receive, although I am not insensible to the value of -the communications, and the favor done me in making them. To these -acknowledgments I propose to add a solicitation of a literary kind, -to which I am led by your position, favorable to this object, and by a -persuasion that you are disposed to make to science those contributions -which are within your convenience. The question whether the Indians of -America have emigrated from another continent, is still undecided. Their -vague and imperfect traditions can satisfy no mind on that subject. I -have long considered their languages as the only remaining monument of -connection with other nations, or the want of it, to which we can now have -access. They will likewise show their connections with one another. Very -early in life, therefore, I formed a vocabulary of such objects as, being -present everywhere, would probably have a name in every language; and my -course of life having given me opportunities of obtaining vocabularies -of many Indian tribes, I have done so on my original plan, which though -far from being perfect, has the valuable advantage of identity, of thus -bringing the languages to the same points of comparison. A letter from you -to General Dearborne, giving valuable information respecting the Indians -west of the Mississippi and south of the Arkansas, presents a much longer -list of tribes than I had expected; and the relations in which you stand -with them, and the means of intercourse these will furnish, induce me to -hope you will avail us of your means of collecting their languages for -this purpose. I enclose you a number of my blank vocabularies, to lessen -your trouble as much as I can. I observe you mention several tribes which, -having an original language of their own, nevertheless have adopted -some other, common to other tribes. But it is their original languages -I wish to obtain. I am in hopes you will find persons situated among -or near most of the tribes, who will take the trouble of filling up a -vocabulary. No matter whether the orthography used be English, Spanish, -French, or any other, provided it is stated what the orthography is. To -save unnecessary trouble, I should observe that I already possess the -vocabularies of the Attacapas and Chetimachas, and no others within the -limits before mentioned. I have taken measures for obtaining those north -of the Arcansa, and already possess most of the languages on this side -the Mississippi. A similar work, but on a much greater scale, has been -executed under the auspices of the late empress of Russia, as to the red -nations of Asia, which, however, I have never seen. A comparison of our -collection with that will probably decide the question of the sameness -or difference of origin, although it will not decide which is the mother -country, and which the colony. You will receive from Gen. Dearborne some -important instructions with respect to the Indians. Nothing must be spared -to convince them of the justice and liberality we are determined to use -towards them, and to attach them to us indissolubly. Accept my apologies -for the trouble I am giving you, with my salutations and assurances of -respect. - - -TO THOMAS PAINE. - - WASHINGTON, June 5, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letters, Nos. 1, 2, 3, the last of them dated April the -20th, were received April the 26th. I congratulate you on your retirement -to your farm, and still more that it is of a character so worthy of your -attention. I much doubt whether the open room on your second story will -answer your expectations. There will be a few days in the year in which it -will be delightful, but not many. Nothing but trees, or Venetian blinds, -can protect it from the sun. The semi-cylindrical roof you propose will -have advantages. You know it has been practised on the cloth market at -Paris. De Lorme, the inventor, shows many forms of roofs in his book -to which it is applicable. I have used it at home for a dome, being one -hundred and twenty degrees of an oblong octagon, and in the capitol we -unite two quadrants of a sphere by a semi-cylinder; all framed in De -Lorme's manner. How has your planing machine answered? Has it been tried -and persevered in by any workmen? - -France has become so jealous of our conduct as to St. Domingo (which in -truth is only the conduct of our merchants), that the offer to become a -mediator would only confirm her suspicions. Bonaparte, however, expressed -satisfaction at the paragraph in my message to Congress on the subject of -that commerce. With respect to the German redemptioners, you know I can do -nothing unless authorized by law. It would be made a question in Congress, -whether any of the enumerated objects to which the Constitution authorizes -the money of the Union to be applied, would cover an expenditure for -importing settlers to Orleans. The letter of the revolutionary sergeant -was attended to by General Dearborne, who wrote to him informing him how -to proceed to obtain his land. - -Doctor Eustis' observation to you, that "certain paragraphs in the -National Intelligencer" respecting my letter to you, "supposed to be -under Mr. Jefferson's direction, had embarrassed Mr. Jefferson's friends -in Massachusetts; that they appeared like a half denial of the letter, -or as if there was something in it not proper to be owned, or that needed -an apology," is one of those mysterious half confidences difficult to be -understood. That tory printers should think it advantageous to identify me -with that paper, the Aurora, &c., in order to obtain ground for abusing -me, is perhaps fair warfare. But that any one who knows me personally -should listen one moment to such an insinuation, is what I did not expect. -I neither have, nor ever had, any more connection with those papers than -our antipodes have; nor know what is to be in them until I see it in -them, except proclamations and other documents sent for publication. The -friends in Massachusetts who could be embarrassed by so weak a weapon -as this, must be feeble friends indeed. With respect to the letter, I -never hesitated to avow and to justify it in conversation. In no other -way do I trouble myself to contradict anything which is said. At that -time, however, there were certain anomalies in the motions of some of our -friends, which events have at length reduced to regularity. - -It seems very difficult to find out what turns things are to take in -Europe. I suppose it depends on Austria, which, knowing it is to stand in -the way of receiving the first hard blows, is cautious of entering into -a coalition. As to France and England we can have but one wish, that they -may disable one another from injuring others. - -Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, August 7, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--On a view of our affairs with Spain, presented me in a letter -from C. Pinckney, I wrote you on the 23d of July, that I thought we should -offer them the _status quo_, but immediately proposed provincial alliance -with England. I have not yet received the whole correspondence. But the -portion of the papers now enclosed to you, confirm me in the opinion of -the expediency of a treaty with England, but make the offer of the _status -quo_ more doubtful. The correspondence will probably throw light on that -question; from the papers already received I infer a confident reliance -on the part of Spain on the omnipotence of Bonaparte, but a desire of -procrastination till peace in Europe shall leave us without an ally. -General Dearborne has seen all the papers. I will ask the favor of you to -communicate them to Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Smith. From Mr. Gallatin I shall -ask his first opinion, preparatory to the stating formal questions for -our ultimate decision. I am in hopes you can make it convenient to see -and consult with Mr. Smith and General Dearborne, unless the latter should -come on here where I can do it myself. On the receipt of your own ideas, -Mr. Smith's and the other gentlemen, I shall be able to form points for -our final consideration and determination. - -I enclose you some communications from the Mediterranean. They show -Barron's understanding in a very favorable view. When you shall have -perused them, be so good as to enclose them to the Secretary of the Navy. -Accept my fervent wishes for the speedy recovery of Mrs. Madison, and your -speedy visit to this quarter. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, August 25, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--I confess that the enclosed letter from General Turreau excites -in me both jealousy and offence in undertaking, and without apology, to -say in what manner to receive and treat Moreau within our own country. Had -Turreau been here longer he would have known that the national authority -pays honors to no foreigners. That the State authorities, municipalities -and individuals, are free to render whatever they please, voluntarily, -and free from restraint, by us; and he ought to know that no part of the -criminal sentence of another country can have any effect here. The style -of that government in the Spanish business, was calculated to excite -indignation; but it was a case in which that might have done injury. -But the present is a case which would justify some notice in order to -let them understand we are not of those powers who will receive and -execute mandates. I think the answer should show independence as well as -friendship. I am anxious to receive the opinions of our brethren after -their review and consideration of the Spanish papers. I am strongly -impressed with a belief of hostile and treacherous intentions against -us on the part of France, and that we should lose no time in securing -something more than a mutual friendship with England. - -Not having heard from you for some posts, I have had a hope you were -on the road, and consequently that Mrs. Madison was re-established. We -are now in want of rain, having had none in the last ten days. In your -quarter I am afraid they have been much longer without it. We hear great -complaints from F. Walker's, Lindsay's, Maury's, &c., of drought. Accept -affectionate salutations, and assurances of constant friendship. - -P. S. I suppose Kuhn, at Genoa, should have new credentials. - - -TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. - - MONTICELLO, August 27, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--Yours of the 20th has been received, and in that a letter from -Casinore, and another from Mrs. Ciracchi; but those from Turreau and to -Upryo were not enclosed. Probably the former was what came to me by the -preceding post, respecting Moreau; if so, you have my opinion on it in my -last. Considering the character of Bonaparte, I think it material at once -to let him see that we are not of the powers who will receive his orders. - -I think you have misconceived the nature of the treaty I thought we should -propose to England. I have no idea of committing ourselves immediately -or independently of our further will to the war. The treaty should be -provisional only, to come into force on the event of our being engaged -in war with either France or Spain during the present war in Europe. -In that event we should make common cause, and England should stipulate -not to make peace without our obtaining the objects for which we go to -war, to wit, the acknowledgment by Spain of the rightful boundaries of -Louisiana (which we should reduce to our minimum by a secret article) and -2, indemnification for spoliations, for which purpose we should be allowed -to make reprisal on the Floridas and _retain them_ as an indemnification. -Our co-operation in the war (if we should actually enter into it) would -be sufficient consideration for Great Britain to engage for its object; -and it being generally known to France and Spain that we had entered into -treaty with England, would probably ensure us a peaceable and immediate -settlement of both points. But another motive much more powerful would -indubitably induce England to go much further. Whatever ill-humor may at -times have been expressed against us by individuals of that country, the -first wish of every Englishman's heart is to see us once more fighting -by their sides against France; nor could the king or his ministers do an -act so popular as to enter into an alliance with us. The nation would not -weigh the consideration by grains and scruples. They would consider it as -the price and pledge of an indissoluble friendship. I think it possible -that for such a provisional treaty their general guarantee of Louisiana -and the Floridas. At any rate we might try them. A failure would not make -our situation worse. If such a one could be obtained we might await our -own convenience for calling up the _casus fœderis_. I think it important -that England should receive an overture as early as possible, as it -might prevent her listening to terms of peace. If I recollect rightly, -we had instructed Moreau, when he went to Paris, to settle the deposit; -if he failed in that object to propose a treaty to England immediately. -We could not be more engaged to secure the deposit then than we are -the country now, after paying fifteen millions for it. I do expect, -therefore, that, considering the present state of things as analogous to -that, and virtually within his instructions, he will very likely make the -proposition to England. I write my thoughts freely, wishing the same from -the other gentlemen, that seeing and considering the ground of each others -opinions we may come as soon as possible to a result. I propose to be in -Washington by the 2d of October. By that time I hope we shall be ripe for -some conclusion. - -I have desired Mr. Barnes to pay my quota of expenses relating to the -Marseilles cargo, whatever you will be so good as to notify him that it -is. I wish I could have heard that Mrs. Madison's course of recovery were -more speedy. I now fear we shall not see you but in Washington. Accept for -her and yourself my affectionate salutations, and assurances of constant -esteem and respect. - - -TO MR. MADISON. - - MONTICELLO, September 16, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--The enclosed letter from General Armstrong furnishes matter -for consideration. You know the French considered themselves entitled -to the Rio Bravo, and that Laussal declared his orders to be to receive -possession to that limit, but not to Perdido; and that France has to us -been always silent as to the western boundary, while she spoke decisively -as to the eastern. You know Turreau agreed with us that neither party -should strengthen themselves in the disputed country during negotiation; -and Armstrong, who says Monroe concurs with him, is of opinion, from the -character of the Emperor, that were we to restrict ourselves to taking -the posts on the west side of the Mississippi, and threaten a cessation of -intercourse with Spain, Bonaparte would interpose efficiently to prevent -the quarrel from going further. Add to these things the fact that Spain -has sent five hundred colonists to St. Antonio, and one hundred troops to -Nacogdoches, and probably has fixed or prepared a post at the Bay of St. -Bernard, at Matagordo. Supposing, then, a previous alliance with England -to guard us in the worst event, I should propose that Congress should -pass acts, 1, authorizing the executive to suspend intercourse with Spain -at discretion; 2, to dislodge the new establishments of Spain between -the Mississippi and Bravo; and 3, to appoint commissioners to examine -and ascertain all claims for spoliation that they might be preserved for -future indemnification. I commit these ideas merely for consideration, and -that the subject may be matured by the time of our meeting at Washington, -where I shall be myself on the 2d of October. I have for some time feared -I should not have the pleasure of seeing you either in Albemarle or -Orange, from a general observation of the slowness of surgical cases. -However, should Mrs. Madison be well enough for you to come to Orange, I -will call on you on my way to Washington, if I can learn you are at home. -General Dearborne is here. His motions depend on the stage. Accept for -Mrs. Madison and yourself affectionate salutations. - -P. S. I am afraid Bowdoin's journey to England will furnish a ground for -Pinckney's remaining at Madrid. I think he should be instructed to leave -it immediately, and Bowdoin might as well, perhaps, delay going there till -circumstances render it more necessary. - - -TO MR. GALLATIN. - - WASHINGTON, October 18, 1805. - -DEAR SIR,--I had detained the letter of Mr. Merry on Foster's claims of -freedom from importing duties, in expectation that Mr. Madison's return -would enable him, you and myself, to confer on it. If the case presses, -I will express my opinion on it. Every person diplomatic _in his own -right_, is entitled to the privileges of the law of nations, in his own -right. Among these is the receipt of all packages unopened and unexamined -by the country which receives him. The usage of nations has established -that this shall liberate whatever is imported _bonâ fide_ for his own use, -from paying any duty. A government may control the number of diplomatic -characters it will receive; but if it receives them it cannot control -their rights while _bonâ fide_ exercised. Thus Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, -Colonel Humphreys, and myself, all residing at Paris at the same time, -had all of us our importation duty free. Great Britain had an ambassador -and a minister plenipotentiary there, and an ambassador extra for several -years; all three had their entries free. In most countries this privilege -is permanent. Great Britain is niggardly, and allows it only on the first -arrival. But in this as she treats us only as _she does_ the most favored -nations, so we should treat her as _we do_ the most favored nations. If -these principles are right, Mr. Foster is duty free. If you concur, let it -be so settled. If you think differently, let it lie for Madison's opinion. -Colonel Monroe, in a letter of May, from Madrid, expressed impatience to -get back to London that he might get to America before the equinox. It was -the first I had heard of his having any thought of coming here, and though -equivocally expressed, I thought he meant only a visit. In subsequent -letters from Paris and London, down to August 16, he says nothing of -coming; on the contrary, he has re-opened a particular negotiation. The -motives which led him to wish to arrive before the equinox would prevent -his venturing between the equinox and winter. I think, therefore, he has -no fixed idea of coming away. Accept affectionate salutations. - - -TO DOCTORS ROGERS AND SLAUGHTER. - - WASHINGTON, March 2, 1806. - -GENTLEMEN,--I have received the favor of your letter of February the 2d, -and read with thankfulness its obliging expressions respecting myself. -I regret that the object of a letter from persons whom I so much esteem, -and patronized by so many other respectable names, should be beyond the -law which a mature consideration of circumstances has prescribed for my -conduct. I deem it the duty of every man to devote a certain portion of -his income for charitable purposes; and that it is his further duty to -see it so applied as to do the most good of which it is capable. This -I believe to be best insured, by keeping within the circle of his own -inquiry and information the subjects of distress to whose relief his -contributions shall be applied. If this rule be reasonable in private -life, it becomes so necessary in my situation, that to relinquish it -would leave me without rule or compass. The applications of this kind from -different parts of our own, and from foreign countries, are far beyond any -resources within my command. The mission of Serampore, in the East Indies, -the object of the present application, is but one of many items. However -disposed the mind may feel to unlimited good, our means having limits, -we are necessarily circumscribed by them. They are too narrow to relieve -even the distresses under my own eye; and to desert these for others -which we neither see nor know, is to omit doing a certain good for one -which is uncertain. I know, indeed, there have been splendid associations -for effecting benevolent purposes in remote regions of the earth. But no -experience of their effect has proved that more good would not have been -done by the same means employed nearer home. In explaining, however, my -own motives of action, I must not be understood as impeaching those of -others. Their views are those of an expanded liberality. Mine may be too -much restrained by the law of usefulness. But it is a law to me, and with -minds like yours, will be felt as a justification. With this apology, -I pray you to accept my salutations, and assurances of high esteem and -respect. - - -TO MR. DUANE. - - WASHINGTON, March 22, 1806. - -I thank you, my good Sir, cordially, for your letter of the 12th, which -however I did not receive till the 20th. It is a proof of sincerity, which -I value above all things; as, between those who practise it, falsehood and -malice work their efforts in vain. There is an enemy somewhere endeavoring -to sow discord among us. Instead of listening first, then doubting, and -lastly believing anile tales handed round without an atom of evidence, if -my friends will address themselves to me directly, as you have done, they -shall be informed with frankness and thankfulness. There is not a truth -on earth which I fear or would disguise. But secret slanders cannot be -disarmed, because they are secret. Although you desire no answer, I shall -give you one to those articles admitting a short answer, reserving those -which require more explanation than the compass of a letter admits, to -conversation on your arrival here. And as I write this for your personal -satisfaction, I rely that my letter will, under no circumstances, be -communicated to any mortal, because you well know how every syllable from -me is distorted by the ingenuity of my political enemies. - -In the first place, then, I have had less communication, directly or -indirectly, with the republicans of the east, this session, than I -ever had before. This has proceeded from accidental circumstances, not -from design. And if there be any coolness between those of the south -and myself, it has not been from me towards them. Certainly there has -been no other reserve than to avoid taking part in the divisions among -our friends. That Mr. R. has openly attacked the administration is -sufficiently known. We were not disposed to join in league with Britain, -under any belief that she is fighting for the liberties of mankind, -and to enter into war with Spain, and consequently France. The House -of Representatives were in the same sentiment, when they rejected Mr. -R.'s resolutions for raising a body of regular troops for the western -service. We are for a peaceable accommodation with all those nations, -if it can be effected honorably. This, perhaps, is not the only ground -of his alienation; but which side retains its orthodoxy, the vote of -eighty-seven to eleven republicans may satisfy you; but you will better -satisfy yourself on coming here, where alone the true state of things can -be known, and where you will see republicanism as solidly embodied on all -essential points, as you ever saw it on any occasion. - -That there is only one minister who is not opposed to me, is -totally unfounded. There never was a more harmonious, a more cordial -administration, nor ever a moment when it has been otherwise. And while -differences of opinion have been always rare among us, I can affirm, that -as to present matters, there was not a single paragraph in my message to -Congress, or those supplementary to it, in which there was not a unanimity -of concurrence in the members of the administration. The fact is, that in -ordinary affairs every head of a department consults me on those of his -department, and where anything arises too difficult or important to be -decided between us, the consultation becomes general. - -That there is an ostensible cabinet and a concealed one, a public -profession and concealed counteraction, is false. - -That I have denounced republicans by the epithet of Jacobins, and declared -I would appoint none but those called moderates of both parties, and that -I have avowed or entertain any predilection for those called the third -party, or Quids, is in every tittle of it false. - -That the expedition of Miranda was countenanced by me, is an absolute -falsehood, let it have gone from whom it might; and I am satisfied it is -equally so as to Mr. Madison. To know as much of it as we could was our -duty, but not to encourage it. - -Our situation is difficult; and whatever we do is liable to the criticisms -of those who wish to represent it awry. If we recommend measures in a -public message, it may be said that members are not sent here to obey the -mandates of the President, or to register the edicts of a sovereign. If we -express opinions in conversation, we have then our Charles Jenkinsons, and -back-door counsellors. If we say nothing, "we have no opinions, no plans, -no cabinet." In truth it is the fable of the old man, his son and ass, -over again. - -These are short facts which may suffice to inspire you with caution, -until you can come here and examine for yourself. No other information -can give you a true insight into the state of things; but you will have no -difficulty in understanding them when on the spot. In the meantime, accept -my friendly salutations and cordial good wishes. - - - - -INDEX TO VOL. IV. - - - ADAMS, JOHN--Opposition to his administration in connection with - war with France, 229. - The effects of his war policy, 234, 235. - Expenses of his administration, 259. - State of parties during his administration, 262, 263. - His appointments to office, 356, 383, 386. - Relations between him and Mr. Jefferson, 545, 555, 560. - Policy of his administration in relation to French war, 290, 291, 298. - - AGRICULTURE--Profits of, in Virginia, 3. - - ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS--Proposed, 237, 242, 244. - Objections to, 258. - Copy of Kentucky resolutions sent to Mr. Madison, 258. - Resolutions on, by Kentucky, 305. - - ARMY--Reduction of, 430. - - - BACON'S REBELLION--528. - - BALLS--Dissensions about birth-night balls, 218. - - BARBARY STATES--War with Tripoli, 574. - - BUREAU--The case of the, 405. - - BONAPARTE--His expedition to Egypt, 278, 280. - Establishment of Consular government by, 315, 320. - His administrative talents, 320. - His character and purposes, 322. - Jerome Bonaparte's marriage with Miss Patterson, 510. - - BOUNDARY--Difficulty between Virginia and Maryland in reference to, 162. - - - CALLENDAR--Mr. Jefferson's relations with, 445, 447, 448. - - CAPITOL--Building of, 435. - - CAROLINA, SOUTH--Notice of effort to excite insurrection among - negroes, 98. - - CHARITIES--Principles on which bestowed, 589. - - CLIMATE--Of Europe and America compared, 570. - (See Weather.) - - COMMERCE--Condition of commerce of U. States in 1798, 213. - Commercial relations with Great Britain, 214. - French regulations in relation to, 220, 221. - - CONSULS--One nation not bound to receive Consuls from another, 90. - How commissions for Consuls to U. States addressed, 91. - The limits of the Consular jurisdiction, 39. - No consuls permitted in British West Indies, 69. - Revocation of Exequater of French consul, 72. - Jurisdiction of, over prizes, 83, 84. - - CONSTITUTION--Declaration of its principles desirable, 328. - Mode of construction by federalists, 329. - Its true principles, 330. - Principles of the eastern States, 331. - - CONVENTION, FEDERAL--What done with journal of, 136. - - - DEARBORNE, LIEUT.--Made Secretary of War, 356. - - DEPARTMENTS--Circular to Heads of, 315. - - DUMOURIER, GENERAL--His desertion and character, 5. - - - EDUCATION--Proposition to remove College of Geneva to United States, - 108, 113. - Importance of, 119. - System of schools and colleges proposed by Mr. Jefferson, 317. - - ELECTIONS--Members of Congress should be elected by Districts and - not by general ticket, 308. - - ENGLAND--Her refusal to surrender our military posts, 95. - Carries off negroes at end of Revolutionary war, 96. - Danger of war with, 102, 105. - Our dependence on, 172. - - EUROPE--Condition of, in 1798, 217, 218. - - EXCISE--The obnoxious character of, 112. - - EXECUTIVES--Mode of communicating between State and Federal - governments, 401. - - - FEDERALISTS--Character of the party, 112, 139, 197, 448. - Their ascendancy, 140, 141. - The moderate portion of the party, 361. - Mr. Jefferson's policy towards, 451, 484, 542. - - FINANCE--Reforms in, 428, 430. - - FLORIDAS, THE--Their cession to France, 432. - - FOREIGN POLICY--414. - - FRANCE--Condition of, in 1793, 8. - Affection of our people for, 123. - Her victories in Europe, 182. - Danger of war with, in 1797, 181, 183, 184, 185, 189, 233, 265, 277. - Special mission to, to preserve peace, 187, 208, 232, 234. - War with, avoided, 189, 190. - Silence of Envoys to, favorable, 216. - Their negotiations in France, 232, 234, 251. - Talleyrand's intrigues with, 234, 235, 270. - Return of Envoys to United States, 250. - The X. Y. Z. delusion, 265, 271, 274. - Effect of, in United States, 275. - Conduct of Envoys, 271, 272. - Disposition of France to peace, 271, 275, 276, 288, 292, 293. - Establishment of the Consulate, 315. - Unfriendly feeling in, towards United States, 448. - Condition of, under Bonaparte, 452, 493, 496. - - - GENET, M.--His conduct, 7, 20, 31, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 53, 64, - 68, 84. - His recall asked, 50. - Petitions to have Mr. Jay prosecuted for libelling him, 97. - - GERRY, ELBRIDGE--Letter from, on political condition of U. S. and - his mission to France, 273. - - GOVERNMENT--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 114, 115. - Equilibrium between State and Federal governments necessary, 217. - - GUN BOATS--567. - - - HAMILTON, ALEXANDER--His great talents, 121, 231. - His advocacy of Jay's treaty, 121. - His anonymous writings, 231. - - HENRY, PATRICK--Court paid to him by federalists, 148. - - HISTORY, NATURAL--Big bones of the west, 149, 337, 351. - Skeleton from Paraguay, 195. - The wild horses of the west, 253. - - - IMPEACHMENT--Introduction of trial by jury in cases of, 215. - - IMPRESSMENT--Jefferson's views on, 133. - - IMPROVEMENT, INTERNAL--Jefferson's views on, 131, 449, 478. - Post roads, 131. - Piers in the Delaware, 449, 478. - Light-houses, 450, 478. - - INDIANS--Our efforts to keep them neutral in revolutionary war, 10. - Efforts to preserve peace with, 10, 11, 12. - Our policy towards, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 464, 467, 472, 489. - War with northwestern Indians, 86. - Cessions of land by, 464, 467, 472. - Their languages, 326, 580. - Their artistic skill, 310. - - INSURRECTION--Of negroes in Virginia, 336. - - - JEFFERSON, THOMAS--His retirement from Secretaryship of State, 26, - 28, 99, 100. - Consents to remain until December, 1792, 28. - His retirement from politics, 101. - His devotion to agricultural life, 103. - His farming system, 106, 143, 224. - Declares his purpose never to enter public life again, 110. - Does not desire the Presidential office, 110. - His relations with General Washington in 1796, 142, 171. - Prefers Mr. Adams to himself for Presidency, 150, 151, 153, 154. - His letter to J. Adams on the subject, 153. - His election to Vice-Presidency, 158, 163, 165, 168. - Mode of notifying his election, 160. - His views of duties of his new office, 161. - His relations with J. Adams, 161, 167. - Preparation of his Parliamentary manual, 163. - His account of the Mazzei letter, 193. - His opposition to war with France, 178, 181, 183, 184, 185, 198, - 230, 254. - His political associates, 254. - Calumnies against him, 255, 333, 520, 576. - Summary of his political principles, 268. - His election over Burr to Presidency, 358. - His valedictory to Senate on termination of Vice-Presidency, 362. - His oath of office, 364. - Reformations in administration of government, 396, 399, 523. - His agency in forming Constitution, 441. - Principles of his administration, 452, 523, 548. - Candidate for second Presidential term, 536. - His early friends, 547. - Political differences no effect on private friendships, 562. - His purpose to retire at end of second term, 565. - His majority at second election, 573. - Unanimity of his Cabinet, 592. - - JUDICIARY--The executive consults it, 22. - Limits to jurisdiction of federal judiciary, 199. - Jury trial and viva voce evidence in Chancery suits, 318. - - JURISDICTION, TERRITORIAL--Extract of the Marine league, 75. - - - KENTUCKY--Resolutions of, on alien and sedition laws, 258, 305. - - KING, RUFUS--Sent minister to Russia, 289. - - KNOX, GENERAL--His bankruptcy, 262. - - KOSCIUSKO, GENERAL--His return to Europe, 248. - - - LA FAYETTE--Greeting to his son on coming to U. S., 114. - - LAND--Conveyances of, before revolution, 371. - - LANGUAGES--Policy of the study of, 316. - The Indian languages, 326, 348, 580. - - LAW, THE COMMON--No part of law of Federal government, 301, 306. - - LAWS, MUNICIPAL--Derive their authority from the people, 302. - - LAW, NATIONAL--Enemy's property in friend's vessel seizable, 24, - 403, 408. - Arms are contraband, but government will not prohibit exportation - of, 87. - - LEWIS, CAPTAIN M.--His expedition to explore west, 470, 492, 516, 540. - - LIANCOURT, DUKE DE--A fugitive from French revolution, 145. - - LITERATURE--Condition of literary men, 513. - - LIVINGSTON, ROBERT R.--Secretaryship of Navy tendered him, 338. - Sent on mission to France, 360. - - LOUISIANA--Its cession to France, 432, 435. - Efforts to purchase for U. S., 454, 457, 460. - Its acquisition, 494, 497, 503, 509, 510, 525. - Boundaries of, 498, 503, 539, 548, 550, 587. - Its unconstitutionality, 500, 503, 504, 506. - Cession of, opposed by Spain, 511. - Occupation of, 510, 514. - Organization of government of, 551, 558. - - - MADISON, JAMES--Jefferson wishes him to succeed Washington in - Presidency, 116, 117, 136, 150. - His report of debates in convention, 263. - - MALTHUS--His work on population, 526, 527. - - MARITIME JURISDICTION--Limits of, 73, 559. - - MARSHALL, JOHN--His reception on return from mission to France, 249. - - MESSAGES--Substituted for speeches, 426. - - MILITIA--The discipline of, 469. - - MINISTERS, FOREIGN--Their pay, 455. - Their right to import duty free, 588. - - MONROE, JAMES--Jefferson advises him to come to Congress, 242. - Sent on special mission to France to negotiate for Louisiana and - Floridas, 454, 457, 460. - - MONUMENTS--To living men objectionable, 335. - - MOREAU, GEN.--His arrival in U. S., 584. - - MORRIS, GOVERNEUR--Becomes unpopular in France, 93. - - - NEUTRALITY--Efforts to preserve it, 6. - Grounds on which proclamation of opposed, 18, 29. - Circumstances attending it, 18, 29, 30, 32. - Measures vindicating our neutrality, 18, 19, 27, 51, 55. - Violations of, by France, 27, 33, 45, 46, 55, 68. - Questions at issue between Genet and U. S., 34, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44. - Unlawful for the belligerents to arm and equip in our ports, 34. - In what cases our courts have jurisdiction over prizes, 38, 40. - Enemy's goods in neutral vessels liable to capture, 43. - Same rule extended to England as to other nations, though no - treaty with her, 57. - Violations of our neutrality by England, 59, 62. - What are the rights of neutral nations, 59. - Conditions of neutrality, 61. - Difference between England and France resulting from treaty, 65. - French prizes admitted, and English excluded by treaty, 66. - Right of vessels of belligerents to visit our ports, 66. - Territorial jurisdiction extends to the marine league, 75, 559. - In what cases our courts make restitution of prizes, 78. - - NEW ENGLAND--Character of the people of, 247. - - NEW ORLEANS--Difficulties in relation to rights of deposit at, 454, - 457, 460. - Our policy in relation to, 483. - - - OFFICES--Principles on which distributed, 353, 368, 380, 391, 398, - 402, 406, 451, 543. - Refuses offices to relations, 388. - - - PARTIES, POLITICAL--(See United States.) - - PATRONAGE--(See Offices.) - - PHILADELPHIA--The yellow fever there, 54, 64, 70, 74, 86. - - PLOUGH--One invented by Mr. Jefferson, 147, 225. - - POLYGRAPH--572. - - POSTS, NORTH WESTERN--Failure of English to surrender, 95. - - PRESIDENT--Has no power to change place of meeting of Congress, 72. - Removal of executive government to Germantown, 74, 86. - - PRESIDENCY--Nominations for second Presidency, 100, 116, 150, 151, - 153, 154. - Equality of vote between Burr and Jefferson, 340, 342, 344, 345, - 349, 352, 354, 369. - - PRESS--Freedom of, in U. S., 21. - - PRIVATEERS--A merchant vessel armed for defence only is not a - privateer, 41. - - PROCLAMATION OF NEUTRALITY--(See Neutrality.) - - - RANDOLPH, EDMUND--His character, 125. - - RANDOLPH, JOHN--His relations to Jefferson's administration, 517. - - RELIGION--Jefferson's views on, 422, 525. - His views on Christianity, 475, 477, 479. - His views of Jesus, 475, 477, 481. - Fastings and thanksgivings not proclaimed by him, 427. - - REPUBLICAN PARTY--Split in, 591. - - ROBBIN'S CASE--323, 324. - - - SEA LETTERS--To whom should be granted, 566. - - SENATE--Functions of that body, 107. - J. Adams' views of, 215. - - SHORT, WM.--His recall from Europe, 413. - - SLAVES--Policy of emancipation, 196. - Numbers carried off by English at end of revolution, 96. - Plans of colonization, 420, 442. - - SPAIN--Danger of war with, 7, 8, 16, 17, 21. - Summary of our relations with, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16. - Difficulties with, in respect to inciting Indians against us, - 12, 13, 14. - - SOCIETIES, DEMOCRATIC--Opposition of federalists to, 111, 133. - Efforts to suppress them, 111, 133. - - STATE RIGHTS--Jefferson's views on, 331. - - STEAM ENGINES--Employed to conduct water through houses, 296. - - STEVENS, DR.--His case, 528. - - ST. DOMINGO--Condition of fugitives from, 20. - Expulsion of whites from, 20. - Assistance rendered to, by United States, 49. - Condition of the Island, 251. - - - TALLEYRAND--His connection with the X. Y. Z. business, 436. - - TREASURY--Financial reforms in, 428, 430. - - TREATIES--Our policy in relation to, 552. - The unpopularity of Jay's treaty, 120. - Power of House of Representatives over, 125, 134, 135. - Passage of Jay's treaty, 148. - - TURKEY, THE--A native of America, 346. - - - UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA--Its foundation, 313, 316, 462. - - UNITED STATES--Excess of party spirit in, 176, 178, 184, 191, - 241, 247, 286. - Danger of war with France, 178, 181, 183, 187. - State of parties in, 179, 184, 206, 224, 234, 246. - Preparations for war, 183, 185, 241. - Political complexion of different sections of U. S., 186, 246. - Importance of peace to, 187. - State of parties on question of war with France, 189, 190, 222, - 227, 229, 239. - Majority against war, 190, 192, 210. - Our true policy in our foreign relations, 191, 414. - Proceedings in Congress, 205, 208, 210, 211, 237. - Political condition of, 256, 259, 265, 271, 281, 287, 295, 297, - 300, 322, 328, 330. - Financial condition of, in 1798, 264, 277, 284. - Increase of Republican party, 288, 414, 437, 488. - Consolidation of republicans and moderate federalists under - Jefferson, 366, 367, 370, 378, 381, 382, 386, 389, 406, 437, - 523, 542. - The political revolution of 1800, 373, 375, 376, 390, 425, 440, - 467. - Relations with England and France, 586. - - - VIRGINIA--Profits of agriculture in, 3. - Height of mountains of, 147. - Proposition for State convention, 199. - Collection of statutes of, 128. - Loss of public documents of, 129. - Alteration in Notes on Virginia, 564. - - - WAR--Preparations for, 279, 283, 285, 290, 291, 299, 323. - Public opinion in relation to, 279, 295, 300. - War policy of J. Adams' administration, 290, 291, 298. - War unavoidable in Europe, 491. - Danger of war with France, 181, 183, 184, 185, 189, 233, 265, 277. - - WASHINGTON, GEN.--Monument to, 82. - Influence of federalists over, 139, 140, 141. - His influence in the country, 169. - His relations with Jefferson, 142, 171. - Cost of Houdon's statue of, 310. - Monuments to great men while living objectionable, 335. - - WASHINGTON CITY--Removal of government to, 201. - - WEATHER--Extreme cold of, 1796-7, 157. - - WEST, THE--Exploration of, by Captain Lewis, 470, 492, 516, 540. - Exploration of Red river, 577. - - WINDS--Observations on, 159. - - - YELLOW FEVER--Its appearance at Philadelphia, 54, 64, 70, 74, 86. - Nature of, 570. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, -Volume IV (of 9), by Thomas Jefferson - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WRITINGS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON, VOL 4 *** - -***** This file should be named 53603-0.txt or 53603-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/6/0/53603/ - -Produced by David Edwards, Melissa McDaniel and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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