diff options
| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-06 18:03:25 -0800 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-06 18:03:25 -0800 |
| commit | fecc17206d9dab05921500e10551722720717ff8 (patch) | |
| tree | cddccca599169cf236bc9bb359f857009c42d773 /old/53630-0.txt | |
| parent | 55fefcb890acbbcaba956da39523085c90ffb0fc (diff) | |
Diffstat (limited to 'old/53630-0.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/53630-0.txt | 14023 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 14023 deletions
diff --git a/old/53630-0.txt b/old/53630-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 33b1b0b..0000000 --- a/old/53630-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14023 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The life and letters of Ogier Ghiselin de -Busbecq, Vol. II (of 2), by Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq and Francis Henry Blackburne Daniell and Charles Thornton Forster - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The life and letters of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, Vol. II (of 2) - -Author: Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq - Francis Henry Blackburne Daniell - Charles Thornton Forster - -Release Date: November 30, 2016 [EBook #53630] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ, VOL II *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - OGIER GHISELIN - - DE BUSBECQ - - VOL. II. - -(_The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved_) - -[Illustration: CROSS OF BOUSBECQUE. - -THIRTEENTH CENTURY.] - - - - - THE - - LIFE AND LETTERS - - OF - - OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ - - SEIGNEUR OF BOUSBECQUE - - KNIGHT, IMPERIAL AMBASSADOR - - BY - - CHARLES THORNTON FORSTER, M.A. - - _Late Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge: Vicar of Hinxton_ - - AND - - F. H. BLACKBURNE DANIELL, M.A. - - _Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge: Barrister-at-Law_ - - Πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων ἴδεν ἄστεα καὶ νόον ἔγνω - - _IN TWO VOLUMES_ - - VOL. II. - - - LONDON - C. KEGAN PAUL & CO., 1 PATERNOSTER SQUARE - 1881 - - - - -CONTENTS - -OF - -THE SECOND VOLUME. - - - PAGE - - LETTERS FROM FRANCE TO MAXIMILIAN—I.-XXXVII. 3 - - ” ” ” RODOLPH—I.-LVIII. 141 - - APPENDIX 265 - - INDEX 311 - - - - - LETTERS FROM FRANCE. - - - - - BOOK I. - - LETTERS TO MAXIMILIAN. - - -In illustrating Busbecq’s letters from France reference is frequently -made to contemporary writers, and it may be useful to the reader to -have some idea of their different characters, and positions, and of the -historical value of their statements. - - (1). J. A. de Thou, the historian, son of Christopher de - Thou, President of the Parliament of Paris. Jurist and - statesman. Busbecq’s intimate friend and warm admirer. - Quoted as _Thuanus_. Edition, Geneva, 1620, &c. - - (2). Pierre de l’Estoile. Audiencier de la Chancellerie - de Paris. A quiet man, who took no part in politics. - He kept a diary which is generally known as _Journal - de Henri III._ and _Henri IV._, but is really _his own - private diary_ during the reigns of those monarchs. - Quoted as _De l’Estoile_. Edition, Paris, 1875, &c. - - (3). Pierre de Bourdeille, Abbé and Seigneur of Brantôme. - Soldier and courtier. Gentleman of the Chamber to Charles - IX. and Henri III. His ideas are those of the French - Court of that period, and consequently his standard of - morality is very low. He was a friend of Alençon, du - Guast, Bussy, de Viteaux, La Noue, &c., and a great - admirer of Marguerite, to whom he dedicated several - of his works. Having been disabled by a fall from his - horse, he devoted his last years to writing memoirs of - the celebrated men and women he had known, a treatise on - duelling, &c. Quoted as _Brantôme_. Edition, Paris, 1822. - - (4). Marguerite de Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre, - sister of Charles IX., Henri III., and Alençon, wrote an - autobiography which she addressed to Brantôme. Quoted as - _Mémoires de Marguerite_. Edition, Paris, 1842. - - (5). Theodore Agrippa d’Aubigné. Friend and adherent of - Henry of Navarre. He wrote a _Histoire universelle_ and - _Mémoires_. Quoted as _Aubigné, Histoire_. Edition S. - Jean d’Angely, 1616, &c. The _Mémoires_ are quoted from - the Panthéon Littéraire. Paris, 1836. - - (6). Louis Gonzaga, Duc de Nevers. Soldier and statesman. - The compilation known as his Memoirs is quoted as - _Mémoires de Nevers_. Edition, Paris, 1665. - - (7). Venetian ambassadors:—John Michel, sent in 1575 to - congratulate Henri III. on his coronation and marriage. - Jerome Lippomano, ambassador in 1577-1579. Their reports - are contained in _Collection de Documents inédits - sur l’Histoire de France, Première Série, Relations - des Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_. Quoted as _Ambassadeurs - Vénitiens_. - - (8). Guillaume and Michel Le Riche. Avocats du Roi at - Saint-Maixent in Poitou. Their Journal is quoted as _Le - Riche_. Edition, Saint-Maixent, 1846. - - (9). Famianus Strada. A Jesuit priest who wrote the - history of the wars in the Netherlands. Motley has drawn - largely from his work. Quoted as _Strada_. Edition, Rome, - 1648. - - - - -LETTER I. - - -Yesterday, August 21, I arrived at Speyer. I stayed a day at Salzburg -and another at Augsburg, on account of my health. For at my third stage -from Vienna an attack of hæmorrhage came on, unaccompanied, however, -by pain, or any great derangement of the system. The physicians I -consulted at Salzburg and Augsburg told me that, if I neglected it, the -consequences might be serious, and ordered me to rest for some days. -For my own part, till now I saw no reason for interrupting my journey -for any length of time, but, as I observe that this trouble, whatever -it may be, is aggravated by heat and motion, I intend to stay here over -to-morrow, for fear of more haste perhaps proving to be worse speed. In -order to save time, I have abandoned my project of passing through the -Netherlands, and intend to go directly to Metz by easy stages, as my -health will not admit of rapid travelling. As to the King of France, I -can learn nothing here; no one knows where he is, but he is said to be -going straight to Rheims, which lies, I imagine, on my road, and I hope -to get there before him. - -When I passed through Munich, the Duchess, the sister of your -Majesty,[1] who had lately returned from a visit, sent to me, and made -particular inquiries about the health of your Majesty, of the Empress, -and your children. She also gave me messages for the Queen of France, -and sent letters to Augsburg next day for me to take to her. - -I was speaking to someone to-day who had come but lately from the -Prince of Orange, and he said that negotiations[2] for peace had been -opened with him through St. Aldegonde, who was a prisoner in the hands -of the Royalists. He represented the Prince as strongly inclined for -peace, but said that the cities, which had called him in, were no less -strongly opposed to it, and would rather suffer the worst extremity -than trust themselves to the Spaniards, or send Orange away. The same -person told me that Leyden was starving, and must soon surrender.[3] -The Prince, he said, was not to blame for it, but the inhabitants, who, -having been repeatedly warned to lay in stores in time, had obstinately -neglected to do so. He also informed me that the Spanish fleet, if it -was really coming, was to sail round Scotland, and that Orange had set -up false beacons and lights on the coast to draw it among the shoals -and sandbanks. - -Perhaps the information I have sent your Majesty is not of much -importance, still I feel sure that it will at least do no harm, and -that with your accustomed graciousness you will not take my sending it -amiss. I pray God to preserve your Majesty, and remain, &c. - - Speyer,[4] August 22, 1574.[5] - - - - -LETTER II. - - -On September 2 I arrived at Meaux, fourteen[6] miles from Paris. My -journey was delayed by want of post-horses, for, as the King had just -gone to Lyons, they had almost all been transferred to that road from -their proper stations, and so for two days and nights I sailed down the -Marne, but, as it winds very much before its confluence with the Seine, -near Paris, I had to change my mode of travelling, and return to land. -As no horses or carriages were to be had, I sent people to Paris to -get some, and also to look for lodgings against our arrival. When the -Queen, your Majesty’s daughter, knew of this, she sent two of her own -carriages, which brought me and my suite to Paris on the 4th. - -On that day the Queen[7] wished me to rest, and did not send for me -till the next day. I found her in excellent health, but her face was -melancholy, and still showed traces of her recent loss. As I was going -through the points mentioned in my instructions, she spoke gratefully -of your Majesty’s thinking of her and sending to console and visit -her in her bereavement. She was not surprised, she added, at the deep -regret expressed by your Majesty, for, indeed, her late Consort had -always felt the warmest affection for you, and had always been most -anxious to meet your wishes. She then made very minute inquiries -about your Majesty’s health. But, when I said that she must wait -patiently till your Majesty should be able to decide, according to the -turn events might take, whether she was to leave or stay, she gently -replied, that all she asked was to be allowed to do that which was most -useful and pleasing to her father. Our conversation then ended, and I -received permission to retire. - -The next day the Queen again ordered me to be summoned, and during -the interview I contrived to introduce the question of her marriage -to the new King (Henry III.) by alluding to the reports now current; -many people set her down as his future bride, I remarked, and if the -union were to take place, it would, in my opinion, harmonise with your -Majesty’s views and policy. Her reply was such as to make it perfectly -plain the suggestion was by no means to her liking; and yet I could see -that she did not intend to be obstinate; she will, I am sure, place -herself in her father’s hands, and further his interests and wishes by -every means in her power.[8] - -I also touched on the Constantinople matter, as your Majesty directed. -She promised to bear it in mind when the Queen Mother returned. I will -then make it my business to remind her of it. - -I went to her a third time to ask that, as your Majesty’s principal -reason for sending me here was that I might look after her interests, -she would kindly give orders to the _maréchaux de logis_ to provide me -with proper quarters in the neighbourhood, and she at once complied -with my request. - -As to other matters, there is no news of any importance. The King is -expected to arrive at Lyons today, where the Queen Mother, Alençon, -and Vendôme[9] have been for some time awaiting him. Disturbances are -still going on in Poitou and the neighbouring provinces. The King, they -say, is preparing to exert his influence, and, if need be, to put them -down with a strong hand. He has hired 5,000 Swiss, besides reiters from -Germany, and some thousands of Italian musketeers. - -With regard to our business, not much, I see, can be done here while -the King is away, and so, if I was not afraid I might transgress the -rules of etiquette, I should like to run home for a few days. But I -cannot make up my mind, as I hardly know what people here might think; -otherwise I see no objection, as I had your Majesty’s permission. - -Montmorency and Cossé[10] are still confined in the Bastille, and both -are so strictly guarded by the people,[11] that passers-by cannot so -much as bow to them without danger. - -Yesterday there arrived here Master John Koch, whose misfortune has -been a great grief to me. Today I took the letters he brought to the -Queen, and she immediately answered them. - - Paris, September 10, 1574. - - - - -LETTER III. - - -A few days ago I sent such news as I had by way of Brussels; I now -write, more because I have a convenient opportunity of forwarding a -letter, than because I have anything particular to tell. - -The King arrived at Lyons on the 6th. His army is besieging the town -of Nove,[12] twelve miles from Lyons, which they think will not be -hard to take, as it is commanded on every side by the adjoining hills. -Still, they are not quite confident, as they know how obstinate the -King’s opponents have hitherto been in defending the places they -have occupied. Montpensier[13] is besieging the town of Fontenay; a -capitulation, they say, was agreed on, but his men refused to accept -it, preferring to risk their lives in storming the place, rather than -forego their plunder, so the result is still uncertain. Great is the -strength of despair, and however things may turn out, their spoils, I -warrant, will be blood-stained. - -They say that the King, before he reached Lyons, asked his Council’s -advice, as to whether he should send back the Italian troops he had -brought with him as a body guard, and that Pibrac,[14] whom your -Majesty saw at Vienna, was for dismissing them. This gave offence to -the Queen Mother, and on his arrival at Lyons she ordered him to return -to Paris, and resume his duties as Advocate of the Kingdom. The Queen -Mother, people think, is in favour of war, because she hopes thereby -to retain her power. - -Damville,[15] they say, received an unfavourable answer from the King, -and consequently remained at Turin; he has now, I hear, been summoned -by the King; a suspicious circumstance, as many think. It will be two -months, it is supposed, before the King gets away from his affairs -at Lyons, and in the meantime business here makes little progress. I -expect the King and the Queen Mother will give your Majesty an account -of what is passing in France. At any rate I feel justified in saying -that everybody is anxiously looking for a marriage between the King and -your Majesty’s daughter—it is the general topic of conversation. - -The Comte de Bailen, after being kept for a long time in Gascony by the -dangers of the road, has at last started for Lyons. - - Paris, September 17, 1574. - - - - -LETTER IV. - - -I have despatched two letters to your Majesty since I arrived here, one -I sent by way of Brussels, the other, dated the 17th, was given to a -servant of the Duke of Bavaria, who was travelling this way from Spain. -Now I have a convenient opportunity of sending despatches by the hands -of Master John Koch. - -The King has determined to continue the war rather than suffer two -religions in his kingdom, or allow the rebels to remain in possession -of the towns they have seized; while they declare that they will -hold them to the death, having no hope of safety left save in their -walls and their despair. Thus the King is again getting entangled in -difficulties, from which he will not easily free himself, and which he -might perhaps have avoided. - -Fontenay, the town about which I wrote lately, fell at the third -assault. There was great slaughter both of besiegers and besieged. -People think Lusignan will be attacked next. It is a fortress of -considerable strength, five miles from Poitiers, and being built on -a rock is not easily accessible.[16] The siege of Lusignan will give -Montpensier’s army occupation for some time, and though less important -places like these may be easily recovered by the King, at any rate the -reduction of Montauban, Nismes, Rochelle, and other towns, which still -hold out, will prove a more difficult task. But who can say what may -happen in the meanwhile? Time brings about many a surprise, and the -result may turn out far other than what it is expected to be. The King -thinks differently; under his mother’s influence, as it is supposed, -he is entering on the war with a light heart. Within the last few days -an Edict[17] was published, by which all who had fled the country are -invited to return home within six months, under promise of an amnesty; -if they do not avail themselves of this act of indemnity within that -time, they are to be considered outlaws and public enemies. This -proclamation, it is feared, will be the signal for those who distrust -the King’s word to take the field—it is the trumpet calling them to -battle. To people’s astonishment some noble families, as, for instance, -those of Rambouillet and d’Estrées,[18] have been ordered to leave the -Court and retire to their homes. - -At his parting from the Duke of Savoy, the King is said to have -made him a present of two towns which are still held by his -garrisons—namely, Savigliano and Pignerolo, if I remember the names -rightly. This arrangement, however, has been interfered with by -the Duke’s wife having died, unfortunately for him, before it was -completed, an event which may possibly make the King change his -intentions.[19] - -I am far from satisfied with the state of the business which is the -principal object of my mission—namely, the settlement of the Queen’s -dower. The King’s return, I suspect, is further off than people think, -and meanwhile nothing can be done here. The Queen is thus left in a -state of uncertainty; she knows not what is to happen, or what her -position is to be, and therefore she naturally feels by no means -comfortable. Some people think the King will go down to Avignon, to -be nearer the seat of the war which is imminent; and, if so, it is -supposed he will not be in Paris for full six months from this. If -this be true, though sufficient provision has been made for her in the -meantime, still perhaps it is hardly creditable that a lady, who is now -practically your Majesty’s ward, should be left dependent on another’s -beck and call, and sit quietly waiting till it pleases him to ask her -to become once more a wife. Such a position is, in my humble opinion, -a highly improper one; nor do I believe that in any other case the -relatives of a widowed queen ever waited so long before taking steps to -protect her interests. I trust your Majesty will consider what is to be -done. Shall I go to the King—which will involve some expense—or shall -I write to him, or shall I wait here for his return, whenever that may -be? - -If I may give my opinion, I think the King is likely to have more -trouble than he expects. For, taking even the most favourable -supposition, and assuming that he reduces a great part of the rebels -to submission, I consider that he cannot possibly complete his task -during the present winter, and that many of them will hold out still. -What then will be the King’s position? His forces will be no longer -what they were at the beginning of the campaign; war, privation, and -winter will have thinned their ranks. On the other hand, we must be -prepared to see the exiled nobles now in Germany come to the succour of -their friends with such troops as they can raise. All France will then -be in a blaze once more; the issue of the contest it is impossible to -foretell, for who can say how many secret allies the rebels can reckon -on? Those who are thoroughly estranged from the King are not a few. - -This forecast of future probabilities is derived in great measure -from a conversation I had, when I was passing through Kaiserslautern, -with an intimate friend of the Palatine and Casimir.[20] The exiles I -speak of have been prevented from invading the country chiefly by two -motives: in the first place, they had some hopes that the King would -be more indulgent to their party, and wished to give him a trial; -secondly, among their chiefs are two sons of the Constable,[21] and -they saw that if they stirred it would be the signal for the execution -of their imprisoned brother, Montmorency; the Queen Mother has openly -threatened and declared as much. Perhaps, too, they are influenced -by the consideration that it would be very bad policy to choose the -moment when the King’s forces are at their best for attacking him, -instead of biding their time. - -To turn to another subject. A few days ago a gentleman, who is one of -the King’s councillors, came to see me, and gave me a book to send to -your Majesty, to whom it is dedicated by the author. It is the work of -François de Foix, Bishop of Aire, and Privy Councillor to the King. He -is an old man of the highest rank, and is a great scholar. He is also a -near relative of your Majesty, for his father, he states in his letter, -was brother of your Majesty’s grandmother on the mother’s side.[22] His -elder brother, the Comte de Candale, is dead. He left a son, who was -killed by a musket-shot in the head,[23] while fighting under Damville, -who was then engaged in some service for the King. He left only two -daughters, the eldest of whom succeeded to the family property, and is -being brought up in the house of her maternal grandmother, the widow -of the Constable, their father having married one of the Constable’s -daughters. To return to the Bishop. He is a man of the greatest -learning, especially in mathematics, and is regarded by the professors -of that science here as one of their most distinguished men. He has -translated Hermes Trismegistus[24]—a writer of such antiquity that -some people make him out to be a contemporary of Moses himself—from -Greek into Latin, and this is the work that is now on its way to your -Majesty. He has also translated him into French, and has dedicated the -translation to the Queen Mother. He has written, besides, five books of -commentaries on the same author in French, which those who have seen -it assert to be a noble work; and this has been published under the -patronage of the Queen, your Majesty’s daughter. I humbly hope your -Majesty, when answering my letter, will condescend to acknowledge the -arrival of the book, and gratify the good old man by thanking him for -the compliment. I will take care to show the passage to his friends, -who brought me the book. - -As to the Queen’s condition, I have nothing to write which your Majesty -will not hear from her own letters. One matter, I think, I should not -omit to mention. Everything here is exceedingly dear, especially the -necessaries of life, such as bread, wine, fire-wood, and lodgings. -With these high prices, I do not see how I am to keep within the salary -allowed by your Majesty. However, I will do the best I can for this -half year, and after that I trust your Majesty will kindly see that I -am properly provided for. - -To conclude. As I perceive there is no immediate prospect of the King’s -arrival, and I can leave Paris for some days without any inconvenience -to the Queen, I have determined, with her approval, to avail myself of -your Majesty’s kind permission, and to make the journey home, which -I have so long intended, to arrange my private affairs. I think of -remaining in the Netherlands till your Majesty’s gracious reply to this -letter arrives at Brussels, which I consider your Majesty will find to -be the most convenient route for sending an answer. I have nothing more -to add except my earnest prayer that God may long preserve your Majesty -to us and to Christendom. - - Paris, September 28, 1574. - - -Montmorency is still detained in the same prison; Cossé, on account of -his illness, is allowed a more convenient lodging, but is guarded there -with the utmost strictness. - -I am not sure if it is worth adding a postscript to say that, if your -Majesty should think fit to send me to the King, any despatches to the -Duke of Savoy could be conveyed at the same time without any additional -trouble or expense, for Turin is not very far from Lyons, and is nearer -still to Avignon—if I mistake not. - - - - -LETTER V. - - -I have but lately sent all the news I had by the hands of Master John -Koch. Since then nothing has happened worth notice, except that letters -from Lyons have reached Paris, saying that the question of the Queen’s -dower has been discussed at Court, and that the Duchy of Berry has been -assigned to her on account thereof. The annual income, however, of -this Duchy, derived from real estate, does not come up to the amount -of her dower; whence the rest is to be provided we do not know, but -it certainly ought to be charged on lands in the neighbourhood. The -Queen herself has not heard a word on the subject, though the King -has written several times to her, and the Queen Mother still more -frequently. The report I mention about the dower prevents my starting -for the Netherlands, as I had intended, for I am afraid of perhaps -being wanted here. - -As to the King’s return, nothing is yet known for certain: some think -it is not near, and that he intends going further away; others regard -his movements as a trick to induce the gentlemen of the Court to start -for the camp, under the notion that the King will shortly follow. I can -make no positive assertion either way; I have not been long in France -and am at a distance from the scene of action; hitherto I have been -unable to do more than chronicle rumours and people’s opinions. Your -Majesty must excuse it, therefore, if I am occasionally wrong in my -facts or mistaken in my predictions. - -One part of the Royal army is besieging Poussin,[25] a castle fortified -by the Huguenots, on the bank of the Rhone, a little below Vienne, -I believe, and not many miles from Lyons. The rest of it is with -Montpensier, besieging Lusignan, which is garrisoned, they say, by -about 600 soldiers and 200 gentlemen. La Noue,[26] the head of the -rebels, is said to be at Rochelle with such a following, that they -think he will be master of the town. As to Damville, some people have a -story that, when he found the King intended to arrest him and put him -to death, he crossed by sea from Savoy to Montpellier, a city in his -government, and that he has induced it with some of the neighbouring -towns to revolt. Of this, however, there is nothing known for certain, -and I suspect it is somebody’s invention. - - Paris, October, 1574. - - - - -LETTER VI. - - -I lately despatched a letter to your Majesty by a running footman, whom -I sent to Brussels to bring back the answer I am expecting from your -Majesty. Since then nothing new has occurred except that the Queen was -threatened with an attack. The symptoms were sickness, accompanied by -general inflammation and irritation of the skin, while at night she -suffered from thirst. Physicians were called in, and they declared it -to be a case of bile in the blood; they said that there was danger of -fever if remedies were not promptly employed. Accordingly, they treated -her with purgatives and bleeding; since then there has been a change -for the better, and the physicians now have great hopes that the attack -has been taken in time, and this is also my view. The Queen herself is -in good spirits, and considers herself as well as before the illness. -Still I should not like to leave your Majesty in ignorance of what has -happened. - -A few days ago the Comte de Bailen arrived from Lyons to offer the -Queen the condolences of the King of Spain; he had already expressed -his master’s regret to the King and Queen Mother at Lyons. He was kept -a long time at Bordeaux by the dangers of the road, and he incurred -serious risks on his way round by Lyons, as parties were watching -at various places on his route with intent to waylay him. He is now -hesitating as to what road he shall choose for his return, and seems -to think the safety of his route a more important consideration than -its length. He has, moreover, a wish to visit the Netherlands and other -countries. - -To-day I was informed that Pibrac is coming here from Lyons; from him -I shall be able to learn how matters stand there. He is also bringing, -they say, the King’s instructions to me with reference to the dower. -Your Majesty shall be duly informed of whatever I hear. - -Poussin, which was being besieged, has fallen into the King’s hands; -the defenders, according to some accounts, sallied out by night and -escaped from the town.[27] Damville’s conduct excites suspicion; two -Vicomtes are said to have come to him at Montpellier to concert plans -for war. One of them, I think, is the Vicomte de Montbrun; the other’s -name I have not heard. Damville is also believed to have tried to take -Avignon by surprise; people think that he will raise the standard of -a fresh insurrection, and thus exasperate the King, who is at present -inclined towards justice and mercy, as your Majesty will see from -the Edict[28] I enclose. There seems, therefore, to be no prospect -that France will see any termination of the woes with which she is -afflicted. One civil war begets another, until there is no end. - -About the King’s coming there are vague reports, which change every -day. I cannot be sure of anything till I have an interview with -Pibrac, and, as soon as I have seen him, I will lose no time in making -my report to your Majesty. - - Paris, October 31, 1574. - - - - -LETTER VII. - - -In my last letter to your Majesty I gave an account of the Queen’s -health; and how her physicians hoped to keep off a fever by timely -remedies. Unhappily, a few days later, though the Queen had felt no -inconvenience in the mean time, there was a return of the complaint, -and it was found necessary to repeat the medicines and to bleed her -again. The blood that was taken was very corrupt, so much so that -her physicians became anxious, feeling sure that her illness would -be serious, and possibly dangerous. They called in some of the first -physicians in Paris, and held a consultation. The attack, however, -never became dangerous, and on the fifth day there was a decided -improvement, and on the seventh, which was Sunday, the fever had quite -subsided. Her physicians are not yet altogether free from anxiety, -as there is still some derangement of the system, which they are -endeavouring to remove; the Queen, however, now the fever has left her, -is not in the least nervous about herself. Thanks to God’s mercy, she -is in a fair way towards recovery. - -There is another matter, as to which it is essential to have explicit -instructions from your Majesty. From the beginning of next January -the Queen, they say, will have her dower assigned to her, and instead -of living as hitherto at the expense of the State, she will have to -maintain herself on her own resources and out of the revenues of her -dower. Consequently there are several points that present themselves -for your Majesty’s consideration. In the first place, your Majesty -will have to indicate the source from which the Queen is to get money -for her maintenance till her own revenues begin to come in; secondly, -your Majesty will have to decide whether she is to remain here for the -winter, so as to have milder weather for her journey, or to return -immediately. If the last course is preferred, your Majesty will have -to settle all the questions relating to her route, the expense to be -incurred, the suite that is to attend her, the road she is to take, and -her ultimate destination. If, on the other hand, there is not time to -make all these arrangements, and it should be therefore decided that -she shall stay some months longer in France, still a decision must be -come to as to whether she is to remain in Paris, or retire to the place -assigned her as dower. For there can be no question that she will live -at much less expense in her own house, if I may call it so, than here -in Paris, where everything is excessively dear. There is a château in -the Duchy of Berry which would just suit her, called Remorantin; the -Queen Mother herself is said to have sometimes thought of retiring -thither. Apart from any questions of economy, a residence in the -country would be more in keeping with her position as a widow. Assuming -this to be settled, your Majesty’s opinion will be required as to all -the arrangements of her new establishment, and the gentlemen and ladies -who are to constitute her household. Nothing can be determined till I -receive your Majesty’s instructions. - -I mentioned in my former letter that the Duchy of Berry is to be -assigned to the Queen, and I have now written that after the first -of January she is to live at her own charges. Both these statements -are founded only upon current report and require confirmation, for -neither the Queen, nor the Comte de Fiesco,[29] nor I have received -any official notice on the subject. However, the fact is in itself so -probable and the rumour has become so general, that neither the Comte -nor myself have any doubt of its truth. I heard from one of Pibrac’s -relatives in Lyons that he would shortly be here to discuss the whole -question with me on behalf of the King. However, he has not arrived -yet, though he is expected every day. I shall lose no time in informing -your Majesty of the result of our interview. In the meantime I have -thought it better to send this letter without waiting for his arrival. - -The report, which was at first very general, of the King’s intending to -marry your daughter, is now universally discredited. Some people, whose -opinion is worth having, ascribe the cause to the Sorbonne or College -of Divines in Paris. When King Henry VIII. of England began to question -the validity of his marriage with his deceased brother’s widow, and -wanted to have it declared null, these divines were consulted as to the -lawfulness of the marriage. At the instigation of King Francis I., who -wished to gratify the King of England, knowing that the dissolution of -the marriage would dissolve the alliance between the Emperor Charles -and Henry, they pronounced the marriage unlawful and incestuous, in -opposition to all the other divines and jurists before whom the case -had been laid.[30] This decision being so contrary to the general -opinion, King Francis thought it sufficient to forward it to England, -and wished it to be suppressed as far as possible in France. But the -King of England, being anxious to support his case, had the decision -printed, and published far and wide. This precedent is supposed to be a -great stumbling-block to the King, and to make him have scruples of the -lawfulness of a marriage with his brother’s widow, as he would thereby -seem to question the authority of his ancestor’s decision. - -This is one version of the story; whether it be the true one, or -simply an excuse, I cannot tell for certain. I fully expect that when -I have had a talk with Pibrac I shall be able to make out more of this -matter, or at any rate to form a tolerably good guess; for even if he -says nothing I shall be able from his very silence to draw my own -conclusions as to the King’s wishes and intentions. - -It is considered certain that the King will go down to Avignon. His -object, I imagine, is to be nearer the scene of action, where his -presence is required. Meanwhile the siege of Lusignan continues. As to -other matters, I cannot venture to make any positive assertion. The -Comte de Bailen will, I understand, leave this to-morrow on his way -back to Spain. He intends going to Nantes, a seaport in Brittany, and -thence taking ship for Bilbao or St. Sebastian. He has chosen this as -being by far the shortest route as well as the safest. - -I most humbly entreat your Majesty for an early answer to this letter, -for, until we have your instructions, we cannot bring this business to -a conclusion with credit to your Majesty. I would suggest sending the -answer to Leonhard de Taxis[31] at Brussels, who has promised to use -all speed in forwarding your Majesty’s letters to Paris. - - Paris, November 9, 1574. - - -I told your Majesty that we were expecting Pibrac in Paris. Well, he -has arrived, and as we were old friends, having made each other’s -acquaintance when the King of France was staying at Vienna, I went -and called on him. He returned my visit. I took the first opportunity -which offered itself in the course of our conversation of introducing -the Queen’s business, and expressed my surprise at the delay in the -assignment of the dower. He replied that affairs of this kind could -not be arranged in a hurry, and that matters would be set right if I -went to the King myself. - - - - -LETTER VIII. - - -I have little to add to what I told your Majesty in my last two letters -of the Queen’s health. She is still confined to her bed by the orders -of her physicians, but she looks well, and is in excellent spirits. -There is no need for me to say more, as she is writing to your Majesty -herself. - -Pibrac arrived three days ago. I lost no time in calling upon him, to -ascertain whether he had any instructions with regard to the Queen’s -dower. He avoided the subject, and talked of Poland, and a message the -King had received from a Diet held at Warsaw, begging him to return -forthwith. He told me that the Turkish Ambassador had been present -at the meeting of the Diet, and informed the Poles that the Sultan -would make it a _casus belli_ if they elected a Muscovite or one of -your Majesty’s sons to the vacant throne: they must appoint one of -their own countrymen, two of whom he specified as proper candidates. -It was supposed, however, that it was at the instigation of these two -gentlemen that the embassy had been sent. Pibrac then observed that -there was one of your Majesty’s subjects who was looking out for the -throne. - -I remarked that an absent king was not likely to keep his crown long. -He agreed, and was of opinion that the Poles would soon be engaged in -fighting with each other. - -The conversation flagged, and as he made no allusion to the subject in -which I was interested, I introduced it myself. I told him that there -was a rumour that the Queen’s dower had been assigned. He informed me -that the report was correct, and represented the settlement which had -been made as most advantageous to the Queen. He said that he understood -your Majesty intended arranging a marriage for the Queen with the King -of Portugal. I replied that I knew nothing of the matter beyond the -fact that the King of Portugal had been most anxious to obtain her hand -before her marriage. At present, I added, he was too much engaged with -his expedition against Fez.[32] - -It appears from my conversation with Pibrac that the Queen will -not receive her dower till January, and I am anxious to know what -arrangement your Majesty proposes for providing her with funds in the -meantime.[33] - - November 13, 1574. - - - - -LETTER IX. - - -On Saturday last I despatched a letter to your Majesty by a gentleman -who paid a visit to the Queen on behalf of the King and Queen Mother, -as he told me that on his return to Lyons the Seneschal of that city -would be sent to your Majesty. The Queen also wrote a letter, which I -enclosed. I wrote in such a hurry that I am afraid my letter is hardly -as clear as it should be; I trust your Majesty will, with your usual -kindness, pardon its shortcomings. - -The purport of my letter was that the Queen was convalescent, and -that her dower was to commence on the 1st of January. She will then -begin life afresh, and her residence and the arrangements of her -establishment will depend upon your Majesty’s pleasure. I humbly trust -that your Majesty will make such provision as the case requires. - -I understand that in similar cases the widows of French Kings have -been sent home with a French retinue at the charge of the royal -treasury; but I see that the Queen’s officials are anxious as to the -source from which funds are to be provided until her revenues shall -begin to accrue, for her debts are already large, and will be still -greater by January 1. At that date she will not owe less than 50,000 -francs. The King ought to pay the money, but I am afraid he will not -do so punctually, and in that case her creditors are likely to become -troublesome. I am also anxious as to her income, for I fear that, -whatever reductions are made in her household, she will have difficulty -in meeting her expenses if she remains in France. - -As to other matters, there is not much for me to say, except that -the King’s affairs are far from prosperous. The besieged garrison of -Lusignan has made a successful sally, and Montpensier has lost so many -men that he is compelled to raise the siege. Some companies also of the -Comte de Retz’s forces, with a detachment of cavalry, have likewise, -they say, been cut to pieces by Damville’s troops. Damville is believed -to be full of confidence, and busy in making preparations for defence. -He holds a commission as Condé’s lieutenant. There are fears that Condé -himself will take the field, and that troops will be raised in Germany. -In confirmation of this, we hear that the people of Rochelle have sold -a large quantity of salt to German traders, whose ships are lying in -their harbour, and that the proceeds are to be placed to the credit of -Condé in Germany, for the purpose of hiring soldiers. If this be true, -it is very serious news for France. - -As to the King’s views with regard to marriage, I cannot speak with -any certainty. Some think that he has set his heart on Monsieur de -Vaudemont’s daughter, who is a very handsome girl. Besides, the King is -devoted to the House and party of Lorraine, and most anxious for its -advancement. - -However, if he marries her he will cause tongues to wag, and give -offence to those who from interest or jealousy are opposed to the -party of Lorraine. Amongst these must be numbered Vendôme, Condé, -and possibly Alençon himself, who will suspect—not without reason -perhaps—that this marriage is only the thin end of the wedge. - - Paris, November 16, 1574. - - - - -LETTER X. - - -I received your Majesty’s two letters dated October 31, and also my -instructions, on November 23. I was at Paris when they arrived, having -abandoned my visit to the Netherlands for reasons with which your -Majesty is already acquainted. - -I informed the Queen of your Majesty’s wishes, and at the same time -delivered the letter. I took the opportunity of ascertaining her views -as to the desirability of my visiting the King in accordance with -your Majesty’s instructions. She thought it advisable, on the grounds -mentioned by your Majesty. I asked her to think the matter over, and -when I had an interview with her the next day she was still of the same -opinion. - -Also I asked her whether the King (Charles IX.) had made a will before -he died? She replied in the negative, telling me that he had only given -verbal instructions on certain points; she was quite sure he had made -no will. I believe the Queen is right, for so far I have not heard from -anyone of his leaving a will. I will, however, make further inquiries. - -A few days after I had written my last letter to your Majesty, the -Bishop of Paris,[34] who is the Queen’s Chancellor, paid me a visit, -and we were shortly afterwards joined by the Comte de Fiesco and -Monsieur de France, the Queen’s first steward. We discussed the -question of the dower; the last two gentlemen expressed their doubts -as to the possibility of getting the pension of 20,000 francs usually -granted to Queens Dowager charged on a good security, quoting the case -of the Queen of Scots, whose pension was settled in such a way as to -be absolutely worthless. - -It would be of the greatest advantage to the Queen, your Majesty’s -daughter, if she could have the command of 10,000 or 12,000 thalers -to meet her expenses until the revenues of her dower shall begin to -accrue. I think we could manage without money in hard cash, if a credit -could be opened at Lyons or Antwerp, so that we might be able to draw -on our agents. My duty to your Majesty and the Queen, my mistress, -renders it incumbent on me to make this suggestion, but I shall gladly -acquiesce in your Majesty’s decision, whatever it may be. - -Your Majesty mentions ‘credentials.’ I have not received them, and -I think they would be of some service to me; for if anyone should -challenge my right to act as the Queen’s representative, I have no -authority to produce except my letter of instructions, and I should not -care to have its entire contents made public. - - Paris, November 30, 1574. - - - - -LETTER XI. - - -I set out on the journey which I had undertaken at the desire of your -Majesty, and arrived at Lyons December 12. There I waited a couple of -days for the purpose of making inquiries as to the remainder of my -route, and obtaining what was needful for the road. - -I felt it my duty to have an interview with the Spanish Ambassador -and ascertain from him how matters were going on. His Excellency had -been ordered to remain at Lyons with the other ambassadors, and there -await the King’s arrival; but he had a still more imperative reason for -remaining—to wit, the gout! - -He advised me most kindly with regard to my journey, telling me much -of the dangers to be encountered, both on the river route and that -by land, and recommending me strongly not to go to Avignon. I think -he would have persuaded me, had I not sent for some boatmen who had -lately made the voyage; from them I ascertained that matters were not -nearly so bad as the Ambassador had represented; there was a risk, -but no certainty, of our being attacked. Accordingly, not wishing to -waste my time at Lyons, where no intelligence was to be obtained of the -movements of the King—nor, indeed, any news at all—and thus displease -both your Majesty and the Queen, I determined at all hazards to -continue my journey. - -Accordingly I embarked at Lyons on the 15th, and reached Avignon on -the 17th.[35] By God’s mercy, I encountered no difficulty or danger on -the way, and found the road far safer and pleasanter than I had been -led to expect. Not that it was altogether safe, for at Valence Bishop -Montluc,[36] (the chief negotiator in the Polish business), when he -came on board to pay his respects, advised me to take with me six -musketeers, as people had been stopped in the neighbourhood, and some -had been killed. I followed his advice. - -I had an audience of the King on the 19th of the same month, and was -received most kindly. On my delivering your Majesty’s message and -letter, together with that of the Empress, he answered in very handsome -terms, that for your Majesty’s sake he would do all that lay in his -power for the Queen, and spoke at great length of the attentions -and kind services he had received at your hands. The Queen Mother -(Catherine de Medici), to whose presence I was admitted a few days -later, held similar language; she had been suffering from constant -sickness, which prevented her giving me an earlier interview. I -ascertained later that the King had sent letters to the Queen at Paris -touching the dower, and that, contrary to the usual custom, they had -been registered by the Parliament of Paris before being presented to -the Queen. I called on his Majesty and made some objections to his -proposal. The King said he must refer the matter to his council, and -also wait for an answer from the Queen’s advisers. He spoke of your -Majesty’s kindness at great length, and specially of the assurances -he had lately received, through Vulcob,[37] that he would have your -Majesty’s support if he cared to keep his kingdom of Poland. - -In the course of our conversation I discovered that the King would do -whatever the Queen Mother wished, so I determined to approach her again -and ask for her services on behalf of the Queen. She professed the -utmost willingness and said, she would do her best for the Queen, who -had been an excellent daughter to her. - -A few days later, de Morvilliers,[38] the Bishop of Orleans, and the -Bishop of Limoges called on me and we had a long discussion with regard -to the dower. I must not forget to mention that, when the King told me -that your Majesty had offered to assist him in keeping his kingdom of -Poland, I was much surprised, but made no reply, as I thought it might -possibly be a trap. I wonder also that nothing has been said as to the -non-payment of the marriage portion[39]; I am afraid they are keeping -this argument in reserve. - -I must not forget to inform your Majesty that, in the course of my -interview with the Queen Mother, she told me she felt assured of the -kindly feeling which your Majesty entertained for her, because your -Majesty had continually advised her against war, whereas those who -wished her ill had given the opposite counsel. She had followed your -Majesty’s advice, she said, for a long time, and thereby exposed -herself to severe criticism from not a few. - - Lyons, January 24, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XII. - - -To-day the King set out from Lyons on his way to Rheims, where he is to -be crowned—as he told me himself—on the 13th. - -I will not weary your Majesty with a full description of the state of -France, but content myself with a sketch. - -Ever since the commencement of the civil wars which are distracting the -country, there has been a terrible change for the worse. So complete is -the alteration, that those who knew France before would not recognise -her again. Everywhere are to be seen shattered buildings, fallen -churches, and towns in ruins; while the traveller gazes horror-stricken -on spots which have but lately been the scenes of murderous deeds and -inhuman cruelties. The fields are left untilled: the farmer’s stock -and tools have been carried off by the soldier as his booty, he is -plundered alike by Frenchman and by foreigner. Commerce is crippled; -the towns lately thronged with merchants and customers are now mourning -their desolation in the midst of closed shops and silent manufactories. -Meanwhile, the inhabitants, ground down by ceaseless exactions, are -crying out at the immense sums which are being squandered for nought, -or applied to purposes for which they were never intended. They demand -a reckoning in tones which breathe a spirit of rebellion. Men of -experience, members of the oldest families in France, are in many cases -regarded with suspicion, and either not allowed to come to Court, or -left to vegetate at home. Besides the two parties into which Frenchmen -are divided by their religious differences, there are also feuds and -quarrels which affect every grade of society. - -In the first place, the feeling against the Italians who are in the -French service is very strong; the high promotion they have received -and the important duties with which they have been intrusted, arouse -the jealousy of men who consider them ignorant of French business, and -hold that they have neither merit, services, nor birth to justify their -appointment. Birague, as Chancellor, holds one of the highest offices -in the kingdom; Comte de Retz[40] is a Maréchal; Strozzi is in command -of the infantry of France; Guadagni is Seneschal of Lyons; and in the -same way other Italians occupy most important posts, while Frenchmen -murmur. - -Again, Italians farm nearly all the taxes, and exact their dues -so rigidly as to drive the natives, who are unaccustomed to such -extortion, to the very verge of rebellion; there will be another Saint -Bartholomew[41] if they do not take care, and they will be the victims. - -The feuds which separate the leading families of France are more -bitter than those described in ancient tragedy; this is the state of -feeling which exists between the Houses of Guise, Vendôme and Bourbon, -not to mention that of Montmorency, which, through its alliances and -connections, has a considerable party of its own. - -The Bourbons are the strongest; the Guises have most influence at -Court, but this is an advantage which they may lose any day by the -death of the King, and then their fall is inevitable. - -By his nearest relations the King is feared rather than loved, for, -knowing the designs they entertained before the death of his brother -(Charles IX.), they have no confidence in his mercy and forgiveness, -though he professes to have pardoned them, and think that his vengeance -is only deferred for a time. On the other hand, the King must see -clearly from the flight of Condé what the feelings of his own family -are towards him. - -The district in which the rebellion on religious grounds has struck its -deepest roots begins at Rochelle and reaches to the Rhone, comprising -the whole of Guienne and Languedoc: it includes Saintonge, Poitou, -the Limousin, Perigord, Gascony, the country round Narbonne, &c., &c. -Nor is this all; across the Rhone, in Dauphiny itself, Montbrun has -seized places, as, for instance, Livron, which is now besieged by the -Royalists. - -In making the statement that the rebels are powerful in Languedoc and -Guienne, I must not be understood to say that the principal cities of -those provinces do not obey the King; my meaning is that the insurgents -occupy posts of vantage throughout the country, which enable them to -render both life and property insecure; there is no peace or quiet for -those who are loyal to the King. To drive them from their fortresses -would be a most difficult task, for they have formidable positions -and strong fortifications, garrisoned by veteran soldiers, who have -made up their minds to die rather than trust the King’s word. Such, -undoubtedly, is their determination, for though peace, which is the -only cure for these ills, has lately been freely mentioned, and certain -men were at Avignon from Condé and his party, still, up to the present -moment, no arrangement has been concluded. True, the King is ready -to pledge his word that, if his towns are restored to him, no one -shall be troubled on account of his religion; but the memory of Saint -Bartholomew[42] is a fatal obstacle: they will place no confidence in -his promise, and believe that it is only a stratagem to destroy the -survivors of that night. - -Such acts of treachery, it would seem, never answer in the long run, -whatever the advantage at the time may be! - -Some people have a notion that the idea of peace is not seriously -entertained, but is simply a manœuvre to break up the confederacy by -making overtures to some of its members. - -Ambassadors, it is true, have been sent lately to Rochelle, but in the -meantime both parties are busy fighting: the King is pressing on the -sieges of Livron and Lusignan, while the rebels are using every means -in their power to harass and perplex him. After the King’s departure -from Avignon, they took possession of Aigues-Mortes,[43] where they -found a store of cannon, which will be of great service to them. One -fort, however, still remains in the hands of the Royalists, and the Duc -de Uzes, who commands for the King, does not despair of retaking the -town under cover of its fire. - -It is not that I should regard the situation as hopeless, if there -were a prospect of matters taking a turn for the better, but, bad as -is the present state of things, it is nothing compared to what we may -expect any day to see. - -Having given my ideas as to the state of the country, I will now -give my opinion of the King. Of his character your Majesty has had -opportunities of judging; he is naturally well disposed, and in the -hands of good advisers and councillors of sound judgment might turn out -a pattern sovereign. But his companions are wild young men, the tone of -French society is licentious, and he listens to selfish intriguers who -are seeking their own advantage; under such circumstances, who can say -that he will not go astray? Both he and his brother (Alençon) are of a -weakly constitution and not likely to be long-lived. - -The ambassadors who came from Poland have been ordered to remain at -Lyons, and there await the King’s arrival; it is supposed that his -Majesty will not care much for the despatches which they bring, as they -are couched in rough, not to say threatening, language. It seems that -the King has thoughts of keeping Poland, for, though he is still a -bachelor, he has announced his intention of bestowing it on one of his -future children, and with this view is negotiating for an alliance with -the King of Sweden’s daughter; for my own part, however, I am inclined -to suspect that this is a mere feint. First among the aspirants to the -Crown of Poland stands the Duke of Ferrara, but in France the idea -is that the Transylvanian[44] is the candidate most popular with the -Poles. The King is dissatisfied with the Duke of Savoy’s conduct with -regard to Damville, and it is supposed that, if what is past could be -recalled, he would not be so liberal with his towns.[45] - -It seems that the siege of Livron will be a long business; for, -though the wall has been battered with cannon, and there is as wide a -breach as the besiegers could desire for them to mount to the attack, -two assaults have already been repulsed with heavy loss. There are -several reasons to account for these failures: in the first place, the -attacking column has to climb up hill through the rubbish and _débris_, -which crumble away under their feet; secondly, fresh intrenchments have -been made within the circuit of the walls, and the besieged are so -confident of holding the town that they may almost be said to laugh at -the efforts of their enemies.[46] I saw this with my own eyes when I -passed Livron on my way back from Avignon. Thirdly, when they come to -close quarters, not only do they meet with a most stubborn resistance -from the men, but many of them are also wounded by the women, who rain -stones upon them from the roofs and ramparts. I saw six ensigns on the -walls of the town, whence it is assumed that there are 400 soldiers -in the garrison; they have muskets, but no cannon. His son-in-law, -who was in command of the town, having been killed by a cannon-ball, -Montbrun, the night before I arrived, sent four more gentlemen into the -place with a party of soldiers; it is said that they passed through the -outposts of the German horse commanded by Count Nogarola. - -Your Majesty no doubt received intelligence long ago of the death -of the Cardinal of Lorraine.[47] He died of fever, after an illness -of eighteen days. The attack was brought on, people think, by his -walking in a procession of Flagellants, at night. The Queen Mother has -been poorly from the same cause, and her daughter (Marguerite), wife -of Vendôme (Henry of Navarre), had a troublesome cold, which lasted -several days. - -There are four societies of Flagellants at Avignon; the Cardinal -enrolled himself in one of them, and advised the King to do the same; -his Majesty’s example was followed by the whole of the nobility. On one -occasion, when they were walking in procession with these societies -at night, which is the usual time for such ceremonies, there was a -very cold wind, and this is supposed to have been the cause of the -Cardinal’s illness and death, for two or three days afterwards he fell -sick. - -He was a great man, and took a prominent part in the government of the -country. In him we have lost a profound scholar, an eloquent speaker, -an experienced statesman. He was ever anxious to advance the interests -of his party and his family, and I am by no means sure that the State -did not sometimes suffer in consequence. The King visited him during -his illness, and would have gone to him oftener if he had not been -afraid of infection. He has felt his death deeply. When the body was -being removed from Avignon, on its way to Rheims, the King and four -Cardinals accompanied it to the gates of the city. They were attended -by all the nobles of the Court, with the King’s brother and the King of -Navarre (as they style him here) at their head. These last, I imagine, -were by no means sorry to do this honour, not to the Cardinal, but to -his corpse! He died at night, and the Queen Mother was so upset by his -death that the next day she fancied she saw him bidding her farewell, -and could hear him saying ‘Adieu, madame; adieu, madame.’ She tried to -point him out to those who were with her.[48] - -Whilst I was writing, news came that Lusignan had surrendered to -Montpensier. The garrison are to be allowed to retire to Bouteville -and Pons with their arms and property. I hear also that the siege of -Livron has been raised; the attacking force is broken up; the men -being quartered in the neighbouring villages, from which they are to -watch the town and see that no provisions are brought in. They will -have a hard task, methinks, to keep up so strict a blockade, as not to -be sometimes given the slip. - - Lyons, January 24, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XIII. - - -[The whole of this letter is occupied with business connected with the -dower. It is dated Paris, February 9, 1575.] - - - - -LETTER XIV. - - -I received your Majesty’s letter of December 31 on February 5, in which -your Majesty graciously acquaints me with the information touching the -dower given by the Seneschal of Lyons. On this head I wrote at such -length in my former letter that there is no need for me to recur to the -subject again. Your Majesty next informs me that the Seneschal of Lyons -said that the Queen would be treated in the same manner as during her -husband’s lifetime, a statement which, I think, must be considered one -of mere politeness—in short, a French compliment! - -With regard to your Majesty’s questions as to the manner in which the -Queen will return, I understand that the King will see that she is -escorted to Vienna, or whatever her destination may be, by gentlemen -of high rank and a distinguished retinue, following in this respect -the precedent of the Queen of Scots, whom his predecessor (Charles IX.) -sent to Scotland at his own charges. The only expense that will fall -on your Majesty will be the presents that must be made to those who -accompany her, and the cost of their journey when they return. - -Before leaving, I asked what your Majesty’s wishes were with regard to -the cipher I was to use. I was desired to draw up a code on my way, -and forward it to your Majesty. I drew up a code at Speyer, and put it -in a letter, of which I now enclose a copy. If the letter arrived, I -presume that the cipher arrived too; in the other case, they will both -have been lost together. I send another code, which seems to me less -difficult. I am surprised that your Majesty has not received the letter -I wrote at the end of November, before setting out for Avignon. Some -of your Majesty’s despatches to me are also missing—viz. those dated -December 11 and 16. - -As to the state of France, matters are at a deadlock. They would -fain be at peace, for war means ruin, and the very sinews of war are -failing; but still they insist on the restoration of the King’s towns -as a matter in which his honour is concerned. On the other hand, the -insurgents do not care for any peace which does not furnish guarantees -for their safety. As to confidence, which is the very bond of human -society, they have lost it altogether, and will trust nought save walls -and fortifications. - -Such a difference of views it is not easy to reconcile. I think that -anyone who offered to act as mediator would be welcomed by the King, as -he would then be able to patch up a peace by pledging some one else’s -word. His own is absolutely worthless. But who would care to pledge -himself, when there are a hundred ways in which his guarantee may be -set at nought? - -Some, however, wish that a league could be made against the Turk, and -Condé sent to Hungary, with large forces both of foot and horse, by way -of pumping out the water from which, according to their idea, France is -foundering. - -But it is an idle scheme, for the object of the rebels in making war -is to protect their altars and firesides, their children and their -wives; and I fail to understand by what argument they can be induced to -abandon all they hold dear, and allow themselves to be sent to Hungary. -This also is the opinion expressed to me lately by Bellièvre,[49] who -was the late King’s ambassador in Poland. Your Majesty saw him when -the King came to Vienna. He is a man who carries great weight. He -assured me in the most solemn manner that the King, at his suggestion, -had written during his stay at Mantua, and again from France, to his -ambassador at Constantinople, ordering him to support your Majesty’s -interests, and that if he had done otherwise he had distinctly -disobeyed the orders of his master.[50] - -The advice that your Majesty gave the King[51]—viz. that he should -avoid war—is frequently mentioned both by the Catholics and their -enemies. They say the King is sorry he did not adopt it, and preferred -to enter his kingdom with the gates of Janus wide open, instead of -closing them. Accordingly, Pibrac, who was the only man for taking your -Majesty’s advice, and stood alone as the advocate of peace, though -at first evil spoken of, is now praised by all. The whole blame with -regard to the war is laid on the Cardinal and the Queen Mother, the -first of whom allowed his animosity to carry him too far, while the -other was afraid that, if peace were declared, she would be reduced to -the level of a subject and find her reign at an end. - -I have now only to inform your Majesty of that of which your Majesty -must be already aware—viz. that my funds are completely exhausted by -my long and expensive journey to Avignon, and that I have been obliged -to incur some debts. I therefore humbly petition for the payment of my -half-year’s salary to Jerome de Cocq, who will arrange for its being -remitted to me here, in case your Majesty shall consider it advisable -to retain my services for the Queen. - - Paris, February 9, 1575. - - -I trust your Majesty will not take it amiss that I have been -occasionally addressed as ambassador in France; for, in spite of my -protestations, I cannot prevent their sometimes giving me this title. -It matters the less because it is quite clear that I am not your -Majesty’s ambassador. - -The Queen has just sent for me, to say that there is a general report, -which she hears on all sides, that the King is on the point of marrying -the daughter of Vaudemont of Lorraine, and that the ceremony will be -celebrated next Monday, at Rheims. She does not know how she ought -to treat her with regard to precedence, when she comes to Paris. I -trust your Majesty will deign to advise us on this matter. Possibly -your Majesty may think it advisable for the Queen to leave Paris and -go somewhere else—for instance, to her daughter at Amboise, or to any -other place your Majesty may prefer. - -I think I told your Majesty of this love-affair of the King’s—in my -letter dated November 16, if I remember rightly. It is quite certain -that this engagement, which was a secret to all but a very few, and -might almost deserve the epithet of _clandestine_, will cause a -bitter feeling throughout France. Vendôme’s sister,[52] who is now -of marriageable years, is intended for Alençon, so that he will ally -himself with the Bourbons, while the King will be connected with the -Guises. As to the policy of these marriages I am doubtful and fear that -they will only add to the miseries of France. - -I now implore your Majesty to send back the bearer of this letter as -soon as possible with full instructions on all points. - -The future Queen is, if I am not mistaken, the daughter of a sister of -Count Egmont. - -The Queen has sent for me again, and shown me a letter from the Queen -Mother, informing her of the approaching marriage of her son the -King, and telling her that the wedding is to take place next Tuesday; -she requests her to send nearly all her attendants to wait on the new -Queen.[53] Accordingly, many of her people have left, in order to -oblige the King; a few have refused to change their mistress at such -short notice. Among these last are the Comte de Fiesco and his wife. I -should be glad if your Majesty would notice their loyal conduct in your -next letter. - -I trust your Majesty will seriously consider what ought to be done; we -must have a clear and distinct answer. - -Whither is the Queen, your Majesty’s daughter, to go? It is impossible -for her to remain in France without seriously compromising her -position, for here all will attach themselves to the new Queen, and, as -usual, worship the rising sun! It is a common saying that if one loses -one’s position in life, life is not worth the having. I will not say -more, as I rely on your Majesty’s discretion, and affection for your -most loving and obedient daughter. - -In the first place, we must have either cash or credit, and for that -reason I am going to the Netherlands. As soon as the messenger shall -have returned to Brussels, I shall be in a position to draw the money -from whatever house your Majesty may please to appoint, and return with -it to the Queen. - -By this means I trust we shall be able to get away from Paris before -the King returns, or at any rate leave soon after his arrival, and thus -save our eyes and ears from a great deal of vexation; for when changes -of this kind take place there is much that is unpleasant. - - The same day. - - -As to the dower question, of which I wrote from Lyons, the Queen’s -advisers at Paris think that it will be impossible to obtain a -settlement on Crown lands for the whole of the 60,000 francs per -annum due to the Queen. They say this was not done for the Queen of -Scots, though France was then much more prosperous, and her uncle, the -Cardinal,[54] was absolute master of the realm. - - Paris, February 9, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XV. - - -I have now been four days in Brussels waiting for your Majesty’s -orders; I am sure your Majesty will see how important it is that I -should have them as soon as possible. When I get them I shall return to -the Queen with all speed. - -Her position I explained clearly in my last letter. I have heard some -remarks which make me uneasy; people warn me that the French are most -liberal in their promises, but very niggardly in their performances, -and think the Queen will have great difficulty in obtaining her -revenues, and not receive more than half the nominal amount. They quote -the case of Queen Leonora.[55] - -I must say I am anxious, but I trust things will not prove quite so -bad. - -With the end of this month the quarter will expire during which the -King is to defray the Queen’s expenses, and she will then be left to -her own resources. I fail to see how funds are to be provided, unless -your Majesty will supply them. For, even assuming that we should -demean ourselves so far as to go begging to the King, we should expose -ourselves to be taunted with holding out on the question of the dower -as an excuse for dipping our fingers into the King’s purse. The only -available remedy is for your Majesty to place 8,000 or 9,000 crowns -to our account, and this I trust will be done. As to the rest, I find -that some people here talk of the Queen for the governorship of the -Netherlands. I should prefer seeing the appointment offered to one -of your Majesty’s sons; still, on the supposition that there should -be an obstacle in the way of such an arrangement—as is by no means -impossible—or in case of the Archduke’s receiving a more tempting offer -elsewhere, people have much to say as to the advantage which the public -would reap from the Queen’s acceptance of the post. - -Within the last few days, negotiations for peace have been opened -at Breda,[56] where both parties are represented by delegates. God -grant they be successful, as many hope and everyone wishes; wise men, -however, shake their heads, for it is certain that the religious -difficulty will prove a most serious obstacle on account of the great -number of Hollanders and Zealanders who have publicly renounced the -Catholic religion. I fail to see how they can be induced to sell their -property and go into exile, especially as they are for the most part -sailors and fishermen, and the loss of their trade would mean to -them absolute starvation. The King, on the other hand, is determined -to allow none but Catholics to remain in his dominions. Most people -despair of a solution. - -After writing my last letter I had some conversation with a gentleman -as to the Queen’s return; he told me that he knew for certain that the -Cardinal of Este[57] had long ago applied for the honour of escorting -the Queen to her destination. The Cardinal holds a great deal of rich -preferment: they say his income amounts to 100,000 crowns. - -There is now, therefore, no doubt on this score: the King will take -care that the Queen is sent to your Majesty with every mark of honour. - - Brussels, March 7, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XVI. - - -I returned to Paris March 21, where I found the Queen in excellent -health, and delighted at the prospect of a speedy return to her august -parents. - -I delivered your Majesty’s letter to the King, and laid before him your -Majesty’s request that the Queen might have what was due to her under -the marriage settlements. He, as usual, gave me a kind answer, and said -he would take the opinion of his council. The Queen Mother has also -kindly offered her services on our behalf. Still, we want deeds and not -words! - -It is quite clear that very little, if any, addition will be made to -the 32,000 francs already secured on Crown lands. The property, even in -the most prosperous days, never produced 60,000 francs. - -You ask whether your Majesty’s granddaughter will be permitted to -accompany her mother to Austria. I am not sanguine, as I know of no -precedent of the kind in the history of France. The end of it will be -that, when they have exhausted their other pleas as to the length of -the journey, the delicacy of the child, and her tender years, they will -fall back on the argument that it is contrary to all the precedents of -France, and I hardly see how we can meet it. If, however, your Majesty -should decide on making a further attempt, I would recommend letters -being sent to the King and Queen Mother, and I myself will leave no -stone unturned to forward the arrangement; but I should advise your -Majesty simply to ask to see the child, and, if this is granted, the -situation will be reversed, and her return to France will depend on -your Majesty’s pleasure.[58] - -As to affairs in this country, they were so bad that I thought it -impossible for them to grow worse; nevertheless they _are_ rapidly -growing worse. Damville, with his friends, is carrying war through -Languedoc and Guienne, and gentlemen are daily flocking to his -standard. - -Words cannot describe how unpopular the King and Queen have become -throughout France. So gloomy is the prospect, that careful, respectable -men, I see, are thinking of leaving the country and emigrating to some -distant land. Nevertheless, peace negotiations are still going on, for -delegates from the rebel party are in Paris, and more are expected. -They demand, I hear, first, liberty of conscience; and, secondly, -the convening of the States General with a view to reforming public -abuses.[59] This last demand is supposed to be aimed at the Queen -Mother and certain Italians of rank who occupy high offices. But, -though everything is in a bad way, the financial situation is worst of -all. It fairly passes belief. The King borrows what he can here and -there from those who have, or are thought to have, money; but even then -he cannot get enough. It was determined to send a large sum of money -with the ambassadors who are going to Poland—200,000 crowns, people -say—but I do not believe such a sum can be raised; they will have to be -content with much less. - -The new Queen has been troubled with constant sickness for several -days, and some fancy she is with child. She is no favourite with the -Queen Mother, who takes little pains to conceal her prejudice. - -The Queen, your daughter, has made up her mind to visit Amboise[60] -after Easter, for the purpose of taking farewell of her child. She is -afraid to let her travel, on account of her delicacy. She will be away -for a month or thereabouts. - -I hope your Majesty will condescend to grant the request which I have -already preferred, and order my half-year’s salary to be paid to Don -Rodolph Khuen,[61] Master of Horse to your Majesty, in order that I may -pay off my creditors, and have something in hand. - - Paris, April 1, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XVII. - - -Finding that Count Nogarola was on the point of returning to Vienna, -I felt I must send a letter to your Majesty, although the Queen’s -business is still on hand, and I am expecting every day to have it -settled. I shall reserve my account of this matter, and send it by -Peter the courier. Peter arrived here on the 15th of last month, -and gave me a letter from your Majesty. On learning your Majesty’s -instructions, I demanded an audience of the King, but he was so much -engaged in the negotiations for peace that he was unable to see me, -and referred me to the Queen Mother and the young Queen. By the King’s -orders, I went first to the Queen Mother. On my laying before her your -Majesty’s request, and delivering your letter, she, as usual, spoke -of the great regard she entertained towards your Majesty, mentioning -the deep obligation under which she had been laid by your Majesty’s -attentions to her son the King. She inquired after your Majesty’s -health, asked where your Majesty was, and whether you would shortly pay -a visit to Frankfort. I made suitable answers, and then began to ask -for her support in the Queen’s business. - -Whilst we were thus engaged, the young Queen (Louise de Vaudemont) -entered the room, and I took the opportunity of offering her your -Majesty’s congratulations (on her marriage). She sent her most humble -thanks to your Majesty, and made offer of her services to the Queen -with many expressions of regard. - -After this the Queens gave me leave to go, and two days later I had -an interview with the King. When I had laid before him your Majesty’s -message, he replied that he on his part would always be glad to be -informed of your Majesty’s views. He had married, he said, in order to -promote the interests of his subjects and gratify their wishes. One -of his inducements, he added, for allying himself with the House of -Lorraine was its connection with your Majesty.[62] For the rest, he -placed his services heartily at your Majesty’s disposal, and concluded -by asking me to let him know when I intended sending back the courier, -as he wished him to take his answer to your Majesty’s letter. When -I mentioned the Queen’s business, he begged me to have patience a -little longer, till the negotiations which were now going on should be -concluded. He would then place the matter in the hands of his Council, -and would himself do everything in his power for the Queen. - -The peace negotiations which the King alluded to have occupied his -attention for some time past, and I hardly yet know what the result -will be. - -Everyone is anxious for peace, specially the King, but the terms -offered by the insurgents are very hard, as your Majesty will see from -the paper I enclose. - -The extravagant nature of their demands will, in my opinion, make it -difficult for the King to grant them. The delegates will shortly be -sent back to their friends with the King’s answer, and are to return -with their reply on St. John’s Day (June 24). Meanwhile there seems -to be a good prospect of peace; everyone is anxious for it, and so -everyone assumes that it is certain. - -Well, I am afraid it will be easier to _make_ peace than to _keep_ it, -and also I am apprehensive that peace for the French means trouble for -their neighbours, for nothing would so calm the atmosphere in another -quarter (the Netherlands) as a tremendous storm in France. - -Frenchmen cannot keep quiet, and many years of war have made them more -restless than ever; consequently it is a matter of the first importance -to France that her adventurous spirits should find a field of action -elsewhere instead of fastening on her own vitals. - -Peace has been concluded between the King and the Queen of England, on -the same terms as before. - -The Ambassador who returned from England brings back a story of a joke -the English Queen (Elizabeth) made at his first audience. - -She at once asked whether the King was married. He replied in the -affirmative, and began telling her who the new Queen was. Her Majesty -broke in—‘Yes, exactly; that was the first clause in the Cardinal’s -will. Dear me, what an unlucky woman I am! What is to be my fate? I -had counted on marrying the Cardinal, and now I have only one hope -left—perhaps the Pope will consent to take me as his wife!’ - -About the 17th of last month the King’s ambassadors, Bellegarde[63] and -Pibrac, set out from Paris; the former was to go by way of Venice, and -your friend through Germany and Bohemia—at least he told me so. - -There are, I believe, financial reasons for Bellegarde’s _détour_, as -they have promised to send 200,000 crowns to Poland, and it would be -easier to draw blood from a stone than to make up such a sum just now -in France. They are said to be sending to the Pope at Rome, the Duke -of Savoy at Turin, and also to the Venetians, to raise funds; they -are supposed to be thinking of selling the marquisate of Saluzzo for -400,000 crowns, or at any rate, pawning it; but I suspect they will get -more in the way of promises than in the way of cash, and will carry -into Poland plenty of _golden_ words, but very few _golden_ coins. I -think also that the Ambassadors are intentionally lingering on the -road, in order that the Diet may be opened before they come. They will -thus be able to gain some idea of how matters are likely to go; and, if -they find that their case is hopeless, they will not have the disgrace -of being defeated through their own shortcomings, or lack of funds. -Again, if the prospect seems hopeful, and the Diet waits for them, they -will be able to employ the interval in sending agents before them to -prepare the way, and despatching letters full of fine promises, which, -with such aid as the lapse of time will afford, may be expected so -to soothe people’s minds as to render the avoiding of the threatened -Diet and election (of a new King for Poland) a matter of no great -difficulty. I give this as my own explanation. - -As I was penning these lines, news came that Pibrac had been waylaid -in the territory of Montbéliard,[64] which belongs to the Duke of -Würtemberg, by some French exiles. They killed two of his party, and -took prisoner the Ambassador himself. The governor of Montbéliard came -to the rescue, the neighbourhood was roused, and Pibrac thus regained -his liberty; but he was in great danger, and lost his plate and his -money—some 7,000 or 8,000 crowns in all. The King was greatly disturbed -at the news, but when he heard that Pibrac had escaped to Montbéliard, -he gave him supplies of money and a fresh equipment, telling him to go -to Soleure, in Switzerland, and there obtain what was needful. This -shows that the King has by no means given up his hopes of Poland. - -If I mistake not, I have before this mentioned to your Majesty that -agents had been sent to Sweden to procure a picture of the King of -Sweden’s daughter.[65] The picture has now come. Strange to say, it -greatly resembles the new Queen in height, complexion, and features; -the resemblance is increased by her having been taken in a French dress. - -I must not forget to add that a number of ambassadors have come from -Switzerland to take part in the negotiations for peace as mediators. - -It is supposed that Vaudemont, the King’s father-in-law, will also -offer his services as peacemaker. He is expected here in the course -of a few days with the Duke of Lorraine. The reason of his coming, -however, is not connected with the negotiations for peace, but with -a wedding, the Marquis of Nomeny, Vaudemont’s son, being about to -marry the wealthy daughter of Sebastian de Luxembourg, the Vicomte de -Martigues.[66] - -May it please your Majesty, Ilsing[67] has just sent word that of the -8,000 crowns required for the Queen’s service he has not been able -to raise one farthing at Augsburg by pledging his own credit or that -of the Ballers, and that he has therefore written to your Majesty to -inquire whether there is any merchant about the Court who would, on -their security, place that amount to the Queen’s credit at Lyons. I am -expecting an answer from your Majesty on this matter. - -The Queen is naturally and justifiably anxious to see her daughter -before leaving France. She has been ready to go to her since Easter, -but has been stopped by want of funds, and will be kept waiting still -longer unless they are provided, so that I am beginning to fear that -she will have to leave without seeing her child, to her great sorrow. -But this is not the only point to be considered, for the Queen may -have many other calls upon her purse, so that it is of the greatest -importance that she should be supplied with money, if she is to -maintain her position, live in comfort, and take advantage of such -openings as may occur. I hope it will not be long before I have more -certain tidings to give your Majesty with regard to the dower, and I -will then write at length by Peter the courier. - - Paris, May 15, 1575. - - -I heard to-day that some one said he would lend the Queen 10,000 -crowns, to be recouped out of her revenues. If this be so, and the -money can be obtained at a reasonable interest, I think the Queen will -accept his offer, since our business may any day take such a turn as -to render the possession of money indispensable, if we are not to be -exposed to delay and loss. For instance, it is essential to have a -valuation made of the revenues of the places offered to the Queen, in -order to make sure that they are not passed off for more than they are -worth. Now, this valuation will cost not less than 300 or 400 crowns, -and so without this sum we cannot conclude the negotiations. Again, -I have had notice that the King refuses to provide for the Queen’s -expenses after the Feast of St. John (June 24), and wishes her to live -at her own charges from her own revenues, and I am afraid of their -pressing the matter in such a manner as to render refusal impossible. -For we must admit that the King, when surrounded with difficulties -himself, has done his utmost for the Queen. It is now more than ten -months since the salaries of the Queen’s household have been paid, and -her people have received only paper cheques, or drafts. How many of -these are ever likely to be paid, God only knows! The Queen’s servants -are so utterly destitute of money that they have often had to undergo a -hardship quite without precedent. On some days there were not funds in -the palace to provide the table of the nobles and courtiers, and those -who did not care to fast had to procure their own dinner. - -Those who understand the arrangements of the Queen’s household declare -that it would be to the advantage of the Queen and her household for -her to live at her own charges, instead of being hampered with the -present arrangement. Bellegarde, the other royal ambassador, who was to -go through Italy, is said to have fallen sick. - - - - -LETTER XVIII. - - -[A business letter with reference to the dower, and therefore omitted. -It is dated June 1575.] - - - - -LETTER XIX. - - -[Another business letter. It is dated June 1575. To it is attached the -following postscript.] - -News has lately come to Paris that Mademoiselle de Bourbon,[68] -daughter of the Duke of Montpensier, who ran away from the nunnery -of which she was abbess, and took refuge in Germany, has married the -Prince of Orange; the report finds credit everywhere. - - - - -LETTER XX. - - -I sent quite lately, by Peter the courier, such statements as seemed -necessary, and I think my despatches must have already reached your -Majesty. - -I now write by order of the Queen. - -To-day she summoned me into her presence and told me she was quite -certain from the present aspect of affairs, and specially from -the greater severity with which Montmorency was guarded, and the -circumstance that the King was levying troops, that there was every -prospect of war, and of all the confusion that must necessarily follow -in its train. - -She instructed me to write to your Majesty, and urge this additional -reason for expediting her journey home. She says she has borne her -position patiently as long as she could, but she foresees that it will -soon become intolerable. I told the Queen that I would humbly obey -her orders, although I felt sure that your Majesty, after reading my -last despatches, would do all that was possible towards forwarding her -return, and that on this account my letter would be unnecessary. - -Having informed your Majesty of my conversation with the Queen, I -consider I have executed her commands, and do not think any petition or -prayer necessary on my part, in order to induce your Majesty to accede -to the natural desire of your most loving daughter. - -If we can trust the news we hear, war is already at our gates, and a -war which holds out no prospect of relief, but, on the contrary, will -aggravate the misfortunes and miseries of France; this is saying a -great deal, for the country is already in so bad a state that to make -it worse seemed a downright impossibility. - -But if the report be true that Condé and the other exiles will bring -strong forces to the support of their friends, there are no bounds -to the mischief that will ensue; in that case the existence of the -present _régime_ will hang on a thread, and be in the utmost danger; -for then the contest will be, not as to whose opinion shall have weight -in council, or who shall stand first in honour and rank, or who shall -administer the affairs of the kingdom, but simply _who shall wear the -crown_. - -If the King should gain the day, it is easy to see that he will stand -upon his rights, and punish the rebels as traitors; while, if the -other party should prove victorious, they will bring the King to trial -for his tyrannical conduct. He must expect no mercy or forgiveness; -he has often tried issues with them, and still oftener broken his -word, until at last none will believe it. It is to be feared also that -the flames of civil war are likely to spread over a wider area than -existing appearances would seem to indicate; for there are many who -smother their grievances at present, though they are disgusted with the -treatment they have themselves received and the miserable condition of -the country, and these, it is to be apprehended, will flock to Condé’s -standard. The voice of the country is undoubtedly on his side, as all -are dissatisfied with the manner in which the government is at present -conducted. - -The case of Montmorency, to which I have alluded, stands thus. His -prospects (of regaining his liberty) appeared to be good, and he was -being treated with much more indulgence than before, when tidings -came of his brother, Damville[69]; then all of a sudden there was a -complete change, and the prison rules were made much stricter: by the -King’s orders all his servants were removed, and, though seriously ill, -he was not allowed to keep so much as his physician or his cook, new -servants being appointed by the King. This alteration in his treatment -has caused the greatest alarm to his mother and other relatives, for -they think that this is a first step towards taking him off by poison. - -The King is so sure of Damville’s being dead that he has already given -away every one of his offices and commands. He is supposed to have died -of the plague fever on the last day of last month. - -His friends refuse to regard him as dead and console themselves with a -vague hope that he is still alive. - -I trust that no delay or difficulty will arise with regard to the -Queen’s journey; still, if it had not been finally settled otherwise, -I am not sure that the route by the Netherlands would not be the most -convenient. In any case, that road will always be open to her, should -the others be blocked. But your Majesty will decide what is best. - -The Portuguese ambassador has arrived and called yesterday on the -Queen. The King was indisposed, but is now better. - - Paris, June 13, 1575.[70] - - - - -LETTER XXI. - - -The Duke of Lorraine and Vaudemont are, they say, expected here in the -course of two or three days. - -The tedious and difficult negotiations about peace have kept Paris in -suspense for a long time. The following appears to be the result: the -deputies from the insurgents have not been able to carry all their -points, and the King, on his part, has not succeeded in inducing them -to accept his terms. They have therefore agreed upon a compromise, -the clauses of which are to be referred to Condé, Damville, and the -confederate towns: should they accept them, peace will be declared; -in the other case, war will be resumed. But it will be much easier to -declare war than to carry it on, as France is terribly reduced, and the -King himself is in the greatest straits for want of money. - -The religious question, which in the Netherlands is the only obstacle -to peace, has not been considered here as a matter of paramount -importance, and the King has made no difficulty about granting liberty -of conscience; there were other points which were more difficult for -him to digest—to wit, that the rebels should have possession of two -cities in each province, in addition to those which they now hold, as -places of refuge in time of trouble. They demand also that members of -their party should be admitted into the Parliaments, and that the King -should pay the wages of the German reiters who have taken service with -them; and, again, that the States-General be convened. If this last -should be granted, the Queen Mother will be in great danger of losing -her authority. There are some other points, which your Majesty will -learn from the enclosed paper. - -Never did France so hunger after peace; never was the country so -unanimous in desiring it. On other occasions it has been sometimes the -Order of the Clergy and sometimes the Order of the People, which has -been averse to a pacification; now all exclaim with one voice that war -means ruin. But the peace, I suspect, will not last long,[71] since it -has been obtained by compulsion, and granted by necessity. - -Moreover, I have observed that the authority of the Crown has -marvellously declined; men have shaken off their respect for the King’s -name, and are like horses who have got rid of their traces and fairly -bolted. The revolutionary spirit is rampant; some people are extremely -unpopular; feuds among the chiefs run high—these feuds are of old -standing and cemented with the blood of slaughtered kinsmen; to settle -and arrange such differences would require much trouble, ample time, -and infinite tact. I see that some people in a high position think -that it would be to the advantage of France if certain illustrious -gentlemen were to quit the country, and all the nobles who wish for war -were to find a field abroad, thereby relieving their country of anxiety -and trouble. From all this we may safely conclude that quiet in France -(if quiet be possible!) means a great disturbance in the atmosphere -elsewhere. On this ground some—not without reason, perhaps—remember -with regret, how useful Milan[72] was as a training-school for the -education of young French soldiers, and also as a means of letting out, -without injury to the rest of the body, that bad blood of which France -has such store. - -The nation desires Condé to be appointed to lead a force into the -Netherlands to the assistance of Orange, for it is thought that it will -be no small gain to France if he is sent beyond the borders. Condé is -himself possessed of considerable resources, and will be well supported -by his party, who wish to see him famous and great; they will the more -readily fall in with this plan because it will remove him from the -scene of danger and place him where he will be safe under the shadow of -that great Prince (Orange). - -Meanwhile the Royalists will rejoice at this opportunity of delivering -France from a troublesome and restless crew, and congratulate -themselves that the quarrel is to be fought out in the Netherlands -instead of France. - -I must explain that nothing is so hateful to your French gentleman as -quiet and repose. He would rather be rolling the stone of Sisyphus -than keep still; he is for ever hunting after an enterprise; he would -fain do something great; if that something be honourable, all the -better, but if there be difficulty on that score, he is not particular; -so long as it affords a field for the display of courage and skill, -and is thought dashing, the question whether it is right or wrong is -absolutely immaterial. These are the ideas which nature has planted in -him, and example confirmed, while long years of lawlessness and licence -have made their practice a habit. - -Hugo de Blot, the Netherlander, is anxious to enter your Majesty’s -service; as no better post is to be had, he has applied for the -comparatively humble position of librarian. He has asked me to -recommend him. - -I am fully aware how little weight my word can be expected to carry, -feeling as I do that I have need to be recommended myself instead of -recommending others; still I trust your Majesty will not be offended at -my mentioning the subject. I know De Blot to be both a good scholar and -an honest man; there are, however, two people who will be able to give -most positive testimony as to his character—Bishop Listhius[73] and -Lazarus Schwendi,[74] for they both selected him to take care of their -boys—he was their tutor for several years in Italy—and if they judged -him fit to take care of their _boys_ (liberos) I conclude he is quite -fit to take care of your Majesty’s _books_ (libros). - -I do not wish to press the matter further. I have now given my -testimony on behalf of an excellent gentleman, and at the same time I -feel I have done my duty to your Majesty in introducing to your notice -a man who will fill the post admirably. Your Majesty will now come to -a decision as to the appointment, and of the wisdom of that decision, -whatever it may be, I entertain not the slightest doubt.[75] - -The Spanish Ambassador told me that the Duke of Medina de Rio Sicco is -coming hither from his Sovereign to congratulate the King of France -on his marriage. An ambassador is also coming from Portugal on the -same errand: I believe he has been six months on the road, although he -arrived a few days ago at Nantes, a town in Brittany. - -The King is suffering from influenza, but is not supposed to be in -any danger. There was a report quite lately that the Duke of Savoy -had taken Savona, but it is not believed to be true. As to Jorneton, -of whom your Majesty writes in the letter dated May 2, your Majesty’s -orders shall be obeyed. - -Madame de Montmorency, formerly wife of the Constable of France, who -was then in such high estate, is now in great misery and affliction on -account of her sons; she has earnestly besought the Queen to procure -letters from your Majesty to the King of France, asking him to release -her son, the Maréchal de Montmorency, from his long imprisonment. The -Queen has given me instructions to write to your Majesty about this -business. I should have had some hesitation in complying with her -wishes, if any ground still existed for the dreadful suspicions which -were at first entertained with regard to his case; but facts have now -transpired which tend to show that these suspicions rested on little -or no foundation, and people are beginning to take a juster view; -indeed, the Queen Mother could not be kept from visiting Montmorency, -and chatted with him for some time. Under these circumstances, I feel -that I cannot do wrong in obeying the Queen’s orders, and that your -Majesty might write to the King on the subject of Montmorency’s release -in perfect confidence that such a suggestion will not be taken amiss -in any quarter. Undoubtedly this great and honoured lady (Madame de -Montmorency) has shown the utmost kindness and attention to the Queen -during the whole of her residence in France; she has never failed to -support her in every way, and on her assistance, advice, and loyalty -the Queen has been always able to reckon; such services may well claim -your Majesty’s kind consideration, and this is a good opportunity of -manifesting your gratitude. - -By adopting the course which I venture to suggest, your Majesty will -not only gratify the Queen, but will also lay the whole House of -Montmorency—which now, indeed, is brought low, but must one day rise -again—under an obligation so great that it can never be forgotten. - - Paris, June 7, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXII. - - -Not long ago I called upon the King of Portugal’s Ambassador, and a few -days later he returned my call. I had a conversation with him which is -perhaps of no great importance, but it is as well that your Majesty -should hear of it. - -He spoke of the Queen in the highest terms, and then let fall some -words of regret at the bereavement she had undergone. Her husband, he -remarked, had died in the flower of life, and she was very young to be -a widow. On my replying that it was God’s will, and we must accept His -decrees without murmuring, the Ambassador interrupted me with a remark -that the Queen would have great difficulty in finding a second husband -of such rank as would justify her in marrying him, seeing that her -first husband had been a very great and powerful King. - -Hereon I remarked that it was by no means an unusual thing for the -queens of great kings, on the death of their husbands, to marry -potentates of inferior rank, and sometimes to take even dukes as their -husbands. I was able to quote, as an instance, Mary, the sister of -Henry VIII., King of England, who on the death of her first husband, -Louis XII., King of France, was, at her brother’s desire, married in -England to the Duke of Suffolk. ‘Still,’ said the Ambassador, ‘if I am -any judge of looks, she is too proud to marry anyone lower in rank than -her first husband.’ Thereon I replied, that I had good reason to know -that any idea of a second marriage was most distasteful to the Queen, -who cherished in her heart the memory of the husband she had lost, -but never could forget. Still, I observed, she was a lady of great -judgment and discretion, one who would, I was sure, always be willing -to take her parents’ advice and submit to their wishes. The Ambassador -expressed his appreciation of such discretion, and we proceeded to -discuss other topics, coming back at last to the old subject, and -talking of the connection between the Houses of Austria and Portugal, -which dates from the time of the Emperor Frederic.[76] He concluded -his remarks by saying that he hoped to see the old alliance renewed by -another marriage between the two Houses. - -By the way, I must not forget to say that just before this he had been -expressing his regret at the Queen’s leaving France, and going so far -away. - -Whatever may be the meaning of his observations, I see no reason for -hiding them from your Majesty. - -As to the other matters, Damville,[77] who was lately reported as dead, -appears to have come to life again; the prayers of his friends have had -more weight than those of his enemies; but, after all, it is a very -common thing in France for people to accept idle rumours as established -facts, without suspending their judgment or giving themselves time to -ascertain the truth. It is quite certain that he was very ill, and some -declare that his symptoms indicated poison. Montmorency is now more -gently dealt with, and receives the same treatment as he did before the -rigour of his confinement was increased. - -The delegates of the insurgents are expected here in the course of a -few days, with the answer of their party as to peace or war. Endless -people have endless reasons to give for expecting that the answer -will be favourable. For my own part, I should be sorry to express an -opinion one way or the other; indeed, so many changes take place, and -so many rumours are about, that I should not like to pledge myself -for anything I had not seen with my own eyes. Meanwhile war is going -on, but it does not seem to promise any decisive result calculated to -affect the issue of the struggle. Insignificant towns and places are -daily lost or recaptured, and the most important news we have had this -long while is of a severe defeat the Swiss received the other day in -Dauphiny,[78] some companies being completely annihilated. - -The Queen is quite well, but cannot help fretting at the delay. She -longs to return home; she is also yearning to see her daughter; her -wish, however, cannot be gratified, as she has not funds for the -journey; indeed, she is so poor that meals are no longer served at any -table save that at which the Queen herself sits. Rations of bread and -wine are issued to the rest of her people, and with this they have to -content themselves as best they may. - - Paris, July 7, 1575. - - -If the King of Portugal wishes for the marriage, and your Majesty is -disposed to consent, advantage might be taken of the opportunity now -afforded of sending the Queen straight from Paris to Portugal without -much expense. - -I see our friends in France have not yet given up all hope with regard -to their claims on Poland, for they are said to be sending thither -200,000 crowns, which they have borrowed from the Duke of Savoy. He -has received the marquisate of Saluzzo as security for his advances. -Pibrac, too, it is supposed, will be able to do some good by visiting -the Palatines[79] one by one, and making an appeal to them in the -King’s name. - - - - -LETTER XXIII. - - -It is not long since I gave your Majesty an account of my conversation -with the Portuguese Ambassador, to be taken for whatever it might be -worth. I have nothing of much importance to add, except that, a few -days after the letter was despatched, the Queen was threatened with -an illness. Fever was apprehended, and there were some premonitory -symptoms, but they passed off without developing into anything serious. -Her physicians attributed the illness to grief and trouble of mind. She -is much distressed at the long postponement of her visit to Amboise, -on which she had set her heart, and also, I imagine, at her detention -in France, from which she has long been panting to fly. I hope to find -on the arrival of the next courier, that your Majesty has made such -arrangements as will relieve the Queen’s anxiety. - -As for other news, the condition of things here is unchanged, except -that Montbrun is said to have been taken prisoner. After cutting to -pieces some companies of Swiss, as I mentioned in a former letter, he -shortly afterwards found himself in the presence of a concentration -of Royal troops. Charging them with more courage than discretion, he -advanced too far, could not cut his way back, and, after receiving -several wounds, was taken prisoner. This event caused great joy here, -as of all the men in arms against the King none was considered more -determined than Montbrun. When all the rest of the party were stunned -by the slaughter of the King’s enemies on Saint Bartholomew’s day, he -came forward as the most valiant champion of the cause; his was the -first sword that was unsheathed, and his the example that roused others -to action. Some think he will be brought to Paris. If so, his doom, I -fear, is sealed; he is too brave to be forgiven; well for him if his -wounds prove mortal, so that he may die a soldier’s death. But he is -not altogether unavenged, for the Royalists were severely handled in -the skirmish in which he was taken prisoner.[80] - -On Tuesday the marriage of the Marquis de Nomeny was celebrated, in -the presence of Vaudemont, his father, and the Duke of Lorraine, his -kinsman. There were amusements of various kinds, and a magnificent -entertainment. None of the Princes were at the banquet, not even -Alençon, the King’s brother, who came only to the ball, and his sister -did not go even to that.[81] I must not forget to mention that, when -the Guises wished to have the honour of serving the King, the sons of -the late Prince de Condé quietly slipped in, and anticipated them. It -is not the first prize they have taken from them. It is strange that -Frenchmen cannot find a more honourable field for rivalry. - -People would fain believe that there are good hopes of the peace -negotiations succeeding. The King, however, they say, after Montbrun -was taken prisoner, ordered 1,000 fresh cavalry to be raised. Why he -has done so, I cannot say, but I am quite certain of one thing, that, -if peace is made, it will not be because he wishes for it, but because -he cannot help himself. - - Paris, July 16, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXIV. - - -A gentleman lately returned from Poland has assured the King (and, for -the matter of that, people here are not scrupulous as to what they -assert) that he had induced the Poles to agree to accept a Viceroy -during the King’s absence. Pibrac’s letters, however, told a different -story; he says there are two policies by which the crown of Poland may -be kept: if the King will go there himself, there is a certainty of -success; and if he will send 200,000 crowns, there is a chance of it. -The last plan will probably be tried. - -The Portuguese Ambassador has taken a house, and is expected to remain -here for some time. One of his suite has been sent to the King of -Portugal, and is likely to return shortly with an answer. Some people -fancy that his mission concerns your Majesty’s daughter. - -It is now nearly six weeks since the courier left, and our friends here -keep asking when he will return, as they want to finish the business -and relieve themselves of the burden of maintaining the Queen. There -is a notion that it will be to her advantage if her affairs are placed -under the protection of a Prince or some prominent man; the Duc de -Nevers[82] is mentioned for the office, which he would readily, I -fancy, volunteer to take. But a serious drawback to such an arrangement -is that it would probably excite the Queen Mother’s jealousy; she would -not like the notion of the Queen being placed under the guardianship -of anyone but herself. I think, therefore, that any application to the -Duke should be made privately; a secret understanding would be best, -but as to its remaining secret, I am doubtful. The Comte de Retz, one -of the Marshals of France, has been most kind in labouring to promote -the Queen’s interests; he has called on me at my lodgings about her -business. - -As regards myself, your Majesty will be graciously pleased to come to -some decision. For my own part, I think the best course your Majesty -can adopt will be to consider me a useless old soldier who has earned -his discharge, and to treat me accordingly. Still, I am inclined to -think it would not be amiss for some one to remain here for a time. For -the people who managed the property of former Queens tell me that many -things happened after their departure which required the presence of -a good man of business on the spot; while Queen Leonora[83] was three -years out of France before the final settlement of her affairs, which -was impeded by various obstacles, could be satisfactorily effected. I -trust, of course, we shall profit by the experience of other Queens, -and so take measures to meet many difficulties beforehand. Still, when -you have a shifty and tricky nation to deal with, it is impossible to -foresee every contingency, and emergencies may often occur requiring -the intervention of a faithful servant. The Queen will have worthy -gentlemen in France, namely, her Chancellor, her Councillors, her -Secretaries, her Procureurs, and her Advocates, all of whom are zealous -for her interests, and to their discretion much, I think, may be safely -trusted. - -At my request on a former occasion, your Majesty sent me credentials, -which were dated, I believe, in February; I have not presented them -yet, because I thought it would be for the Queen’s interest if I said I -had no power to settle anything finally, for under these circumstances -they would be more careful as to what they offered, as they could -easily understand it would be useless to expect your Majesty to accept -anything that was not fair. I should now be glad to have a fresh copy -of those credentials, as they may prove necessary. - -I wrote from Lyons asking your Majesty to send some watches as -presents for friends who have ere now done us good service, and whose -assistance we may need again. I feel I should be wanting in my duty to -your Majesty, if I did not renew my request. One might as well try to -make bricks without straw as to conduct affairs of this kind without -presents. - -We had some hopes of obtaining 10,000 crowns in Paris, but were -disappointed; there is nothing coming in from our friends here, so we -are often at a loss for want of funds. I therefore implore your Majesty -to give this matter your serious consideration, for we have no hope of -bringing back any sum worth mentioning—indeed, I doubt if we shall have -enough for the journey. - -I spoke to the King and the Queen Mother, and they assured me that they -would see the Queen was escorted to the German frontier in the most -honourable manner. Your Majesty, in return, will be graciously pleased -to inform us at the earliest moment to what place you wish the Queen -to be escorted by her French suite, where I trust such preparations -will be made as will show the French escort that your Majesty is not -indifferent to that which concerns the Queen’s honour. It will be well, -too, that the noble ladies and maidens attending her from motives -of duty or affection should feel that they have been well treated, -for they are sure on their return to talk about their reception. The -Queen has been long intending to go to Amboise; she is naturally -anxious to see her daughter before leaving France, but her wish is -still unaccomplished, owing to her want of funds. When this difficulty -is removed she will start on her journey. I think she will be away -twenty-four or twenty-five days. - -On the 23rd of last month a courier arrived with despatches from your -Majesty, from which I learnt your Majesty’s views as to the course -to be pursued with regard to the two proposals made by the King. By -the Queen’s desire the matter was considered by her Council. Her -wisest advisers thought we ought to accept that proposal which offered -the best security, and at the same time tended most to her honour, -following herein the principle adopted by steady fathers of families, -who make it a rule to prefer _good security_ to _high interest_. For, -after all, the proposal we have rejected would inevitably have left a -large portion of the Queen’s income subject to various contingencies -and dependent on another’s pleasure. True, it would have been illegal -to wrong the Queen, but, in the present state of France, people think -more of what they _must_ do than of what they _ought_ to do. The Bishop -of Paris, indeed, continued of the same opinion, but his opposition -appeared to proceed more from prejudice than reason. - -When this was settled, I went to the King and Queen, and having saluted -them in the name of your Majesty, whose letter I presented, I said -that your Majesty had hoped that the marriage contracts would have -been adhered to and fully carried out, but that, as you understood -from Monsieur de Vulcob,[84] who was at your Court, as well as from my -despatches, in what trouble and difficulty France was involved, you -did not wish to press the point, and had frankly accepted the King’s -proposals, in the hope that he would perform his promises in a liberal -spirit, so as to compensate the Queen in some measure for the rights -she had abandoned. I said, further, that it was by your Majesty’s -advice that the Queen had chosen the proposal which offered the larger -settlement on Crown lands, as being the nearest to the tenor of the -marriage contract. Both replied in the most gracious terms. Among other -remarks the King made in speaking of his goodwill to your Majesty, he -declared that he knew your Majesty’s fatherly affection for him from -your having, when he was at Vienna, given him such excellent advice, -telling him to prefer mercy to severity, and to choose peace rather -than war. With these views, he said, he quite coincided, but remarked -that Kings were not always allowed to have their own way. As to the -Queen’s departure, he said, he owed so much to your Majesty, and France -so much to the Queen, that it was alike his duty and his pleasure to -do everything he could for her. If needful, he would provide for her -escort, not merely as far as Nancy, but whithersoever your Majesty -might wish. As, however, your Majesty had chosen Nancy, he would take -care that she should be escorted thither in the most honourable manner -at the date appointed. - -As for Montmorency, the King replied that he had offered to stand his -trial and prove his innocence; that he might be able to do so was -his earnest hope and wish. But if, unhappily, Montmorency should be -found guilty, he would be compelled to act solely with a view to the -interests of his realm, and he thought your Majesty in his position -would do the same. Otherwise, he would most gladly do whatever he could -to oblige your Majesty. - -I concluded by asking that arbitrators might be appointed, according -to precedent, to make a valuation of the Crown lands in the provinces -which he was assigning to the Queen. He agreed to do so, but asked -me, as he was ignorant of such business, either to put my request in -writing or to see the Chancellor and Councillors about it. And so I -left the King. - -I was much gratified during my interview with the Chancellor at the -warm terms in which he spoke of your Majesty’s kindness to him when he -went to Vienna, and the great affection he professed for the Queen. -However, he appeared much surprised at our decision with regard to -the two proposals. De Morvilliers also expressed astonishment, which -has made me feel rather suspicious of the whole business, as I think -there is something in the proposal we have accepted by which we shall -lose and the King gain; for hitherto I have found them anything but -generous, refusing to make the smallest concession to the Queen, or the -smallest sacrifice on behalf of the King. - -As to the state of the kingdom, there is but little difference since -I wrote last. The King has just now assembled a body, which I can -only describe as a shadow of the States-General. He nominated six -persons from each province and city, choosing those on whose support -he thought he could best reckon, the clergy, the _noblesse_, and the -people being each represented by two members. He laid before these mock -States-General the miseries of the country, and the emptiness of the -treasury, and then proceeded to ask for a subsidy. After the Orders of -the clergy and the _noblesse_ had given fairly satisfactory answers, -the representatives of the popular Order said ‘that they would inform -their friends of the King’s request, and would bring back whatever -answer the community at large might decide to give. They could not do -more, as they had not been summoned to deliberate, but simply to learn -the wishes of the King.’ As the latter was much dissatisfied with such -a reply, they were at last induced to agree that every man should pay -to the King the price of one day’s food, and it is supposed that in so -great a country as France this will produce a very considerable sum. -They made this promise, however, only conditionally, and subject to its -ratification by their fellows. All who spoke endeavoured to impress -upon the King that, if he did not conclude peace, ruin was inevitable. - -As regards the prospect of peace, matters are so complicated and -uncertain that it is difficult to judge. There are strong reasons for -desiring it: the country is in a most miserable state, the war is most -unpopular, money is scarce, revolution is raising her head; but again -there are difficulties in the way: the terms offered are hard, there -are old grudges on either side, the King’s word commands no confidence, -the party in power has lost its authority, and royalty its prestige. -Which way the scale will turn it is not easy to tell. Meanwhile there -is no break in the war; they are fighting more fiercely than ever. The -King has lately ordered his troops to burn all the crops in Languedoc -within their reach, causing thereby as much loss to the loyalists as -to his enemies. There is also a report that the King has raised new -levies of cavalry, and that Condé is coming with an army. Some of his -party tried a few days ago to surprise certain towns, among which -were Poitiers, Compiègne, Amiens, and Besançon. From these attempts -it is thought in Paris that peace is probable. As it was agreed that -each party should retain what they actually held at the termination -of the war, this condition is supposed to be the motive for these -attempts. Further, however much inclined for peace the King and Condé -may be, still people think that neither will treat except sword in -hand. As to the credit to be attached to these reports, I am by no -means certain, but I think I can answer for one thing, that, if they -make peace between themselves, they will attack their neighbours, in -order to give an outlet to all those uneasy spirits who if left at -home would be a danger to the State. Genoa seems convenient for this -purpose, and perhaps the Netherlands also; at any rate, one hears -already of speeches made by certain Princes, who say that, if the King -gives permission, they will go to the assistance of Genoa with 1,500 -gentlemen. The journeys of the Fregosi[85] and the Biragues to and from -Italy, and the unusually frequent conferences between the Papal Legate -and the King, make many people suspect that something is brewing. Of -the rebel delegates who were expected with an answer about peace, some -have come back already, and the others are said to be on the road, and -are expected shortly—among them Beauvois de la Nocle,[86] who is sent -back by Condé. If this be so, the issue of the negotiations will ere -long be known for certain. - -As for the affairs of the Netherlands, I do not doubt your Majesty -is fully informed of everything. They do not, therefore, properly -come within my province; still there will be no harm in sending the -following particulars. After the taking of Buren[87] the persons -appointed by the two parties separated without effecting anything or -even concluding an armistice. The Royalists hope to finish the war by -force of arms, and are therefore prosecuting it vigorously by land; -they are also fitting out a fleet once more. Their chances of speedy -success will be considerably increased by their obtaining a supply of -small galleys, which are independent of winds and tides. By means of -such boats Mondragon[88] has ferried his troops over to some islands, -and intends to occupy others as opportunities occur, his design being -thus to cut off Zealand from Holland, and prevent them from helping -each other. However successful the Royalists may be, it will be a long -business, and who can tell what may happen in the interval to create -fresh difficulties for them? Of this much there is no doubt: Orange -has openly declared that, if he finds himself beaten, he will, as a -last resource, enter into negotiations with England or France or some -other power, and place a foreign Sovereign in possession.[89] In spite -of this clear declaration of his intentions, there are people who are -so confident in the present state of affairs that they take no thought -for the future. Three days ago, they say, a gentleman came to Paris -from the Governor of the Netherlands to ask the Duke of Lorraine’s -permission for the passage through his territories of some thousands of -Spaniards and Italians, whom the King of Spain, it appears, is sending -to the Netherlands. If this be so, there are misfortunes yet in store -for that unhappy country. - -The King, whose natural melancholy is increased by the troubles of -the times, in order to divert his thoughts has instituted a club, the -members of which take turns to invite him and the whole Court. At these -entertainments there is much merry-making and dancing. The people -grumble at these festivities; they think it wrong for the King to give -himself up to revels, when the distress of the country is so great and -so wide-spread, as if the miseries of France concerned him not, or -there was nothing more he could do to alleviate them. - -The day after your Majesty’s letter was presented to the King, -Vaudemont paid a long visit to Montmorency; on leaving, he said that he -had little doubt of his innocence, and would not hesitate, if bail were -wanted, to be his surety. He afterwards repeated to several gentlemen -his conversation with Montmorency. The latter had professed to him his -entire innocence. There is no need to trouble your Majesty with an -account of what passed. - -There is a report current that the municipality of Paris was ready, out -of love to the Queen, to defray the yearly expenses of herself and her -household, if she would remain here. The proposal, they say, was not -actually made, because they were afraid that, if the Queen refused, the -King on hearing of it would lay claim to the money and employ it for -his own private purposes. Whether this story is founded on fact or not, -there is no doubt that people are constantly saying that it will be a -bad day for France when the Queen goes away.[90] - -The King’s desire to retain the Crown of Poland will probably be a -powerful motive for making peace, as his advisers consider his chances -are hopeless if civil war continues in France. The Poles, they say, -will never believe that anything is to be got out of people who -have their hands so full at home; but if peace is made, they may be -convinced that the money will be forthcoming, and that the King will -some day return to Poland. - -Your Frenchman will gratify his own desires regardless of the ruin and -destruction he causes to others; all with whom the French have been -concerned have been brought to ruin, or at any rate to the brink of it, -and this, I fear, will be the fate of Poland and Genoa. - - Paris, July, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXV. - - -No provision has as yet been made for the money required for the -Queen’s service, in spite of my reiterated requests; not only were the -former letters of no avail, but the orders of your Majesty’s Chamber, -which were lately sent to Augsburg, have proved equally inefficacious. -Accordingly, we have been fooled not twice, as the proverb says, but -three or four times. Meanwhile the Queen requires ready money for many -purposes, and we can think of no plan for defraying our necessary -expenses without money, or for procuring it without damaging our -character; consequently we are in great difficulties. I send your -Majesty a list of ladies to whom special presents ought to be made -at the Queen’s departure; they must be given, or she will be thought -to have behaved unhandsomely. The list is long, and the expense will -consequently be considerable. Again, as the Queen is not likely, when -she leaves the country, to have a farthing remaining out of her French -allowances, funds will be required for the expenses of her journey from -Nancy to Ratisbon, which must be paid in ready money. It is hardly -necessary for me to point out how closely the matter concerns the -honour both of your Majesty and the Queen. As to the watches, about -which I have received no answer, I again most humbly entreat your -Majesty to send them. If we are left without the means of acknowledging -the kindnesses we have received, your Majesty will hereafter find -people disobliging when their assistance is needed. Matters occur every -day in which the help of faithful friends is indispensable, and there -can be no doubt that these little presents are of great use in securing -such services. I feel so certain that I am right, that I venture once -more to entreat your Majesty to send me three or four watches of the -most elegant workmanship. - -As regards your Majesty’s desire that I should remain in Paris, it is -my duty to obey, though I feel myself almost too old for the work. I -wish, however, to acquaint your Majesty with the fact that my expenses, -including those of the five journeys I have made in the course of the -last twelvemonth or so, will far exceed my ordinary salary. I received -from Monsieur de Morvilliers 500 crowns on condition that they should -be repaid to Monsieur de Vulcob at Vienna. I most humbly beseech your -Majesty to give the necessary orders accordingly, and to charge the -money to the account of my yearly salary. - -The Queen, it appears, has still chances left her, and your Majesty -will probably have plenty of aspirants to her hand, from whom you -may choose a new son-in-law! Duke Eric of Brunswick[91] has sent a -gentleman hither with credentials, Doctor Joachim Gotzen, to offer the -Queen a share in his bed and board. He likewise offers his portion -of the Duchy of Brunswick, such as it is, and 100,000 crowns which -he has in France, and undertakes that, if he dies without children, -his dominions and the rest of his property shall go to the House of -Austria. As the Doctor hinted and suggested instead of using plain -language, the Queen could only make a guess at what he meant. When he -pressed for an answer, she referred him to me. Accordingly he repeated -his story to me, and asked me to get the Queen to give him an answer in -person. I told him that her husband’s death had been a great shock, and -that any suggestion of a second marriage, whoever the person might be, -was most distasteful to her. An answer from herself was therefore out -of the question. I added, that the Duke could write, if he pleased, to -your Majesty, whose ward she had again become by her husband’s death, -and that he would get an answer from you. I treated him throughout -the conversation with all possible courtesy, and contrived to satisfy -him with this reply, which he took back to his master. He only asked -me that the matter might not go further; I promised it should remain -a secret, and I also undertook at his request, should I ever fall in -with the Duke, to bear witness to the care and loyalty with which he -had discharged his commission. The letter was written from Aachen, and -bore the following address, in the Duke’s own handwriting, as I think, -‘De V. R. Mag^d muy fiel y leal servidor hasta à la muerte, qui sus -reales manos besa mas de cien mil vezes, El Duque Erico de Brunswicque -y Lunenburg.’ - -If matters go on as they have begun, the Palace will be as full of -dissension as the rest of France. Every day the discords between the -Princes increase, even between those who ought to be most closely -united by the ties of blood and kindred. Alençon cannot keep quiet: he -is on the watch for an opportunity to upset the Government, and will -probably end by attempting some notable _coup d’état_. Some suspect -him of even aspiring to the throne. It is all the Queen Mother can do -to keep him from throwing off his allegiance. Not that she wishes to -humiliate him, for she is very fond of him, and anxious to advance his -interests in every way. Possibly in this she has an eye to her own -advantage, in order to gain Alençon’s protection against his brother’s -power, in case her influence over the King should ever diminish. There -is also no love lost between Alençon and the Duke of Guise. The former -is supposed to have some secret understanding with the Huguenots, -and people think that he was privy to the attempts recently made on a -number of towns, in which some of his friends lost their lives. His -confidant in all his designs is his sister, who is on bad terms with -the King and the new Queen. For the matter of that, she does not stand -well with her husband, the Duc de Vendôme; there are strange stories -about her. - - Paris, July, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXVI. - - -On the 18th of this month the Queen started for Amboise. On her -departure from Paris the King accompanied her to the gates of the city, -and his brother, Vendôme, and Guise somewhat further, while the Duke -of Lorraine with the Cardinal of Este, the Duc de Mayenne, the Duc -d’Aumale, and the Marquis de Nomeny escorted her to the village[92] -where she dined. As I was sitting at table there with the Duke of -Lorraine and the Cardinal of Este, each of them spoke much of their -affection for your Majesty and the great honour that had been done -them in being chosen, the one to escort the Queen on her journey, and -the other to receive her as his guest. The Duke of Lorraine told me -that in three or four days he was returning home to make the necessary -preparations for the Queen’s arrival; he is also afraid of disturbances -arising in his absence, there being a very general report in Paris that -2,000 German reiters are coming, who are to make their way in light -marching order through Burgundy and Switzerland to join Damville, and -that more will shortly follow, as 8,000 have been hired. This is the -topic of general conversation, and the military preparations which the -King has been making show that he regards the news as well-founded. - -On the 24th of the same month we arrived at Amboise, where I saw your -Majesty’s grand-daughter. The child is not yet quite three years old, -is by no means bad looking, though more like her father than her -mother, and is of a very merry disposition.[93] - -The Queen intends to start for Nancy as soon as possible after her -return to Paris, which she hopes will be about September 8. If it lay -with me to decide, I should prefer her not remaining more than eight or -ten days in Paris. Unfortunately this is not the case, so I can only -do all in my power to hasten her departure. - - Amboise, August 25, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXVII. - - -As regards the affairs of this kingdom, I have not much to tell. The -report that the German reiters are coming has made the Royalists rush -to arms; hopes of peace, however, are not altogether abandoned. They -seem to think they will make peace on more favourable terms if they -are ready for war. The King, passing over his brother, who, according -to precedent, was entitled to that office, has appointed Guise his -Lieutenant and Commander-in-chief. He is now raising troops in the -district of Langres. It is supposed, however, that they are neither -very numerous nor trustworthy, and that there are many among them who -would rather be vanquished than victorious. Although the war is only -just beginning, money is already lacking to carry it on, and the King -has had recourse to a forced loan from the Princes of his Court and the -leading men of the kingdom. The Chancellor contributed 4,000 francs; -Lansac, de Morvilliers, and several others, 3,000 a-piece; while the -Constable—that is, the Duchess Dowager of Montmorency—was assessed at -6,000 francs, which are equivalent to 2,000 crowns. The sums so raised -are said to amount to 100,000 crowns. Such are the straits to which -France is reduced. - -Attempts, they say, have been made by the rebels on several -towns—Tours, Chartres, and many others—in which free use was made of -Alençon’s name. Though matters have gone so far, commissioners from -the rebels for the conclusion of peace are still expected in Paris. -Besme, the German—who was the actual murderer of Admiral Coligny—on -his way back from Spain, fell into the hands of the enemy, and is in -great danger, but Guise leaves no stone unturned in order to liberate -him.[94] Montbrun’s wounds were such that recovery was impossible, -but, anxious that he should not die, save by the hands of the -executioner, they caused him to be beheaded at Grenoble. As the English -Ambassador[95] was suspected of having secret dealings with Alençon -and others, the King has requested all the Ambassadors to quit their -houses in the faubourgs and come into the city, where it will be easier -to protect them; this, at least, is the reason assigned. The new Queen -has had an attack of jaundice, but has been steadily improving for the -last few days. As for other news, desperate atrocities are every day -committed in Paris; murder and lust run riot together. Even into the -King’s own ante-chamber they carry their brawls and quarrels, and come -to blows when they are all but in his presence. No notice is taken -of these outrages, and apparently they are not regarded as offences -against the King. - -I had got to this point in my letter a few days after the courier’s -arrival in Paris, and hoped to send him back without delay, when news -of great importance reached me, of which your Majesty must be informed. -Alençon, the King’s brother, who is eager to upset the Government, -and has long been on bad terms with his brother, has fled from Paris. -Having arranged his plans some time before, he pretended on the evening -of September 15 to be going to certain ladies, whom he had made a habit -of visiting in order to throw the King off his guard. He drove there -in a carriage with only two companions, one of whom he sent back to -the Palace to see what the King and Queen Mother were doing; with the -other he went into the house. But he was no sooner inside than he went -out by a back door, got into another carriage, which was waiting for -him, and drove off to a trysting-place not far away, where horses and -companions were waiting for him.[96] Others joined them on the road, so -that before he reached Dreux, where he arrived in twenty-four hours, -travelling without intermission, he had, it is believed, an escort of -almost 200 men. Dreux is a county forming part of his appanage, not far -from Normandy. He was admitted by the inhabitants, not so much from any -affection towards him, as because they were taken by surprise, and not -prepared to resist so strong a party. - -Meanwhile, the gentleman whom he had sent back to the King returned -to the house, and finding him gone brought the news to the King. The -latter at first hoped he would return. But when time passed, and he -did not appear, suspicion became certainty, and they knew that he had -fled. Parties were despatched to bring him back, but all in vain; he -had got some hours’ start of his pursuers and had lost no time on the -road. Moreover, some of the King’s people had a hint that it might -be dangerous to pursue the chase too far, for they found on the road -the dead body of one of the Royal Guards, whose duty it was to patrol -that district. The man had challenged Alençon, and asked who he was, -and where he was going. His comrade—for there were two of them—would -have shared his fate, but he had the presence of mind, when his horse -was killed by a shot, to lie still and pretend to be dead. After this -warning the pursuers gave up the chase. It would have been madness -for them to continue it, as they knew he was strongly escorted, while -they were mere stragglers hurrying along without any attempt at -organisation, as naturally is the case in a sudden and extemporised -pursuit. Alençon’s flight—or departure, as some may call it—has -produced a deep impression on the King and the Queen Mother, as they -foresee what a serious addition it will make to the other calamities of -France. - -The next day the King ordered Nevers to follow his brother with -some regiments of cavalry to prevent the towns from revolting, and -to protect them against assault. He has fixed his head-quarters at -Chartres, probably in order to cut off Alençon from the Loire, and to -prevent his penetrating into the country on the other side of that -river, where he must retreat if he wishes to join his partisans. A few -days afterwards the Queen Mother followed, in the hope of recalling -him to his senses before he was utterly perverted by intercourse with -rebels; but she was not allowed to see him. Indeed, her coming had the -contrary effect, for Alençon, suspecting foul play, and thinking he -had evidence of something of the kind, set out for the Loire with his -followers by a circuitous route, in order to cross while it was still -fordable by reason of the drought of last summer, and thus ensure his -safety and facilitate his junction with the King’s opponents. Behind -him came the Queen and Nevers—his mother and his foe. The latter would -have attacked him whenever an opportunity presented itself, as was -the case at his passage of the Loire, but was forbidden by the Queen. -She was anxious to avoid an engagement as long as possible, for any -bloodshed might make war inevitable. At last, after crossing the river, -he granted an audience to his mother. She spoke, they say, with great -ability, representing to him the disastrous condition of the country, -and reminding him that the course he was taking would greatly aggravate -existing evils; ‘he, who was the heir presumptive to the crown, ought -to be the last man,’ she told him, ‘to split the kingdom in two.’ -The result of the interview was that an armistice for a few days was -arranged, to give time for the delegates of the different parties to -assemble, and for peace negotiations to be opened. - -Meanwhile, it was decided that Montmorency should be released from -prison, on giving his parole not to leave Paris without the King’s -permission. Alençon is also said to have demanded that certain very -influential persons should be removed from Court. Among them the -Chancellor is included, and some other councillors of the King, who, -Alençon thinks, are hostile to himself and his party. - -But his chief motive for running away, it is supposed, was a desire -to escape from the degrading surveillance under which he was kept; -he remembered that when his brother occupied the same position, he -possessed unbounded influence and had the revenues of some of the -richest provinces to support his rank, while _he_, on the other hand, -was granted but trifling allowances, exercised no influence, and could -scarcely call himself his own master.[97] Charles IX. had appointed -the present King his Lieutenant, and had entrusted him with the entire -management of the war and with the government of the country; while -_he_ had been passed over in favour of Guise. It was not likely that -a young Prince, eager for adventure and thirsting for war and glory, -would patiently submit to such treatment. Hence he was induced to take -this serious step, the consequences of which God only knows. There is -an impression that the King had been warned by letters from several -people of Alençon’s intentions, and had resolved to place him under -closer surveillance, but the Prince escaped the day before the one on -which he was to have been arrested. - -On the 10th of this month news arrived here of the defeat of the German -reiters by Guise. As they were marching into Berry to join Alençon, -Guise came upon them at the passage of the Marne and routed the part -that had crossed, their commander, Affenstein, being killed, and -Monsieur de Clervant[98] taken prisoner. Those who had not yet crossed -were terrified by the disaster, and began to treat for a surrender. -The King was consulted, and decided that their surrender should be -accepted, on condition of their not serving against him for a year. -They were left in possession of their horses, swords, and cuirasses, -and the rest of their accoutrements, having to give up only their -standards and fire-arms, and an escort was appointed to conduct them -over the frontier. Thoré, the son of the Constable, and many Frenchmen -besides, to the number of 200, who were with the Germans, crossed the -river in the middle of the night, and so escaped safe and sound. The -Germans accuse them of deserting them, while they retort on the Germans -that, though the safety of the army depended on its speed, they could -not be induced to leave their baggage behind to lighten them on their -march, and declare that the disaster, in which they lost not only their -baggage but everything else, was due to their wilfulness. They say -that Guise during his pursuit of the Germans often had the chance of -plundering this baggage-train, but that he was deterred by the advice -of an experienced general, who said that it would delay their march, -and finally compel them to fight at a disadvantage. Be that as it may, -the disgrace of these troops is in my opinion greater than their actual -loss. Our friends in Paris are much elated at their victory. The fate -of the Frenchmen who escaped by their speed is uncertain, for there -are plenty to pursue them. Guise, however, himself did not come out of -the encounter scot free; he received a serious wound in the jaw from -a musket ball, and was at first considered to be in great danger; the -King, who loves him very dearly, gave him up for lost, and was much -distressed. Now, however, he is expected to recover. - -The day before the news of this battle arrived, the King set -Montmorency free, and restored him to his former influential position. -Accordingly, he is made acquainted with the chief secrets of State, -as he used to be, and now, in the absence of Alençon and the rest of -the Princes of the Blood, takes precedence next to the King. There -is a notion that he, accompanied by Cossé, will shortly join the -Queen Mother to act as a mediator. Alençon, people think, will return -to-morrow to his mother at Blois to re-open negotiations. To me the -whole story sounds suspicious, and, granted that he does go back there, -I think they will hardly come to terms. But supposing they do, it is -to my mind quite certain that war will presently follow, either in the -Netherlands or in Italy with Alençon as the nominal or, perhaps, the -real commander. - -To-day news has arrived here that Thoré and his followers after routing -those who barred their passage, have reached the Loire. He has, they -say, about 400 horse, among whom are many Germans. Whether he will be -able to cross is uncertain, as a strong force has been collected in -hopes of crushing him. Two thousand of Alençon’s cavalry with some -infantry are reported to be awaiting his arrival on the other side of -the Loire. - - Paris, October 14, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXVIII. - - -On September 12, the day the Queen returned to Paris from Amboise, -the courier arrived and delivered to me your Majesty’s letter and -instructions. On the following day I asked an audience of the King, -but was put off till the next day. After complimenting the King and -the Queen Mother in your Majesty’s name, I laid your request before -them—namely, that the date appointed for the Queen’s departure should -be adhered to. The King answered he would do what he could to meet -your Majesty’s views. I replied that it was of great consequence that -I should have a definite answer to send to your Majesty, as otherwise -the ladies and gentlemen, who were to meet the Queen at Nancy by your -Majesty’s orders, might find themselves in an awkward position. He -agreed that the request was reasonable, and promised to lay the matter -before the Council, and give me a definite answer on the morrow. So -passed away that day and the next, which was the 15th of the month, -the day on the evening of which Alençon fled. I received almost the -same answer from the Queen Mother, except that she added some further -details about the expenses of the journey, saying that the whole sum -could not be paid down in specie, but that an appropriation would be -made for pressing expenses, while for those that need not be paid -on the spot good warrants would be given. The arrangement was not -an unreasonable one, and the Queen’s business appeared at that time -to be in a fair way, but then came Alençon’s flight, which caused a -hitch. For some days the King could not attend to me; at last, on the -19th, in consequence of my pressing applications for such an answer -as would relieve your Majesty from uncertainty, I was granted an -audience. The King at the beginning of our conversation requested me -to inform your Majesty of his unhappy misfortune,—these were the very -words he used—saying, he felt confident from the relationship that -existed between your Majesty and himself, and from the kindness he -had experienced at your hands, that you would sympathise with him. He -remembered that your Majesty had on former occasions advised Alençon -to keep clear of revolutionary designs. His conduct was the more -unjustifiable, he said, as he was not conscious of having done anything -on his part to give him a reason for forming these projects or running -away. It was by the evil counsels of bad people that he had been -seduced from his allegiance, though on his side he had behaved towards -him like an affectionate brother. This unexpected event prevented his -sending back the Queen at the time arranged, and I must see myself -the difficulties that surrounded him. What the King said was only too -true, and accordingly I answered that I would comply with his request -and write as he wished to your Majesty, saying, ‘I felt no doubt that -your Majesty, with whom he was connected by so many ties, would give -him the warmest sympathy in his troubles, and would gladly afford him -any assistance in your power.’ I then used such language as I thought -was likely to comfort him. As to the Queen’s departure, I told him that -your Majesty was most anxious to have her back, and that your plans did -not admit of her prolonged absence, and asked him, if it was impossible -for her to leave at once, at any rate to fix the earliest possible -date. He said he would consider my request, and promised to send me an -answer on the following day together with his letter to your Majesty. -At my interview with the Queen Mother almost the same language was -used on both sides, except that I added that I thought, if the Queen’s -departure were put off much longer, your Majesty would be obliged to -consider how to bring her home at your own expense, for you felt that a -longer separation was unbearable. - -From that time to this I have never ceased pressing the King every day -and demanding an answer, but my efforts have been of no avail. The -truth is, the King has given his ministers instructions to find the -funds necessary for the Queen’s journey, but this is a very difficult -matter, and, until he is sure of the money, he cannot positively fix -the date at which she is to leave. In the mean time due attention has -been paid to all the interests of the Queen. A valuation has been made -of the Crown lands, and also of the other property. A contract has been -drawn up, and a demand has been made that the deficiency in value of -the Crown lands assigned should be made good. For the Duchy of Berry -with the County of Le Forez, the upper and lower parts of La Marche, -and Remorantin did not come to much above 26,000 francs, so that nearly -6,000 were wanting to make up the sum the King had promised. To find -them was no easy task, in consequence of the small amount of Crown -lands available, and the difficulty was increased by the irregular and -unbusinesslike conduct of certain officials of the King, who tried to -make out that the said places had been undervalued, and wanted us, in -consequence of their own fault, to be content with 26,000 instead of -32,000 francs. At last, after some trouble, it was arranged that two -places should be added, to be taken from the Duchy of Bourbon—namely, -the towns of Murat and Gannat—and so a total of 32,000 francs in Crown -lands was made up, and the remaining sums were secured as in the -schedule annexed. All possible care and discretion have been used in -making these arrangements. - -As regards the Queen’s departure, I should not like to promise myself -an answer from the King for many days. The grant of 32,000 crowns is -all very well, but there is enormous trouble in getting them paid down -in hard cash: 20,000 of them, for which a warrant on Rouen has been -given, will begin to come in on November 15, and this sum, I hope, may -be relied on. This leaves 12,000 to be provided; it might have taken -us a long time to procure this sum, and we might have been obliged in -consequence to postpone the Queen’s departure, but fortunately your -Majesty’s bounty has made us independent so far; a large sum has been -remitted by the Nuremburg merchants, and even if we have no answer from -the King, I feel confident that the Queen will be able to set out -about November 25 or 26. For I think it better to risk our money than -to lose our time, lest, in the changes of this mortal life, something -should occur to make us regret deeply the loss of the opportunity; -though I feel no doubt that the 12,000 crowns decreed by the King can -be secured for the Queen even after she has gone. When the day of her -departure draws near, the Queen will send a courier of her own to -bring your Majesty news of the final arrangements. In order to relieve -your Majesty’s anxiety, it has been decided not to detain the present -courier any longer; the Queen would have sent him back some days ago -if she had not been waiting for the King’s letter to your Majesty; he -keeps promising to send it every day, but it does not come. - -One point with reference to the Queen’s journey remains for -consideration, and that is a serious one. More German reiters are said -to be on the point of entering France, and there is danger of the seat -of war being transferred to Champagne and the country through which -her Majesty is to travel; so that it is doubtful whether the road to -Nancy will be safe, or, indeed, if it will be open at all. Of course -no one will do any harm to the Queen, but it would be impossible to -answer for the safety of her French suite, and it would not perhaps be -consistent with the King’s dignity to beg his enemies to grant them a -sort of passage on sufferance, and to place at their mercy Frenchmen -of the highest position, and ladies of exalted rank, especially as -nothing is safe from the lawlessness and insolence of the times. As -to these matters, the King can settle nothing at present, as he does -not know what may be the state of things six weeks hence; but I see -that all the prudent and sensible men of my acquaintance entertain -serious doubts as to the safety of this route. If it should happen to -be closed, I doubt if there is a more convenient way than that through -the Netherlands, by Cambrai, Valenciennes, Mons, Namur, and thence -either to Coblentz or Trier. Here, again, we are met by a difficulty, -for perhaps the Governor of the Low Countries may not care to have -such a number of French people travelling through these territories -at the present time. This may be obviated by the French suite being -sent back from Cambrai or Valenciennes, and by the servants whom your -Majesty will send, such as cooks, butlers, waiters, &c., being ready -to meet the Queen at either of those places. For she is to take none -of her domestic servants beyond Nancy, as your Majesty will have -graciously understood from the list of her retinue which was forwarded -some time ago. There ought to be some gentlemen at the head of each -department; but this whole scheme of going through the Netherlands is -full of difficulties, and is much more inconvenient than the other. -Still, if we are compelled to take it, we must manage as best we can. -I am willing to hope for the best, and that this _détour_ may not be -necessary; but if we are disappointed—and disappointments do come—I -should wish to be prepared for the worst, and to have some arrangement -to fall back upon, instead of having to waste time in making out a -new one from beginning to end. I think it prudent, therefore, to have -our plans ready in case of need; and in the meantime to sound the -Governor’s disposition by letter, so that if we cannot get through by -any other road, at any rate this way may be open to us; but the final -decision will, of course, rest with your Majesty. - -As regards the money forwarded to the Queen from Nuremberg by your -Majesty’s order, I have hitherto received no letter from your Majesty; -but the agent of the merchants informed me that such and such an amount -was to be placed to the Queen’s credit, that the time of payment was -the end of October, and that he would meanwhile collect the money; but, -if there was any need for it sooner, he would pay down part of it. No -doubt we shall soon have despatches from your Majesty, and I shall -then understand the bearings of this business more clearly. I have -also received no answer as yet to my requests about the watches and my -own affairs. As regards the Kinsky question, I will do as your Majesty -orders, when Schomberg[99] returns from the campaign on which he is -now away with Monsieur de Guise; or, if he answers the letter I sent -him, I will inform your Majesty of his reply. I have received from de -Morvilliers, the Bishop of Orleans ... crown pistoles on account of my -yearly salary. I most humbly beg your Majesty graciously to order that -amount to be paid to Monsieur de Vulcob in the usual way. - - Paris, October 23, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXIX. - - -I sent in my last letters by Peter the courier such news as I had. -Since then I received your Majesty’s letter from Prague, dated -September 4, which informed me that arrangements had been made with -a Nuremberg merchant for remitting the money to the Queen. The bills -of exchange will, I trust, shortly arrive. Without this money it is -impossible to guarantee the Queen’s return; for, though magnificent -promises are held out to us, they are not to be relied on in these -troublous times, when the country is so ground down with taxation. The -20,000 crowns are thought to be certain; but there will not be much -left out of them after paying the wages of the household and making -preparations for the journey; 12,000 more are promised, a sum which -would be abundantly sufficient if we could reckon on it, but I am -afraid the prospect of its being paid is somewhat remote, and to wait -for the money would be to subject the Queen to endless trouble and -vexation, and perhaps cause injury to her health. For her anxiety to -return to your Majesty, and to be quit of the troubles and hurly-burly -of France, is unspeakable. I hope, too, your Majesty will remember what -a dutiful and obedient daughter she has always been, and will therefore -comply with her very reasonable request, and, now that she has been -led to count on returning, not let her after all be disappointed. As -regards the route she is to take, I hope your Majesty will graciously -give the question your serious consideration. For here, indeed, there -are continual reports that more German reiters are coming, and, in -fact, are actually ready to march; if this be true, there is also fear -that the seat of war may be transferred to the countries through which -lies the road to Lorraine. - -The Countess of Aremberg[100] has written from Nancy to inform the -Queen of her arrival there, and also to inquire what she wishes her -to do, and what hope there may be of her soon leaving. She tells her -that she has been away for some time, and is much wanted at home, but -will postpone everything if she can be of any use. The Queen replied -that there was not much hope of her leaving before November 25; she -might, therefore, revisit her home in the meantime, provided that -she presented herself at Nancy by that day to give the Queen the -advantage of her society and company on the journey, according to your -Majesty’s desire. To prevent her making any mistake about the day, -she would later on send a letter to inform her fully of the intended -arrangements. It will, I think, take the Countess six or, at the -utmost, seven days to travel from Nancy to her home. - -As for other news, the state of affairs here is much the same as -it was; what little alteration there has been is for the worse, as -Alençon’s last move has made people less hopeful as to peace. Till -lately he appeared to approve of Blois as a safe place for holding -the negotiations, but he is now said to have changed his mind, and to -demand Poitiers, his reason being that none of the King’s opponents -will trust themselves at Blois, as it is too near Paris and they are -afraid of foul play. There is a notion that his real motive is not -peace, but to obtain possession of a strongly fortified town. Time -will show. Montmorency, to whom everybody’s thoughts are turned as the -best mediator between the opposing parties, set out a few days ago -for Alençon’s quarters. When he started from Paris he was escorted -by a multitude of gentlemen and courtiers. He is indeed a remarkable -instance of fortune’s changes, for only recently he was in great danger -and so hated and despised by everyone that his strong prison-walls -seemed scarcely able to protect him from the violence and insults of -the mob and his enemies. His brother, Thoré, with his troops, has got -safe to Alençon, after routing at various places those who tried to -oppose his march, and taking prisoners some who pursued him too eagerly. - -As to your Majesty’s gracious answer about the watches, it is my duty -to be most humbly satisfied with whatever meets with your Majesty’s -approbation. - - Paris, October 23, 1575. - - -I must also humbly beseech your Majesty to give us betimes any -directions about the Queen’s departure and her journey, otherwise we -may be greatly inconvenienced by having to alter our plans at the -last moment. I shall endeavour to adhere to the arrangements already -mentioned, and intend to use my utmost efforts to have the Queen’s -preparations for the journey completed by November 25. Accordingly, -I mean about November 20 to send your Majesty tidings by a private -courier. He will hardly reach your Majesty before the 27th. Again, some -time will be required in order to apprise those who are to escort the -Queen of your Majesty’s wishes, and to enable them to reach Nancy. I -must therefore ask the Queen to postpone her departure to December 1, -so as to arrive at Nancy about the 10th or 11th of the same month. I -send these details in the hope that your Majesty will be graciously -pleased to correct any mistake I may have made. - - - - -LETTER XXX. - - -On the night before November 1, Louis du Guast was murdered in his bed; -he was stabbed in several places. The gates of Paris were kept shut all -the next day, and search was made for the murderers, but they could not -be found. The King’s brother Alençon is supposed to have instigated -the murder, or at any rate to have been privy to it, as he hated du -Guast as much as the King loved him.[101] The cause of their respective -hatred and affection was but trifling; still, for that very reason it -ought, I think, to be mentioned. Some years ago Thoré, the Constable’s -son, had been playing tennis with du Guast, and had lost a considerable -sum to him; on du Guast’s pressing for payment Thoré kept putting him -off and making excuses. Du Guast finally lost his temper, took some -horses out of Thoré’s stable, sold them by auction and paid himself -out of the proceeds. When this came to Thoré’s knowledge, he was -exceedingly annoyed, and quarrelled with du Guast, and ere long they -came to blows. The King, who was then Duke of Anjou (for the late King -was still alive), being informed of this, and fearing that du Guast, -who was his servant, would get the worst of it, as Thoré was the more -powerful man of the two, turned out with his guards to defend his -_protégé_. At the same time word was brought to Alençon that Thoré was -in great danger, as Anjou had come to du Guast’s assistance. Thereupon -he immediately brought up his escort to defend his friend Thoré. A -disgraceful contest seemed inevitable, but the Swiss behaved with great -discretion, and at last they parted without bloodshed. - -However, from that day forth the brothers have been at variance, and -the King has hated Thoré and the whole house of Montmorency. Du Guast, -on the other hand, has always had Alençon for his foe. Moreover, from -his reliance on the King’s favour he gave himself the habit of flouting -Alençon and speaking of him in disrespectful terms. His impertinence -has now cost him dear. - -This du Guast had been appointed by the King commander of the ten -regiments of Frenchmen which he had established after the model of the -Prætorian guard. Among them were many picked privates, serjeants, and -captains, who seldom left du Guast’s side, and generally messed at his -house at the King’s expense. Such was the splendour and sumptuousness -of his table that if any of the Princes, such as the Duke of Guise, or -the titular King of Navarre, chose to drop in upon him unexpectedly, -they never had any reason to regret it. Du Guast was enabled to live in -this magnificent style by the King’s generosity, for it is certain that -since he returned from Poland he has paid him more than 50,000 crowns -for his expenses. He, on the other hand, thought it a point of honour -not to be outdone by the King in generosity, and out of this vast sum -laid by nothing for himself, as is sufficiently proved by his debts, -which amount to 30,000 crowns. The King has taken his murder much to -heart, and there is reason to fear it may serve as a torch and make the -war between the two brothers blaze up more furiously than ever. - - Paris, November, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXXI. - - -On the 24th of last month, Laurence Scuter arrived, and delivered to -me your Majesty’s two letters, from one of which I learn that your -Majesty is anxious for definite information with regard to the Queen’s -departure, while in the other your Majesty graciously advises me of the -bill of exchange drawn on Nuremberg. - -As to the Queen’s departure, it has till now depended so entirely -on other people’s pleasure, and the issue of events on which it was -impossible to reckon, that I could not write with any certainty, either -in the letter which I sent by Peter the courier, or in that which I -despatched a little later by Mola of Augsburg. But now everything -is settled, and your Majesty will find in the enclosed paper a full -account of the arrangements connected with the Queen’s return. - -The only points on which I am still troubled are the weather and the -dangers of the road. Her Majesty will, I fear, find it a very bad time -of year for travelling, and I am also afraid that our best and shortest -route will be rendered impassable by the presence of the new levies of -German reiters. I trust I shall soon receive full instructions from -your Majesty. - -The Queen has decided to send off the messenger without further delay, -for fear your Majesty should, as on a former occasion, be kept waiting -for her answer. She will therefore despatch a second messenger, as soon -as the date of her departure is absolutely certain, to bring word to -your Majesty and at the same time to give notice to Ilsing,[102] in -order that he may write to the ladies and gentlemen whom your Majesty -has commanded to wait on the Queen. By this arrangement I hope we shall -be able to save several days. - -I will now give some account of affairs in France. A few days ago -Alençon, the King’s brother, took possession of Châtelherault,[103] a -town near Poitiers, with the free consent of the inhabitants. The Queen -Mother is endeavouring to arrange with him for a six months’ truce; -but he demands, as a guarantee of his personal safety, the possession -of four most important towns—Bourges the capital of Berry, Angers, -Angoulesme, and La Charité—and I hardly think the King will consent to -such hard terms, as they will be difficult places to retake, supposing -the negotiations for peace to prove a failure. It is evident the Queen -Mother will do her very utmost to prevent her sons from fighting, but -whether she will be able to stop them is more than I can say. - -The Duke of Guise has come back from the wars.[104] He arrived at -Paris the day before yesterday; crowds went out to meet him, and -everyone congratulated him warmly on his success. His wound is not as -yet perfectly healed, but it is no longer considered dangerous. - -Michel[105] has come to Paris as ambassador for the Republic of Venice. -Your Majesty must occasionally have seen him, as he was for many years -residing at Vienna. The King treats him with the highest distinction, -entertaining him splendidly, and causing him to be served as if he were -some Royal personage. For his expenses are assigned 800 francs per -diem. He has come to congratulate the King on his marriage. He called -on me lately, and spoke at great length of the profound respect and -regard which he entertained for your Majesty. - -I hear that the Pope has offered the King 3000 Swiss to assist him in -the war, which is now imminent, against his brother and the Huguenots. - -Pibrac’s relations tell me that they have been expecting to hear from -him for some time past, and, as he has not written, they think he -must be on the road home. In his former letters he had given them to -understand with tolerable plainness that he had little or no hope of -success, and had therefore resolved to take the very first opportunity -of quitting Poland. - -He felt sure that, if he remained in the country, some affront would -be put on him, not by members of the opposite party, but by his own -friends. The latter were not well treated when their influence was used -to dissolve the Diet, Pibrac being unable to keep his promises to them -on account of the failure of those on whom he relied. - -De Morvilliers has ordered 500 crowns to be paid to me; I humbly -beseech your Majesty to order that amount to be paid as usual to -Monsieur de Vulcob. - - Paris, November 9, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXXII. - - -After sending several times to Rouen to demand the money for the -Queen’s expenses during her journey, it was only yesterday that news -arrived of the payment of the last instalment. With these tidings came -also an answer to the Queen from the Queen Mother, expressing her -regret at being prevented by business of the greatest importance from -going to Paris and bidding the Queen farewell in person before she -left. After reading these letters the Queen came to the conclusion -that she was now at liberty to arrange a day for starting on her -journey. December 4 was appointed, with the approval of the King, whom -I thought it advisable to consult; in giving his sanction he expressed -much sorrow at the Queen’s departure being so near, saying he wished -he could have kept her longer in Paris, as he had no doubt that her -presence had saved the realm of France from many a misfortune, and was -afraid that her departure would be the signal for fresh calamities. - -The Queen thought that, as soon as it was definitely settled, she ought -to give your Majesty the earliest possible information as to the date -of her departure. Hitherto she has been afraid to write positively, -on account of the doubts and uncertainties with which we have been -surrounded, especially with regard to money, lest some difficulty -should arise which would prevent her from keeping her appointment with -those who are to meet her at Nancy. Now, however, there is nothing to -prevent her leaving on the day appointed, our funds being sufficient -for the expenses of the journey as far as Nancy. There is a prospect, -if we are willing to wait, of our raising more money, but for this we -shall have to give a charge on the Queen’s future income; to the King, -moreover, who is in great distress for money, this arrangement would -involve serious difficulties, while it would be no great benefit to the -Queen, as her departure must in that case certainly be postponed, and -it is by no means certain that she would after all obtain the money, so -that the funds provided by your Majesty have come in the nick of time -to relieve us of our difficulties. - -Though matters are thus far arranged, I do not think that the Queen can -reach Nancy before December 18 or 19, and I am not at all sure that she -will not be kept there for several days, if the report be true that -preparations are being made for the marriage of the Duke of Lorraine’s -sister to the Duke of Brunswick, in which case the ceremony will -probably take place about that date. - -I have instructed the bearer of this letter to give notice of the date -of the Queen’s departure to the Duke of Lorraine at Nancy, the Bishop -of Strasburg[106] at Saverne in Alsace, and Ilsing at Augsburg. - -The Queen sent forward part of her furniture eight days ago, and also -four waggons of Orleans wine, which she thought would be beneficial -in the present state of your Majesty’s health, in order that, if she -should not reach the Danube herself before it was frozen, at any rate -her luggage might be able to go by water. With the baggage train were -sent some greyhounds, and also a couple of lime-hounds,[107] under the -charge of a young gentleman and two servants, who accompany them by the -orders of the King. This young gentleman is a skilful huntsman, and it -is hoped that your Majesty will be diverted at hearing him blow his -horn, and cheer on his dogs in the French fashion. - -As to John Kinsky’s business, I applied to Schomberg.[108] He maintains -that he does not owe Kinsky a farthing; he admits that he was in his -debt at one time, but declares he paid the money over some time ago to -certain parties by Kinsky’s directions, and maintains that it is no -affair of his if the aforesaid parties have failed to make good the -sum which they received. In proof of his assertion he brings forward -the fact that the bond he gave to Kinsky has been returned. I asked -him whether he could produce a genuine letter from Kinsky directing -him to pay the money to the parties he had mentioned. He told me ‘he -did not remember: he generally tore up letters of this kind; but still -it was possible that he might have it—at any rate, he was quite sure -that Kinsky had given him distinct verbal directions to that effect.’ -He next proceeded to abuse Kinsky for thus maligning him, and accused -him of trying to take away his character, threatening to make him pay -for it if he continued to libel him. I asked him to give me in writing -the statements he had made, that I might send them to your Majesty. He -agreed to do so, but has not kept his promise: I cannot say whether he -failed through want of time or want of will, for two days later the -King sent him out of Paris, and whither he went I cannot say. - -The names of those who are to escort the Queen back I am unable to -ascertain, for nearly every day there is a change of circumstances, and -a corresponding change is made in the list. However, the appointment -of the Cardinal d’Este is certain. Those who are also named are the -Duke of Mayenne, the Bishop of Paris, Monsieur de Luxembourg, and some -others; but whether they will come with us or not, after all, is, to -my mind, by no means certain. As to the ladies whom I mentioned in -a former letter, no change has been made; but some think that the -Comtesse de Retz will be added to the number. - -Pibrac returned from Poland three days ago, after making his way -through the Hanse towns and the Netherlands. - -The Comtesse d’Aremberg has been given notice of the time when the -Queen is to start. - - Paris, November 9, 1575. - - -The Queen Mother has at last succeeded in concluding a truce for -six months on the terms of the King’s surrendering to his brother -(Alençon) certain cities as a guarantee for his safety, viz., Bourges, -Angoulesme, Mézières, Niort, La Charité, and Saumur. At the last two -towns there are bridges over the Loire, so that Alençon can march, when -it pleases him, either into Burgundy or into Brittany; Niort opens -communication for him with Rochelle, while Angoulesme connects him with -the insurgent forces, and is moreover strongly fortified, as also is -Bourges, the chief town of Berry. But he has not obtained possession of -more than two of these places, viz., Niort and Saumur, the other towns -are up in arms and will not consent to the transfer, from a fear that -the most frightful calamities are in store for them if Alençon should -become their master, especially in the event of the peace negotiations -proving a failure. Accordingly, they are preparing to do battle, and -are supposed to have entered into alliance with other towns, Orleans -to wit and Moulins. - -The Queen Mother is said to be thinking of visiting them in the hope -that her presence will recall them to their obedience. Whether she will -succeed or not I cannot say. - -Meanwhile the truce is publicly proclaimed in Paris; but, nevertheless, -on the other side, German reiters are said to have crossed the Rhine, -and to be marching into the interior, and this makes many people think -that no reliance can be placed on the truce. The King, indeed, has -also undertaken to pay Casimir and the soldiers under his command -500,000 francs to go off home without causing further trouble. Not -having sufficient funds for this purpose, he has sent jewels of great -value to the Duke of Lorraine, who is to retain them as a pledge, and -then become security to Casimir for the payment of the money. The -Duke, however, has the option of taking some neighbouring town in pawn -instead of the jewels. I am afraid it is easier to call in German horse -than to send them back; and, even if they leave France, there is fear -of their pouring into the Netherlands. - -Mézières was appointed as the residence of the Prince of Condé, and -the King has also undertaken to pay 2,000 infantry who are to form -Alençon’s garrisons in the towns already mentioned. But the chief -difficulty that is likely to occur with regard to the truce is Condé’s -promise to pay certain sums to the German horse for crossing the Rhine; -such at least is the story, and the King, if he wishes for peace, will -have to make good the money. However that may be, they say that Condé -and Casimir have entered into a covenant to help each other in case -of war; and just as Casimir came to the aid of Condé, so hereafter, -should need require, Condé will lead his party to the assistance of -Casimir. If this report is correct, it is a matter deserving serious -consideration. In any case, the truce has been made after such a -fashion as to render it quite plain that the King consented to it not -of his own free will, but by compulsion. - -What would it have availed him to nurse his wrath, and make plans -for some mighty undertaking, for the accomplishment of which his -resources are totally inadequate, when the only result would be to -make his weakness plain and risk his crown? Being utterly unprepared, -the only other course open to him was to submit to whatever terms his -adversaries thought fit to impose, and this latter alternative he chose. - - - - -LETTER XXXIII. - - -The Queen reached the town of Dormans six days after her departure from -Paris, and there she met the courier with your Majesty’s despatches; -from which I learnt your Majesty’s pleasure with regard to the -arrangements connected with the Queen’s journey, which I will do my -utmost to carry out. With reference to your Majesty’s desire that I -should attend the Queen to Vienna, and act on the journey as her chief -chamberlain, I beg to offer my most humble thanks for the honour thus -conferred. - -The Queen left Paris on the 5th of this month, amid the tears and -regrets of the entire population.[109] Great sorrow was also shown -by the upper classes, who are deeply attached to her. On the 19th she -reached Nancy. Our journey was not unattended with danger, for parties -of German reiters were scouring the country; but our party was not -molested in any way. The Duke of Lorraine, with his Court, came as far -as the first milestone to meet her, and received her with every mark of -honour. - -That same evening was celebrated the marriage of Eric, Duke of -Brunswick, to Dorothea, sister of Lorraine. The Queen was present at -the ceremony, but did not appear at the banquet and other festivities. -On the next day Count von Schwartzenberg came to the Queen with a small -party of Austrian noblemen.[110] Schwendi would have accompanied them -if he had not been confined to his house by sickness; however, he has -written, promising to meet us on the road if his health permits. On the -22nd, William, Duke of Bavaria, and his wife, arrived. The Bishop of -Strasburg has not yet come, and from his letter which Schwendi sent me -I am inclined to think that he has been kept at home through fear of -the German reiters and Swiss infantry, whose road to Nancy lies through -his territory. - -Having heard nothing of Madame d’Aremberg’s coming, on the day after -our arrival the Queen decided to send a courier to her; he found her -at home, waiting for the Queen’s summons. This misunderstanding was the -result of an unlucky accident. Madame d’Aremberg had written to the -Queen at Paris asking for information as to her plans and movements; -the Queen sent back the answer by Madame d’Aremberg’s own messenger, -who promised to deliver it to his mistress within three days. After -all, the Queen’s reply, informing Madame d’Aremberg of the date of her -departure from Paris, and telling her what she wanted her to do, was -lost, and never reached its destination. This accident caused some -delay in the arrival of Madame d’Aremberg, but the Queen’s courier -brought back a letter from her, informing her that she would be here -to-morrow; she will require one day’s rest, so I think the Queen -will fix on Friday, the 30th of this month, for her departure. The -Master of the Order of St. John has not come, and, as I understand, is -not expected. The whole country side is kept in a state of alarm by -wandering parties of horse and foot-soldiers. It was on this account -that the Cardinal d’Este had to leave us in the middle of our journey -and return to Paris; he received a letter from the King informing him -that he had discovered a plot to waylay him on the road. The Bishop of -Paris has had a similar scare, and early last night he set off home -post haste under the escort of a strong body of dragoons. Some others -who are not safe in the neighbourhood of the (German) troops will be -compelled to slip off as best they may. The rest, who have no special -cause for fear, and are furnished with passports from Casimir, will -leave Nancy openly. - -Three days ago Casimir sent one of the chief officers of his -household, whose name, if I mistake not, is Diest von Sterckenburg, to -congratulate the Queen on her arrival, and tender his services; he was -also instructed to offer some explanations and apologies for the course -his master had taken, as your Majesty will learn at greater length -from the Queen’s own letter, for Casimir wished her to represent the -case herself, in the hope that your Majesty would be induced to take a -favourable view of his conduct. - -As I write this letter, bands of reiters are to be seen from the -ramparts marching past Nancy in the direction of St. Nicolas, on their -way to the town of Luneville. The Queen will have to pass through -both these places, but the troops will have moved on before our party -starts, and the only inconvenience we shall suffer from their presence -will be the rise they will cause in the price of provisions; nor is -even this slight disadvantage without its compensation, for this -movement will leave the road open for Madame d’Aremberg, which she -could not hitherto have traversed without danger. As to the destination -of these armaments, and what is to be the upshot of it all, it is not -easy to say. The King indeed is treating for a truce, and Alençon does -not seem unwilling to come to terms, but Condé and Casimir, while quite -prepared to conclude a peace, will not hear of a truce; they say that, -if they throw away this opportunity, it will not be in their power to -reassemble their forces, so that they are in a very different position -from the King, who can raise a fresh army whenever he pleases, and -therefore finds his advantage in a truce. Casimir also demands a large -sum in addition to the 500,000 francs already offered him by the King -for the withdrawal of his army, in order to make up the arrears of pay -due to his troops for their services in former campaigns when fighting -for the insurgents. From this we may conclude that nothing is yet -settled. - -Pibrac, whose return from Poland I mentioned before, is wont to say, -when talking privately, that the only advantage the Poles have gained -from their friendship with France is to catch the diseases which are -ruining the country—dissension and civil war. - -As to other matters, the Queen is in excellent health, and is supported -under all the troubles and fatigue which such travelling involves, -by one hope alone, to wit, the prospect of shortly being with your -Majesties. - -The elder Duchess of Lorraine[111] manifests the greatest pleasure at -the Queen’s arrival, and declares herself amply compensated by this -honour, both for the devotion she has ever felt for your Majesty, and -also for such services as it has lain in her power to render. She -wished me to give this message to your Majesty. - - Nancy, December 27, 1575. - - -_Note by Busbecq._—The letter is missing which I wrote in the village -of Markirch, informing his Majesty that our contract had been -registered by the Parliament of Paris. I also mentioned that ——, a -small town in Lorraine of considerable wealth, had been taken and -plundered by Condé’s soldiers; lastly I complained that the sums I -had obtained from Monsieur de Vulcob had not been repaid to him. This -letter was sent in a portmanteau together with a gold chain, which was -a present from the King, and as far as I know I have not kept a copy of -it. - - - - -LETTER XXXIV. - - -Yesterday the Queen arrived at Bâle, where we are now staying; -to-morrow she will leave it, and in four days we hope to reach -Schaffhausen. As to what is to be her next destination, and what -road she is to take to get there, those who have charge of these -arrangements have not, I see, quite decided, but the question will be -considered after we have reached Schaffhausen. I understand that we -are not to go through Villingen, and, whatever haste we make, I do -not imagine that we can get to Munich before the 27th or 28th of this -month. The Bishop of Strasburg will return home to-morrow. I judged -it well to write these particulars on the chance of my being able to -forward my letter to your Majesty, although I cannot be certain of -finding a bearer. - - Bâle, January 12, 1576. - - - - -LETTER XXXV. - - -The Queen arrived at Augsburg, January 27, and on the same day the -courier brought back letters from your Majesty, from which I learnt -your Majesty’s gracious pleasure with regard to the Queen’s movements, -to wit, that she should come to Vienna by the shortest and most -convenient route. I reported this to her Serene Highness, and she, -being eager to hasten on and join your Majesty at the earliest moment -possible, was in favour of a voyage down the Danube, as this is -supposed to be a good time for sailing. I then referred the matter to -William, Duke of Bavaria, and Count von Schwartzenberg, and they judged -it advisable to keep the courier until they should have laid all the -considerations before the elder Duke of Bavaria, and ascertained his -views as to the relative advantages of the water route and that by -land. In order to prevent delay, Duke William sent his own courier -forward to Munich, that the whole question might be discussed and -settled before the arrival of the Queen. Her Highness arrived at Munich -January 29. Duke Ferdinand with the Margrave of Baden met her at a -considerable distance from the city; they were attended by a large -force of cavalry, handsomely equipped, so that the Queen entered Munich -in great state. The elder Duke’s health was such as to prevent his -going out of doors to receive the Queen; he takes all the expenses of -her Highness and her retinue on himself, and will not allow them to be -at charges for anything; such a liberal reception makes it incumbent -on the Queen not to stay too long. The elder Duke, on being consulted -as to the Queen’s route, was in favour of the river, and said he would -take boat himself if he wanted to go down to Vienna; his opinion -therefore coincided with the Queen’s. She was eager to leave on Friday, -February 3, after a visit of four days, but as the Duke pressed her to -stay six days she decided not to refuse his earnest request, and so -February 6 was appointed for her departure. It will take two days to -get to Wasserburg, and then seven more to reach Vienna, so that, unless -something unforeseen should occur, I trust the Queen will reach Vienna -on the afternoon of February 13. God grant that we may be prospered in -our voyage, as we have been on the road; hitherto, in spite of some -changes and chances on the way, we have had a good journey, considering -the time of the year. - -The Queen herself has enjoyed excellent health throughout, save that -on the day she stopped at Bâle she was troubled with violent sickness; -this, however, served to relieve her stomach, and she has since been -perfectly well. William, Duke of Bavaria, and his wife treated her -with the utmost kindness and consideration, so that she had no need of -anyone else. The Bishop of Strasburg remained at Bâle. - -The noblemen who came to meet the Queen at Nancy attended her as far -as Ulm, where others took their place and have waited on her till now; -they will, however, stop here, or at any rate not follow her further -than Wasserburg. - -Your Majesty being thus informed of the Queen’s route, will now decide -as to any further arrangements that may be necessary. Your Majesty, of -course, knows best, but still I venture to observe that, as the Queen -has settled to go by water, a large body of attendants is in no way -necessary. - - Munich, January 31, 1576. - - -The time for our voyage has been lengthened by two days, as your -Majesty will see from the enclosed route, so that, I think, the Queen -will not be at Vienna before February 15; I have also made out a list, -as best I could, of the Queen’s servants and attendants, which I -thought would be useful in arranging for their lodgings. - - - - -LETTER XXXVI. - - -On the 31st of last month I despatched a letter by Gilles, groom of -the Queen’s bedchamber, giving your Majesty such particulars as I -judged to be necessary; to-day I received your Majesty’s letter of -January 31, being the same date as that on which I wrote myself; this -letter requires no reply, beyond stating that as soon as I received -your Majesty’s orders I lost no time in writing to the Governor of -Upper Austria, informing him of the date of our departure, and giving -him the same route I sent to your Majesty, with a list of the places -at which we intended stopping, and the dates on which we were to -be expected. He will, therefore, now be in a position to make the -necessary arrangements. I have no fresh news to give of the Queen, -except that she is looking forward with great longing to the 6th of -this month, when she will commence the last stage of her long journey -and be hurrying onward to her father’s arms. I asked her if she had -any message for your Majesty. ‘Only my best and warmest love,’ was her -reply.[112] - - Munich, February, 1575. - - - - -LETTER XXXVII. - - -Your Majesty’s letter, dated February 4, reached me at the Monastery of -Ebersberg on the 7th, just as the Queen was about to enter her carriage -on her way to Wasserburg. I lost no time in communicating its contents -to the illustrious Duke of Bavaria, and Count von Schwartzenberg, and -they promised to reconsider the whole question of the route when they -got to Wasserburg. Accordingly, when we arrived, they took counsel -with the captain of the boat, but could not prevail on him to alter -his opinion. ‘He would do what he could,’ he said, ‘to reach Vienna -earlier, but the days were so short, the water was so low, and the -mornings were so dark, that it was impossible to promise more.’ -However, I am in great hopes that the Queen will be able to reach home -one or two days earlier than was arranged. - -The reason I did not mention in my former letter that the Duke of -Bavaria and his wife were coming, was that I assumed that he would -obey your Majesty’s commands, as he has always professed to do. But -had it been otherwise, and had some alteration been made so as to -deviate from your Majesty’s instructions, I should have lost no time in -communicating the fact. Under present circumstances, no change having -been made, I did not consider it necessary to write on the subject; -moreover, I believed the Duke had enclosed a letter to your Majesty in -the packet which he gave me to forward to Vienna, containing, I did -not doubt, some reference to his coming; lastly, I thought it probable -that a _maréchal de logis_ would be sent on in front to inform your -Majesty of the number and composition of his household. After all I was -mistaken. - -In accordance with your Majesty’s instructions I have written to -Gienger,[113] the Lord-Lieutenant, giving him such information as -I was able as to the dates of the Queen’s route, the number of her -attendants, &c., &c. I had had a letter from him, asking for this -information. So now, I think, everything has been settled. - - Wasserburg, February 8, 1576. - - - - -LETTERS FROM FRANCE. - - - - -BOOK II. - -LETTERS TO RODOLPH. - - - - -LETTER I. - - -I had to undertake a second journey to Blois, on behalf of your -Imperial Majesty’s sister the Queen of France (Elizabeth), and this -has prevented my writing again as soon as usual, for I was hoping -from day to day that my business would be settled one way or the -other, and I should be free to depart. In this I was disappointed, and -being unable to leave unfinished this business, which is of material -importance to the Queen, I came at last to the conclusion that I must -contrive to despatch a letter from here; and this I am now doing. -When I was admitted to the King on the business to which I alluded, -I took the opportunity of delivering to him your Imperial Majesty’s -despatches; the few words with which I introduced the subject were to -the effect, that your Imperial Majesty had heard on good authority -that he was a party to his brother’s[114] (Alençon’s) expedition -into the Netherlands, and that your Imperial Majesty did not believe -the statement; but that, if it was true, such interference seriously -affected the interests of your Majesty and the Electors of the Empire -and could not be tolerated, as he would learn at greater length from -your Imperial Majesty’s own letter. To this the King answered that he -had no connection with his brother’s proceedings, as might be shown -from the fact that the mischief done in the Netherlands was small -in comparison to what it would have been if his brother had had his -support in his late campaign. His brother, he added, was not in the -habit of asking or taking his advice; besides, he was now causing more -noise than harm; nay, if there was any ground of complaint it affected -rather himself and his subjects, who had for months been harassed and -plundered by his brother’s soldiers,[115] while the farmers of the -Netherlands were left unscathed; he would see what your Majesty wrote, -and would send a reply. - -I refrained from answering at greater length, and in sharper language, -out of regard to the Queen’s interest, which does not allow of my -lightly incurring the displeasure of the French court. The King’s reply -will reach your Majesty at the same time as this letter. - - March 25, 1582.[116] - - - - -LETTER II. - - -There is now no doubt of the Prince of Orange being alive and well; -but his wife[117] has died of an attack of pleurisy. The Prince was at -death’s door through the bursting of the maxillary vein; the loss of -blood was very great, and there seemed no possibility of stopping it, -so that his life was despaired of. For thirty-six hours he held the -wound together, but fresh relays of attendants were needed from time -to time to prop up his elbow with the hand, or otherwise he would have -been unequal to the exertion. - -The Queen of England is said to have supplied Alençon with a large -sum of money, namely, 300,000 crowns. It is also said that a bill has -been laid before the States-General proposing, if they accept him as -their Sovereign, to grant him one-fifth of their property towards -the expenses of the war. If this be carried, it will produce a very -considerable sum, sufficient to feed the war for a long time. The -Prince of Parma is besieging Oudenarde and battering its walls with -cannon; but the garrison are said to have sent word to Alençon that he -need fear nothing on their account for the next two months. Meanwhile, -by the capture of Alost, which is now in Alençon’s hands, a serious -loss has been inflicted on the Prince of Parma, who derived many great -advantages from the possession of the town. In it some gallant soldiers -were slaughtered, who preferred a glorious death to the dishonour of -surrender. - -Fifteen hundred German troopers, hired by Alençon, are reported to be -not far from Cambrai, with more to follow. They are joined by many -Frenchmen, apart from those who are already in the Netherlands, and -they are numerous. Apparently it is Alençon’s purpose to make the -Prince of Parma abandon the siege of Oudenarde by laying waste Hainault -or Artois. - -I hear Alençon has also sent emissaries into Italy to hire horsemen as -big as the Albanians.[118] - - May 30, 1582. - - - - -LETTER III. - - -Sharp fighting is going on. The Prince of Parma, after an unsuccessful -assault on Oudenarde, kept up a roar of cannon throughout the following -night, and battered the walls without cessation, in order to prevent -the townsmen repairing the breaches. This is the last news we have -had, but people do not think the town will be easy to storm, now that -Alençon’s reinforcements are coming up; they are scarcely two miles -from Arras, and if they do no more than burn the ripe crops, it will be -a crushing blow to that town, and also to others whose harvests will be -destroyed. - - April 26, 1582. - - - - -LETTER IV. - - -News has come that Oudenarde, after having been thrice unsuccessfully -assaulted, has surrendered to the Prince of Parma on honourable terms. -On the other hand, they say that Bouchain, a small but strongly -fortified town in Hainault, near Cambrai, has fallen into Alençon’s -hands through the treachery of the commandant appointed by the Prince -of Parma. - -Alençon proclaims himself a great champion of the Catholics, and in -many places has restored their churches to them. Hence some surmise -that his reign in those parts will not be a long one, as no dependence -can be placed in an alliance between parties of different religious -opinions; they think that the enemies of the Catholics wink at these -acts of his, on account of the destruction which now threatens, -but that, as soon as the danger shall have passed by, changes will -immediately follow. It will end, they say, in the Prince of Orange -carrying off the lion’s share of the spoil by securing to himself the -undisturbed possession of Holland and Zealand. - - June 12, 1582. - - - - -LETTER V. - - -The King has set out for Lyons. The reason of his journey is not -certainly known. His anxiety to be blessed with a son and heir, and -his devotion to shrines of high repute, render it probable that he -has gone to Lyons with the object of visiting on his way the shrine -of some saint famous for his miracles, and offering up his vows for -the birth of a son. He will be absent on this tour for more than two -months. The supreme power has in the meantime been vested in his mother -(Catherine de Medici); this will afford her a good opportunity of -favouring Alençon, and assisting him with the ample succours placed at -her disposal. - - July 4, 1582. - - - - -LETTER VI. - - -There is at last no doubt as to the disastrous defeat of the French -at the Azores,[119] letters having come from Spain confirming the -previous account, though differing slightly in some particulars. - -Among other details, we learn that Strozzi, and the man they call -Don Antonio’s Constable, were taken prisoners, but were so severely -wounded that they died soon afterwards. The French declare that poison -was poured into their wounds to hasten their death. Forty nobles were -beheaded as pirates, because they were unable to show any commission -from the King authorising the expedition; for the same reason three -hundred common soldiers were hanged. We hear also that the victory -was won by the Lisbon fleet alone, the cooperating squadron[120] -not having come up in time to take part in the action. Report says -that they owe this great success to the size of their vessels and -the calibre of their guns.[121] The French, burning for revenge, are -so exasperated that I think it will be a long time before it will -be safe for a Spaniard to show himself in France; they will hurry -with redoubled zeal into the Netherlands—whether to avenge their -countrymen’s fall or share it, God only knows. - -At any rate it is quite certain that large numbers of soldiers are -everywhere pouring into the Netherlands, and that Alençon will shortly -have a very large army. The chiefs are the Prince Dauphin,[122] -Rochefoucauld, and Laval, the son of d’Andelot.[123] What they lack is -an old and experienced leader, and people think that this deficiency -will be supplied at the right moment. Biron is no doubt the man they -mean. I mentioned in a former letter that Alençon had asked for him, -and been refused by the King. People think, that when affairs are ripe, -he will avail himself of the King’s absence to leave France secretly -and join Alençon, by order of the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici), -and moreover that his example will be followed by several regiments of -royal cavalry which are quartered on the Netherland frontier; just as -lately happened when Alençon was escorted to Cambrai. - -The Prince of Parma having drawn up his whole army before the gates of -Ghent, there was some desultory fighting between light-armed troops on -either side, who skirmished in front of their respective armies, while -Alençon looked on from the walls. On both sides men were slain, and -the engagement ended without advantage[124] to either party. Alençon -retired with his people to Antwerp. - -The garrison of Lier have commenced a kind of fortification at the -monastery of St. Bernard, which will be a thorn in the side of the -citizens of Antwerp if they succeed in finishing it. Probably Alençon -will employ all his strength to prevent its completion. - -From Scotland also we have news of disturbances, that the Regent[125] -has been put to death, d’Aubigny is besieged, and the young King -himself deprived of his liberty, and that all this has been done in the -name of the Estates. This news is accompanied by sundry _canards_, viz. -that the King of Spain has promised his second daughter to the young -King on condition of his raising war against the Queen of England, -and that this has given such deep offence to the Duke of Savoy that -he is completely estranged from Philip, and altogether in the French -interest, intending to marry the sister of Henry of Navarre. - -Your Imperial Majesty will see in the document I enclose evidence -touching some plot against Alençon and Orange. I can add nothing to -the contents of the document, except that the Salceda[126] who is -mentioned in it is a prisoner here. How it will end I cannot guess, -but I suspect he is kept till the King returns. - -The King has left Lyons to join his wife at Bourbon-les-Bains. - - August 15, 1582. - - - - -LETTER VII. - - -The Prince of Parma has checked the progress of Alençon’s -reinforcements by encamping at Arras. They are obliged, therefore, to -make a _détour_ to Calais, so as to reach their destination by sea. -Alençon has divided the army which he already had in the Netherlands -into garrisons for different places. Thus he has quartered some -in Brussels, some in Mechlin, some in Vilvorde, and some also in -Gelderland and Friesland. - -The Spanish Ambassador having sent one of his people with despatches -to the Prince of Parma, the man had but just left the first stage, -when he fell in with some horsemen, whose names I do not know, and -was compelled to surrender his papers. As the man was a Netherlander, -he was allowed to escape unharmed. The horsemen told him, with many a -threat, that if he had been a Spaniard he would not have got off so -easily, but would have paid with his life for the butchery of their -kinsmen in the Azores. - - September 12, 1582. - - - - -LETTER VIII. - - -The event has justified the conjecture of those who suspected that, -when the time was ripe, Marshal Biron would find his way to Alençon’s -camp. The King made him Governor of the French Netherlands, which they -call Picardy, to protect his interests in that quarter, and take such -precautions as occasion might require. He also issued instructions to -the authorities on that part of the coast to place themselves under -Biron’s orders. - -Great things were expected of him when he set out, for he is considered -the most experienced general in France, having, during his long career, -passed through every grade and rank in the French army. - -One of Alençon’s corps has joined him in Brabant, the other and -stronger corps is with Biron. To these must be added the whole of the -royal cavalry, which, as I mentioned in a former letter, has been -quartered on the frontiers under pretence of guarding them. He has, -nevertheless, asked for more horse, for, while he thinks himself quite -a match for the Prince of Parma in infantry, he considers himself -very inferior in cavalry. Accordingly, seven or eight squadrons of -horse are under orders to join him. Meanwhile, he has garrisoned -Peronne and St. Quentin so strongly as to render them safe against any -hostile attack. For the Prince of Parma has been threatening in plain -terms that, if the French invade any part of his territories, he will -immediately march against St. Quentin. This move of his, therefore, is -now forestalled. Famine is what the Prince of Parma has most to dread, -especially now that he has been cut off from the sea, and supplies are -not allowed to cross the French frontier. - -There are many symptoms of the King’s becoming more favourable to -his brother’s enterprise. Without any notice beforehand, certain -commissioners were lately appointed to inspect the ledgers of business -men generally, and specially those of the Italians, in order to see -whether any moneys could be seized on their way to the Prince of Parma. -The investigation over, two men were ordered to quit France, Capello -of Milan, and Calvi of Genoa, who were both suspected, on very strong -evidence, of having helped the King of Spain by forwarding money to the -Netherlands. At one man’s house were seized 18,000 Italian gold pieces, -which had been deposited with him by a Spaniard. These were confiscated -to the crown, as there is an Edict here forbidding people to have money -of any coinage save that of France; the only exception being in favour -of Spanish money. The coinage of every other country must be brought to -the royal Bank, and changed at a heavy discount. The King melts down -the gold, and issues new coins bearing his own stamp. Thus, not only -have precautions been taken, by the issue of a stringent proclamation, -that Alençon’s opponents should get no supplies from France to relieve -their famished troops, but it is evident that measures are being set -on foot to prevent their henceforth having the means of purchasing -provisions. The roads are everywhere blocked to all who still -acknowledge the authority of the King of Spain, and so closely are they -watched that no one can pass through France without being plundered or -taken prisoner; nor can any remonstrance be made on this score, since -it is easy to pretend that they are the acts of common highwaymen. - -Up to the present date the posts have been permitted to run openly -and without interference into Spain; but now a letter-carrier on his -way to Spain has not been allowed to have relays of horses, except on -condition of his giving security that he carries no despatches but -those of merchants. This order has prevented his going forward, and so -the man is detained in France. - -The disaster which befell their countrymen in the Azores has had so -little effect on the spirit of the French, that it is intended to fit -out a new fleet much bigger than the last, and to place some Prince -in command of it. Ships accordingly have been selected, which they -are beginning to equip, so as to have them ready against next spring. -After all, the future is uncertain; who can tell what may happen in the -meantime? - -Montpensier,[127] father of the Prince Dauphin, has departed this life, -at a good old age. I shall, therefore, for the future call his son -Montpensier, when I have occasion to mention him; for, in spite of his -father’s death, he is carrying out his intention of proceeding to the -Netherlands. - -The man Salceda,[128] whom I mentioned in former despatches, has paid -a heavy penalty for his crime; what that crime was I do not know, -but it must needs have been monstrous to deserve so dreadful a doom. -Only one instance of such a punishment is found in the whole history -of Rome, viz. when Hostilius inflicted it on Fuffetius. Whether he -conspired against the life of Alençon or the King, or both, I am not -certain. He was condemned to be torn asunder by four horses. As soon -as the horses began to pull, he said he had something more to confess. -When his confession had been taken down by a notary, he asked to -have his right hand released,[129] and when this was done, he wrote -something more, or at any rate signed his name. - -When his hand had again been fastened to the traces, and the horses, -being started in different directions, had made two distinct pulls, and -yet failed to pull him in two, he called out to the King, who with his -mother and wife was looking on from a window, imploring mercy. Then his -neck was broken, his head severed from his shoulders, and his heart -torn out. The rest of his body was pulled asunder by the horses. His -head was sent to Antwerp, with orders to have it stuck on the highest -pinnacle in the city. Such was the end of a wretch monstrous alike in -his wickedness, and in his audacity. - -Here is a specimen. He purchased an estate, and paid for it in bad -money which he himself had coined. The vendor discovered the fraud, -brought an action for treason against Salceda, and so recovered his -house and land. Salceda saved himself by flight from the customary -punishment, otherwise he would have been put to death with boiling -oil, but nevertheless he took means to have fire set to the aforesaid -house at night, and the owner was within an ace of perishing with -the building. When the King, who sometimes visited his place of -confinement, upbraided him for his cruelty in trying to destroy by such -a fearful death the man whom he had already cheated. ‘Well,’ quoth -Salceda, ‘when he wanted to have me _boiled_, was it unreasonable that -I should try to have him _roasted_?’ What a fund of wit the scoundrel -must have had, when even at such a time he must crack his jokes! - -I am afraid that Count Egmont’s brother is seriously compromised by -Salceda’s evidence.[130] - - October 1, 1582. - - - - -LETTER IX. - - -Biron has halted on the banks of the Somme, and intrenched himself. -Some think that he will remain there for a time to observe the -development of the Prince of Parma’s plans, and watch the result; for -they say that the daily losses of the Spanish army from famine and -pestilence are very heavy. - -The Netherland letter carrier, who, as I mentioned, was detained here, -having given security through responsible people, that he was conveying -no letters save those of merchants, was allowed to proceed on his way -to Spain. - -The Spanish Ambassador was deeply annoyed at Salceda’s head being sent -to Antwerp with orders from the King that it should be exposed to -public gaze on the highest pinnacle in the city, and reminded the King -in a solemn protest that he (the French King) had no jurisdiction in -Antwerp. The King was taken aback, and had no answer to make except -that he had sent the head to his brother to do with it in Antwerp as he -would; or, to use the French phrase, ‘Qu’il en fist des petits pastez -s’il vouloit.’ - -They say that Schomberg[131] is going to Germany, whether to hire -soldiers I cannot say. - -A messenger has just come from Languedoc with the news that some -Italian nobles, on their way back from Spain, have been captured at sea -by Huguenots, and taken to the town of Aigues-Mortes. A brother of the -Marquis of Pescara is thought to be among the captives, but nothing is -known for certain, as they refuse to give their names. Whoever they may -prove to be, if they are men of rank they are not likely to get their -liberty until La Noue[132] is restored to freedom. - -The King is again on a tour, having undertaken a pilgrimage[133] to -the Blessed Virgin, Our Lady of Joy (they call her Nostre Dame de -Liesse), in the part of Champagne adjoining Picardy, in the hope, we -may suppose, of gaining _joy_ by the birth of a child. - -They say the King has commissioned the Bretons to build fifty galleys. -There are also other signs of a fleet being in prospect. - - November 25, 1582. - - - - -LETTER X. - - -They say that the King has ordered 50,000 gold pieces to be paid -monthly towards Alençon’s expenses, and that over and above this -regular payment extra money is to be sent from time to time. - -No one now has the slightest doubt as to the fact that Montpensier -and Biron have joined Alençon, making their way along the sea coast -north of Bruges. People think that Alençon will take them both -into his service, the former as chief Minister, and the latter as -Commander-in-chief, and that the Prince himself will cross over into -England, and, after having concerted his plans with the Queen, will -return to France for an interview with his brother. - -To the great content of his people the King is said to be calling to -account more vigorously than ever those who are suspected of making -away with Church property. - -The force Biron has taken with him is not numerous, but it consists of -picked troops, the royal cavalry being left to guard the frontiers, -and every one having been sent back whose circumstances or disposition -appeared unsuited to the strain of a long campaign, or whose licentious -habits would render him intolerable to the Netherlanders. He is -supposed to have taken with him 1,000 cavalry and 8,000 infantry. - -Whatever others may think, I am confident that this French invasion -is a very serious matter; the movement will grow and send forth roots -which presently it will be very difficult to get rid of. Whether I look -at its immediate results or more remote consequences, the prospect is -alarming. - -Some assert that the troops of the Prince of Parma are suffering from -disease and famine, more especially the new Italian levies, who are not -yet hardened to the cold of the Netherlands. - -Before commencing his march towards Brabant, the Prince of Parma retook -Cateau Cambrésis; he is said to be at present closely blockading Diest, -which belongs to the Prince of Orange, and unless it is speedily -relieved, its fall is certain. People think his next enterprise will be -an attack on Brussels. - -There are crowds of Swiss ambassadors here, representing nearly all the -Cantons; they have come to renew and ratify their treaty with the King -of France; there are great rejoicings at their arrival, and every day -they are magnificently entertained at State banquets, given sometimes -by the King, sometimes by the city of Paris, or by the Guises and -other Princes of the Court. When these are terminated, and each of the -ambassadors has been presented with a weighty chain of gold, they will -be allowed to depart. - -There is a report that the King and the Duke of Lorraine will arrive -here at the same time. - -Some Frenchmen have lately returned from the Azores, and report their -position there to be perfectly safe; they say there is no want of -anything except clothing, supplies of which are now being forwarded -as fast as possible. It appears, after Strozzi’s defeat, a large -proportion of the French ships and men retreated to the islands. -Meanwhile rumours as to the new expedition are as rife as ever. - -I must now say a word of what is going on in France; the King has -despatched distinguished men[134] of high position into all the -provinces of the realm, under pretence of correcting any errors and -abuses in the administration, and of hearing all complaints; but the -real object he has in view is to lay on the people a new and heavy tax. -The experiment does not appear to be over successful; as to what will -be the issue I could not venture to speak positively, for what the King -has so often wished for he has not obtained![135] - - December 15, 1582. - - - - -LETTER XI. - - -It is hardly worth telling, but still your Majesty may like to hear -of a scene which took place at Antwerp. St. Luc was in Alençon’s -chamber.[136] (If I remember rightly I told your Majesty in a previous -letter that, when he fell under the King’s displeasure, he joined -Alençon’s party.) Some noble or other said something in his presence -that annoyed him, and which he considered to be a personal insult. - -Thereon he gave him a blow in the face[137] before Alençon’s very eyes. -The Prince of Orange, who was present, was indignant at his behaviour, -and, giving vent to his wrath, plainly told Alençon that such -outrageous conduct ought not to go unpunished, and that the Emperor, -Charles the Fifth, had he been alive, would not have put up with it, -but would have punished the offender most severely, whatever his rank -or position might be. He told him that the chambers of Princes ought to -be inviolable and sacred ground, in which brawling was not permissible. - -On this St. Luc rejoined—I give you almost his very words—‘Marry, is it -Charles that you quote to me? Why, if he were still alive, you would -ere this have lost your estates and your head.’ With these words he -flung out of the chamber, leaving all the company dumbfounded at his -outrageous conduct. - - December 18, 1582. - - - - -LETTER XII. - - -The Swiss Ambassadors have left Paris, after receiving each a chain -worth 500 gold pieces.[138] There were twenty-six to whom this honour -was paid. Moreover, the chiefs of the embassy were loaded with special -presents of plate, furniture, &c. I append to my letter a copy of the -speech in which the King bade them farewell. I was unable to learn the -terms on which the treaty was renewed, although I tried my best. It -would seem that our friends do not wish them to be published. By these -arrangements with the Swiss the King has secured a supply of infantry. -Of cavalry he thinks he has abundance in his own realm. The financial -question has yet to be solved; his scheme for coining[139] money I -described in one of my last letters; and, though the plan has not -hitherto met with much success, the provinces turning a deaf ear to -requests of this kind, nevertheless, such efforts are still being made, -that I should not like to pledge myself positively as to what will be -the result. - -Don Antonio has come back to France with a few ships; the reason of his -return I have not discovered; possibly he did not think himself safe -in the Azores; or it may have been that he considered his presence and -influence would be of service in promoting the new expedition. At any -rate, he is here, and has been already on several occasions admitted -to a private interview with the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici). -A lodging has been given him close to the palace, built by the young -Queen, whither she is often wont to retire. - -A few days ago this same Don Antonio set out for Dieppe, in order -personally to hasten the equipment of the fleet, which in his absence -was going on more slackly than he liked. I cannot describe how -exasperated all our friends are against the Spaniards, and how eagerly -they desire war. A book is said to be in the press, in which the claims -of the elder Queen[140] (Catherine de Medici) to the kingdom of -Portugal are set forth at great length. - -When the Prince of Orange was dangerously ill of the fever, from which, -by the way, he is now reported to be convalescent, prayers for his -recovery were offered up, not only throughout the Netherlands, but -also in France, by the churches of the Reformed religion, as they call -themselves. The Prince of Parma has received the surrender of Diest and -several other obscure places. These successes will seriously endanger -Brussels, unless the state of affairs should be changed by the arrival -of the troops under Biron, who is a redoubtable antagonist; it is said -that he is going into the Campine[141] to attack certain places, the -loss of which will derange Parma’s plans. Alençon has prevailed upon -the citizens of Antwerp[142] to have lodgings in the city assigned to -three hundred French noblemen. - -They say that news has come of the death of the Duke of Alva in Spain. -The garrison at Cateau Cambrésis, being strong in cavalry, causes -great annoyance to the French at Cambrai, and is for ever scouring the -surrounding district. The insolence of the French soldiers at Dunkirk -provoked the citizens to rise against the garrison; the attempt was put -down with great slaughter. Everyone here is talking of the troubles at -Cologne;[143] after all this smoke, as I may call it, we must expect a -fire. - -The Duke of Lorraine has arrived here with his two sons; why he came I -cannot tell, but it is commonly supposed that his object is to betroth -his daughter to the Duke of Savoy, and to demand the hand of the King -of Navarre’s sister for his eldest son. - -May God Almighty bless and keep your Majesty through the year we have -now begun, and for many more. At the same time I venture most humbly to -ask for a settlement of the purchase of the Greek books, which has been -standing over for so many years. - - January 16, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XIII. - - -The weather here is dreadful; for many months southerly winds have -prevailed, accompanied by incessant rain and storm; so unseasonable -and unhealthy a winter renders it probable that we shall have a sickly -summer. - -The rivers, overflowing their banks, have spread far and wide over -the fields. By reason of the constant floods the arable lands are so -wet and spongy that the seed is rotting in the ground, and farmers -cherish but little hope of a good harvest. This state of things not -only excites apprehensions of a great future rise in the corn markets, -but its effects are already felt, the price of wheat having risen fifty -per cent. In addition to these misfortunes, ships are constantly being -wrecked, almost in sight, on the voyage to England or Zealand; in -fact, the whole coast line of Aquitaine is said to be piled up with -planks, masts, spars, rudders, and other fragments of wreck, which the -tempest has washed ashore; so that, if nothing else should betide, the -astrologers had good reason for prophesying a powerful combination of -the starry influences and a year of terror to mankind. - - January 19, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XIV. - - -News has arrived from Brabant by way of England, which has thrown the -Queen (Catherine de Medici) and the whole nation into the greatest -alarm. The account is vague, but the purport of the tidings is to the -effect that a quarrel arose at Antwerp,[144] between the French and the -citizens, and that the French force was annihilated. - -The anxiety was greatly increased by the silence of Alençon; and, when -no despatches arrived from him, serious doubts were entertained as -to his safety. In this uncertainty several days passed by; at length -messengers came pouring in, who told us the particulars of the affair, -but still their accounts were defective in several important points, -and differed in details. - -I will relate what I made out as the nearest approximation to the -truth: the points which I do not yet know about, I will fill in -afterwards, and also correct any mistakes I may have made. I think -I wrote to your Imperial Majesty that Alençon intended to travel to -France, by way of England, for the purpose of visiting the King, -and, as we may well suppose, of discussing with him the affairs and -general condition of the Netherlands, and that his intention was to -leave Montpensier and Biron as his lieutenants during his absence. But -when Alençon applied to Biron to undertake this duty, the marshal was -unwilling to accept the command, on the ground that he would have a -restless and turbulent race to deal with, and no place to retreat to in -case of misfortune. He reminded the Prince that such a large assemblage -of French noblemen could not be withheld from committing occasional -excesses and provoking the citizens, who would then immediately rise -and threaten death to every Frenchman; and he thought the best means of -meeting this danger would be for the French to hold some place to which -they could retreat for refuge against the violence of the mob. For -this purpose the citadel (of Antwerp) was admirably adapted; it needed -but a few repairs and a strong garrison; there were now in the city a -great many Frenchmen, both gentle and simple, who could easily seize -the citadel, nor again would it be difficult to gain possession of one -of the city gates, and, his army being so near, to throw into the town -as many men as he chose. Further, the inspection of the forces which -he (Biron) had brought with him, furnished Alençon with an excellent -pretext for going out of the city and not mixing himself up with these -irregular proceedings; all that was needed was the approval of Alençon -and the nobles of his court. - -On hearing Biron’s views, which were so well calculated to please -Alençon’s licentious and lawless nobles, the greater part gave their -adherence to his plan, whilst a sense of shame induced the more -honourable men to agree to it, lest they should be thought cowards for -shrinking from so important an enterprise. Alençon was the last to -yield to the united wishes of his followers. - -On the next day he went out to the camp, but as he passed the gate -several of his body-guard, desperate fellows who had been selected for -this service, halted on the bridge leading across the moat into the -open country, instead of following the Prince. The citizens, who were -guarding the bridge and the gate, warned the Frenchmen to clear the -bridge, either by following their lord, or by returning into the city. -The men listened with apparent deference to what was said, but none the -less remained on the bridge; then the language of the men of Antwerp -grew rougher, and the French retorted in words every whit as bold; so -from words they came to blows; the French, who were all musketeers and -came prepared for action, easily wounded, killed, or drove away the -townsmen, and so took possession of the bridge and gate. They were -joined by others, both horse and foot, who had left Alençon’s escort -and had halted in the neighbourhood for that purpose; they formed a -column, and in one compact mass burst into the town. The uproar alarmed -the citizens stationed on the walls; from both sides of the gate they -hurried to the fray, and climbing down into the road began to fight -with the party who had been left to guard the entrance; the contest -ended in the victory of the townsmen, who succeeded in beating their -opponents and shutting the gate. They say that presently Alençon rode -back and demanded admission, but the cannon’s mouth was the only mouth -that answered! - -Meantime, the French spread themselves through the city; on every -side they could see the townsmen flocking to the fray, but there was -no quailing or fear, for they felt certain that their superior skill -would ensure their victory over a set of untrained civilians. Some -made for the citadel, others, without any thought for that which was -the real object of the enterprise, began plundering private houses; but -it was not long before their ranks were broken by the charge of the men -of Antwerp, and, with a few exceptions, they paid with their lives the -penalty of their rash attempt. - -They say that the Queen Mother, on hearing the news, burst into tears, -and cried ‘Alençon, Alençon, would you had died long years ago, rather -than so many of our nobles should have perished through you, and such -great trouble and distress have been brought upon France! Moreover, -you are also endangering the safety of the realm, for you have brought -yourself, the heir of the throne, into the most imminent peril, and -every effort will be needed if you are to be extricated from your -unfortunate position.’ - -They say that the Duke of Guise has tendered his services to the Queen, -promising, if 3,000 French horse are given him, to find Alençon, -wherever he may be, and bring him home. Round him accordingly the -nobles are gathering, and the clatter of the armourer’s hammer is to be -heard in every street. But I do not myself believe that anything will -come of it. - -This scheme of Biron[145] (assuming that it is his scheme) will go far -to confirm the judgment of those who maintain that, though an active -and experienced commander, he is in all other respects a person of -little discernment. Alençon, being shut out of Antwerp, spent the night -with his army at the monastery of St. Bernard. There he was joined by -the officers of his household. They had remained in their quarters -during the disturbance, and, being held guiltless of any part in the -conspiracy, were sent back to their master by the men of Antwerp. -However, Alençon’s first object was to cross the Scheldt before any -attempt should be made to obstruct the passage; so all night the Swiss -were hard at work building a bridge. As soon as it was finished, he -crossed from Brabant into Flanders, and came to Dendermonde, where he -is supposed to be still lying. The question now is, what is he to do? -Ought he to lead his forces back to France, and abandon all interest -in the Netherlands? Or again, ought he to make up his quarrel with the -people of Antwerp? Now that there is an end of all confidence between -them, I fail to see how this latter alternative is possible; but the -French are wonderful fellows when they set their minds on a thing! - -These details, which I have picked out of several different versions, I -have thought it my duty to place before your Majesty. Time will give us -further particulars, and accounts on which we can better rely. - -Your Majesty and the Archduke[146] Ernest are supposed to have played -a part in this drama. This notion was very rife when the news first -came, and no particulars had as yet transpired. Some people about -the Court, who fancied themselves to be wondrous wise, would have it -that the eldest daughter of the King of Spain was betrothed to your -Majesty, and the younger to the Archduke Ernest, with all the provinces -of the Netherlands as her dowry, and that it was, therefore, of prime -importance to your Majesty and the Archduke that the French in Antwerp -should be cut to pieces, and Alençon driven from the city; that on -this account there had been secret negotiations with the townsmen, -who had been promised an amnesty for all past offences, on condition -of their exterminating the French; and further, that your Majesty and -the Archduke had secured the concurrence and assistance of the Prince -of Orange; for they argue, the townsmen of Antwerp would never have -ventured to go so far had they not been thus aided and abetted. - -The Prince of Orange, it appears, had a presentiment of what was -coming, and when Alençon desired to have his company to the camp, he -steadily refused to go, giving as an excuse the state of his health and -the badness of the weather. His presence saved the lives of several -Frenchmen, among whom was Fervaques, one of Alençon’s favourite -officers. But here in France this gentleman’s life is in danger in -quite another way. They declare that the scheme of seizing the citadel -was his suggestion, and wish him to be tried and executed. It is -thought that a reconciliation between Alençon and the citizens of -Antwerp will be brought about by the intervention of the King, who will -send men of note to conduct the negotiations; the names of Bellièvre -and Pibrac are mentioned as members of the commission. The latter is -also marked out as Alençon’s chancellor. - -So far from blaming the men of Antwerp, the French are actually -beginning to praise them for their kind feeling and politic behaviour, -for it appears that, after the excitement had abated, they showed every -possible attention to their prisoners, and to those of the Frenchmen -who had remained in their quarters. - - February 5, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XV. - - -I felt confident, when I despatched my last letter to your Majesty, -that it would not be long before I should have further news of a more -trustworthy description from Antwerp. After all, I am disappointed; -though several days have elapsed, there has been no fresh arrival from -the Netherlands of anyone able, or at any rate willing, to tell us the -truth of what happened. The few who have come were all sent by Alençon -to the King, to repeat a set story which was put into their mouths, -and hide the blackness of Alençon’s case under a cloud of specious -words. There is no letter-carrier or merchant from Antwerp; indeed, -the wardens of the marches put a complete stop to the travelling -of Frenchmen to Antwerp, and of Antwerp people to France. Of late, -however, the restrictions have been removed, and the merchandise, on -which an embargo had been laid, having been released by both sides, -the old rules, regulating the commercial intercourse between the two -countries, are once more in force. But, in spite of this change, scarce -anyone will run the risk of so hazardous a journey. One letter-carrier, -it is true, has come by way of England, but he has brought no fresh -tidings, except that the number of slain and captured is greater than -was at first reported; in other respects his news differs little from -the account given in my last letter. - -Alençon’s friends, and those who are anxious to save his reputation, -say that, though he is a mild and gracious Prince, yet, being no -longer able to stomach the pretensions of the Prince of Orange and the -independent ways of the men of Antwerp, so distasteful to a Frenchman, -he endeavoured to take possession of the city, as the best means of -freeing himself from his intolerable position, not having any idea that -the enterprise would be either difficult or attended with much loss -of life; but expecting that, after a few citizens had been killed at -the first entry of the troops, the remainder would be so terrified as -to abandon all thought of defence, and, laying down their arms, would -submit to any conditions he might think fit to impose, provided that -their lives were spared, so that he would have an excellent opportunity -of binding down the city of Antwerp to his own terms. But he was -utterly mistaken in his calculations, for he did not find the hearts of -the citizens so tame, or their arms so weak, as Frenchmen would have -them to be. - -Some people put a totally different construction on the whole -affair; but this is Alençon’s explanation. As to what really took -place, it seems needless to write more, for your Majesty is no doubt -in possession of all the facts, since there has been far freer -communication with Germany than with France. In case, however, anything -should be lacking, I enclose three documents. (1) The statement of the -citizens of Antwerp, published in their own language. (2) A paper which -is attributed to Bodin,[147] author of the treatise _De la République_, -published a few years ago. The letter is written in French. (3) A paper -which is the production of some unknown person, but it is plain that he -is a Frenchman, and his account is evidently untrustworthy. - -Mirambeau, the brother of Lausac, was first despatched to Alençon by -the King, and later on Bellièvre. The issue is still uncertain. Some -think Alençon and the States will come to terms, while others are -positive they will not. As to my own opinion, I have determined to -reserve my judgment till time shall bring more certain news. - -In the meanwhile several of the King’s commissioners, who were sent -round to collect money, have returned. They report that nothing is to -be obtained without the risk of an insurrection, and that all reply -that if the King is straitened in any way, they know their duty: but in -their opinion, his only object in asking for money is to lavish it on -his young favourites; they consider such grants unreasonable, and will -have nothing to say to them. - -I am not surprised, for a gentleman in the royal treasury, on whose -word I can rely, told me that since his return from Poland the King has -squandered six million crowns in presents and other useless expenses. -The King having been disappointed of these supplies, people think he -will deprive the Queens Dowager of a large part of their property, to -satisfy the claims of his young favourites. Your Imperial Majesty’s -sister will be one of the sufferers, as, in violation of the marriage -treaty, she has long ago been placed on the same footing as the other -Queens Dowager.[148] - -We have in France, as Governor of Brittany, a brother of the Queen -Consort, son of Vaudemont; his title is the Duke of Mercœur.[149] -News was brought during his absence from home that he had died of -the plague. Two men immediately asked for his post, Nevers[150] and -the Duke of Epernon, who stands well nigh first among the King’s -favourites. Nevers’ application was refused, and the other appointed -Governor of Brittany, conditionally on the office being vacant. - -Though the appointment came to nothing, since news shortly arrived of -the Duke of Mercœur’s recovery, yet Nevers was so indignant that he -then and there gave orders to his retainers to prepare to leave the -Court, and two days later retired home, after first upbraiding the King -for his ingratitude. - -The King’s conduct in this matter is being unfavourably criticised by -many, and especially by the aristocracy. - - March 20, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XVI. - - -We have still no news from Antwerp of Alençon. Most people agree -with Mirambeau in thinking that there is little hope of a friendly -arrangement, the demands of the States being exorbitant; they ask for -the restoration of Dunkirk and Cambrai, and henceforth refuse to permit -any one, who is not a Netherlander born, to hold place in the suite or -service of Alençon. - -The King is moving infantry and cavalry to the frontier, so as to have -them ready should need arise. I doubt whether even with this help -Alençon’s journey is likely to be very rapid, as the district through -which his road lies is deep in mud at this season. - -Meantime the men of Antwerp are said to be exacting money from their -prisoners, and demanding ransom for having spared their lives. Whether -it be so or not, the breach between them and Alençon seems to be -complete, so that they will hardly readmit him into the town. - -Bellièvre stops behind with the hopeless task of trying to arrange -matters; there is an idea that, by his oratorical powers and diplomatic -skill, the wrath of the Netherlanders may be appeased, and the way -paved to an agreement. But it is with the men of Antwerp as it was -with Alençon; success was too much for his ill-regulated mind, and -has proved his ruin; even so some great disaster will overtake the -citizens, if they wax thus presumptuous on the strength of this -unexpected victory. - - April 12, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XVII. - - -This very day it is still uncertain as to what will be the issue -of the affair at Antwerp. Though there are the plainest signs of -the deepest exasperation on both sides, there are some who think an -arrangement possible; they admit that no real peace or friendship can -hereafter exist, now that confidence has received so rude a shock, -with the Netherlanders estranged from Alençon by the recollection of -his dishonourable conduct, and Alençon burning to avenge the heavy -punishment he has received; but still hold that it is to the interest -of both parties that some sort of reconciliation should be patched -up, and the former alliance be preserved, or at least the appearance -of it. To what other quarter, they ask, can the Netherlanders look -for assistance against the powerful foes who surround them, or what -other help have they than their French allies? Or again, what could be -more disastrous to Alençon’s reputation, than thus to withdraw from -Brabant with the disgrace of having lost by his folly the provinces -which had so unexpectedly fallen into his hands, and to have his shame -blazed abroad throughout the world, which is watching the result of -his enterprise? When a man has damaged his reputation, oftentimes, -if he is only patient, an opportunity will come, which will enable -him to restore it. But if, in spite of these considerations, Alençon -must leave the Netherlands at an early date, still, if an interval is -allowed to elapse, he will be able to avail himself of those numerous -excuses for departure which may arise,—or, at the worst, can be -invented,—and thus diminish materially the disgrace of his failure. -Accordingly they hold an arrangement to be possible on the basis of a -general amnesty. But this appears to me to be easier said than done! -Brussels, according to their programme, is to be assigned to Alençon -as a residence, and there also the Estates of the Netherlands are to -meet; a few towns in the neighbourhood are likewise to be given him, -that he may feel more secure. Brussels to be guarded by 1,500 Swiss -and 500 French troops. Orange to be appointed Alençon’s Lieutenant, or -Imperial Vicar. The prisoners at Antwerp to be discharged conditionally -on remuneration being given to their hosts who rescued them from the -violence of the people. In all other matters the late treaty to stand -good. - -In this arrangement the case of Fervaques is the chief difficulty. The -citizens of Antwerp hold him to be the instigator and ringleader of -this atrocious plot, and demand his execution. - -Biron, by the way, has written a letter to the Queen Mother, in which -he completely clears himself of all blame. He says he came too late to -take any part in the discussion, the matter was already decided, and -his share in the business consisted simply in yielding to Alençon’s -wishes and executing his pleasure. - -Some talk of a reconciliation on the terms which I have given; but what -will happen it is impossible to say. It is well known that the other -day, when Orange went into the town hall of Antwerp to make a speech in -favour of reconciliation, a mob assembled in the market place, shouting -and threatening to throw anyone out of the window who ventured to -propose the readmission of the French. Orange, they say, was so alarmed -by this demonstration that he spent the night in the town hall. Though -a considerable space of time has elapsed, scarce a single Antwerp man -has crossed the French frontier, although the road is open, and this, -to my mind, is the surest proof that the prospects of a reconciliation -are dubious; so long as there is a doubt as to the renewal of the -alliance and arrangement of terms, none of them care to risk their -lives by entering France. - -So much for this subject. - -Men, on whose authority I can rely, tell me that the King is pressing -the Duke of Lorraine to betroth his daughter, who is now grown up and a -great heiress, to the Duke of Epernon, but that Lorraine, who loathes -the idea of such a _mésalliance_, is doing his utmost to avoid giving -his consent to so unsuitable a match, taking refuge in a proposition -that, if the King will bring about a marriage between his son, the -Prince of Lorraine, and the sister of the King of Navarre, he in return -will gladly comply with his request. This last is a young lady who, if -her brother, as is not unlikely, should die childless, has very great -prospects indeed. For the King of Navarre’s wife has not yet presented -him with a child, and she is young enough to make it probable that -she will be the survivor. The family feuds, however, which have been -handed down from father to son, between the Bourbons and the Guises -and House of Lorraine, render Navarre’s consent to the match highly -improbable. The Duke of Lorraine sees clearly that Navarre inherited -these feuds when he inherited the Crown, so he protects himself behind -this entrenchment; whether it will be strong enough for his purposes -time will show. - -I must now give a description of Epernon. By the King’s favour he has -been created duke; five years ago, before he became intimate with the -King, he was a poor unknown man, who passed by the name of La Valette; -at the outside his income did not exceed 400 crowns; his father was a -gallant soldier, but his grandfather was a scrivener or notary. Now -this upstart is a duke, and, what is more, a wealthy duke, for he -can always dip his fingers into the royal treasury. But his present -position is nothing to what he has in prospect; he aspires to one of -the great dignities of the realm, and a governorship of the first -rank, such as that of Brittany, touching which I wrote the other day. -If, in addition to this promotion, he should obtain a wife so nearly -connected with the King that no other Frenchman, however high his -rank, would venture to aspire to her hand, he will be one of the most -marvellously successful men that ever lived; and yet neither in birth -nor deserts has he aught to boast of; in the King’s opinion no doubt -he is a man of great promise, but no one else thinks so; whether it be -envy, or his own fault, that causes him to be thus esteemed, I cannot -say, but almost every one detests him on account of his exclusive and -supercilious manners, and there is no one so hated by the Princes of -France. - -His colleague, if I may so term him, who, however, takes precedence of -him, is the Duke (formerly Count) of Joyeuse, husband of the Queen’s -sister; this last, however, has the advantages given by ancient and -illustrious descent, amiable disposition, and natural talent; the other -day he was made Admiral of France, now he has been appointed Governor -of the whole of Normandy; in order to give him this command, three -noblemen of the highest rank, who shared the province amongst them, -had to be turned out. These two young fellows are the men in whose -friendship the King considers himself blessed, and envies not the -success of Alexander the Great! This infatuation of the King’s awakes -the indignation and despair of France. The men who formerly held the -highest positions next to the throne fly from the Court to avoid the -painful sight; the rest are dumbfoundered at the King’s caprices. - -This is the reason the King is always in difficulties, always poor, -never able to reward or honour a good servant; his wealth is being -piled on these young fellows, and they are being fashioned out of -nothing into pillars of the State, so that they may occupy the greatest -places in France. Amongst those who are greatly offended is Alençon; he -is intensely indignant at being assisted with so niggardly a hand in an -enterprise which he considers of the first importance, and complains -that the King thinks more of his favourites than of his brother.[151] - -As I shall often have occasion to allude to these gentlemen, I have -described them at some length, so that, when they are referred to, your -Majesty may have some idea of them. - -Don Antonio is still at Rouen and Dieppe, busily engaged in the -equipment of his fleet, or fleetlet, if I may so term it, for it falls -far short of what was talked of, and will carry scarce 500 soldiers to -reinforce his troops in the Azores. - -Great supplies will be collected of such things as are needed in those -localities. - - May 2, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XVIII. - - -Messengers have lately come from Alençon with the news that the -negotiations for a reconciliation promise well; in confirmation of -this, they produced the terms of an arrangement, which I now enclose. -Alençon refuses Brussels and prefers Dunkirk[152] as his permanent -residence. When he gets there, people think he will cross over to -France, press his grievances upon the King, and ask him why he is more -anxious for the aggrandisement of certain young fellows than for the -prosecution of a most important enterprise. - -Orange has invited from France Teligny’s widow, daughter of Coligny, -some time Admiral of France, with the view of making her his wife; -he is also giving the hand of his daughter, the Comte de Buren’s -grandchild,[153] to Laval, son of d’Andelot, brother of the aforesaid -Coligny; they say that Laval will be Governor of Antwerp. - -The King is instituting a new order of Flagellants, or Penitents.[154] -It is talked of everywhere in Paris, and all the more because lately -when a celebrated preacher,[155] though a most orthodox Catholic, -attacked the order from the pulpit in a sermon full of sarcasm, the -King ordered him to leave the city. - -Touching the Flagellants there is a merry story to be told. The -footmen of the nobles, of whom we have crowds at Paris, out of sheer -wantonness, were mimicking in the palace itself certain rites of the -brotherhood;[156] the King ordered some eighty of them to be carried -off into the kitchen, and there flogged to their hearts’ content, so -their representation of the Flagellants and Penitents was turned from a -sham into a reality! - - May 20, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XIX. - - -The reports of fresh disturbances, which I mentioned lately, are -gaining ground, and worst of all, there is no certainty as to whether -Alençon is concerned in them or not. - -In consequence of these rumours his mother (Catherine de Medici) has -been for some time intending to visit him at Calais, but he has -been detained at Dunkirk by sickness; he is supposed to be suffering -from the French disease, and has placed himself in the hands of his -physicians and surgeons. As soon as he recovers, people think he will -cross over to Calais; but there is no telling, for some maintain that -he will go to Normandy, and others that he will take ship for Brittany. -If war ensues the King will be in great straits, since neither -financially, nor in any other way, is he prepared to meet it. - -Bellièvre has returned from Antwerp; he tells us that concessions -have been made on both sides, and all obstacles to a satisfactory -understanding removed. - -One of the points arranged was the release of the prisoners, amongst -whom was Fervaques; on this gentleman’s rejoining Alençon the latter -presented him with an abbacy[157] worth 6,000 crowns per annum, in -acknowledgment no doubt of his brilliant conception and its admirable -execution! When this was told to the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici) -she lost all patience, and called Alençon a fool and madman, repeating -her words again and again. - -A letter of Biron’s has been discovered in Alençon’s cabinet at -Antwerp, written the day before the disastrous attempt of the French, -in which he does his utmost to induce Alençon to abandon his foolish -scheme. This discovery has made Biron extremely popular at Antwerp; in -fact he stands first in favour of the citizens, and this is the man on -whose head not long ago rested most of the odium! - -Pibrac, who lately joined Alençon, has been despatched by him to -Antwerp as his representative with the States; he is an ambassador who -will, I fancy, cause more mischief than several thousand soldiers. -Endhoven, a little town of Brabant, has capitulated to the King (of -Spain) in spite of de Bonnivet’s defence. On the other hand, Biron has -retaken some small forts. They say that the Prince of Parma is making -preparations for the siege of Alost, thus threatening Brussels. - - June 1, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XX. - - -The King’s inordinate devotion to religious observances is the subject -of general remark; some declare that he will end by changing his crown -for a cowl. The Queen Mother, they say, disgusted with the way he -neglects his duties as Sovereign, roundly rebuked one Edmund,[158] a -Jesuit, who is the King’s chief adviser, for having well nigh turned -her son from a king into a monk, to the great detriment of the realm. - -Meanwhile serious disturbances are taking place in Aquitaine and -Languedoc. In consequence of these movements the King has despatched -Monsieur du Ferrier, whom he employed for a long time as his ambassador -at Venice, to the King of Navarre. He is an old man and reputed wise. - -The Queen Mother would have rushed to meet Alençon at Calais, if he -had not written to stop her, warning her that a visit from her would -wake the suspicions of the States of the Netherlands, and so damage -his prospects. This is the excuse he gives, but most people think his -letter was written to suit the views of the gentlemen responsible -for the catastrophe at Antwerp, who are afraid of meeting with hard -language and reproaches from the Queen, and haply also of being -dismissed from their places. - -Don Antonio was here the other day with the Queen, having run away -from Dieppe and Rouen on account of the plague. He has now left for -a village in the neighbourhood called Ruel, where he is living in a -pleasant house lent him by Alençon. His household consists of some -sixty people, who consume daily a quarter of an ox, two sheep, one -calf, and 150 loaves. - -It is now quite certain that Orange openly assumes the position of -Count of Holland. Flushing,[159] a city of Zealand, he bought with his -own money; so that he commands the communications of those provinces -with the sea. Thus amid the downfall and ruin of others Orange has -secured a success. - -The King is preparing for a journey to Mézières, with the intention of -going on to a château called Foullenbraye, where he will stay to drink -the Spa waters for the benefit of his health. During his absence the -government is placed in the hands of the Queen Mother and the Privy -Council. It is thought he will be away the whole summer. His days, I -fear, are numbered. - -After several feints, by which he kept every one in suspense as to -where he would next strike, Parma has settled down to the siege of -Cambrai. It will be a tedious affair, and success is by no means -certain, still the capture of the town would go far towards deciding -the struggle. He is said, moreover, to have recovered the town of -Diest. Brussels, too, seems inclined to go over. - -People are again beginning to be afraid of the plague. There are -serious signs of its presence in Paris, and also in several other -French towns. - - June 25, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXI. - - -The Queen Mother has been with the King. After her interview she flew -off to Boulogne-sur-Mer to meet Alençon, with Marshal de Retz in -attendance on her. Alençon himself is levying fresh soldiers with the -purpose, I suppose, of sending them to the relief of Cambrai. - -The States and Biron have received a severe check at Steenbergen,[160] -losing a great many men. Biron was wounded, and had difficulty in -protecting himself behind the walls of Steenbergen. - -The Governor of Namur has been sent by Parma to the King. A messenger -also came from Casimir to ask a free passage through France; he is -sending him to the Queen of England about the Cologne business. The -Pope, through his nuncio, is urging the King to accept the decrees of -the Council of Trent, and to publish them throughout the kingdom. I -do not think his representations will have much effect, not because -the King is a supporter of the privileges of the Gallican Church, but -because there is a suspicion that the real object is the introduction -of the Inquisition into France. Fresh disturbances would be the certain -consequence of so unpopular a measure. - -For these reasons people say the King, though personally disposed -to accede to the demands of the Pope, will not grant them, being -determined, as far as in him lies, to avoid all risk of rebellion and -civil war. - -The King was desirous of placing the Duke of Epernon in command of -Metz, but the present governor is an obstacle. He refuses to transfer -his command to any one until he shall have received the reward due -to him for long service in the army and years of honest work. In my -opinion the King has another reason for prolonging his stay in those -parts. Cologne is not far distant, and he may be thinking of making his -own advantage out of the disturbances. - -Then, after conducting his wife to Bourbon-les-Bains, he will make a -_détour_ to Lyons, not returning to Paris till the end of the summer. - -The Duke of Joyeuse is expected back. He crossed the mountains into -Italy with a brilliant train on a pilgrimage to the shrine of the Holy -Virgin of Loreto, in fulfilment of a vow he had undertaken when his -wife was ill. - -On his way he visited Rome to do reverence to the Pope, and possibly -also to give him a private message[161] from the King. - -The men of Antwerp have lost a great deal of their old confidence and -love for Orange, who seems only to care for making his kingdom of -Holland secure, and does not pay sufficient attention to the safety -of the other provinces. From Brussels also there is news of some -disturbance, touching which I am expecting a report from a trusty -correspondent. - -Meanwhile I pray God to grant good health to your Imperial Majesty, -whose most humble servant I remain. - - July 3, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXII. - - -As the Queen Mother was hastening through Picardy to Boulogne, Alençon -met her at La Fère. He did not leave Dunkirk an hour too soon. No -sooner had he gone than Parma’s army sat down before it, and the -siege was so skilfully conducted that the garrison were compelled to -surrender;[162] they were, however, able to obtain honourable terms. -With Dunkirk Alençon has lost all footing in the Netherlands except -Cambrai, and even that is hard pressed and in great want of provisions, -by reason of the garrisons and outposts which encompass it on every -side. However, Alençon, with a relieving army, is not far off, and -stores of wine and corn, collected in Picardy, have been laid up at St. -Quentin to supply the famished town. As to what the end of it will be, -no one knows. - -The ambassadors, who were expected from Antwerp for the ratification -of the terms of reconciliation, did not arrive, in consequence of -which Alençon returned to France in high dudgeon with the States of -the Netherlands. Biron is said to be at Antwerp, with one word and -one word only in his mouth, which he is ever repeating, and that word -is ‘money;’ no one listens to him, for there seems no possibility of -extracting a penny from the townspeople without running the risk of an -outbreak; in good sooth, the funds which the citizens supplied have so -often been wasted that they are sick of the business. - -On the other hand, Orange does what he can to awake the zeal of -Antwerp, but, since Alençon’s disastrous attempt, his influence has -fallen low, and there is a suspicion abroad that he is more anxious for -his own personal advantage than for the welfare of his country. Some -say he has crossed over to Zealand, to make all safe in that quarter, -and transact some pressing business. - -The fall of Dunkirk has been followed by the surrender of Nieuport, -St. Winoc, and other neighbouring towns, so that they are in hopes -of taking Bruges and Ypres. Thus affairs in the Netherlands are -mending;[163] and possibly a little skilful management would induce the -people to come to terms. I was expecting a man from Brabant, who would -have given me accurate information on all these points, but I am afraid -his return will be delayed by the capture of Dunkirk, which has greatly -added to the difficulties of a sea passage. - -There was in Paris a royal messenger, famous for his skill in conveying -to their destination the orders and despatches of his master; nor was -there any one in whose loyalty and discretion the King placed greater -confidence. His Majesty had ordered him to cross the Alps with an -autograph letter, filling two sheets, to the Duke of Joyeuse. He had -not gone far before he fell in with four horsemen, who were dogging his -path; they stabbed him in several places, and carried off the King’s -letter; by this means, it is supposed, several important secrets have -been discovered by the opponents of the Court. Whether it was for this -reason or not I cannot say, but the King immediately hurried back to -Paris, instead of accompanying his wife to Bourbon-les-bains, as he had -intended. However, in a few days he will join her at the baths, going -on to Lyons, but what he intends to do when he gets there is a secret -to most people. - -For myself, I am inclined to think that he wishes to see whether his -presence on the spot will enable him to turn Montmorency[164] out of -the government of Languedoc, and place the Duke of Joyeuse, or one of -his other minions, in possession. - -I am not, I say, certain that he will give it to the Duke of Joyeuse, -since a most handsome provision has been made for him in the -governorship of Normandy, which was refused to Alençon himself. But -perhaps ere long we shall learn the truth. - -Every one in Paris is talking of the news that Don Antonio’s new fleet -has reached the Azores in safety. The commander is Monsieur de Chattes, -a knight of Malta, and also a relation of the Duke of Joyeuse, Admiral -of France. - -Some time ago one St. Hilaire entered your Majesty’s service as a -gentleman cadet. I understand he is now serving in Hungary. This young -gentleman’s eldest brother is dead, and, if I mistake not, he stands -next in succession to the estate; there are several brothers, and, if -he is not present when the property is divided, there is danger of his -not getting his proper share; as the loss to him might be considerable, -his friends have come to the conclusion that he ought to be summoned -home, and have requested me to write to your Majesty, and ask for an -honourable discharge, which request I hereby comply with. It will be a -good occasion for your Imperial Majesty to exercise your kindness by -graciously giving him leave of absence for the transaction of private -business. - -The plague is breaking out afresh in several places, the wind being -unusually steady, and never shifting, unless it be from south to west. - -As to the Greek books, I most humbly repeat my request that your -Majesty would keep the matter in mind. - -There was lately in Paris a gentleman of good family, who was a -notorious duellist. His name was the Baron de Viteaux,[165] and he -had attained some celebrity by the bold and successful way in which -he had killed sundry gentlemen with whom he had differences. The son -of one of his victims was anxious to avenge his father’s death; he -had also another motive, for having lately been discovered in a plot -against the Baron’s life,[166] he knew that unless he killed him his -doom was sealed. Accordingly he determined to take a decided course; so -last Sunday he invited the Baron to measure swords with him in a field -near Paris; the arrangement was that they should have in attendance -only one servant apiece, and a gentleman of rank, the common friend -of both parties, to act as umpire and marshal of the lists; the duel -to be with sword and dagger, no other weapon being allowed, and only -to be terminated when one of the combatants should have fallen. The -Baron accepted the challenge; as soon as they met he ran his opponent -through the arm and stretched him on the ground; not liking to strike -him when he was down, he told him to get up. This act of kindness cost -him dear, for his opponent, in no way daunted by his wound, but burning -to avenge his fall, with one vigorous and skilful thrust, ran the Baron -through the heart; then, as he lay dying on the ground, he stabbed him -again and again, and thus rewarded his folly in sparing an antagonist -whose arm still held a sword. Though scarcely twenty-one, the young man -had for years been devoting himself to the art of fencing, with a view -to this meeting. Thus died the famous Baron, who was looked on here as -a second Mars, and is thought to have frightened the King[167] more -than once. His end was like that of Montal[168] and Bussy,[169] both -of whom died as they deserved to die. ‘Aspiciunt oculis superi mortalia -justis.’ The victor is not yet out of danger. He received two wounds, -one, as I mentioned, in his arm, and the other in his thigh. Even if -he recovers, another duel awaits him, as he will be challenged by a -relation of the late Baron, who is well qualified to avenge his death. - -I thought there was no harm in giving your Majesty a full account of -this affair, though it has but little connection with my business. - - Paris, August 10, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXIII. - - -However famous Africa may have been of old for tales and wonders, it -must yield the palm to modern France. - -Scarcely had our ears recovered from the flood of gossip aroused by the -death of the Baron, which I have already described, when there crops up -another scandal, calculated to produce quite as much astonishment and -conversation. The King, publicly before a large audience, gave a severe -lecture[170] to his sister the Queen of Navarre, reproving her for her -disreputable and immoral courses; he gave her the exact dates at which -she had taken on each new lover; he reproached her with having had a -son of whom her husband was not the father; in each instance his dates -and particulars were so accurate, that one would have thought he had -been an eyewitness. The Queen (Marguerite de Valois) was overwhelmed, -being ashamed to confess, and at the same time unable to refute, the -charges brought against her. The King concluded his lecture by ordering -her to leave Paris forthwith, and no longer pollute the city with her -presence. - -In obedience to this command, the Queen of Navarre packed in haste, -and left Paris on the following day; no one paid her the attention of -escorting her from the city, and she had not even a complete train -of servants. Her destination is supposed to be Vendôme, one of her -husband’s towns. Two ladies of rank,[171] who are at the head of her -household, were arrested on the road, brought back to Paris, and placed -under guard. - -Nor was the King satisfied with the punishment he had inflicted, but -must needs write a letter to the King of Navarre with a full account of -his wife’s delinquencies. People say that, if her husband accepts this -statement, and refuses to receive her, it is the intention of the King -to immure his sister in some lonely fortress, where she can injure no -one by her immorality and intrigues. Nor need this excite surprise, for -there is some fear that, if she should return to her husband, and make -herself out innocent to him, she will be the source of much disturbance -and disquiet to the realm; of will and malice for such work she has -good store, and of ability there is enough and to spare. - -Immediately after the interview between the King and his sister, a -gentleman, named de Chanvallon,[172] fled to Germany; for a long time -he had stood high in Alençon’s favour; but when it was discovered that -he had sent news from Antwerp to the French Court, touching matters -which Alençon wished to be suppressed, he fell out of favour with the -Prince, and was ordered to leave his presence. He returned to Paris -and took refuge with the Queen of Navarre, to the great annoyance of -Alençon, who is now completely estranged from him, if one may believe -what one hears. - -De Chanvallon is a young man whose claims to noble birth are doubtful; -he has, however, the advantage of pleasing manners, and is a handsome -young fellow; he holds a high place among the admirers of the Queen of -Navarre. They say the Queen Mother also is greatly incensed with her -daughter for her indiscretions. How that may be I cannot tell; but at -any rate the Queen of Navarre has, as I told your Majesty, left Paris, -declaring again and again that ‘she and the Queen of Scots are the most -unhappy beings in the world; a little drop of poison would give her -relief, if anyone would help her to it, but she has neither friend nor -foe to do her this service.’ - -This story, which is now current in France, is perhaps hardly deserving -of your Majesty’s attention, or a fit subject for a confidential -despatch; but I was induced to give these details by the circumstance -that I had an opportunity of sending a letter, and the business of the -Queen made it necessary that I should write to her. So, having little -else in the way of news, I have filled my letter to your Majesty with -this gossip. - -The Queen Mother has returned to Alençon at La Fère. The King himself -has set out for Lyons, his chief object being, as he professes, to meet -his dear Duke of Joyeuse, on his return from Italy. - -There is a report that Alençon will marry his niece, the daughter of -his sister and the Duke of Lorraine, and that the sister of the King of -Navarre is intended for the Duke of Savoy. Strange reports, methinks, -and not worthy of much credit as yet. - -The Prince of Parma’s victorious career in Flanders has been stopped at -Ostend; the town was reinforced by the Prince of Orange, and refused -to surrender. Ypres is lost; Dixmude is said to be hard pressed, for -the people of Bruges were obliged to call in the garrison of Menin for -the further protection of the town. Menin was evacuated, and left to be -plundered and sacked. - - August 27, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXIV. - - -At last the gentleman whom I expected from the Netherlands, as I have -already told your Majesty, has returned. The only news he brings is -that the Netherlanders are acting in the maddest way, the citizens -quarrelling, the towns disagreeing, there is no steady policy, and a -reckless spirit prevails. However, in one point they all agree, to wit, -their detestation of the French; who since the outrage at Antwerp have -become positively hateful to the Netherlanders, a sentiment which they -on their part warmly reciprocate. It is on account of this feeling, he -says, that Biron has returned with his forces to France. When he was -embarking, there were not enough transports for the conveyance of the -troop horses, so the men piled straw round a number of them, and burnt -them; others they stabbed or hamstrung, so as to render them useless. -Everywhere Netherlanders are being stopped on the road and plundered by -the French, who tell them that they are returning the favours they have -received in the Low Countries. All this plainly shows how untrustworthy -is a league between ill-assorted allies, however much it be varnished -over with a pretence of friendship, and how quickly ancient national -feuds break out afresh. - -They say that Puygalliard, commander of the royal cavalry in Picardy, -is acting governor at Cambrai for the King of France, Alençon having -handed over the city to his brother, and Biron is on his way to join -him. - -Apparently Alençon’s plan is to throw a strong garrison into Cambrai, -and retake some places in the neighbourhood, while harassing the -cities of Hainault and Artois, and thus proving to the men of Brabant -and the rest of the Netherlanders, who, as he is aware, hate him -cordially, how much protection he could have afforded, and how much he -would have done if they had continued to cultivate his friendship. - -This is supposed to be his only chance of reinstating himself in -their good graces. Towards carrying out this scheme he has received -material assistance, it is said, from the King, who has appointed him -his Lieutenant; but his powers are so far limited, that he cannot -levy money or draw on the royal treasury at his own discretion. Still -his success is in no way assured, for the French are so unpopular in -the Netherlands, that the Prince of Orange himself is roundly abused -for supporting their interests; he does not carry anything like the -weight he once possessed; his influence has declined even among the -Hollanders and Zealanders, who were supposed to be on the point of -making him their Count and Sovereign; now, however, he is compelled to -listen to language from them which is not merely blunt, but actually -rude and insulting. Some go so far as to insinuate that he was privy to -Alençon’s schemes, when he made his disastrous attempt on Antwerp. - -He is consequently living in retirement at Flushing, in a position -hardly above that of a private gentleman. Occupied solely with sundry -family affairs, he is quietly waiting till the storm of unpopularity -shall have spent itself, for well he knows how changeable the masses -are, and that neither their favour nor disfavour is likely to last long. - -The following piece of news I give, but do not vouch for, though the -report is generally current. Those who do not like it explain it away. -All France rings with the story of another defeat at the Azores;[173] -the fleet, they say, is lost; the French cut to pieces; the Portuguese -condemned to the galley and the oar; the commander of the expedition a -prisoner. If this be true, and it does not seem improbable, France will -have paid dearly for her hospitalities to the Portuguese. - -Among other instructions given by the King to the Duke of Joyeuse, when -setting out for Italy, was one of special importance; he was to obtain -the Pope’s permission for the sale of ecclesiastical property to the -value of some hundred thousands of crowns; it is now reported that the -Duke’s attempt to obtain the Papal sanction was a complete failure. So -the King’s hopes in this quarter were frustrated, and the Duke has not -been more successful than the great men whom the King lately sent round -France to obtain supplies. The first debates on the King’s return will -be, I imagine, on the best method of scraping up money! With the lower -orders in this country distress has gone so far that they are like -to hang themselves from sheer despair, consequently they take these -frequent and heavy demands upon their pockets in very bad part. - - September 15, 1583. - - -The aged Bishop of Rimini, the Apostolic Nuncio, has died here of -fever. He was a man of kindly feeling and high character. - - September 20, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXV. - - -I have not much to report. Alençon is at Cambrai, in great want of -many things, especially money, which in his case is all important. His -captains attempted to surprise Le Quesnoy, a strongly fortified town in -Hainault, and were repulsed with great slaughter. - -St. Aldegonde, and a gentleman named Junius, who acted as secretary -to the late Count Palatine,[174] are said to have come to Cambrai -as ambassadors from the States, to treat with Alençon for a -reconciliation; but treat or reconcile as they please, it is plain they -will not be supported by public sentiment, for the Netherlanders loathe -the very name of Frenchman. - -Ypres is still blockaded by the enemy’s works, though there is a story -that the besiegers have suffered some loss at the hands of the garrison -of Bruges. - -The plague, which is now raging at Paris with extraordinary violence, -will, I think, cause the King to defer his return. People expect that -Alençon will meet him here. - -A new religious fashion[175] is in vogue among the French. The townsmen -and peasants of some place, of all ages and all ranks, quit their homes -in a body, and make a pilgrimage of two or three days to some famous -shrine. The pilgrims are generally clothed in white linen robes, and -carry crosses in their hands. Some people think that this movement -had its origin in supernatural warnings, which frightened the people, -and led them to take this means of appeasing the Deity, and saving -themselves; others think that it is to gratify the King that these -pilgrimages are undertaken, and that their object is to ask God to -grant him children. - - October 6, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XXVI. - - -I have received a letter from the Counsellors of your Imperial -Majesty’s chamber, in which they state that the books which I presented -to the library some seven years ago, during the lifetime of the Emperor -Maximilian, of blessed memory, have been valued at one thousand -florins; if your Imperial Majesty regards this sum in the light of a -present in return for my present of books, I shall consider it most -handsome, and humbly offer my best thanks to your Majesty for the -same; but if it is a matter of business and strict account—if this -sum, I say, is to be reckoned as the ascertained value of all those -precious volumes, the antiquity of which renders them so important an -acquisition to the Imperial Library—I must confess that such a price -in no way represents their value. The precious character of the books -and the high regard I have ever felt for them[176] render it incumbent -on me to make this protest. As far as I am personally concerned, I am -ready to acquiesce in your Majesty’s decision, whatever it may be. - - October 9, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXVII. - - -The King has at last returned. On account of the plague it was -determined that he should not enter Paris. It was arranged, as the most -convenient plan, that he should stay at Saint-Germain en Laye. On his -arrival, his first care was to summon the gentlemen who, as I told your -Majesty in a former letter, were sent round the provinces and cities of -France to collect money. They are all men of high standing.[177] The -King will now receive an account of the steps they took and the reply -they got. Their report must needs be that all made answer with one -accord, their burden was already so heavy, that if they were to bear it -any longer, it must be lightened rather than increased by the addition -of a fresh tax. - -This will compel the King to consult these gentlemen as to the best -means of raising funds, for, one way or another, money must be had. -As to what course they will recommend there is no certainty; but some -people are disposed to think that the honour of replenishing the -treasury will be assigned to the Church. The King, it seems, desired -the Duke of Joyeuse to open negotiations with the Pope for obtaining -his sanction to a fresh sale of ecclesiastical property to the value of -several hundred thousand crowns; but for some reason or other nothing -came of it. - -These conferences at Saint-Germain would have been brought to a -conclusion had not Alençon made a _détour_ to Château Thierry, some -26 miles[178] from Paris, on his way from Cambrai to his own town of -Angers, where he intends spending the winter; his mother has gone to -visit him, hoping to bring him to the court, in order that he may be -present at the above-mentioned conferences; but whether he will be -persuaded is still uncertain, for he persists in his complaint that he -has not been properly supported in the great work he has undertaken, -and that the King has had more regard for the interests of utter -strangers than for those of his own brother. - -As to other matters, Cambrai is neither safe against attack nor -adequately provisioned. Biron tried to storm Cateau Cambrésis, but, -unluckily for him, the Prince of Parma came to the rescue; the French -army was in great danger, and had to beat a hurried retreat; Biron, -however, managed to save his cannon. - -The rebel States of the Netherlands, having met at Middelburg[179] to -transact federal business, the party of the Prince of Orange urged -strongly the advisability of a reconciliation with Alençon; they were, -however, repeatedly told by other members of the meeting that the late -disastrous affair (at Antwerp) had shown them how impossible it was to -trust the word of Frenchmen. There were some who wished for the King of -Denmark, while several mentioned Casimir, who had the support of the -Queen of England; but the assembly broke up without arriving at any -decision. - - October 29, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXVIII. - - -Alençon has retraced his steps to Laon, whither the Queen Mother has -gone to visit him. Of the reason of this step I am not sure, but -probably his object is to be near Cambrai. It is well known that great -disturbances lately took place there; certain of the citizens conspired -with officers commanding posts in the neighbourhood, and either took -the town or were within an ace of taking it. The French, however, still -hold the citadel. - - November 2, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXIX. - - -The Queen Mother has returned from her visit to Alençon. All her -trouble has been to no purpose, for he could not be induced to -accompany her to Court.[180] The King’s distress at his absence is not -overwhelming! - -The Queen of Navarre has joined her husband; he received her -courteously, but she will live apart from him until the truth be -ascertained concerning the immoralities of which she is charged. It is -on this business that Bellièvre has been sent to the King of Navarre. -He is to make a recantation on the King’s behalf, and reconcile husband -and wife. - -They say the King has been brought to task for allowing himself, in a -fit of passion, to blast the reputation of a member of his own family, -and is now sorry for what he has done.[181] He tries to clear himself -by saying that in a rash moment he believed what certain people told -him. The King of Navarre demands that, if his wife be guilty, she -should receive the punishment she deserves; but that, if she has been -falsely accused, and is innocent, her calumniators should pay the -penalty. It is well known that the King was provoked into this by the -murder of the messenger[182] he sent to the Duke of Joyeuse, of which -I informed your Majesty in a former letter, for he suspected that his -sister had been privy to the assassination. Those who are acquainted -with the character of the lady say that, unless they are greatly -mistaken, she will one day signally avenge the insult she has received. - -The story of a disturbance at Cambrai, which I mentioned at the end -of my last letter, arose from the Seigneur de Goigny, commandant of a -neighbouring place for the King (of Spain), being seen in the city. It -was assumed that he could not be staying in Cambrai without the consent -of the townsmen. The assumption was ill-grounded, as the event proved, -for he had come to Cambrai to have an interview with Alençon, whom he -has followed to France; for aught I know, he is still at his quarters. - -The reason of his visit was the hope that had been thrown out of some -arrangement for recovering Cambrai, a large sum of money having been -promised to Alençon on behalf of the King of Spain. - -The ruined and impoverished condition of the nobles in Alençon’s -train renders it by no means improbable that this scheme may come to -something, as it would provide the means to save them from starvation -and destitution; but in the Royal Court, and throughout France, the -negotiation is held to be most discreditable, and is regarded as a -striking proof of the fickleness of the French. - -A report is current that the King has written a letter to his brother -cautioning him. An arrangement for the exchange of prisoners furnishes -the pretext under which this negotiation is being conducted. - -In spite of all this, some are inclined to think that the States of -Brabant are getting ready a fresh embassy, which will shortly be sent -to arrange the terms of a reconciliation with Alençon. It would appear -that they have been driven to this course by the successes of the -Prince of Parma, who has seized nearly all the country save Ghent and -Antwerp. The Netherlanders, however, have opened the dykes with the -double object of protecting themselves, and making Parma’s conquests of -no avail to him. It is supposed that their next step will be to send a -fresh embassy, since they are determined to suffer the worst that may -befall, rather than submit once more to the authority of Spain. However -this may be, there is news that the Zealanders and Hollanders will -shortly appoint Orange as their Count. - -De Puygaillard has left Cambrai; de Balagny[183] is in command of -the citadel and garrison, and he is not the sort of man to surrender -the town to anyone, even though Alençon himself should give the -order. The latter has changed his plans; it is thought he will not -go, as formerly reported, to Angers for the winter, but will stop in -his present quarters at Château Thierry. He has returned from the -Netherlands with such discredit that he is only thinking of where he -may best hide his dishonoured head. Meanwhile the King is holding his -assemblies, which will continue sitting for at least two months; not -only will the financial question be considered, but also a general -reform of all abuses; it is the purpose of the King, in conformity with -his present strict religious views, to correct all vices and faults -in the administration of his realm and thus promote the welfare of -his people; it is probable, however, that the upshot of these changes -will be to make the King’s interest the paramount consideration. For -instance, the Crown claims the right of conferring Church patronage, -and in consequence you may see children, military men,[184] and women -holding bishopricks and abbacies; well, first there was a debate as -to the advisability of replacing matters on their old footing, and -making these appointments elective, but a resolution was passed that, -inasmuch as the old purity in voting had passed away, and all principle -had been lost, there appeared no reason for depriving the Crown of -the valuable right it had acquired, and that the matter had better be -left on its present footing, with the understanding that the King, -when exercising his patronage, should have regard to the character -and qualifications of the candidates. In many other cases there will -be a similar result—that is, projects will be ushered in with fine -phrases as to the _interests of the people_ and the mitigation of -their burdens, and then in the end the _interests of the Crown_ will -carry the day. The King indeed takes care that the law he enacted with -regard to dress should be strictly observed; it had not been in force -many days when it met with the usual fate of such edicts, and was -disregarded by the Parisians, whereon his Majesty sent the Provost of -the Court into the city with orders to throw into jail all persons whom -he might find transgressing the law. There were several arrests both -of men and women, and a great commotion was the consequence, amounting -almost to an insurrection. ‘Were they to be arrested by the Provost -as if they were highwaymen or burglars? They had their own judges and -magistrates to punish offending citizens. If the Provost[185] continued -to interfere it should cost him his life.’ It seemed likely that the -people would be as good as their word, so the magistrates of the city -came to the King and informed him of what was going on; at first he -took them roundly to task for their laches in allowing these salutary -laws to fall into abeyance, telling them that it was through their -negligence he had been driven to other means of enforcing them; he then -hurried to Paris, went straight to the prison and set free all who had -been arrested on this charge, paying out of his own purse the jailor’s -dues for each prisoner. Since then the law has been more strictly -enforced. - -Cardinal de Birague[186] is dead, at the age, if I mistake not, of more -than eighty years; the Court followed its usual fashion, and gave a -magnificent funeral at death to one whom it loved not during his life. -He held the title of Chancellor of France, but the duties of his office -were discharged by a deputy; he was a man who loved fair dealing, -and consequently a good friend and supporter of the Queen Dowager of -France, your Imperial Majesty’s sister; his successor[187] is his exact -opposite in character, disposition, and intentions. - -Orange is scheming to recover Zutphen, a city of Gueldres, which has -been taken by the Spaniards. The Count of Gueldres is suspected of -having a secret understanding with Parma; there is a report that he -has been sent as a prisoner to Zealand with his children. At Ghent -also a conspiracy[188] of some nobles against the city authorities has -been detected through Imbize, who for a long time was an exile in the -Palatinate; this discovery has placed them all in imminent danger; -among the number is Ryhove, who was ambassador at Constantinople. - -However the others may fare, Champagny, who was the prime mover and -soul of the plot, can hardly hope to save his head. - - December 4, 1583. - - - - -LETTER XXX. - - -Nothing of importance, as far as I know, has happened since I last -wrote, unless it be that some men were caught at Alençon’s quarters, -with arms in their hands, under suspicious circumstances; it was -thought that they were waiting to assassinate some one. Alençon was -strongly impressed with the idea that they were cut-throats hired to -murder him. At last, after a careful investigation, it was discovered -that it was not his life they designed to take, but Fervaques’; -moreover, it was ascertained that the man who set them on was at open -feud with the latter, on account of some injury he had received at his -hands. - -The Queen Mother has again set out on a visit to Alençon. She has -several objects in going, but the chief one is to remove whatever -suspicions he may still entertain. People say Alençon is also about -to receive ambassadors from nearly all the rebel States of the -Netherlands, with the exception of Flanders, which has not yet been -induced to sanction his recall. For the aforesaid ambassadors, whose -arrival is expected, eighteen gold chains are being worked up at -Alençon’s quarters. The Hollanders, however, are supposed to have -already sworn allegiance to Orange, or to be on the point of so doing, -with the reservation that the supreme sovereignty be vested in Alençon. -Whatever else Orange may lose, he will always retain his power of -perpetuating disturbances and revolutions. His chief assistant and -adviser, St. Aldegonde, has been made burgomaster of Antwerp. For -many years past I have been unable to see any prospect of a peaceful -settlement for the Netherlands. Parma has, it is true, done much, but I -doubt whether there is not quite as much more to be done. - -We have news of disturbances in Gascony and Aquitaine; in both of these -provinces places have been seized, and attempts are being made to -recover them by force of arms. - -That the year on which we have just entered and many, many coming years -may bring prosperity to your Imperial Majesty is the hope and prayer of -your most humble servant. - - January 9, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXI. - - -The King is bent on a plan for reforming his life, and devoting -himself more exclusively to religion. It was supposed that he would -spend the Carnival at Paris; he used to say that not to be at Paris -at that season was as bad as being in Poland, for he should miss all -the fun and pleasure of the capital, and last, but not least, the -society of certain ladies whom he had been accustomed to meet on that -occasion.[189] - -In his present humour he does not care to leave Saint-Germain, where -he lives like a hermit. Meanwhile the assembly, which was convened -for the purpose of reforming the people and remedying abuses in the -government, is still sitting. Every day it passes a number of wholesome -measures, of which I shall now proceed to give your Majesty an example. -There is no greater burden laid on the realm of France than the -multiplication of official posts, which the King creates to the benefit -of his own pocket and the impoverishment of his people; these are now, -to a great extent, abolished. For instance, the King had as many as -150 chamberlains, all of whom are now dismissed, with the exception -of sixteen, or, according to another version, twenty-four. The same -course, it is supposed, will be followed in all similar cases, to the -great advantage and relief of the nation, on whose shoulders the entire -burden of supporting these sinecures used to rest. - -This reform, however, will draw complaints from individuals who have -purchased such offices with hard cash out of their own pockets. Their -claims, it is true, will be commuted, but they will suffer great -inconvenience and loss by the change. - -Meantime there is a vague idea that France is on the eve of a fresh -civil war, and there are people who assert that Navarre has sent to -Germany to hire reiters. Whether that be so or not, at any rate the -King is raising troops. - -It is supposed that the Queen of Navarre will shortly be reconciled to -her husband, if indeed the reconciliation has not already taken place, -through the mediation of one Pernantius of Lorraine, a notable champion -of Protestantism. The Netherland ambassadors are now with Alençon, -waiting for fuller instructions from the States. Alençon is urging his -claim to be appointed Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, with the same -powers as the present Sovereign held during the reign of his brother -Charles, which were very extensive; but the King objects, and it seems -hardly likely that they will come to terms. This difference, it is -feared, will, in the event of war, be the source of yet more serious -quarrels. - -Every day men[190] are coming over from England to France who have -been concerned in the great conspiracy against the life of the Queen -(Elizabeth). The Earl of Norfolk[191] has been arrested in England for -his part in the plot, and everyone expects that he will lose his head, -but the Earl of Arundel’s case is not regarded as equally desperate, -as the Queen seems more inclined to show him mercy. Even the Queen of -Scots, who is accused of having been privy to all their designs, is -considered to be in great danger. The Ambassador[192] of the King of -Spain, they say, was the prime mover in the conspiracy, and on this -account has been ordered to leave England. There is an idea that he -will pass through France on his way to Spain. - - February 12, 1584. - - -The King has returned from Saint-Germain to Paris, on account of the -illness of the Queen Mother. She had an attack of fever, which lasted -longer than was expected. - - February 15, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXII. - - -Alençon has paid a visit to his sick mother, staying with her some -days before he showed himself to the King. At last, by her advice, -as I suppose, he approached[193] the King in a most respectful and -submissive manner, insomuch that for some time he kept his knee well -nigh touching the ground. When raised by the King, he commenced his -address by imploring forgiveness for any offences he might have -committed against him. - -The King replied there was no need of pardon; he was quite aware that -in certain points he did not agree with his brother, but for his own -part he was prepared to submit such questions to the arbitration of -their mother, and would abide by her decision. - -People say that Alençon was advised to make sure of Joyeuse and -Epernon, through whose eyes the King sees everything, if he wanted -his brother to help his party, and interfere in the affairs of the -Netherlands. The King could be led to anything, if they chose to exert -their influence. This advice he seems inclined to adopt. - -The ambassadors of Brabant and Flanders have now arrived; people say -that they have offered Alençon the right of placing garrisons in any of -their cities with the exception of two, viz., Antwerp and Ghent. They -have also been to Paris to plead their cause before the King. - -Alençon, after spending a few days with the King, returned to his old -quarters at Château Thierry, with the intention of coming again to -Paris before Easter. - -When he left the whole court escorted him out; there was a great fuss, -and none so forward as Joyeuse and Epernon, on whom he bestowed every -mark of favour at parting. - -The King, it seems, is about to take Cambrai under his protection, and -will send some troops thither, which, however, are nominally to be -Alençon’s. - -Everyone is talking of the campaign against Damville, whose present -title is the Duke of Montmorency.[194] He is Governor of Languedoc, -and appointments of this kind are held for life, and not for a term of -years, the holder not being superseded unless he has become a rebel or -been convicted of high treason. The King is determined to bestow the -governorship of the province on the father of Joyeuse, but Montmorency, -it seems, does not intend surrendering his post as long as there is -life in his body. The King has caused Montmorency to be tried before -his Parliament, and pronounced contumacious and rebellious. This -campaign, people say, will be taken in hand after Easter. Alençon is to -act as the King’s Lieutenant in proof of his submission to the royal -authority. The result is anxiously expected. - -Montmorency has great resources in Languedoc, and is supported by a -united and numerous party. Many will suspect that his downfall will -pave the way to their destruction. - -A few days ago the King was within an ace of committing an act in his -own council-chamber hardly consistent with the gracious character -which befits a Sovereign. Among his councillors was a knight of Malta, -the Prior of Champagne,[195] a violent and reckless man. The King was -speaking earnestly on some important point, and the Prior, who took an -opposite view, went so far as to say, ‘If you wished,[196] Sire, to -speak the truth, you must remember, &c.’ The King took his words as -a personal insult, and was furious. ‘What?’ cried he; ‘do you think I -am telling a lie? Down on your knees at once, and beg my pardon.’ When -he had done so, the King forgave him, but at the same time ordered him -out of his sight. When the Prior was somewhat slow in obeying, or, it -may be, said something in reply, the King again lost his temper, and, -drawing his sword, was on the point of running him through, when he was -held back by the gentlemen present. The Bishop of Paris[197] is still -suffering from a wound in the hand, which he received in grasping the -naked blade. Thus the King in his council-chamber all but perpetrated -a crime little becoming his character as a ‘penitent.’ Several people -interceded for the Prior, and the King accordingly pardoned him, but at -the same time required him to leave the Court and enter his presence -no more—a severe punishment to a man who is court bred, and knows no -pleasure elsewhere. - -The Ambassador, who is said to have been an accomplice in the English -tragedy, Don Bernardino de Mendoza, has arrived at Paris, where he is -waiting for an answer from the King of Spain, but on what business I -cannot say. Some think he is seeking the post of ambassador at the -French court. - - March 20, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXIII. - - -Alençon,[198] after his return to Château Thierry, fell seriously ill, -and his life was in great danger. This gave rise to a story that he had -been poisoned. However, he is now said to be better. From his bringing -up large quantities of blood, some suspect that his lungs are affected. -The Queen Mother, who went to see him, has not yet returned. - - March 29, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXIV. - - -When the people from Flanders saw that they made no way with Alençon, -and all hope of help from France was at an end, they returned home, -reversed their policy, and opened negotiations with Parma.[199] Their -ambassadors were entertained courteously by the Prince, and received -presents from him on leaving, while the envoys whom Parma sent with his -reply had like treatment from the town of Ghent. - -Very different is the feeling at Antwerp, where the citizens will -endure the worst sooner than submit to the old yoke, and have therefore -determined to cast in their lot with Zealand and Holland for weal -or woe. This new combination will prolong the war, as they are the -wealthiest people in the world, are girt with fortifications, and have -the keys of the sea in their possession. - -The rest of the towns of Brabant are supposed to be on the eve of -returning to their allegiance to the King of Spain, in company with -Flanders; the men of Antwerp do not object, as they wish to be relieved -of the obligation. Bergen, which the Hollanders have taken under their -protection, is the only exception. Alençon indeed has something else -to think of just now besides the affairs of the Netherlands, aye, and -something that touches him more closely, for there is a report that he -is in a decline, which has reached the consumptive stage. If this be -true—and it is generally believed—he cannot be long for this world, -and then, however little the House of Valois may like it, the Bourbons -will be the heirs presumptive to the Crown—first the Cardinal, and then -Navarre. The Queen Mother is staying in the country at some distance -from Paris, and the report is that she is ill from grief. The King, it -seems, has laid aside the idea of a campaign against Damville,[200] -of which every one was talking, and has issued a proclamation to the -effect that there is nothing he loves so much as peace, no one is to -rise in arms, all are to do their best to prevent an outbreak. This -Edict is construed by the opposite faction to mean exactly the reverse, -and to be proof positive that war is intended; they say this is his -usual trick when he means to attack them. - -Whether they are right or wrong time will show. - - April 10, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXV. - - -Alençon’s[201] life is despaired of. Indeed a day or two ago he was -reported as dead, and not only was the date of his decease given, viz., -the 25th of this month, but also the hour, viz., 10 P.M. For several -hours, it seems, he had lain motionless, so that he was thought to be -dead; afterwards he became conscious, and is still alive, if a man -can be called alive, whose case is hopeless and whose death is hourly -expected. The King’s chief physician has visited him; on his return he -made the Queen Mother quite hopeful by his report, but privately he -told his friends that he did not expect him to last a month. Well, the -matter is in God’s hands, and that He will preserve your Majesty, is -the prayer of your humble servant. - - April 29, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXVI. - - -That Ghent, Bruges, and Ostend have come to terms with Parma is -considered certain; they say indeed that service in the cathedral of -Ghent is already celebrated after the Roman rite; and this is also -the case in three churches in Bruges. In that district Sluys alone -stands out, and holds by its treaty with Flushing. The terms of the -arrangement will, people think, shortly be made public. - - May 3, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXVII. - - -Alençon is still confined to his chamber, or, to speak more correctly, -to his bed; no one is allowed to see him save one or two of his -adherents, who encourage him to hope that he will recover, but -impartial people consider his case desperate; while some think he is -already dead, but that his death is kept secret. - -The greatest anxiety is felt throughout France, and it is indeed a -critical time, for Alençon’s death will be a most serious matter to -the kingdom. For some time past the King has been estranged from his -wife; people trace this estrangement to the rivalry between the Duke -of Mercœur, brother to the Queen, and the Duke of Joyeuse, husband to -the Queen’s sister. The latter has been appointed by the King Admiral -of France with very extensive powers; while the Duke of Mercœur has -been made Governor of Brittany. Now the Duke of Mercœur maintains that -all appointments within the limits of his province belong to him, -and Joyeuse disputes his claim. The King on being informed of this -difference spoke sharply to the Duke of Mercœur, and from that time -forth his manner to his wife has been less kind, from an idea that the -Duke of Mercœur would not be so proud and stubborn, if it were not for -his sister’s countenance and support. This has given rise to a notion -on the part of some people, that the King is thinking of divorcing his -wife, on the plea that she is barren, it being most important, under -present circumstances, that children should be born to the King of -France. - -The Duke of Epernon has been sent into Aquitaine with a numerous and -splendid retinue; his mission is a mystery and has furnished much -material for conversation and conjecture; only one or two, besides the -King, being acquainted with the secret.[202] The King also himself, -they say, is intending to visit Lyons shortly; no doubt there is some -important reason for this visit, but what it may be, there is no one -who can explain with such accuracy and clearness as Time! - - June 5, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXVIII. - - -That Alençon’s case was desperate has been proved by his death. He -breathed his last on the tenth of this month, almost at the same hour -and minute as his brother Charles some years ago; it is certain that he -died of the same complaint, tubercular consumption, as your Imperial -Majesty will have already learnt from the King’s own letter. - -Some people declare[203] his death is a far greater benefit to the -world than his birth; they say he had fallen under the influence of -worthless satellites, and was incapable of distinguishing between -friends and flatterers; he made notoriety his object, but the notoriety -he sought might more correctly be described as infamy; he lightly -undertook, and yet more lightly abandoned that which he had undertaken. -His life was in accordance with his character; fickle, unstable, -restless, his one great object was to destroy concord and promote -disorder. His mother’s grief for him is genuine, the tears of the rest -are constrained tears, I fancy, and their sorrow a sham. A magnificent -funeral, people say, is being prepared, but the mourning will not -last beyond St. John’s Day, which is now near at hand. The corpse is -to come to Paris. The King has put on black; this is unusual, for on -former occasions it has been the custom for Kings of France to wear -violet when in mourning. Some prognosticate that Alençon’s death will -give rise to great changes in France, and I think they are not far -wrong, for the chief provinces and cities of the kingdom will not be -disposed to accept any Sovereign whose religion differs from theirs, -neither will they lack leaders when they rise, for the governors of the -provinces will come forward, and others to boot. - -Some take such a hopeless and gloomy view of the future, that they are -already thinking of emigrating. The King indeed is heaping honours -on Navarre;[204] he has presented him with the duchy of Alençon, and -in his letters gives him the title of distinction which is by custom -assigned to the heir presumptive to the throne;[205] moreover, a way -has been discovered of perpetuating the miseries of the Netherlands in -spite of Alençon’s removal, for they say he has bequeathed Cambrai[206] -to his mother; this legacy will probably carry with it all his other -acquisitions in the Netherlands, and his interests in that quarter; it -is thought that the Queen Mother will make all this bequest over to -Navarre. In this way she will be able to carry out all her schemes in -the Netherlands, without giving the King of Spain ground for complaint -against the King of France. Meanwhile Cambrai is a thorn in the side of -Artois and Hainault, for the garrison pursues its forays far and wide, -burning and harrying the country. - -The town of Bruges has received a garrison of the troops of the King -of Spain; Ghent has admitted Orange’s forces, but there was such -want of forage that shortly afterwards the cavalry were obliged to -leave. People have a notion that the departure of the cavalry may lead -the men of Ghent to resume their negotiations with Parma; another -reason assigned is the alarm inspired by the arrival of the Spanish -reinforcements. - - June 18, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XXXIX. - - -On the festival of St. John and the two following days the last rites -were paid to Alençon; there was nothing in the ceremonies to call -for remark, except that in the funeral speech no mention was made of -his connection with the Netherlands, nor were the banners of any of -the provinces of the Low Countries introduced into the procession. I -have appended to my letter a copy of what is commonly supposed to be -Alençon’s will. - -To his Majesty’s great delight, the King of Navarre treated the Duke of -Epernon, on his arrival, with every mark of consideration and honour; -but Navarre’s wife (Marguerite de Valois) refused to admit him to her -presence. Epernon is supposed to be going through the province of -Narbonne, and so to Lyons, where the King will meet him. - -Marshal de Retz is busy in Picardy strengthening the garrisons of -forts and towns, where needful, so that they may be ready in case of -attack or sudden emergency. Strong bodies of infantry and cavalry are -being stationed in different parts of the country, with the object, as -I suppose, of having a relieving army at hand in case Cambrai shall -be hard pressed. The Hollanders and Zealanders have raised a fleet -to prevent any supplies being introduced into those ports of the -Netherlands which are in the occupation of their adversaries, and this -will probably cause a rise in the price of corn. - - July 10, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XL. - - -The news has come of Orange’s death; there is no doubt as to the -accuracy of the report. He was shot with a pistol.[207] The assassin -has been taken and tortured, but refused to confess at whose -instigation he committed the murder. His only statement consisted of -a paper in his own handwriting to the effect that he was prompted to -the deed by the desire of delivering the Provinces from so despotic a -master. - -The ambassadors from the Netherlands have come to Paris, in the hope, I -suppose, of inducing the King to give them his support, but his answer -was not favourable. They are now importuning the Queen Mother, and if -she refuses they will probably apply to the King of Navarre and the -Bourbons for assistance. - -Fort Lillo, which is one of the outworks of Antwerp, is closely -besieged by Parma; three attempts have been made to take it, but in -each case the assailants were repulsed with great slaughter.[208] - -The King has set out for Lyons; his chief object, people think, is to -supersede the present governor and appoint Epernon, or the Duke of -Joyeuse’s father, in his place.[209] The King has asked Navarre to come -to him, and offered to make him Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. - -The party of the Guises are striving to make themselves masters of the -State. There is an anxious feeling abroad, but why or wherefore no -one exactly knows. Time will solve the riddle. It is said that Marshal -de Retz has made the people of Cambrai swear allegiance to the Queen -Mother. - - July 23, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLI. - - -The Netherland ambassadors are trying hard to induce the King to give -them his support. This is the only fact worth recording in my present -letter. Their appeal is strongly supported by the Queen Mother, and her -influence is said to have had some weight with the King. One of the -ambassadors has been sent back to the Netherlands in company with the -gentleman[210] who was formerly Alençon’s representative at Antwerp. - -They are the bearers, people say, of a favourable answer to the -States from the King, promising to give them advice, countenance, and -reinforcements with a liberal hand. The terms which the States offer -in return are extravagant, and almost past belief. The result of the -negotiations is awaited with the deepest interest. Some people are -sounding the war-note right lustily. What, say they, would the King -wait for, or what better opportunity could he find for commencing a -struggle which must inevitably come before many years are out? Why -does not he take the initiative, when such an opportunity and such -advantages are placed within his reach? It is folly to keep longing -for that which it is in one’s power to possess. Granted, that the -Netherlanders at the bottom of their hearts distrust the French, and -will not submit to them, still, is it a small advantage to withdraw -them from their allegiance to their ancient lord? Let them live in a -state of semi-independence, and not as subjects of France, so long as -they remain the bitterest foes of Spain. Assuredly the estranging of -so many provinces will be a heavy blow to the King of Spain, even if -the King of France should not succeed in subjecting them to himself. -No sensible man can fail to see that the Spaniards, who are naturally -greedy of empire, when they have consolidated their position, will -not allow their vast powers to lie dormant, but will endeavour to -make themselves masters of the whole of Christendom. But how little -remains for them to win, compared with what they have already secured! -Henceforth there will be no liberty in Europe, and all other princes -and states will be placed in a humiliating position. Everything will -depend on the pleasure of the Spaniard—a most miserable and degrading -prospect! No time, therefore, must be lost in encountering this attack -on the liberties of Europe, before the Spanish power is consolidated. -There is no doubt that all kings, princes, and states who have any -regard for their own safety and reputation would gladly join their -forces and unite in extinguishing a conflagration which is dangerous to -everyone.[211] - -My own opinion is that these views are popular, and that they are only -waiting for the death of the King of Spain, as the most favourable -opportunity for a general movement. - -Parma has transferred his camp from Lillo to Dendermonde, after great -losses, if we may believe the report. He retains, however, the fort of -Calloo, which enables him to cause much trouble to the ships as they -sail by. They hope to take Dendermonde[212] without much difficulty, as -the larger part of the garrison has been cut off from the town. - -Marshal de Retz is at St. Quentin, and trying hard to induce -Balagny,[213] the governor of Cambrai, to surrender the town to -the King and the King’s nominee. Balagny’s tyrannical conduct has -rendered him most unpopular at Cambrai, and there are hopes that some -arrangement may be made. Marshal de Retz has proved himself a skilful -and sagacious diplomatist in affairs of this kind. - - Paris, August 18, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLII. - - -I have hardly any news, and yet I feel I ought not to allow a longer -time to elapse before writing. - -The King has returned from Lyons without achieving anything worth -notice, as far as I know. He stayed for some time at the castle of _le -Bois de Vincennes_, in the neighbourhood of Paris, where he is building -a church, to be held by the order of St. Jerome, for the benefit of -himself and his society of Penitents.[214] At the same time he is -carrying on his campaign against vice by punishing heinous offences, -especially those which are connected with malversation of public -moneys, whether they belong to the privy purse or the exchequer, -France being full of offenders of this kind. - -In dealing with these matters he does not spare even men of high rank; -consequently there is a panic, and people are leaving the country. He -will next attack the Parliaments, it is supposed, and require them to -give an account of the way they have administered justice, and the -sentences they have pronounced, for these courts of justice are, it is -considered, full of corruption and in great need of reform. In France -the Parliaments have powers almost equal to the King’s; in them justice -is sold, or given as a matter of favour. - -Though well stricken in years,[215] the Cardinal de Bourbon is -apparently unwilling to surrender the right of succession to the throne -to his nephew Navarre, and therefore inclines to the Guises, whom a -numerous party regard as their leaders; nay, a little while ago it was -stated that he intended to resign his orders, surrender his Cardinal’s -hat, and marry the widow of Montpensier, sister to the Duke of Guise. -The report is still current. - -Marshal de Retz is still in Picardy, strengthening fortifications -and garrisoning posts, for the Queen Mother has, it appears, set her -mind on keeping Cambrai, and some of the household troops have been -despatched thither with that object. The Queen herself has left Paris -for the banks of the Loire, and is going from place to place in the -hope of arranging an interview with Navarre, but the probability of -his meeting her is not great, as he is afraid of treachery, and will -not trust either her or the King. That his wife may meet her mother -is not impossible. The King too has set out for the Loire, and will -stop some time, should the plague, which keeps him from Paris, allow -him to remain. At Paris it is still doubtful as to what the King’s -destination really is. - -Matters in the Netherlands have taken a turn very favourable to the -King of Spain. Ghent[216] has made its peace with him. If report says -true, the terms are as follows: they are to pay him 200,000 crowns, -restore the churches, allow two citadels to be built, and give up any -six men who may be demanded. - -Moreover, the men of Brussels are also talking of surrender. In spite -of this Antwerp does not lose heart, nor are the Hollanders and -Zealanders abandoning any part of their programme. The Queen Mother’s -Ambassador has arrived from the Netherlands, and talks much of the -highly favourable terms on which they are willing to conclude a bargain -with the King of France. The result is doubtful. Meantime, that God -Almighty may preserve your Imperial Majesty is the prayer of your -humble servant. - - October 4, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLIII. - - -I have allowed an unusually long interval to elapse, partly because I -was every day expecting Sancerre to leave, and partly because I had no -news worth sending. - -The King, who had been dodging the plague from place to place, at last -stopped at Blois; the plague,[217] however, gave him notice to quit by -carrying off one of the ladies of the Queen’s bedchamber, so after all -he has returned to Saint-Germain en Laye, where he intends prosecuting -his social and legal reforms. I saw him at Blois, whither I went to -express to him and the two Queens, his mother and his wife, the grief -and sorrow of the Most Christian Queen, your Majesty’s sister, at the -death of Alençon. - -There was some talk of disturbances in the south of France, but they -seem to have subsided. - -Don Bernardino de Mendoza, whom I mentioned as travelling from England -to Spain by way of Paris, has returned to these parts. He comes to -express his master’s grief at the death of Alençon, and also to -supersede Tassis[218] as ambassador to France. Tassis has gone to the -Netherlands _en route_ for Spain. If laying out large sums be the proof -of a good ambassador, Don Bernardino must be the best in the world, for -they say he intends spending as much as 16,000 crowns a year. I hope -the rest may be in keeping, and that he may prove in every way as good -as Tassis. - -The Duke of Epernon, who is the King’s second self, is ill with a -severe attack of scrofula, a disease which the Kings of France profess -to heal by a touch of the hand,[219] so the King has an admirable -opportunity of putting his power to the test! I write this because I -have nothing else to say. Everything is at a standstill from the frost, -but this pause will probably lead to greater movements in the spring. - - December 10, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLIV. - - -Ambassadors have again come from the rebel States of the Netherlands, -with very extensive powers, they say, to induce the King to take them -under his protection. The result is, to my mind, extremely doubtful. -There are men about the King who would fain lead him into war. - -Meanwhile Antwerp is said to be strictly blockaded, the navigation of -the Scheldt being almost entirely stopped. - - December 15, 1584. - - - - -LETTER XLV. - - -A numerous deputation has again come here from the insurgent States of -the Netherlands with very full powers and large offers. On condition -of the King’s receiving them into his protection, they undertake -to hand over to him twelve towns in which his authority shall be -supreme; they promise to contribute 100,000 crowns a month towards the -expenses of the war, one-half to be paid by themselves, and the other -by the Queen of England. An English ambassador is expected here, with -a large and numerous train, to take part in these negotiations; the -ostensible object of the embassy is to convey the Order of the Garter -to the King of France. Meantime the Netherland ambassadors have been -ordered to stop short at a neighbouring town,[220] but for all that -they are treating with the King by means of letters and memorials; -their expenses are defrayed by the French treasury. They assure the -King of an easy success, if he will only cut off the enemy’s supplies -by stopping all exports from France. If this is done, they declare -that in a year’s time there will not be a single foreign soldier in -the Netherlands, for the Spaniards must needs be starved out, their -supplies by sea being already cut off; even now, they say, though there -is nothing to interrupt their communications with France, provisions -in the enemy’s camp are scarce and dear. What the King’s decision will -be it is hard to say. If he shall espouse their cause, he will thereby -involve himself in a serious war; if he helps rebels against their -Sovereign, he supplies the rebels in his own kingdom with an awkward -precedent; lastly, he must take up arms for heretics, when he hates and -loathes the heretics in his own realm, and endures them only because he -cannot help himself. Such a policy would be inconsistent; but, however -that may be, he will not, people think, openly espouse the cause of the -Netherlanders, the ostensible leadership in the war being assigned to -the Queen Mother, while the King is to support her with his forces, -and countenance the undertaking; but as to who is to have the conduct -of the campaign is more than I can make out. The King of Navarre or -Condé would, it is true, be well qualified for the post, but neither of -them will place himself in the King’s power, as they have not forgotten -the wedding and massacre of Saint Bartholomew; notwithstanding, some -say that Navarre will give the hand of his sister, who is the sole -heir of his kingdom, to Condé, with the view to securing his own -safety, as well as the Prince’s, since in that case, if either of them -be murdered, there will be a survivor to avenge his death.[221] The -decision arrived at must be known before long. - -The Monsieur de Selles,[222] whom your Majesty knew in Spain, has died -in his prison in Zealand. - -The proclamation touching the reform of abuses, which has been so long -under consideration, has at length been published, but save in a few -particulars it is not of the description generally expected; I enclose -a copy for your Imperial Majesty. - -That God may long preserve your Majesty is the prayer of your most -humble servant. - - January 25, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XLVI. - - -The King has granted a private audience to the Netherland ambassadors; -I cannot give the terms of their address, but it is easy to guess what -they were. As to the King, they say, he replied that he would not fail -in his duty as a good neighbour. The ambassadors are fifteen in number, -and their retinue comprises some sixty gentlemen; they have been joined -by the Prince of Espinoy,[223] who, with his brother, the Marquis of -Richebourg, was for some time resident at the Court of the late Emperor -Maximilian. - -It is generally reported that ambassadors, or at any rate despatches, -are also coming from the King of Spain, the Pope, and the Duke of -Savoy, to remind the King of his engagements and to call on him to -fulfil them; but, for my own part, I incline to think that neither -letters nor ambassadors from the King of Spain or Duke of Savoy will -have much influence; as to how much weight will be attached to the -Pope’s remonstrance, I cannot say. The expenses of the Netherland -ambassadors are being defrayed by the French treasury. Lastly, the -English Ambassador, who was expected, has arrived with a numerous and -gallant following. His name is the Earl of Derby[224]; he is of royal -blood the French say, and the English confirm the statement. He was -met and escorted into Paris with the utmost pomp; a house next the -Palace was appointed for his use, and 200 crowns a day assigned for his -expenses. He is the bearer of the Order of the Garter from the Queen -to the King of France. This is the ostensible object of his mission, -but the real and more important reason is supposed to be connected -with the affairs of the Netherlands. On the last day of last month the -King was invested with the insignia of the Order in the Church of St. -Augustine during vespers, in the presence of the whole Chapter of the -Knights of the Holy Ghost; all the ambassadors attended the ceremony by -invitation; amongst them were the envoys from the Netherlanders, but -their coming gave deep offence to the Spanish Ambassador. - -To-morrow has been appointed for giving audience to the aforesaid -ambassadors, in company with the English Ambassador, but, as to what -the issue is likely to be, people differ. There is no doubt that the -King is entering into the business without much heart, and is even -dissatisfied with certain terms in the proposed arrangements, which do -not go so far as he would like; but the Queen Mother, whose hatred to -anything Spanish is unbounded, is exerting her influence in the matter. -People think that the King will give way to his mother, and take up the -cause of the Netherlands, giving them secret support, even if he does -not openly adopt their quarrel. If so, war, I am afraid, will be the -consequence. The most important part in this adventure, people say, -will be assigned to Don Antonio[225]; by their account, he is to be -given the command of the French forces. In a business of this kind we -can be certain of the past, but of nothing else! - -These are our troubles here; still, mischief is not confined to -Paris. A man tried to poison the King of Navarre, but failed in the -attempt, either by reason of the strength of the King’s constitution, -or the weakness of the poison; the assassin then had recourse to -open violence and levelled a pistol at the King. He failed again, -was arrested, and is being tried in chains.[226] The King is greatly -distressed at the affair, as indeed he has good reason to be, for -his own reputation is seriously affected. He has therefore sent a -distinguished judge to be present at the trial and examination of -the assassin under torture; he is to bring back a true and accurate -report as to whether the fellow was suborned by some one, or acted from -motives of personal malice. - - March 6, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XLVII. - - -Positive news has come from Brabant that Brussels[227] has been -compelled by famine to surrender to Parma, and Antwerp is hard pressed, -being debarred from all use of the Scheldt by the completion of the -bridge. These tidings in all probability will rouse up the French -Court, and compel them to come to some decision with regard to the -Netherlanders, for, unless these last receive some support, their -defence must collapse. Indeed, the ambassadors of the rebel States -assume an air of despondency, being disappointed at the King’s handing -over the responsibility to his mother, instead of declaring war on his -own account. - - March 7, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XLVIII. - - -The English Ambassador left on the fourteenth of this month, after a -visit of twenty days, during which he was treated with high honours, -and received every mark of respect. On leaving he was presented -with plate of the value of 4,000 crowns, and the chief gentlemen in -his train had also the honour of receiving presents. A little later -the Netherland ambassadors took their leave, when each of them was -presented with a gold chain of the value of 200 crowns; their visit -has produced little or no result; at any rate, if any arrangement has -been made, it is a complete secret. The King’s public answer was that -he did not intend to break the peace which subsisted between himself -and the King of Spain; the Queen Mother said, she was deeply concerned -for their preservation, but was prevented by the King’s wishes from -giving them assistance. Whether any secret understanding is implied in -these ambiguous phrases, I cannot say. The ambassadors have done their -utmost to draw the King into open war; this appears also to have been -the object of the English Ambassador, but he does not seem to have had -much success. Some people think the King has undertaken to give them -considerable succours as soon as his present troubles shall have blown -over, and meanwhile to furnish them with some little assistance. As -regards the troubles of which the King spoke, fresh storms are without -doubt brewing in his kingdom. The Guises are levying war; the popular -account is that they are angry[228] with the King for not recognising -their own and their family’s services, while a couple of young -fellows, distinguished for nothing save impudence and conceit, are -loaded with high offices and honours. But this is not all; they wish to -have a Catholic successor appointed in case of the King’s death, and -they are again putting forward the Holy League and Confederacy against -heretics, in which they claim the leadership. The meaning of all this -is, that knowing there will be no room for them in France, should -Navarre, on the death of the King, ascend the throne, they wish betimes -to grapple with this danger, and thus consult their own interests, -regardless of the great troubles they must bring on the country. And, -to be fair, there is everywhere in France a feeling of great anxiety, -as people cannot tell what the position of the Church will be after -the King’s death. Many believe that their ancient ritual, services, -and sacraments will be profaned and put down by Navarre, and that the -Catholics will be in the same position as the Protestants have hitherto -been, if indeed they be not in a worse case. These fears give an -excellent handle to those who are desirous of a revolution, and men who -have been true to the old religion are in a peculiarly good position -to take advantage of it. Among these stand the Guises, who are most -popular in France, so much so that one may hear them spoken of with -greater deference than the King himself. The family of Guise, they say, -can trace its descent in an unbroken line from Charlemagne,[229] has -ever been the bulwark of the Church, ever loyal to King and country, -in spite of the neglect with which it has been treated, and the -bestowal on others of the honours it has earned, and now is justified -in unsheathing the sword, exercising the Royal prerogatives, and -undertaking the defence of the Church.[230] - -The Cardinal de Bourbon also has deserted his family and takes part -with the Guises. The King has warned them by letters and messengers to -have a care of whither the road leads on which they are travelling; to -which they replied, they had no designs against him, they had never -swerved from the paths of loyalty and duty, so that he ought not to -believe the calumnies of their enemies. - -In spite of these protestations, reports are gaining ground of German -reiters being brought to France; they say they are already on the -borders of Lorraine, and Guise will shortly have some 20,000 men under -arms. - -If one inquires whence the money will be forthcoming for the campaign, -everybody has an answer ready to the effect that, with the Pope and -the King of Spain[231] at their back, funds cannot be lacking, and -that there is an understanding between them and the Guises is a matter -beyond all doubt. Indeed, if one considers who is to profit by these -disturbances, it is difficult to fix on any save the Pope and the -King of Spain; for the pacification of the latter’s provinces in the -Low Countries, and the successful accomplishment of his plans are -impossible so long as France is quiet and united. The King of Navarre -is quite alive to what is going on, and completely on his guard; indeed -he also is making ready to defend himself against any murderous attack; -he likewise offered the King his services against the enemy. The King -tells him not to be uneasy; he is to make no movement, but simply to -keep his towns in readiness to repel any sudden assault, and leave the -rest to him. - -I cannot say how far Navarre believes the King, for some are disposed -to suspect him of knowing and approving of all the plans of the Guises; -others again hold that, while hitherto he has not been privy to their -schemes, he will in no long time adopt their ideas and join their -party; not that he loves them, but because he hates Navarre still -more, on account of their old quarrels and the difference of their -religious views. For my own part, I have no doubt that the King would -sooner have anyone than Navarre as successor to his throne, since he -can have no confidence that after his accession his policy will not be -reversed, the position of his connections and relations be impaired, -and his friends cast down from their high estate; lastly, it is most -annoying to feel that after one’s death people will be exalted, whom -during one’s life one has desired to keep down. However, it is not easy -to trace the workings of the heart, and so it is better to suspend our -judgment till time makes all things clear. - -Not long ago the rumour was very general that a fresh attempt against -the life of the Queen of England had been discovered. - -The Hollanders and Zealanders are busy preparing a fleet, which is to -break through the bridge and relieve Antwerp; should this attempt fail, -they intend opening the dykes between Antwerp and Bergen, and flooding -the country as far as Antwerp, so as to bring their fleet, in spite of -the bridge, up to the walls of the town; this plan, however, must cause -great suffering throughout the neighbourhood, and proves how obstinate -they are; their own account is that they have no other course. - - March 26, 1585. - - - - -LETTER XLIX. - - -People are becoming seriously alarmed. Suddenly and unexpectedly France -finds herself on the brink of a great war; the King himself hardly knew -of its approach before it burst upon him. Two months ago the Duke of -Bouillon[232] wrote cautioning him to be on his guard, as the Guises -were preparing for a campaign. People say he is for ever deploring his -imprudence in disregarding this warning. - -Nominally the chief mover in these disturbances is the Cardinal de -Bourbon, but, if I am not very much mistaken, the real leaders are -the three brothers—the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne, and the Cardinal -de Lorraine, with their cousins the Duke of Aumale and the Marquis of -Elbœuf; they have also on their side the Queen’s brother, the Duke of -Mercœur, Governor of Brittany; there are besides in the ranks of the -insurrection many gentlemen of less mark, with whose names I need not -trouble your Majesty. - -The reasons of offence are numerous, but the chief one is jealousy. -For a long time the Guises have felt bitterly their position at the -Court, where they do not hold the influence and station to which they -consider themselves entitled.[233] Others are loaded with wealth and -honours, while they are held of no account, and are left crippled by -the debts, which they and their ancestors have saddled themselves -with in the service of the State. The King, they complain, has picked -out a couple of young fellows on whom he lavishes his affection and -caresses, treating them like sons, squandering on them the public -revenues, living with them in the closest intimacy, while the Guises -are not merely kept at a distance, but are actually insulted by having -the doors shut in their faces when they seek to enter into the royal -presence. - -Besides these causes for complaint, there is a notion, I fancy, which -is not altogether groundless, that the sister of Navarre, the heir of -his kingdom and extensive possessions, will marry the Duke of Epernon, -who is generally supposed to have been appointed by the King Constable -of France, and that the King, who is not at present favourably disposed -towards Navarre, will be reconciled by this alliance, and support his -claims to the succession. In all probability the object of the Guises -is to put a stop to this arrangement, which would be most disastrous to -their interests, as it is quite clear that, with Navarre or Condé on -the throne, their influence in France would be obliterated. - -The Cardinal de Bourbon[234] assumes the title of successor to the -throne, and is indignant at the preference given to the claims of his -nephew; he has thrown off his Cardinal’s robes and fancies himself so -much in a soldier’s coat, that people think he must be childish. He is -fully convinced that he owes it to the Apostolic See, to the faith he -professes, to his family, and to himself, not to allow a Protestant -to ascend the throne on the death of the King. He therefore considers -himself the Chief of the League, and demands the first place in it. -The Church, the Commonwealth, the convening[235] of the Estates, the -security of the country, the safety of honest people, the common pleas -of all revolutionists, are pressed into their service as a cloak for -their designs. - -Again, there was a report of a Bull[236] coming from the Pope, which -might arrive at any moment, pronouncing Navarre and Condé incapable -of ascending the throne, as unfit and unworthy. For my own part, I -question the policy of such a step, showing as it does the disunion -of Christendom at a time when the Turkish victories over the Persians -render an invasion more probable than ever; for there is no doubt -that the ultimate object of the Turks, in prosecuting their long -struggle with the Persians, is to prepare the way for the extinction of -Christianity. As soon as they have secured their rear, by destroying or -crippling their Asiatic foe, they intend to concentrate their forces -for a struggle with us; they will fight with us for existence and -empire, and the chances are greatly in their favour.[237] - -But yet the movement I have described is so popular that I cannot tell -what the result will be. To the King, indeed, this outbreak is a most -untoward and unexpected event, as he has neither forces nor funds -wherewith to meet the emergency. There is hardly a Catholic nobleman -in France who is not suspected of being concerned in the designs -of the Guises, and secretly favouring the movement; almost all the -provinces are wavering in their allegiance; of the great cities some -are disloyal, while others refuse to receive garrisons from the King. -Thus he hardly knows which way to turn, surrounded as he is with open -enemies, while his friends are few and weak. Whatever efforts he may -make to muster his troops, it will be too late, for he has to deal with -an enemy near at hand and well prepared. - -The only man I am surprised at is the Duke of Mercœur;[238] I cannot -understand his taking up arms against the King, when he is brother to -the Queen, and has lately received great promotion from the King. He -has, however, had some provocation, inasmuch as he has been deprived -of certain privileges which his predecessors in the government of -Brittany enjoyed, these having been transferred to the Duke of Joyeuse -as Admiral of France.[239] - -Orleans, the most important town after Paris, has declared for the -Guises. Caen, on the coast of Normandy, which is commanded by the -strong fortifications of its citadel, is in the hands of the Marquis of -Elbœuf; the citadel is held by d’O, who was formerly one of the King’s -mignons, but has now attached himself to the party of the Guises. -The Duke of Aumale has seized several other places, and the Duke of -Joyeuse is on the march to recover them. The younger Lansac, who is -also a Guisite, has garrisoned Blaye, near Bordeaux, and will prove a -thorn in the side of that town if it remains loyal to the King.[240] De -Brissac[241] holds the citadel of Angers. And thus, through the length -and breadth of the country, numbers are revolting and bidding defiance -to the King. An attempt has also been made to seize Marseilles, but -it proved unsuccessful. These changes in the aspect of affairs have -made the Duke of Epernon a little more courteous; he used to be so -supercilious that when members of the royal family spoke to him and -removed their hats, he kept his on his head; but now he has the grace -to put his hand to his hat. This has given rise to a popular joke, that -Epernon has at last found out where his hat is! - -The King has sent deputies all round the country to calm the storm, but -they do not bring back any offers of a compromise. - -The Queen Mother is still staying with Guise, and is oftentimes obliged -to hear him speak of her son in terms of bitter complaint. The Cardinal -de Bourbon is also with the Duke of Guise. Previous to his arrival the -latter used to protest against any application being made to himself -with reference to the rising, declaring that he was not in command, but -simply a private gentleman fighting for the Holy League. The Archbishop -of Lyons is[242] also there, as the King’s representative, with very -extensive powers. Unless they come to terms the prospect for France is -desperate, and we are therefore anxiously awaiting the Queen’s[243] -return, which will either mark the happy conclusion of a peace with -the party of the Guises or furnish the date for the commencement of a -disastrous war. According to some, one of the terms of peace will be -the restoration of Cambrai to the King (Philip), which shows how little -the Guises care to hide the fact that in taking up arms they are acting -in concert with Spain. - -The Queen of England, who sees the serious effect of this movement to -herself, is, they say, offering the King 6,000 horse, to be hired at -her expense, and to consist of Englishmen or Switzers, as the King -shall decide. The King of Navarre also offers a strong force of his -partisans, fearing, as he well may, that he is the real object of -attack. - -Without doubt your Imperial Majesty will have heard that the Marquis -of Richebourg and sundry others were killed at the Antwerp bridge;[244] -they say that the Seigneur de Billy is also amongst the slain. - -I am afraid I shall not be able to send despatches as freely as -before, since the roads to Metz and Nancy are occupied by the soldiers -of the two contending parties, who examine and tear to pieces all -communications; indeed, I have my doubts as to whether this very letter -will be able to get through safely. - - April 25, 1585. - - - - -LETTER L. - - -Guise has taken the town of Verdun,[245] slaying several of its -defenders. It is believed that Lyons and Nantes have also gone over to -the Guises. - -There is news from England of a fresh conspiracy. The Earl of -Arundel,[246] who was concerned in it, has been arrested. - - April 28, 1585. - - - - -LETTER LI. - - -The war is thickening apace, yet nothing has happened deserving special -mention. The clergy are said to be furnishing the King with 100,000 -crowns a month, on condition of his shortening the term within which, -according to his previous decree, the Huguenots must leave the country. -He has acceded to this demand, as your Majesty will see by reading -the enclosed proclamation;[247] but even this has failed to convince -the people that the King really and honestly shares the views of the -League, and has joined the party; for, according to some, it is only a -device to extract money, and when he has gained his object he will turn -his coat! Time will show. - -A small party of Huguenot soldiers, not twenty in number, created -a panic by seizing the citadel of Angers;[248] the excitement was -increased by the news that the Prince of Condé was coming; he had -crossed the Loire, they said, and quartered his soldiers in the -suburbs. All the troops that could be got together were hurried off to -Angers, as well as the Swiss guard, and thither went all the leaders, -Joyeuse, Epernon, Mayenne, and Biron. - -But Condé, finding himself surrounded by such powerful forces, and -seeing that he would not be able to reach the citadel, abandoned his -design and retired across the Loire; he then broke up his army, and -sought safety in the country occupied by his own garrisons. Meanwhile -it was the common talk, and generally believed, that he had been taken -prisoner while crossing some river or other, but it soon became clear -that the story had no foundation. Shortly after this affair the King -recalled his forces, which have suffered severely from the incessant -rains and the hardships of an autumn campaign; neither have they -altogether escaped the epidemic which is now raging. - -The inhabitants of Auxonne, a town in Burgundy, have accused their -commander[249] of high treason, charging him with intending to admit -a Spanish garrison into the citadel, and under cover of this assertion -they are pulling down a large part of the fortifications. - -The men of Lyons levelled their citadel to the ground some time ago, -and people say the King has given orders that the citadel of Angers -shall be treated in the same way. So there is a great dismantling of -fortifications in France, while in other parts new ones are being built. - -I shall enclose the Papal Bull[250] declaring Navarre and Condé -incapable of succeeding to the throne of France. What effect it will -have God only knows; for my own part, I am afraid it will be the signal -for greater disturbances. Still the King, they say, _has_ confiscated -all the property of Navarre on which he could lay his hands, and placed -it in the custody of the Cardinal de Vendôme,[251] the owner’s cousin. - -The Bishop of Paris has gone to Rome, as the King’s Ambassador, to -treat for the appropriation of ecclesiastical property to the service -of the State, and, no doubt, concerning other matters as well. - -Again, a new Ambassador[252] of high rank is on his way to -Constantinople; his policy, I imagine, will be anything but favourable -to the peace of Germany. There is nothing they are so much afraid of -here as German reiters, and they have apparently come to the conclusion -that the best way of keeping them employed elsewhere is to threaten -their country with a Turkish war. - -I understand that one packet of the despatches I wrote in May is -missing. I cannot tell where it was stopped. I sent it by way of -Brussels as the safest route. My present letter will also go by the -same road, but I shall take further precautions to ensure its safety. I -trust that the missing packet will also eventually reach your Majesty. - - Paris: November 15, 1585. - - - - -LETTER LII. - - -Although nothing worth recording has happened since I last wrote, -nevertheless I take up my pen because I have a chance of sending a -letter, which does not often occur now-a-days. - -The Duke of Mayenne’s forces are now in close contact with the enemy, -and we shall soon see in what direction he is moving, and his prospects -of success in the campaign. - -The King has made up his mind not to allow a single Huguenot, or indeed -anyone who is not a Catholic, to remain in France; consequently all -who do not care to change their religion are leaving the country. -A few days ago a petition was presented to the King on behalf of -certain women and girls, imploring leave to remain in France under his -protection, and promising that they would live in retirement and give -offence to no one. The King would not grant their request, but took -care that they should not be injured, and sent them to England under -his safe conduct. - -As to the rest, the King is wrapt up in his new religious services, -and lives like a hermit. People are afraid his health will be affected -by the austerities he practises, or that he will become the victim of -some superstitious craze. - -The Queen of England is openly taking Holland and Zealand, with certain -towns besides, under her protection, and has issued a proclamation to -that effect. I cannot say whether she will give much help to places at -a distance from the sea, but the maritime position of England renders -it probable that the towns on the coast will derive great assistance -from her powerful navy. - -So, at any rate, the war will be prolonged, with all its sufferings and -all its uncertainties, while the blockade by sea will bring the other -provinces of the Netherlands into danger of starvation. - - December 6, 1585. - - - - -LETTER LIII. - - -There is a report that German cavalry is already on the march for -France. The King has despatched the Duke of Epernon to his command at -Metz, where there have been great Protestant disturbances. - - December 8, 1585. - - - - -LETTER LIV. - - -Navarre, having shaken off the enemy, determined to assault the -faubourgs of Paris. I lately hinted at the probability of such a -movement. Marching with all his forces on the capital, he stormed -and sacked the four faubourgs of the Université,[253] each of which -is as big as a good-sized town. The garrison, which consisted of -citizens, was severely handled, as Navarre’s men contrived to slip -in between them and the city walls, and thus cut off their retreat. -Many of them were taken prisoners, and more of them killed, no quarter -being given except to those who could convince their captors that -they had the amount of their ransom in hard cash in their houses. The -number slain and captured is believed to be at least 2,000. The day -after this defeat Mayenne entered the city. Navarre, after halting -for a time and offering battle, retreated a few miles from Paris with -his booty and prisoners. He next retook Etampes, which the enemy had -occupied; although it is an open town, the position is important from -its commanding the road to Paris from the principal corn-growing -districts. Mayenne, they say, can still muster a considerable force, -but, as he has not the means of paying his troops, his presence is -more a burden to the Parisians than an advantage. Whatever the enemy -has either not found out or not thought worth taking, becomes their -booty. Thus the Parisians suffer equally from friend and from foe. No -wonder provisions get scarce, and Paris begins to feel the effects -of war in all their bitterness. Perhaps winter and the difficulty of -finding money will bring the first act of this tragedy to a close, and -then each party will endeavour to support their cause by convening the -Estates of the Kingdom. The Lorraine party, the towns, and the Order -of the Clergy will meet at Paris; Navarre and the leading nobles at -Tours. He will there, probably, do all he can to have some kind of -Coronation service performed, in order to increase his authority, and -justify his assumption of the title of ‘Royal Majesty.’ He will not -however remain quite idle in the meantime, but will carry on operations -in Berry, the Orleanais, Brittany, and elsewhere, as opportunities may -occur. At Tours he will be able, should it prove desirable, to treat -with the young Duke of Guise, the Cardinal de Bourbon, and the other -prisoners,[254] with a view to a general pacification. Many are sure -that negotiations will be opened, and that steps have already been -taken in this direction with some prospects of success. I remain your -Imperial Majesty’s most humble servant. - - November 13, 1589.[255] - - - - -LETTER LV. - - -Navarre has retaken Vendôme by storm. This strong town, which forms -part of his hereditary possessions, had been lost by the governor’s -treason. The governor, who was a man of noble birth, was captured. -In order to mark the heinousness of his offence his throat was cut, -while a prior of a Dominican monastery, who had been sent from Paris -to preach there, was hanged.[256] He next received the surrender of Le -Mans, a rich and famous town; such at any rate is the report, but it is -not positively confirmed. It is certain that money is being secretly -sent to Paris by the King of Spain, but I am afraid not as much as they -require. When people have to supply their allies with money they soon -get tired! Six loaded waggons are starting from Antwerp for Paris; -large supplies of gunpowder are also said to be coming by the same -channel. - - November 29, 1589. - - - - -LETTER LVI. - - -There is a rumour that Navarre has been crowned at Tours by Cardinal -de Lenoncourt, the Archbishop of Rheims,[257] four other bishops -being present or assisting at the ceremony. Some people add that he -attended divine service according to the Catholic rite. Others deny -this; but admit that, in the speech which he made on the occasion, -he declared that as regarded religion he would soon give them such -satisfaction that no one would have any just ground for complaint left. -They say that he has appointed Montmorency Constable of France; he is -expected to come to Tours and do homage to the King on his Coronation. -There is no longer any doubt of the capture of the town of Le Mans, -nor does the mischief stop there, for some assert, that Chartres, -a wealthy and fortified city, has gone over to Navarre. He has for -some time been master of the territory of Bourges, and negotiations -are now in progress, they say, for the surrender of the town itself. -There is the same news about Melun, which lies on the Seine above -Paris; the position is important for preventing the introduction of -provisions into the capital. Further, some would have it believed -that the governor of the port of Havre de Grâce in Normandy is ready -to come to terms with Navarre. If even a part, and much more if all, -of these rumours be true, it is serious news for the Parisians. They -are now busy counting the Spanish money, which, they say, amounts to -300,000 crowns. Still, I cannot see that they have any trustworthy -resources to support their resistance, and I am consequently afraid -that, when Navarre returns, Paris will fall. According to some he is -to be expected shortly, others say not till spring. I have great fears -for the town where I am now staying, and am therefore obliged to look -out for a new hiding place, as I would fain avoid the horrors which -occur when a city is taken by storm. The Marquis of Pont-à-Musson[258] -has crossed into Flanders, intending to return from there either -through Brabant or through Hainault and Namur. The Council at Paris, -which was called the Council of the Union,[259] is said to have been -dissolved, and the supreme authority again restored to the Parliament, -which issues decrees in the name of Charles X. i.e. the Cardinal de -Bourbon. It is to be feared, however, that the Parliament, which was -removed to Tours by the late King Henry, is the stronger of the two. -The Duke of Parma is said to be suffering from illness. I do not know -the exact nature of his complaint, but it is certainly a dangerous -one. The troubles of the times will greatly hinder the Queen of France -(Elizabeth of Austria, the widow of Charles IX.) from receiving and -enjoying her property and rents in this kingdom as usual. At the utmost -they will be barely sufficient for half the necessary expenses of the -maintenance of herself and her household. I have already ventured, I -think, to call your Majesty’s attention to the Queen’s position in this -respect, and now that this curtailment of her income is at hand I have -judged it to be my duty to repeat the warning. I trust your Majesty -will consider how the Queen is to be provided for, until this storm has -passed by. - - December 14, 1589. - - - - -LETTER LVII. - - -A meeting of the States-General of the kingdom has been summoned at -Tours by Navarre to consider the state of the country, and to take -measures for punishing the King’s murderers. The 15th of March is -the day appointed for their meeting. The Pope’s Legate,[260] who has -been long expected at Paris, stopped at Dijon on the way. Thither he -summoned the people of Langres, and invited them to abandon Navarre -and acknowledge Charles X. (the Cardinal de Bourbon) as King. On -their refusal, he laid them under an Interdict, and transferred their -bishopric to Dijon.[261] People think he entered Paris three days -ago. There is a report going about here of the arrival of a Turkish -fleet, but it is doubtful, and does not rest on any good authority. -The Sultan, they say, has written to Navarre, undertaking to supply -him with whatever he may want against Spain.[262] People are anxiously -waiting to see at what point Navarre will make his next attack. He has -taken several important cities in Normandy. Some think he intends to -besiege Rouen,[263] which is already exhausted by the calamities of -war. Things, however, are not yet ripe for this, nor has he troops -enough for such an undertaking, but for us forces are being raised, -and will soon be ready. The result of Mayenne’s enterprises remains -to be seen. His plan seems to have been to demolish all the forts of -the enemy on the Seine, and so free the navigation of the river from -Rouen up to Paris. This he will not find an easy task, especially with -Navarre so near at hand. In proof of this the fort of Meulan,[264] -before which, as I mentioned, he sat down, shows no signs of alarm, and -does not seem likely to yield easily to his attacks. The reputation of -both generals is at stake; the question being, whether Mayenne shall -abandon his enterprise, or Navarre allow his friends to be destroyed -before his eyes, or either commander refuse to engage when offered -battle by the other. - -I hear, to my great astonishment, that the King of Scotland has married -the eldest daughter of the King of Denmark, as I thought Navarre’s -sister was intended for him. In the Netherlands the Duke of Parma, -they say, has taken offence at something or other, and has therefore -withdrawn himself from almost all the duties of his position, and -avoiding the crowded Court has for some time past allowed himself to -nurse his vexation, and that Councillor Richardot has on that account -been sent to the King of Spain. - -To the other cities that Navarre has taken in a short time, they think -Evreux will soon be added. Though it is not a strongly fortified town, -it is the seat of a bishopric and a county. It is ten miles from here. -He has already occupied the suburbs. Both this town and the whole -neighbourhood were greatly terrified at the news, fearing a similar -fate, but he seems to intend to direct his march against Rouen, for he -sent a trumpeter thither to summon them to surrender, and to threaten -them with destruction, if they refused. At the crash of so many towns -falling all around it, Rouen appears to be horror-struck, and therefore -to desire peace at any price. On this Navarre builds his hopes. -Meanwhile the siege of the fort of Meulan, of which I spoke, goes on -very languidly.[265] - - - - -LETTER LVIII. - - -Mayenne has arrived at Meaux with his army. He is, however, too weak to -raise the siege of Paris, or to engage the King with a fair prospect -of success. When offered battle he declined it, and withdrew to a safe -position. The King thought this an additional reason for pressing the -siege. Though he had effected a lodgment in the suburbs, yet the parts -of them which were nearest the city were more in the citizens’ power -than his own. He therefore resolved to push forward his entrenchments -to the walls of the city. This operation was executed in a single -night, the breastwork of the besiegers being carried up to the very -gates. Thenceforth no one was able to enter or leave Paris without his -permission. Meanwhile the famine was growing so sore, that it seemed -impossible for them to hold out much longer, and more than 12,000 -perished of hunger. The inhabitants, however, bore their sufferings -patiently, and preferred to hold out to the bitter end rather than -abandon the cause for which they were fighting. They were sustained in -this resolve by the promises of the Spanish Ambassador and the Papal -Legate, who declared that the Duke of Parma himself was on the point -of coming with a mighty army to their relief, an assertion which was -soon afterwards verified. Parma arrived at last, after negotiations for -peace had actually been opened. On the 6th of this month the Cardinal -de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons, the Primate of Gaul,[266] went -under a safe-conduct to the King. They failed to come to terms, but the -negotiations were adjourned, in the hope that a further interchange -of views might lead to peace. Finally, it was agreed that three -commissioners on each side should meet at the fortress of Nanteuil[267] -and the mansion of Schomberg, nine French miles from Paris.[268] The -prospects of peace thus appeared to be improving, when letters of -Mayenne to his mother and wife were intercepted, in which he exhorted -them to hold out a little longer, and told them that he was actually on -the march to their relief; there was no fear, he added, that _he_ would -demean himself by acknowledging a heretic as his King, or by coming -to terms with him. The King showed these letters to the Cardinal and -Archbishop, and was on the point of breaking off negotiations, but at -their entreaty he finally consented to await the day which had been -fixed for the termination of the armistice, namely, the 26th of this -month. He did not sacrifice much by this concession, as he had already -decided to wait for a picked body of horse and foot, under Nevers -and the Vicomte de Turenne, whom he expected in a few days. He only -withdrew his cannon from the gates of Paris, and deposited them in St. -Denis with his other heavy baggage, that he might have his hands free, -if he were obliged to fight or should be summoned elsewhere, it being -his usual practice to leave his baggage behind, when he undertakes any -operation. Apart from this he made no change, and did not move a single -soldier from his position under the ramparts of Paris. - -In case of an engagement taking place, the news will in all probability -reach your Majesty before my account of it arrives. Therefore, in order -that your Majesty may be in a better position to estimate the value -of such reports, I feel it my duty to submit for your consideration -a sketch of both generals, the King and Mayenne, and their several -forces. The contest will be one between two famous leaders, in the -prime of life and at the height of their renown, one of whom, Mayenne, -will give up the command to Parma, and will fight as his subordinate. -The King is a thorough soldier, and a general of the greatest -experience. When all his forces are concentrated, he will have, it is -thought, some 20,000 infantry and 6,000 cavalry. The latter for the -most part is composed of gentlemen, well armed and splendidly mounted. -Of French infantry people think he will have 13,000, and of Swiss, with -whom are a few Germans, 7,000. The _élite_ of his foot consists of a -body of four or five thousand Gascon veterans. All his troops, horse -and foot alike, are devoted to their King, by whom they are accustomed -to be led, and whose presence inspires them with confidence. Moreover, -the King has with him veteran generals of great experience, whose -advice and assistance are invaluable; namely, Biron, d’Aumont, La Noue, -and many others. Round him too have gathered the Princes of the Bourbon -blood, with the leading gentlemen from every part of France. - -With regard to Parma and Mayenne, in point of generalship there is not -much to choose between them, but it must be admitted that the latter is -a most unlucky commander, while the former is a favourite of fortune, -as is proved by his long list of successes in the Netherlands, and in -this respect he may fairly be considered a match for the King. Their -united infantry, as report goes, amounts to 17,000, while their cavalry -is a little under 5,000 strong. Among their foot the Spaniards and -Walloons are considered the best, and these, with the addition of some -Italian companies, are not much over 4,000 strong. Next to these come -the Germans; the French and Lorrainers are the worst. - -The King and Parma are now wholly engaged in concocting devices against -each other, the object being to inflict the maximum of damage with the -minimum of loss to their own troops. To enable his men to resist the -charge of the French cavalry, Parma encloses his infantry with a fence -formed of ropes of the strongest and thickest description, which are -supported by stout stakes at regular intervals. Immediately behind the -ropes he posts his musketeers, who can thus fire on the French horse -in perfect security. All the musketeers have a store of double bullets -fastened together with copper wire, which will be very effective -against horses. The cannon also are loaded with chain-shot, and masked -batteries are planted in good positions, with troops drawn up in front -so as to conceal them from the enemy; at the critical moment they -will open fire, and pour a withering volley among the horses of their -assailants. - -Meanwhile the King is not idle. Every day he takes counsel with his -craftiest and wisest captains, to see if they cannot devise a new mode -of attack. Some weapon is to be invented or some wonderful manœuvre to -be executed, which is to discomfit the enemy. - -On each side, therefore, is a distinguished general and a powerful -army. The King’s forces are supposed to be somewhat larger than -Parma’s, and he has also a decided superiority in the composition of -his troops, for, with a few exceptions, they are all men of the same -nation and his own subjects, whereas Parma’s forces have been recruited -from various nations, and are to a large extent made up of raw levies, -on whom not much reliance can be placed. Again, the King has the great -advantage of fighting on his own ground, that is to say, on ground -which he has previously chosen and fortified, while Parma, by the -circumstances of his position, is compelled to attack at a disadvantage. - -Such are the premises; whether they are sufficient for forming an -opinion as to what the result of a battle would be, is more than I can -say. They are valuable only in the same sense as the warnings of a -sunset are valuable in enabling us to guess what weather we shall have -to-morrow. Besides, it is mere guessing, and no more; victory does not -depend on scythed chariots, or horses, or on the number of soldiers, or -the abundance of munitions, but solely on the will of God. - -If I have lingered longer over this subject than has been agreeable, I -trust I may be pardoned. That God may long preserve your Majesty is the -prayer of your most humble servant. - - Mantes, August 27, 1590.[269] - - - - -APPENDIX. - -CONTENTS OF APPENDIX. - - - PAGE - - I. SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY 267 - - II. ITINERARIES 284 - - III. EDITIONS 288 - - IV. ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS:— - - i. Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin 292 - - ii. Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq 295 - - iii. Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque 300 - - iv. Copy of the Sauve-garde 303 - - v. Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of - Charlot Desrumaulx 305 - - vi. Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert - du Mortier 309 - - -I. - -_SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY DURING THE REIGN OF SOLYMAN._ - -IN order that the reader may be able to appreciate the circumstances -under which Busbecq’s Turkish letters were written, and to understand -many of the allusions they contain, it is necessary that he should have -the power of referring easily to the leading events of Hungarian and -Transylvanian history during the reign of Solyman. For Busbecq’s French -letters, Motley’s ‘Dutch Republic’ and ‘United Netherlands’ may be -consulted, but no such works in English upon Hungarian history exist. -The narratives of Robertson and Creasy are meagre in this respect, and -contain only scattered and incidental notices of Hungarian events; -while Von Hammer, and the Austrian and Turkish histories in Heeren’s -Series, valuable as they are, have not been translated into English, -and besides are not easily accessible. None of these works give a -connected narrative of Hungarian affairs, the notices of which are -mixed up with the general Turkish and Austrian history, and have to be -picked out from it with much time and trouble. It is hoped that this -sketch will to some extent supply the deficiency, and furnish a clue to -the intricate maze of Hungarian politics. Some curious facts have been -gleaned from Katona’s ‘Critical History of Hungary,’ a rare book, which -is mostly composed of original documents, including numerous letters -written by Busbecq’s colleague, Verantius, after he had returned from -his embassy, and long extracts from Busbecq’s own letters. - -During the sixteenth century Hungary formed the Debatable Land between -Christendom and Islam. The picture which the ‘Lay of the Last Minstrel’ -and the ‘Monastery’ give of the condition of the English and Scottish -border, will suggest a faint notion of the state of things all along -the frontier between the Turkish and the Christian dominions. Upon both -sides continual forays were made, villages were plundered and burnt, -castles surprised, cattle driven off, and, worst of all, prisoners -were carried away into hopeless slavery.[270] Every few years these -desultory hostilities broke out into open war, and, notwithstanding -occasional successes of Ferdinand’s party, the tide of Turkish invasion -rose steadily higher and higher. In addition, the unfortunate country -was distracted by civil war, waged with varying success between -Ferdinand and the House of Zapolya, the rivals for the throne, while -the magnates of the kingdom went over from one side to the other, -according as they thought they could thereby gain any advantage for -themselves. - -Solyman, the greatest Sovereign of the House of Othman, was born in -1494, and succeeded his father, Selim I., in September 1520. The first -year of his reign was marked by a campaign against Hungary, and the -fall of Belgrade,[271] the bulwark of that kingdom. Louis, the King -of Hungary and Bohemia, was then a minor, and, in the party strife of -the different factions of the nobility, the defence of the country was -neglected. For several years Solyman’s attention was diverted to other -enterprises, of which the most famous was the siege and capture of -Rhodes in 1522, but in 1526 he again invaded Hungary. On August 29, -the anniversary of the capture of Belgrade, he defeated King Louis -with great slaughter at Mohacz,[272] the King himself perishing in the -flight, and then advanced on Buda, which surrendered on September 10. -Thence he crossed to Pesth, where he received the Hungarian nobles, -and, after promising them to make John Zapolya, Count of Zips and -Voivode or Viceroy of Transylvania, King of Hungary, returned laden -with booty to Constantinople. - -Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V. and his successor as Emperor, and -Zapolya were rivals for the crown of St. Stephen. The first relied -upon family compacts, and upon his connection by marriage with King -Louis.[273] Zapolya, on the other hand, was supported by a strong party -among the nobles, who disliked Ferdinand as a foreigner. Zapolya’s -partisans took the initiative, and convened a diet at Tokay, at which -he was elected King, and he was duly crowned at Stuhlweissenburg by -the Archbishop of Gran. Mary, however, the widowed Queen, with the -Palatine Bathory, assembled another diet at Presburg, which declared -Zapolya’s election void on the ground that the diet of Tokay had not -been summoned by the Palatine, and elected Ferdinand King, who, after -defeating his rival at Tokay in 1527, and near Kaschau in the following -year, drove him out of the country. Zapolya then threw himself on -Solyman’s protection, offering to hold Hungary and Transylvania as his -tributary, and a treaty of alliance was signed between them in -February 1528. In the following year Solyman invaded Hungary for the -third time, and took Buda on September 9. A few days afterwards Zapolya -was again installed on the throne by the first lieutenant of the Aga -of the Janissaries, and did homage for his kingdom. Leaving a Turkish -governor in Buda, the Sultan then marched on Vienna, and besieged it -on the 27th, but was obliged to abandon the siege on October 16, in -consequence of the lateness of the season and the gallant resistance of -the garrison and inhabitants.[274] - -In the winter of 1530 Ferdinand’s troops besieged Buda unsuccessfully. -In the campaign of 1532 Charles V. came with the forces of the Empire -to the assistance of his brother, and Styria and Austria were the seat -of war. The Sultan was detained for three weeks before the little town -of Güns by the gallantry of the commander Jurischitz, who at last -surrendered on honourable terms.[275] The delay, however, prevented -the Sultan from accomplishing anything considerable, though his army -ravaged Styria and Austria, and penetrated as far as Gratz and Linz. - -In June 1533 peace was concluded between Ferdinand and Solyman on the -basis of Ferdinand’s retaining what he actually held in Hungary, the -Sultan reserving to himself the ratification of any arrangements that -Ferdinand and Zapolya might make between themselves. - -For some years afterwards Solyman’s attention was devoted to his wars -with Persia, and no invasion of Hungary on a large scale occurred; -but, notwithstanding the peace, the Pashas of Bosnia and the adjoining -districts continued their inroads. To check these incursions Ferdinand, -in 1537, assembled at Kaproncza, on the Drave, an army of 16,000 foot -and 8,000 horse, under the supreme command of Katzianer. He advanced on -Essek, intending to besiege it, but was surrounded by clouds of light -cavalry, who cut off his supplies and forced him to retreat. After -losing his siege-guns at the passage of the Vouka, he encountered the -enemy on December 1, and, after an unsuccessful engagement, fled in the -night with some of the other generals. The troops that were left were -cut to pieces the next day with their gallant commander, Lodron.[276] -Katzianer was accused of causing the disaster by his cowardice, and -was thrown into prison at Vienna. He escaped by bribing his gaolers, -and fled to one of his castles in Croatia, where he entered into -negotiations with the Turks, promising to betray the strong fortress -of Kosthanitza. However, his treasonable designs were cut short; Count -Nicholas Zriny, during an interview with him at one of his castles, -treacherously stabbed him, and despatched him with the assistance of -his servants. His body was flung from a window into the castle ditch, -and his head was sent to Vienna. - -In 1538, under the mediation of Charles V., the treaty of Gross Wardein -was concluded between Zapolya and Ferdinand. Zapolya was to retain -the title of King during his life with Transylvania and the part of -Hungary which was then in his actual possession, on his death his male -issue was to succeed to Transylvania only, and by the same treaty both -parties united in a league for mutual defence against the Turks. - -Zapolya had then neither wife nor child; but he immediately afterwards -married Isabella, the King of Poland’s daughter, and, dying in July -1540, left by her a son—John Sigismund—who was born a fortnight before -his father’s death. - -Ferdinand then claimed that, according to the terms of the treaty, he -should be placed in possession of the whole of Hungary; but Isabella, -as guardian of her infant son, and the party opposed to Ferdinand, -under the leadership of Martinuzzi, Bishop of Gross Wardein, refused -to adhere to the treaty, caused the infant to be crowned, and appealed -to the Sultan for protection. Ferdinand then entered the country, and -besieged Buda, which was relieved by the Pasha of Belgrade. - -Solyman again invaded Hungary in 1541. On August 29 his troops -occupied the gates of Buda, and he annexed that city to his dominions, -making it the seat of a Pashalic, and placing a strong garrison in -it. He declared, however, that he held it merely in trust for John -Sigismund during his minority, and in the meantime appointed the -latter Sanjak-bey of Transylvania, under the regency of Martinuzzi and -Petrovich. The House of Zapolya held, in addition to Transylvania, most -of the country to the north as far as the river Theiss. - -In 1543 Solyman again invaded Hungary, and took the cities of Gran and -Stuhlweissenburg, or Alba Regia, the former being the primatial see -of Hungary, and the latter the burial-place of her Kings. At the end -of 1544, Jerome Adorno, provost of Erlau, was sent by Ferdinand as -internuncio to Solyman, with John Maria Malvezzi, a member of a noble -family of Bologna, as secretary; but he died shortly after his arrival -at Adrianople, in March 1545. Malvezzi, aided by Nicholas Sicco, who -was sent by Ferdinand as a new ambassador, and Veltwick, the ambassador -of Charles V., then undertook the management of the negotiations, -and concluded in November an armistice for eighteen months between -Solyman on the one side, and Ferdinand and Charles on the other.[277] -This was followed, in June 1547, by a peace for five years, in which -the Emperor, the Pope, France, and Venice were included, on the -basis of _uti possidetis_, Ferdinand paying the Sultan 30,000 ducats -a year, part of which sum was an equivalent for the territories of -some of the nobles, who had formerly adhered to the Turkish side, and -had afterwards gone over to Ferdinand, and part was termed by him a -present, but was more justly considered by the Turks as tribute for the -portion of Hungary which still remained in his possession. - -The Sultan’s motive for concluding this treaty was his desire to turn -his arms against Persia. Elkass Mirza, a brother of Shah Tahmasp, the -reigning monarch, had taken refuge at his court in 1547,[278] and in -1548 Solyman led his troops into Persia, and obtained considerable -successes. In the following year Elkass was captured by his brother in -an expedition he had undertaken, and was confined in a fortress for the -rest of his life. - -In July 1551, at Martinuzzi’s instigation, Isabella ceded Transylvania -and the part of Hungary that remained in her hands to Ferdinand, in -exchange for the towns of Ratibor and Oppeln in Silesia, and the -Austrian troops, under the command of the Spaniard Castaldo, took -possession of these territories.[279] When Solyman heard this news, -he summoned Malvezzi before him, who pledged his life that there was -no ground for this report; but, as he could not give satisfactory -explanations, and fell back on the insufficiency of his instructions, -he was thrown into prison in the Black Tower of the Castle of Anatolia -on the Bosphorus,[280] the Sultan excusing this violation of -international law by the argument that an ambassador was a hostage for -the good faith of his master, and should suffer for any breach of it. -From this incident it appears that the post of ambassador at the Porte -was by no means unattended with danger. - -Ferdinand rewarded Martinuzzi by procuring for him a Cardinal’s -hat, and appointing him Archbishop of Gran. Not content with these -dignities, that wily politician made overtures to the Turks, with the -object of gaining the sovereignty of Transylvania and Hungary for -himself; but he was assassinated by Castaldo’s officers acting under -Ferdinand’s orders, or, at any rate, with his connivance, at Alvincz, -December 18, 1551. - -In 1552 the Turks recommenced their attacks on Hungary, which were -attended with almost uniform success. In February they gained a victory -at Szegedin; in April, Wessprim was taken by Ali, the Pasha of Buda; -and in July Temeswar fell. Its capture was followed by the loss of -the rest of the Banat. On August 11, Ali Pasha defeated an army of -Ferdinand’s at Fülek, to the north of Buda, Sforzia Pallavicini was -taken prisoner, and Sbardellatus Dudich, the Bishop of Waitzen, whom -Busbecq calls by mistake the Bishop of Fünfkirchen, was killed.[281] -Erlau, however, was besieged by Ali unsuccessfully. - -In April 1552, Ferdinand wrote to Roostem, the Grand Vizier, asking -for Malvezzi’s release, and for a safe conduct for two more envoys. -In consequence, Malvezzi was removed to the Seven Towers, and his -allowance was increased; but he was still kept in close confinement. - -Fortunately for Ferdinand at this critical juncture, a Persian -invasion and the Sultan’s domestic troubles created a diversion in his -favour. In 1553 the Sultan, on account of the mutinous disposition of -the army, which had been sent to defend Armenia against the Persians, -was obliged to take command of it in person. The most notable event -of the campaign was the tragical end of Mustapha, Solyman’s eldest -and most promising son. The story of his cruel murder is narrated -in pathetic words by our author in his first letter,[282] though he -is mistaken in placing the scene of it near Amasia, as Eregli, in -Karamania, where it really happened, is about 250 miles from that -city. To appease the indignation of the soldiery at the death of -their favourite, the Grand Vizier Roostem was deposed, and his office -conferred on Achmet Pasha. Busbecq, during his visit to Amasia, in -1555, witnessed the conclusion of peace between the Sultan and the Shah. - -The Persian war relieved for a time the pressure on Hungary. Solyman -granted a six months’ armistice, and Francis Zay and Antony Wranczy -or Verantius, then Bishop of Fünfkirchen, and afterwards Bishop of -Erlau, were sent as envoys to Constantinople.[283] They arrived in -August. They were instructed to offer a tribute of 150,000 ducats for -Hungary Proper, and 40,000 for Upper Hungary and Transylvania. The -Viziers, however, told them that the abandonment of all claims to -Transylvania was an indispensable preliminary to opening negotiations. -Malvezzi was accordingly released, and sent to Vienna to receive -further instructions from Ferdinand; and it was arranged that the peace -should be prolonged for five years, and that on account of the loss -of territory Ferdinand had sustained in Hungary the annual present or -tribute should be reduced to 15,000 ducats. The peace was not to be -ratified till Malvezzi’s return, but the truce was prolonged in the -meanwhile. - -In May, 1554, Malvezzi was ordered to return, but he was prevented -by illness, and Busbecq was sent in his stead.[284] He arrived at -Constantinople on January 20, 1555, and proceeded in March, with -Verantius and Zay, to the Sultan’s headquarters at Amasia. They -brought him a present of gilded cups, and 10,000 ducats as tribute for -Transylvania. They complained of the numerous breaches of the armistice -on the part of the Turks, but, although they promised 80,000 ducats to -the Sultan and large sums to the chief viziers, they could only obtain -an extension of the armistice for six months, and a letter from Solyman -to Ferdinand, with which Busbecq was sent to Vienna. - -On September 28, 1555, Achmet was executed, and Roostem reappointed -Grand Vizier.[285] - -Notwithstanding the truce of Amasia, guerilla raids on both sides -continued all along the Hungarian frontiers. To check the incursions -of the Heydons, Touighoun, the Pasha of Buda,[286] attacked and took -Babocsa; and Ali, his successor, the victor of Fülek, with the same -object, commenced the siege of Szigeth, on May 24, 1556, and assaulted -the place a month later, but was repulsed with heavy loss. In the -meantime the Palatine Nadasty had besieged Babocsa, and Ali hastened -with a detachment to relieve it, but was defeated with great loss on -the river Rinya (July 25). Babocsa was then abandoned by the Turks, and -fell into the hands of the Hungarians, who burnt it, and blew up the -citadel. Ali resumed the siege of Szigeth, but was so weakened by his -defeat, that he was obliged to raise it, retreating to Buda, where he -died soon afterwards.[287] The fall of Szigeth was thus postponed for -ten years, when it was destined to be associated with the termination -of a more glorious career, and the extinction of a more famous -name.[288] - -Meanwhile Transylvania had again passed into the possession of -Isabella and her son. She had at first gone to the Silesian duchies, -which Ferdinand had given in exchange for Transylvania; but she -was dissatisfied with them, and returned to her brother’s court in -Poland, where she entered into correspondence with her partisans in -Transylvania. The current of feeling there ran strongly in her favour. -The Spaniard, Castaldo, Ferdinand’s governor, was ignorant of the -national laws and usages. His troops were left unpaid, and supported -themselves by plundering the country. At last one corps after another -mutinied for their pay, and marched out of Transylvania; and Castaldo -himself, unable to check the dissolution of his army, withdrew to -Vienna. For a time anarchy prevailed in Transylvania; but in June, -1556, the inhabitants resolved to recall Isabella and her son. The -envoys found her at Lemberg, and invited her to return. The Voivodes of -Moldavia and Wallachia entered Hungary to protect her passage, and on -October 22 she and her son entered Klausenburg in triumph.[289] - -Meanwhile Bebek, the representative of Queen Isabella, was using every -means in his power to thwart the efforts of Busbecq and his colleagues. -The latter returned home in August, 1557. Verantius was rewarded with -the bishopric of Erlau. As far back as June, 1555, allusions to the -prospect of his appointment may be found, and the see had been kept -vacant for him for more than a year before his actual translation in -November, 1557. His office was no sinecure. He was perpetually occupied -in providing for the defence of his diocese, in writing to the Pasha of -Buda to remonstrate against the continual invasions of the neighbouring -Sanjak-beys, and in counterworking the intrigues of Zapolya’s party. -His remaining time and energies were devoted to attempts to check the -spread of Lutheranism in his diocese. It may be remarked here that John -Sigismund was much assisted by his patronage of Lutheranism. His court -was the refuge of many Lutheran, and even of Socinian, teachers. An -anecdote Verantius gives in one of his letters will show what a hold -Lutheranism had obtained in parts of Hungary. When a fire, supposed to -be the work of an incendiary, broke out in the monastery of Jaszbereny, -most of the inhabitants of the town refused to help to extinguish -it, declaring that they would rather the Turks had the monastery -than the monks. Zay, the other ambassador, was appointed Governor of -Kaschau.[290] - -In 1558 the fortress of Tata, near Komorn, eight miles from the -right bank of the Danube, was surprised by Hamza, Sanjak-bey of -Stuhlweissenburg. - -Throughout the negotiations the Sultan insisted on the cession of -Szigeth, but was induced in the winter of 1557 to grant a fresh -armistice for seven months. In 1559 Ferdinand sent by Albert de -Wyss[291] four projects for a treaty, the first of which demanded the -restoration of Tata and Fülek, but the last omitted these conditions. -The last was presented by Busbecq in the camp at Scutari to Solyman, -but was not accepted by him; and the Sultan, on his return to -Constantinople, placed Busbecq in a sort of confinement in his house. - -In the beginning of 1559 the health of Queen Isabella began to fail, -and Melchior Balassa, a great Transylvanian noble, wrote to Ferdinand -proposing, on her death, to place Transylvania in his hands. This -letter was intercepted, and sent to Isabella, who, having such a -proof of the treachery of one of her most trusted adherents, thought -it advisable to open negotiations with Ferdinand herself, and, with -the Sultan’s approval, did so through her brother the King of Poland. -It was proposed that one of Ferdinand’s daughters should marry John -Sigismund, and that the latter should have Transylvania and Lower -Hungary (the north-eastern part of Hungary, between Poland and -Transylvania), but should abandon the title of King. These negotiations -were broken off by her death, which took place at Karlsburg in -September, and an attempt in the following year to renew them also came -to nothing, as John Sigismund refused to renounce the title of King. - -In the winter of 1561 Andrew Bathory persuaded his brother Nicholas -and Melchior Balassa to go over to Ferdinand’s side.[292] As soon as -Ferdinand had recovered the town of Munkats, Balassa was to receive -it for his life, with the right of maintaining a certain number -of soldiers at Ferdinand’s expense, and, in return, to give up to -Ferdinand various towns immediately to the north of Transylvania -Proper, which were his possession. - -Roostem died in July 1561, and was succeeded by Ali, who proved much -more pliant in his negotiations with Busbecq, and the latter at -last succeeded in obtaining a peace for eight years. The principal -stipulations of the treaty were as follows:[293] - -1. Ferdinand to pay an annual tribute of 30,000 ducats, and also the -arrears due in respect of the last two years. - -2. The Sultan engaged not to attack Ferdinand either directly, or by -furnishing assistance to John Sigismund. He also undertook that John -Sigismund should respect the territories of Ferdinand. - -3. Melchior Balassa and Nicholas Bathory, and others in a similar -position, who had returned to their allegiance to Ferdinand, to be -included in the peace with their property and lordships, and to be the -vassals of Ferdinand and John Sigismund conjointly. - -4. If any of Ferdinand’s subjects had been expelled from his property -by the adherents of John Sigismund, or _vice versâ_, no suits or -proceedings to recover such property to be taken during the peace. - -5. If new and otherwise irreconcilable differences should arise -between the contracting parties with regard to the limits of their -jurisdiction, as a provisional arrangement the _de facto_ subjects of -each party at the commencement of the peace to remain so during its -continuance, and, in particular, certain villages near the Danube and -the fortress of Tata, some of which were in Ferdinand’s and some in the -Sultan’s possession, to remain respectively as they were, and those in -Ferdinand’s possession not to be molested by the garrison of Tata. - -6. Any Turkish nobles who were in the power of any of Ferdinand’s -officers, either as fugitives or otherwise, to be released without -ransom. - -7. Runaway slaves with any property they might have stolen to be -mutually restored. - -8. Ferdinand’s officers to be allowed to fortify and provision castles, -towns, and villages on the borders of Hungary within their own -territories. - -9. Disputes about boundaries or the like between the subjects of the -two parties to be settled by arbitration, and the persons at fault -punished as truce-breakers. - -10. The treaty to be in force for eight years, and to be binding -upon all the officers and subjects on both sides, particularly the -Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia, and on John Sigismund, and none of -Ferdinand’s subjects or their property to be molested or injured in any -way. Any property taken contrary to this stipulation to be restored to -its owners, and any person taken prisoner to be released uninjured. - -11. Ambassadors and envoys to be granted full permission to travel in -the Sultan’s dominions, with liberty of ingress and egress to and from -his court, and to be supplied with interpreters. - -On the arrival of Busbecq at Frankfort with Ibrahim, the first dragoman -of the Porte, important differences were found to exist between the -Turkish and Latin texts of the treaty. The former only included the -barons who had already returned to their allegiance to Ferdinand, and -not those who might afterwards do so; it stipulated for the extradition -of refugees, as well as that of brigands and rebels, and included -the Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia. The Emperor demanded that -these points should be corrected; but his demands seem to have been -ineffectual, and the Turkish incursions on the Hungarian frontier -continued. - -Ferdinand died on July 25, 1564, and was succeeded as Emperor by his -son Maximilian, who had been elected King of Hungary and Bohemia in -his father’s lifetime. Fighting still went on between him and John -Sigismund on the frontiers of Transylvania. Szathmar was taken by the -latter, and Tokay[294] and Serencs by the former. The Grand Vizier -Ali, who was inclined to peace, died in July 1565, and was succeeded -by the more warlike Mehemet Sokolli. During 1565, the Sultan was -fully occupied with the siege of Malta, but in the beginning of the -following year war was declared against Hungary, Albert de Wyss, who -had succeeded Busbecq as ambassador, was thrown into prison, and on May -1 Solyman started from Constantinople on his last campaign. His age and -infirmities obliged him to quit the saddle for a carriage. - -On June 29 he received John Sigismund at Semlin, and intended to -march on Erlau, but, hearing that Count Nicholas Zriny, the commander -at Szigeth, had surprised and killed the Sanjak-bey of Tirhala, -he resolved to make Szigeth the first object of attack. The siege -commenced on August 5. Two furious assaults on the 26th and 29th were -repulsed with great slaughter. On September 8, Zriny, finding he could -hold out no longer, set the fortress on fire, sallied forth, sword in -hand, at the head of the garrison, and met a soldier’s death. The Turks -poured into the citadel, intent on murder and plunder; but the fire -reached the powder-magazine, which blew up, burying in the ruins more -than three thousand men. Solyman did not live to witness his triumph. -His health had long been failing, and he died on the night of the 5th -or 6th of September. His death was concealed by the Grand Vizier for -three weeks, to give his successor, Selim, time to reach Constantinople -from Kutaiah. - -The death of Solyman seems to form a fitting termination to this -sketch. With the exception of his successor, Selim, he is the last -survivor of the personages who figure prominently in Busbecq’s pages. -The Emperor Ferdinand, the Grand Viziers Achmet, Roostem, and Ali, and -the unfortunate Bajazet, have passed away. The greater part of Hungary -and Transylvania continued subject to the successors of Solyman, either -immediately or as a vassal State, till near the close of the following -century. In 1683 Vienna was once more besieged by the Turks, under the -Grand Vizier Kara Mustapha, but was relieved by John Sobieski. The -reaction from this supreme effort was fatal to the Turkish dominion in -Hungary. In 1686 Buda was recaptured by Charles of Lorraine, and by -the Peace of Carlowitz, concluded in 1698, the whole of Hungary and -Transylvania was ceded to the Emperor Leopold. - - -II. - -_ITINERARIES._ - -IN describing his first Turkish letter as an ‘iter,’ or itinerary, -Busbecq places it under a class of composition of which there are -several examples still extant. In Busbecq’s days it was a common -practice for scholars to write an account in Latin verse of any journey -they might happen to make. These itineraries are generally extremely -amusing, the writers being men of keen observation, with a great sense -of humour, and condescending to notice those trifles which are passed -over by the historian. - -As an example, Nathan Chytræus gives an account of his trip to England -during the Long Vacation of the University of Paris. He lands at Rye, -and, going to an inn, eats his first English dinner, which he hugely -enjoys, noticing at the same time the handsome faces and dignified -bearing of the waitresses. On his way to London he is struck with the -comfortable appearance of the country seats, and specially with the -belts of laurel with which they were surrounded. As he passes over -London Bridge he is delighted with the handsome shops full of every -kind of merchandise which lined its sides. He visits Westminster Abbey, -and wonders at not finding the tomb of Dr. Linacre, the celebrated -physician, who, though a canon of St. Peter’s, Westminster, was buried -at St. Paul’s. He goes eastward, and visits the Tower of London, -noticing the menagerie, and specially two lions at the entrance of the -Tower. Of the collection of arms he says that a visitor would imagine -it to be the greatest in the world if he had not seen the Arsenal at -Venice. He has a word for Southwark across the river, telling us that -it was covered with small houses, and the home of numerous dogs and -bears, which were kept for baiting. He visits Hampton Court, Nonsuch -Park,[295] and Windsor; at the last place Elizabeth was staying, with -all her court. The Queen is duly complimented on her learning, but he -can spare a couple of lines also for the rabbits which then, as now, -were scampering fearlessly about the Park: - - Quin et in effossis habitare cuniculus antris - Assuetus prodire solet camposque vagari. - -It will be seen that the itinerary of Nathan Chytræus is written very -much in Busbecq’s style, while there are other itineraries which -require notice as taking us over nearly the same ground as our author. - -Among the companions of Veltwick (vol. i. page 79), when he went as -Ambassador to Constantinople, was Hugo Favolius, who has left us an -account of the expedition in Latin hexameters. Having ingeniously -introduced the date 1545 into his verses, he tells us that was the year— - - Cum decus imperii Romani, Carolus ingens, - Pertæsus belli tandem, metuensque tumultus - Hellespontiacis qui forte fremebat in oris, - Principiis prudens sic obvius ire parabat. - Ergo a consiliis regi fidissimus unus - Deligitur sermone potens Veldvicius heros, - Quicum partitus curarum ingentia dudum - Pondera tractandas rerum committit habenas; - Atque illum ad celebrem Byzanti destinat urbem, - Præstanti eloquio et placido sermone Tyranni - In melius si forte queat convertere mentem. - -After this humiliating confession of the power of the Turk, Favolius -tells us how they sailed across the Gulf of Venice and landed at -Ragusa. After a short rest the party travelled over the mountains to -Sophia, and thence to Constantinople. In returning Veltwick made the -journey to Vienna by land, taking, no doubt, the same route as was -afterwards traversed by Busbecq, while Hugo Favolius and some of the -younger members of the party obtained leave to go back to Venice by sea. - -It seems strange that in a piece of this kind the writer should so -frankly admit the superiority of the Turkish power; it would appear to -be but an ill compliment to the sovereigns from whom Favolius must have -looked for advancement. In order, however, to gauge the real amount of -terror which the Turks inspired it is necessary to take the account of -P. Rubigal, the Hungarian, who was attached to an embassy sent shortly -after the death of John Zapolya[296] by the leading nobles of his -party to convey their tribute to Solyman. Rubigal’s itinerary may be -considered to furnish us with an idea of the position of a Hungarian in -the middle of the sixteenth century. His description is ludicrous, no -doubt, but it is no less horrible. - -He begins thus:— - - Tempore concedens quo rex in fata Joannes - Liquerat Hungaricæ regia sceptra domus, - Inque patris titulos natus successerat infans - Et dubia imperii forma recentis erat, - Turca ferox, Medo qui cinctus acinace gaudet, - Ad proceres regni plurima scripta dedit, - Pannoniæque petens perfricta fronte tributum, - Terruit innumeris tristia corda minis. - Quid facerent? ratio sic temporis ipsa ferebat, - Quamlibet inviti ut pacta tributa darent. - Nec mora, magnatum venerando ex ordine lectos - Verbetium mittunt Essetiumque pium; - Hosque jubent regni Turcis offerre tributa, - Flectere et immitis pectora dura Getæ. - -The party started from Szegedin, on the river Theiss, going by boat to -Belgrade, and thence by land to Constantinople. - -They were entertained at a banquet by Solyman, and were much disgusted -at two things: first, he gave them sherbet instead of wine; and -secondly, at the conclusion of the banquet he caused the ghastly heads -of men who had been recently executed to be set before them. The grim -pleasantry could not be misunderstood. The heads, no doubt, were those -of Hungarians, whom Solyman was pleased to regard in the light of -rebels. Whilst at Constantinople Rubigal had an opportunity of seeing -the Turkish fleet, which was then commanded by the famous Barbarossa. -The Hungarian was evidently horribly frightened at the formidable -preparations of the Turks, for immediately afterwards he gives his -readers plainly to understand that his tastes are of a domestic turn, -and that he has no hankering after— - - the perils which environ - The man who meddles with cold iron. - -Oddly enough, however, he gives us an account of two Germans he met -with fetters on their legs, who beg him to tell their friends at home -that it will be the easiest thing in the world to drive the Turks into -the Bosphorus. He gives their message, but cautiously refrains from -either endorsing or contradicting their opinion. - - -III. - -_EDITIONS._ - -THE following is a list of the various editions and translations of -Busbecq’s works, with which we are acquainted. - - -DATE. _In Latin._ - - 1581. Printed by Plantin, at Antwerp. _Editio Princeps._ - It contains only the first Turkish Letter, under the - title of _Itinera Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum_, and - the _De Acie contra Turcam Instruenda Consilium_. - - 1582. Also printed by Plantin. At the end of the contents - of the first edition the second Turkish Letter is added, - under the title of _Ejusdem Busbequii Secunda in Thraciam - Profectio_. - - 1589. _Paris._ Contains all four Turkish Letters and the - _De Acie._ - - 1595. _Frankfort._ The same as the previous one. - - 1605. _Hanau._ The same as the last, with the addition of - the Speech of Ibrahim to Ferdinand at Frankfort, and the - text of the treaty of peace. - - 1620. _Munich._ Edited by Sadoler. The same as the last. - It contains portraits of Busbecq and Solyman. - - 1629. _Hanau._ The same as the edition of 1605. - - None of these editions contain any but the Turkish - Letters. - - 1630. _Louvain._ Edited by Howaert. It contains the - letters to Rodolph from France, 1-53 inclusive. - - 1632. _Brussels._ Also edited by Howaert. This edition - contains the letters to Maximilian from France. Then - follow the letters to Rodolph as in the last edition, and - at the end come five more letters to Rodolph. - - 1632 (?). Evidently struck off from the same type as the - last. There are, however, a few alterations, and there is - no date on the title page. - - 1633. _Leyden._ The Elzevir edition. Two editions with - slight variations appeared in the same year. They contain - the four Turkish Letters, the _De Acie_, the Speech of - Ibrahim, the Treaty, and the Letters to Rodolph, 1-53. At - the end of the third Turkish Letter there are variations - from all the preceding editions. See vol. i. page 305, - note. - - 1660. _Amsterdam._ Elzevir. A reprint of the last. - - 1660. _Oxford._ The same contents as the Elzevir. - - 1660. _London._ The same contents as the Elzevir. There - is also an _Epitome de Moribus Turcarum_, not written by - Busbecq, which follows the Treaty. - - 1689. _Leipsic._ The same contents as the Elzevir. - - 1740. _Bâle._ The same contents and characteristic - readings as the Elzevir, except in one passage. - - -_In German._ - - 1596. _Frankfort._ It contains the four Turkish Letters - and the _De Acie_. The translator was Michael Schweicker, - Master of the School at Frankfort. - - -_In English._ - - 1694. _London._ ‘The Four Epistles of Augerius Gislenius - Busbequius, concerning his Embassy into Turkey, with - his Advice how to Manage War against the Turks. Done - into English.’ It contains a dedication to the Earl of - Bolingbroke by Nahum Tate, from which it appears that - the translator died before the book was published. The - English is racy, but the book is full of mistakes and - misprints. - - 1761. _Glasgow._ It contains only the Turkish Letters, - and is said to be the third edition. It is a reprint of - the last with some of the mistakes corrected. - - -_In Bohemian._ - - 1594. _Prague._ Translated by Leunclavius. It contains - the First and Second Letters and the _De Acie_. - - -_In French._ - - 1649. _Paris._ A translation by Gaudon. - - 1718. _Amsterdam._ - - 1748. _Paris._ A translation in three volumes of the - Turkish Letters and the Letters to Rodolph, by the Abbé - Louis Étienne de Foy, Canon of Meaux. - - 1836. _Paris._ A translation of the Letters to Rodolph, - 1-53, is contained in ‘Archives Curieuses de l’Histoire - de France, Première Série,’ tome 10, by MM. Cimber and - Danjou. - - -_In Flemish._ - - 1632. _Dordrecht._ - - -_In Spanish._ - - Before 1650. _Pampeluna._ A translation by Stephanus - Lopez de Reta, published by Charles de Lobaien. _Viaje de - Constantinopla_, and also the _De Acie_. - - -IV. - -_ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS._ - -A. - -_Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin._ - -Charles, etc., sçavoir faisons à tous présens et advenir nous avoir -recue lhumble supplication de Ogier, filz illégitisme de George -Ghiselin, escuier, seigneur de Bousbecque, et de Catherine Hespiel -jeune fille, lors non mariez, contenant que ledit Ogier de son jeune -eaige a esté entretenu aux estudes à Louvain et ailleurs, où il sest -conduict et gouverné bien et honnestement comme celluy qui a désir -de parvenir à estatz honnourables avec volunté et bonne affection de -bien faire vivre et de mourir soubz nous et en nostre obéissance, -se nostre plaisir estoit le légittimer et sur le deffaulte de sa -nativité luy impartir nostre grace si commil dit, dont il nous a très -humblement supplié. Pour ce est-il que ce considéré nous icelluy Ogier -suppliant inclinans favorablement à sadite supplication et requeste, -avons, de nostre certaine science auctorité et plaine puissance, -légittimé et légittimons, et ledit deffault de sa nativité aboly et -effacé abolissons et effacons de grâce speciale par ces présentes, luy -octroiant et accordant par icelles et de nostre dite grâce quil puist -et poira comme personne légittime et habile succéder en tous les biens -meubles et immeubles et aultres quelzconques esquelz de droit et selon -la coustume et usaige de noz pays et seignouries, il debveroit et -pourroit succéder sil estoit né et procrée en léal mariaige et venir -aux successions de sesdits père et mère et aultres que luy compétent et -compéteront cy aprez, pourveu toutesvoyes que à ce se consentent ses -plus prochains parens de lignaige et que aucun droict ne soit desja -acquis à aultres et en ce cas qu’il puist avoir et tenir pour luy, ses -hoirs et successeurs à tousiours tous les biens que lui adviendront -et escherront desdites successions et aultrement et qu’il a acquis -et acquerra et diceulx biens ordonner et disposer et les laissier -ou légater par testament ou aultrement ainsi que bon luy semblera; -et qu’il soit doresnavant receu selon sa vocation à tous honneurs, -estatz, offices, dignitez et aultres faiz légittimes quelzconques et -tenu et réputé doresnavant pour personne légittime, tout ainsi que -s’il estoit né en léal mariaige et aussi que après son trespas, ceux -de son lignaige procréez ou à procréer en léal mariaige luy puissent -succéder par droit d’hoirie en tous sesdits biens, meubles, héritaiges, -possessions et aultres choses quelzconques acquises et à acquérir ou -à luy venuz et escheuz, ou que luy viendront et escherront cy aprez, -tout ainsi et par la forme et manière qu’il eusse fait et peut faire -et pourroit se il estoit né et procrée en léal mariaige si aultre -chose ne luy répugne que ladite deffaulte de procréation légittime, -saulf que à cause de bastardise et illégittimation, nous ou noz -successeurs y puissons ou doyons quereller ou demander aulcun droit -ou temps advenir, nonobstant quelzconques constitutions, ordonnances, -statuz, droiz, coustumes et usaiges à ce contraires, parmy et moyennant -toutesvoys que à cause de ceste nostre présente légittimation, ledit -suppliant sera tenu payer certaine finance et somme de deniers pour -une fois à nostre prouffit, selon la faculté et qualité de ses biens -à larbitrage et tauxation de nos amez et féaulx les président et gens -de noz comptes à Lille, que commectons à ce. Si donnons en mandement -auxdits de nos comptes que ladite finance et somme de deniers par eulx -tauxée, arbitrée et par ledit suppliant payée à celluy de noz receveurs -qu’il appartiend, lequel sera tenu en faire recepte et rendre compte et -reliqua à nostre prouffit avec les aultres deniers de sa recepte. Ils, -nostre gouverneur de Lille, les président et gens de nostre conseil -en Flandres et tous noz aultres justiciers et officiers quelzconques, -présens et advenir, cui ce peult et pourra touchier et regarder leurs -lieutenans et chacun deulx en droit soy et si comme à luy appartiend, -facent seuffrent et laissent ledit suppliant, ensamble sesdits hoirs, -successeurs et ayans cause à tousiours procréer en léal mariaige de -nostre présente grace et légittimation, et de tout le contenu en ces -dites présentes selon et par la manière que dit est, plainement, -paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user, sans luy faire mectre -ou donner, ne souffrir estre faict, mis ou donné ores ne ou tempes -advenir, aucun destourbier ou empeschement au contraire en maniere -quelconque. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce soit chose ferme -et estable à tousiours, nous avons faict mectre nostre scel à ces -présentes, saulf en aultres choses nostre droit et laultruy en toutes. -Donné en nostre ville de Gand, ou mois d’Avril apres Pasques, de nostre -empire le xxi^e, et de noz règnes de Castille et aultres le xxv^e. - -Sur le ploy estoit escript par l’empereur et signé du secrétaire, -Bourgois, et sur le ploy estoit encoires escript ce que sensuit. Cette -chartre est enregistrée en la chambre des comptes de l’empereur, nostre -sire a Lille, ou registre des chartres y tenu commenchant en avril -xv^e quarante-neuf, folio ii^e xvi, et apres que Messrs. les president -dicelle chambre ont esté bien et deuement informez des faculté et -puissance des biens de l’impetrant, la finance dicelle a par eulx -esté tauxée a la somme de neuf vings dix livres de xi gros monnoye -de Flandres la livre: ordonnée estre payée es mains de Jehan Hovine, -conseiller de l’empereur nostre dit Sire, m^e en la dite chambre et -commis a la recepte de lespargne des pays ortissans en icelle chambre -lequel sera tenu en baillier sa lettre et en faire recepte avec les -aultres deniers de son entremise. Et au surplus ladite chartre a este -expediée en ladite chambre selon sa forme et teneur, le xxiii^e jour de -novembre xv^e quarante. Ainsi signe moy present. - - A. GILLEMAN. - - -B. - -_Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq._ - -Ferdinandus etc., etc., nobili fideli a nobis delecto Augerio a -Busbeck, equiti aurato, Consiliario nostro gratiam nostram Cæsaream et -omne bonum. - -Cum nihil sit inter mortales sublimius Imperiali Majestate et -celsitudine, quam Deus Optimus Maximus cæteris humanis dignitatibus -eminere voluit, ut micantissimis radiis suis terrarum orbem et -commissum Imperium illustret, par equidem est, ut, quem Deus ad -fastigium hoc evexit, is etiam dignitatem et munus sibi demandatum -ita administret, ut, quantum fieri potest, in hac vita quam proxime -accedat ad exemplum divinæ ejus Majestatis a cujus nutu tota hujus -mundi machina dependet, nullisque finibus clementiam et liberalitatem -suam teneat circumscriptam, sed in omnes eam exerceat, præcipue, quos -summa virtus, prudentia, doctrina, integritas ac rerum usus aliæque -ingenii et animi dotes, nec non præclara in Rempublicam Christianam -merita præ cæteris claros reddidere, omnem in eo operam et diligentiam -adhibendo, necubi virtutem debitis premiis destituisse videatur. Etsi -enim virtus se ipsa facile sit contenta neque magnopere indigeat -alienæ laudis adminiculo, quam alioquin etiam honos, amplitudo et -gloria ut certissima premia sponte plerumque sequuntur, fit tamen, ut -si quando illa summorum Imperatorum ac Regum judicio atque decreto -comprobetur, multo illustrior et clarior evadat et alios quoque non tam -ad admirationem quam ad imitationem et studium accendat. - -Qua in re sicuti olim divi prædecessores nostri Romanorum Imperatores -ac Reges omnem adhibuere curam, sic nos quoque hunc eorum laudatissimum -morem secuti in eandem semper curam et cogitationem incubuimus ut -optimorum virorum de nobis atque Republica bene meritorum virtus a -nobis condignis honoribus cohonestaretur. In quorum sane numero, -cum te prefatum _Augerium a Busbeck_ haud postremum locum obtinere -compertum habeamus, æquum est profecto, ut in te ipso nostram erga -tales homines clementissimam animi propensionem omnibus declaremus, -et contestatam reddemus, idque ejuscemodi ornamenti genere, quod -virtutibus ac meritis tuis quam maxime respondeat. Tu namque nobili et -honesto loco in Belgio natus, ingenii acumen et vim, quod Deus tibi -dedit præstantissimum vitæ morumque honestate, probitate ac bonarum -literarum studiis, diversitate linguarum multarumque rerum cognitione -et aliis plurimis excellentibusque animi dotibus ita excoluisti, ut -ad gravissima et maxima quæque Reipublicæ negotia exequenda visus sis -aptus esse. Quapropter quum existimaremus te aliquando nobis magno -usui futurum haud gravatim te in aulam nostram recepimus, ubi quidem -nostræ de te expectationi non modo cumulate satisfecisti, sed eam longe -quoque superavisti. Cum enim superioribus annis nobis occurrissent -ardua quædam negocia, de quibus a nobis mittendus erat ad Solymannum -Turcharum Principem Orator, qui fide, prudentia, rerum usu atque -industria præstaret, te ex Anglia revocatum, quo tunc temporis jussu -nostro profectus fueras, ad id muneris suscepimus, quo magna tua cum -laude et ingenti nostro ac Regnorum Dominiorumque nostrorum imo totius -Reipublicæ Christianæ commodo octo annos functus es, confecta ad -postremum inter nos et ipsum Turcharum principem octennali pace. In -qua legatione quas sustinueris curas, incommoditates, molestias, quos -tuleris labores, quæ vitæ pericula subieris, quam etiam ostenderis -in rebus agendis ingenii vim, quam fidem, quam solicitudinem, quam -solertiam, prudentiam et industriam, quam intrepidi animi constantiam, -et qua denique usus sis pietate in redimendis, juvandis et fovendis -miseris Christianis, qui Constantinopolim tuo tempore in fœdam -captivitatem adducti fuerunt, magno etiam fortunarum tuarum dispendio, -nimis longum foret sigillatim recensere. Illud profecto consecutus -es, quod non omnibus qui talem provinciam suscipiunt, ne dicamus -perpaucis, contingere solet, ut non modo a nobis ac Serenissimis -filiis nostris et aliis sacri Romani Imperii Principibus, statibus -et ordinibus summam gratiam iniveris, verum etiam ipsismet Turcis -propter virtutes tuas, quas naturæ instinctu in te prospexere et -admirati sunt, valde gratus exstiteris. Quare merito probandum est -præclarum de te judicium Serenissimi Principis Domini Maximiliani -secundi, Romanorum ac Hungariæ et Bohemiæ, etc., Regis, Archiducis -Austriæ, etc., filii nostri charissimi, in eo, quod te dignum et -idoneum reputaverit, quem Dapiferis Serenissimorum filiorum suorum -Rudolfi et Ernesti, Archiducum Austriæ, charissimorum nepotum nostrorum -cum profisciscerentur in Hispaniam præficeret. Quod si ergo olim apud -veteres, qui luctu et saltu in Olympiaco stadio celebres athletæ -virium suarum specimen aliquod egregium edidissent, divinis propemodum -honoribus affici, qui vero in bello vel murum primi ascendissent vel -civem morti seduxissent corona vel murali vel civica donari soliti -fuerunt, et nostra quoque ætate, qui vel cum hoste singulari certamine -congressus victor evasit vel in prelio strenuam præ ceteris operam -navavit vel alias rem bellicam caute et recte administravit, auratæ -militiæ titulis insignitur, quanto magis tu, Augeri, tali dignitate -condecorandus fuisti, cui non cum uno homine nec uno prelio per -unum aut alterum mensem res gerenda, sed totos octo annos cum gente -Christiano nomini infensissima adeoque cum ejusdem gentis Principe -potentissimo ac pluribus victoriis et successibus elato, cumque ipsius -præcipuis consiliariis et ministris, callidissimis et versipellibus -diesque noctesque acerrime dimicandum fuit, quorum potentiam et -nefarios impetus tu, divino adjutus auxilio, tua prudentia, industria -ac rerum agendarum dexteritate postpositis quibuslibet periculis -infracto animo sustinuisti et a cervicibus Regnorum et Dominiorum -nostrorum avertisti. Quæ cum ita se habeant optimo certe consilio -factum est quod præfatus Serenissimus Romanorum Rex superiore mense -Septembri, quando paterna voluntate nostra Rex Hungariæ renunciatus -publicatus ac Regali corona insignitus fuit, te publice in spectantibus -et grato applausu probantibus ac suffragantibus prælatis, proceribus, -Ordinibus et Statibus ejus Regni nostri, quorum saluti et incolumitati -potissimum studueras, ictu ter vibrati ensis benedicti Militem seu -Equitem auratum fecerit atque creaverit, quia te et eo et alias longe -clarioribus ornamentis dignum censemus. Et licet ad perpetuam gloriam -tibi sufficere queat publicus ille Serenissimi filii nostri Romanorum -Regis actus neque is ulla approbatione Cæsareæ et paternæ auctoritatis -nostræ opus habeat, pro nostra tamen in te mirifica benignitate volumus -te eam dignitatem ab Imperiali quoque culmine obtinere, quo luculentius -sit in omnem posteritatem virtutis tuæ testimonium. - -Itaque nos ipsi etiam te antedictum Augerium a Busbeck, Militem sive -Equitem auratum fecimus, creavimus, ereximus, ac præsenti nostro -Cæsareo edicto ex certa scientia et authoritati nostra Imperiali -Militem et Equitem auratum facimus, creamus et erigimus et ad statum -militarem assumimus militarisque cinguli et balthei decore, fascibus -et titulis atque stemmate militiæ insignimus, accingentes te gladio -fortitudinis et omnia ad hunc ordinem pertinentia ornamenta tibi -conferentes hoc nostro Imperiali edicto statuentes, ut deinceps -ubique locorum et terrarum pro vero Milite et Equite aurato habearis, -honoreris et admittaris, possisque et debeas pro suscepto dignitatis -equestris ornamento, torquibus, gladiis, calcaribus, vestibus, -phaleris, seu equorum ornamentis aureis seu deauratis ac omnibus -et singulis privilegiis, honoribus, dignitatibus, præeminentiis, -franchisiis, juribus, insignibus, libertatibus, immunitatibus et -exemptionibus, prærogativis et gratiis tam realibus quam personalibus -sive mixtis et aliis quibuscunque militaribus actibus et officiis uti, -frui et gaudere, quibus cæteri Milites et Equites a nobis stricto ense -manu et verbo nostro creati ac ejusmodi ornamentis insigniti gaudent -et fruuntur et ad ea admitti, ad quæ illi admittuntur, quomodolibet -consuetudine vel de jure, absque alicujus contradictione vel -impedimento. - -Mandantes universis et singulis Principibus tam ecclesiasticis -quam secularibus, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Prælatis, Ducibus, -Marchionibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Nobilibus, Militibus, Clientibus, -Capitaneis, Vicedominis, advocatis, præfectis, procuratoribus, -quæstoribus, civium Magistris, Judicibus, Consulibus, armorum Regibus, -Heroaldis, Civibus, Communitatibus, et cæteris quibuscunque nostris -et Imperii sacri subditis et fidelibus cujuscunque præeminentiæ, -dignitatis, status, gradus, ordinis et conditionis fuerint, ut te -præfatum _Augerium a Busbeck_ pro vero milite et equite aurato habeant, -teneant et reputent et in hoc militari et Equestri ordine et dignitate -et notis ad eum spectantibus prærogativis et libertatibus conservent, -quatenus gratiam nostram charam habuerint, ac pœnam _quinquaginta -Marcharum auri puri_ pro dimidia fisco seu ærario nostro Imperiali, -reliqua vero parte _tibi antedicto Augerio a Busbeck_ vel hæredibus -tuis toties quoties contrafactum fuerit, irremissibiliter applicandam -maluerint evitare. - -Harum testimonio literarum manu nostra subscriptarum et sigilli nostri -Cæsarei appensione munitarum. - -Datum Viennæ die tertia mensis Aprilis anno Domini millesimo -quingentesimo sexagesimo quarto.[297] - - -C. - -_Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque._ - -Comparut en sa persone messire Jehan de Thiennes, chevalier, seigneur -de Willergy, etc., procureur espécial de Charles de Eydeghem, escuier, -seigneur de Weze, &c., souffisament fondé par lettres procuratoires -données des advoé, eschevins et conseil de la ville d’Ypre le xvi^e -jour de décembre xv^eiiii^{xx} sept, desquelles la teneur s’ensuyt. - -A tous ceulx, etc., lequel comparant oudit nom et en vertu du pooyr a -luy donné par lesdictes lettres recognut avoir vendu bien et léallement -à messire Ogier Ghiselin, chevalier, conseillier de l’Empereur, et -grand maistre d’hostel de la Royne Elisabet, douagière de Franche -quy le cognut avoir acheté, toute la terre et seigneurie de Rume dit -de Bousebecque, comprendant la seigneurie temporelle et paroissialle -dudit Bousebecque, contenant quinze bonniers demy d’héritaige ou -environ séans en la paroisse dudit Bousebecque, chastellenie de Lille, -si comme six bonniers ix^e ou environ tant pret que labeur, par une -partye et par aultre huict bonniers xv^e de bois en ce comprins et que -sont réunis audit fief ung bonnier de pret que feu Collart Lejosne -tenoit en fief de ladicte seignourie; item, huict cens quy estoyent -tenus de l’allengrie de Le Becque, avecq deux aultres bonniers x^e -et ii^e estants présentement à uzance de bois quy estoient tenus en -commun contre le seigneur de Péruwez; item, sept quartrons de pret de -l’allengrie de la Westlaye et iiii^e de terre en la mesme allengrie, -auquel fief et seignourie appartient des rentes seignouriales chacun -an en l’allengrie de la Plache, en argent iiii l. iii s. et au Noël -six chapons et le quart d’un; item en l’allengrie du commun, contre le -seigneur de Péruwez, cent sept razières ung havot et ung quart de Karel -d’avaine molle quy se prendent sur quarante cincq bonniers xvii verges -ou environ chergiez du x^e denier à la vente, don ou transport, moictié -au prouffit dudict Seigneur de Bousebecque allencontre dudit Seigneur -de Péruwez; item, en l’allengrie du commun de le Becque, quarante -razières ung quareau et demye d’avaine brune, trois havots, trois -kareaux de soille, trois chapons et le vi^e d’ung, et en argent i s. ix -d., lesquelles rentes se lieuvent sur xi bonniers ix^exi verges; item, -en l’allengrie de Péruwez xii razières ii havots trois karelz et demy -et xii^e d’ung havot et le vii^e d’un francquart, tierch d’un quareau -de bled fourment, trente neuf razières vi^e et vii^e d’un havot, les -deux tiers et le quart d’un quarel d’avaine blanche, six chapons et en -argent sept solz iii deniers, quy se prendent sur xix bonniers xiiii^e -demy d’héritaige ou environ. Item, en l’allengrie de la Westlaye cinq -razierès trois havots ung quart et le quart d’un karel de bled, vingt -razières deux havots trois quareaux d’avaine brune, ii kareaux et -environ viii^e d’un quarel de soille; item, deux chapons, xviii^e et -lxxii^e d’un chapon et en argent cinq gros iii deniers i party quy -se ceullent sur quattre bonniers xiiii^e cinq verges d’héritaige ou -environ, le tout déduction faicte desdictes partyes réunites et rentes -qu’elles doibvent, lequel fief et seignourie est tenu du Roy nostre -sire de sa salle de Lille en justice viscontière à dix livres de relief -à la mort de l’héritier et le x^e denier à la vente, don ou transport -et sy appartient a icelle ung bailly, lieutenant et sept eschevins -avecq plaids généraulx trois fois l’an, plusieurs arrentemens de -maisons et héritaiges gisans allentour de la place dudit Bousebecque -portant environ cent florins par an pardessus les rentes cy dessus -déclarées, les fondz desquelles l’on croyt estre prins du gros dudit -fief et seignourie cy-dessus déclaré avecq la place et chimentière. Sy -appendent cincq fiefz et hommaiges en tenus, lesquelz sont chergiez de -certains reliefz à la mort de l’héritier et du x^e denier à la vente, -don ou transport, et les aultres héritaiges tenu de ladicte seignourie -chergiez de double rente de relief à la mort de l’héritier et du x^e -denier à la vente, don ou transport, lesquelles rentes dessus déclarées -se payent à la priserie du Roy nostre sire de son Espier de Lille quy -se faict au terme de sainct Remy, la razière de soille estimée aux deux -tiers de celle de bled, fourment, l’avaine molle aux deux tiers de -la blanche, et la brune au pris moyen d’entre la blanche et la molle. -Ladicte vente faicte moïennant six florins de denier à Dieu, et pour -le gros et principal dudit marchié la somme de six mil florins carolus -de vingt patars pièche, francq argent, à payer cejourd’huy comptant -que ledit vendeur a confessé avoir receu en deschargant la loy pour -dudit fief, terre et seignourie de Bousebecque, ses appartenances -et appendences telles que dessus sans aultrement riens livrer par -mesure ainsy que de tout temps l’on en a joy et possessé, joyr et -possesser par ledit messire Ogier Ghiselin depuis cedit jourd’huy en -tous droix, prouffictz et émolumens le cours de sa vie durant et après -son trespas retourner et appartenir audit seigneur de Wize, ses hoirs -ou ayans cause et leur demourer héritablement et à tousjours à la -charge d’entretenir par ledit seigneur second comparant tels baulz, -lesquelz les occuppeurs feront apparoir. Et pareillement debvra ledit -Seigneur de Wize, ses hoirs ou ayans cause entretenir les baulz que -lors se trouveront faictz par ledit s^r Ghiselin, comme à viagier et -usufructuaire appartient de faire selon la coustume de la salle de -Lille, promectant ledit s^r de Willergy en ladicte qualité ladicte -vente, entretenir, conduire et garandir envers et contre tous soubz -l’obligation des biens du dit Seigneur de Wize et de sesdis hoirs vers -tous seigneurs et justices. - -Ce fut aussy fait et passé à loy les xviii^e et pénultiesme de decembre -xv^e iiii^{xx} sept, pardevant Mons^r le bailly de Lille, ès présences -de maistres Jehan Denys, Philippes Carle, Noël Waignon, Pierre Hovine, -Josse et Simon Vrediére. - - Archives départementales du Nord, - Chambre des comptes de Lille. - - -D. - -_Copy of the Sauve-garde._ - -Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit lieu, et jadis -ambassadeur en Constantinople de très-hauts, très-puissants et -très-excellents princes Ferdinand et Maximilien, empereurs des Romains -de louable mémoire; aussi conseiller de l’empereur Rodolphe, second de -son nom présentement régnant, conseiller et grand maître d’hostel de la -royne Isabelle (Elisabeth), douairière de France, et surintendant les -affaires de ladite royne chez le roi très chrestien. - - -Alexandre, duc de Parme, chevalier de l’ordre, lieutenant, gouverneur -et capitaine général, - -A tous lieutenants, gouverneurs, chiefs, colonnels, capitaines, -conducteurs, fourriers et aultres officiers des gens de guerre du Roy -monseigneur, tant du cheval que du pied, de quelque nation qu’ils -soient, salut: - -Sçavoir vous faisons que, en contemplation des bons et aggréables -services que Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit -lieu, conseiller de l’empereur et grand maistre d’hostel de la royne -Isabelle (Elisabeth) douairière de France a faict à feus de louable -mémoire les empereurs Ferdinand et Maximilien (que Dieu fasse paix) -tant en qualité d’ambassadeur en Turquie que de gouverneur des -archiducs d’Austrice, au temps dudit feu empereur Maximilien, et depuis -aussi à l’empereur moderne en diverses charges et qualités, ainsi qu’il -faict encore à présent aujourd’hui dame Royne. - -Nous avons au nom de Sa Majesté pris et mis, nous par ces présentes -prenons et mettons en notre protection et sauvegarde spéciale les -maisons, terres et seigneurie dudit Bousbeque, vous mandant partant, -et commandant au nom et de la part que dessus, à chacun des bons -endroits, soy et comme eux appartiendra, bien expressément de ne loger -ni permettre que soient logés au village de Bousbeque aucuns gens de -guerre sans expresse ordonnance notre ou du mareschal et chef de camp -de Sa Majesté. - -Et au surplus affranchissons et dégrevons les manants et habitants -dudit village avecq leurs familles, leurs meubles, fourrages, -advestures et bestial, de toutes foulles, torts, invasions, mengeries -et exactions, les laissant de ceste notre présente sauvegarde -pleinement et paisiblement jouir et user, sans y aller au contraire ny -autrement les molester ni endommager en corps ny en biens en quelque -manière que ce fut, sous peine d’encourir l’indignation de Sa Majesté -et la notre et être punis comme infracteurs de sauvegarde. - -Et afin que personne n’en puisse prétendre cause d’ignorance, nous -avons consenti et consentons audit seigneur de Bousbeque que puisse et -pourra faire mettre et afficher aux advenues dudit village nos bastons, -blasons et pannonceaulx armoyés de nos armes. - -Donné au camp devant Berghes sur la Zoom, sous notre nom et cachet -secret de Sa Majeste, le 15^e jour d’octobre, 1588. - -Soubs etait le cachet du Roy, etc. - -Colleaction faicte à l’originale, etc. - - Archives de Bousbecque E. E. I. - - -E. - -_Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of Charlot Desrumaulx._ - -Charles par la grâce de Dieu etc. Savoir faisons à tous présens et -advenir, Nous avons receu l’umble supplication de Daniel de Croix -Escuyer filz de Geraerd Seigneur de Wambrechies, jeusne homme à marier, -contenant que ledit suppliant s’est, à certain jour passé, trouvé avecq -George Giselin Seigneur de Bouzebecque Jacques de Sauch et autres en la -ville de Comines vers le Seigneur de Halewyn. Lesquelz ilz ont servi -en leur jonesse. Or est que à certain jour de feste du soir que lors -on s’estoit esbatu au chasteau du dit lieu, entre huyt et neuf heures -du soir, le dit Seigneur de Hallewyn avec le Seigneur de Croisille se -retirèrent au dit chastel pour eulx coucher. Et quant au dit suppliant, -George Giselin et Jacques de le Sauch, ilz se retirèrent vers le -marchié avec Jehan Homme, Bailli du dit lieu, et les sievoit feu alors -vivant Charlot Desrumaulx, joueur du luut, qui démonstroit avoir assez -fort beu, et en allant leur chemin, l’un d’entre eulx mist en bouche -aux autres d’aller bancquetter à la maison d’ung nommé maistre Franche -Barbier demourant auprès dudit marchié, à quoy ilz saccordèrent et -allèrent tous ensemble celle part, où ilz furent syevis par le dit -Charlot sans y estre appellé. Que lors les dits suppliant et de le -Sauch, qui alloient devant vers la dite maison, le dit Suppliant ayant -son esprivier sur son poing, prièrent au dit Charlot, obstant qu’il -estoit noyseulx après boire, qu’il se retirast et allast couchier, -et qu’ilz ne le voloient point avoir, ce qu’il ne voloit faire, mais -entra en la dicte maison, parquoy le dit Suppliant le print par le col -et le poussa hors de la dite maison à l’ayde du dit Jacques, dont il -se courroucha et se mist en tous debvoirs de tyrer son baston pour -les villonner, mais il fut empesché par le dit Jacques, et soubit -survint le dit bailli qui le print au corps, mais finablement soubz -promesse qu’il fist de soy partir et aller couchier, le dit bailli -à la requeste des assistans le laissa aller, et lui estant hors des -mains du dit bailli se tyra d’un lez oudit marchié contre une maison -ou sur ung bancq, il mist son luut et desvesty sa robbe tira sa dagge -et proféra plusieurs haultaines langaiges sentans menaces disant, -ou parolles en substance, qu’il estoit homme pour respondre au plus -hardy de eulx tous. Et craindant par le dit Daniel, suppliant le -débat appant contre lui bailla son oiseau à son homme, et ainsi qu’il -estoit sur le marchié, il veyt ledit deffunct qui continuoit du dit -langaiges haultains au deshonneur de lui et des autres. Disant qu’il -estoit homme pour le plus hardy, ayant sa dage nue marcha vers lui -comme aussi fist le dit deffunct. Que lors le dit Suppliant ayant son -sang meslé, et mémoratif que lui qui estoit josne noble homme sievant -les armes, se il se retiroit pour ung menestrel de basse condition ce -lui seroit à toujours reproché en villonnie entre tous nobles hommes. -En ceste chaleur, non puissant de la refrener ayant aussi son baston -nud, frappèrent l’un après l’autre aucuns cops et fut attaint par le -dit deffunct sur l’espaule, et du cop que icellui suppliant rua, il -attaindit ledit deffunct en la mesmelle, dont brief après il termina -vie par mort. Pour lequel cas le dit suppliant a esté appellé à noz -droiz au siège de notre gouvernance de Lille, en lui donnant tiltre -tel qu’il s’enssuit. Daniel de Croix, escuyer, vous estez appellé aux -droiz du Roy Catholicque, nostre Seigneur, Archiduc d’Austrice, Duc -de Bourgogne, Conte de Flandres, pour et sur ce que en la ville de -Comines, avez allé en la maison de maistre France Barbier avec Jaquet -de le Sauch à l’intention de bancquetter, là ou vous auroit sievy, -sans y estre appellé, feu lors vivant, Charlot Desrumaulx, lequel -auroit par vous et le dit de le Sauch esté bouté dehors, pourquoy -il s’estoit courrouchié, et de faict auroit en partie desgainié son -espée, et ce voyant par Jehan Homme, bailli de la dite ville le auroit -prins au corps, et finablement eslargi soubz promesse par lui faicte -de aller couchier, et lui venu au bout du marchié, et laissant vous, -Daniel, le dit de le Sauch avec George Ghiselin, escuyer, Seigneur -de Bousebecq et autres, auroit desgaignié sa dite dagge et proféré -aucunes parolles deshonnestes, incitant le plus hardy à venir vers luy. -Lesquelles parolles vous Daniel seriez marchié vers le dit feu ayant -desgaigné vostre rapière, et à l’aborder entre vous et le feu y ont -aucuns cops ruez, et entre autres de votre rapière donnast au dit feu -ung cop d’estocq au dessus de la mammelle dextre, du quel cop brief -aprez le dit feu termina vie par mort sans confession. Qui est cas de -souveraineté et privéligié au Roy notre Seigneur, et querra la darraine -tierchaine le iii^e d’aoust xv^exix. Sie est ainsi signé. A Cuvillon. - -Obstant lequel cas le dit Suppliant, doubtant rigueur de justice, s’est -absenté de notre chastellenie de Lille, et n’y oseroit retourner, -hanter ne converser combien qu’il ayt fait pays et satisfaction à -partie, se de notre grâce ne lui est, sur ce, impertie. Dont actendu -ce que dit est, mesmement les services qu’il nous a faiz en estat -d’homme d’armes, soubz la charge et compaignie de notre amé et féal -cousin, le Seigneur de Fiennes, aussi que en autres choses, il est -bien famé et renommé, il nous a très humblement supplié et requis. -Pour ce est-il, que nous les choses dessus dites considérées audit -Suppliant inclinans à sa dite requeste, et lui voulans en ceste partie -préférer grâce à rigueur de justice, Avons au cas dessus quicté, remis -et pardonné, quictons, remectons et pardonnons de grâce espécial par -ces présentes, le cas de homicide dessus déclairé, ensemble toute -paine et amende corporelle et criminelle en quoy pour raison et à -l’occasion dudit cas et les circunstances et deppendances il peult -avoir mesprins, offencé et est encouru envers nous et justice. En -rappelant et mectant au néant tous appeaulx, deffaulx, contumaces -et procédures pour ce contre lui faiz et ensuyz, et l’avons quant à -ce remis et restitué, remectons et restituons à ses bonne fame et -renommée à nostre dite chastellenie de Lille, et tous noz autres pays -et seigneuries, ensemble à ses biens non confisquiez, saucuns en a, -tout ainsi qu’il estoit avant l’advenue du cas dessus dit. En imposant -sur ce scillence perpétuelle à nostre procureur général et tous noz -autres officiers quelzconcques, satisfaction toutesvoyes faicte à -partie interressée se faicte n’est et elle y chiet civilement, tant -seullement et moyennant qu’il l’amendra aussi civillement envers nous -selon l’exigence du cas et la faculté de ses biens. Et avec ce, aussi -qu’il sera tenu payer et respondre les mises et despens de justice, -Pour ce faiz et ensuyz à l’arbitraige et tauxation de nostre Gouverneur -de Lille ou son lieutenant que commectons à ce. Si donnons en mandement -à notre dit Gouverneur de Lille ou son dit lieutenant que appellez -ceulx qui pour ce seront à appeller, il procède bien et deuement à -la vérification de ces dites présentes et à l’arbitraige et taxation -desdites amende civille et mises de justice, ainsi qu’il appartiendra. -Et ce fait et les dites amende civille et mises de justice tauxées -et payées ainsi qu’il appartiendra, de laquelle amende cellui de noz -recepveurs ou autre notre officier cuy ce regarde sera tenu faire -recepte et rendre compte et reliqua à notre prouffit avecq les autres -deniers de sa recepte. Il et tous aultres noz officiers quelzconques -présens et advenir facent seuffrent et laissent le dit suppliant de -noz preséntes grâce, remission et pardon, selon et par la manière -que dit est, plainement paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user -sans lui mectre, faire ou donner ne souffrir estre faict mis ou donné -aucun arrest, destourbier ou empeschement au contraire en corps ne en -biens en manière quelconque. Ains se son corps ou aucuns de ses biens -non confisquiez sont ou estoient pour ce prins saisiz, arrestez ou -empeschiez, les mectent ou facent mectre incontinent et sans delay à -playne et entière délivrance. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce -soit chose ferme et estable a tousjours nous avons fait mectre nostre -scel à ces présentes, saulf en autres choses, notre droit et l’autruy -en toutes. - -Donné en nostre ville de Malines, ou mois de novembre l’an de grâce mil -chincq cens et dix neuf, et de nostre règne le iiii^e. - -Ainsi signé par le Roy en son conseil. - - DESBARRES. - - Chambre des comptes de Lille. Registre des chartes de - l’audience B. 1730, fo. 104. - - -F. - -_Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert du Mortier._ - -Phelippe, Roy de Castille, d’Arragon, &c., Comte de Flandre, &c., -sçavoir faisons à tous présens et à venir. Nous avons receu l’humble -supplication et requeste de Jehan Dael, contenant, que le 23^e -Septembre dernier, ayant esté convocqué au bancquet de nopces de -l’enfant de Michel Dael, son frère, en la paroisse de Halluin, y -seroit aussy esté appellé Guillibert du Mortier, lequel voiant la -table couverte et la pluspart des convives y assisse, seroit ingéré -de vouloir faire ung présent à la compaignie avec quelque peu de vau -mis sur deux plats dans lesquels il avait enclos deux grenouilles, -vulgairement appellées ronnes, lesquelles à l’ouverture d’iceulx -plats, ont sauté sur la table et viandes, ce que auroit causé ung -tumulte, et qui le tout auroit esté culbuté, ce qui auroit despleu -fort audict remonstrant, tant à cause que les viandes estoient partie -gastées et contaminées, comme aussy à raison de ce que la perte en -resultant estoit assez de consideracion pour son dit frère qui est -honneste homme, et bien qui le dit Guillebert debvoit endurer la -reprinse de son faict, neanmoings au contre, il auroit injurié du mot -——[298] deux de la compagnie, et notamment le dit remontrant, ce quy -l’occasionna de luy dire: Quy at il tant à (dire comme cela). A quoy -il auroit respondu: Je te —— aussy, advienne. A quoi luy fut reparty -par ledit remontrant en ces termes, ou en substance, Je pauleroy bien -à toy, ce qu’entendu par le dit Guillebert auroit tiré son coustel et -s’approché le remontrant, quy l’obleige de tirer pareillement le sien, -et se mectre en deffence, du quel il en auroit donné un coup au dict -Guillebert vers le dos, dont environ xii jours aprez il seroit allé -de vie à trespas, au grand regret dudit remonstrant. C’est à quoy il a -prins son recours vers nous, suppliant humblement qu’il nous pleust luy -pardonner le dit cas et homicide luy en accordant et faisant depescher -nos lettres patentes de remission en forme. - -Pour ce est-il que nous, les choses susdites considérées, et sur -icelles eu l’advis de noz chers et féaux les lieutenant et autres -officiers de nostre gouvernance de Lille, voulans en ceste partie -préférer au dit Jehan Dael, suppliant, grâce et miséricorde, ut in -forma. - -Interrinement de la dite gouvernance de Lille, &c. - -Donné en nostre ville de Bruxelles, le 27^e de janvier l’an 1643, signé -Robiano, de nos regnes xxii^{eme}. - -Au bas estoit, pour le Roy en son conseil et ceste visue. - - Chambre des comptes de Lille, Registre des chartes de - l’audience. B. 1817, fo. 11. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Albert III., Duke of Bavaria, married in 1546 Anne, daughter of -Ferdinand, and had by her two sons, William, the hereditary Prince, his -successor, and Ferdinand. - -[2] For details of these negotiations, see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch -Republic_ Part IV., ch. iii. - -[3] See Motley, _Dutch Republic_, Part IV., ch. ii. The siege was -eventually raised on October 3rd. - -[4] In the original the place is given as ‘Augustæ’ = Augsburg; -but from the first line of the letter it appears it was written at -Speyer. ‘Augustæ’ is probably a mistake caused by ‘Augusti’ following -immediately. - -[5] Nearly twelve years have elapsed since we parted company with -Busbecq on his return from Turkey. A sketch of his life during this -interval will be found in vol. i. pp. 59-64. We there expressed some -doubt as to whether there was any trustworthy authority for his visit -to Spain in attendance on the younger Archdukes; we have, however, -since obtained evidence of it in the Archduke Albert’s decree, creating -the Barony of Bousbecque. In it are recited Busbecq’s services, and -amongst them this visit is mentioned. The date of the decree is -September 30, 1600, and it states that the visit took place twenty-five -years before. This is obviously an error, as we can account for -his time from August 1574 to February 1576; in all probability the -true date of the visit lies between the years 1570, when Albert and -Wenceslaus went to Spain with their sister Anne on her marriage to -Philip II., and 1572, when we find Busbecq residing at Vienna. See vol. -i. p. 62. - -[6] That is, about thirty-five English miles. See note, vol. i. p. 80. - -[7] For an account of this interesting lady, who was at this time -barely twenty years of age, see note to Letter XXXVI. - -[8] After Henry III.’s flight from Poland, he stayed some time at -Vienna, where Maximilian, through Pibrac, made overtures to him, -offering the hand of his daughter, the widowed Queen. Henry was under -such great obligations to Maximilian, that he was disinclined to give a -downright refusal. _Thuanus_, iii. p. 8. The following quotation from -an account of Busbecq’s Queen will show what these obligations were. -‘Or, estant veufve, plusieurs personnes d’hommes et dames de la Court, -des plus clair voyans que je sçay, eurent opinion que le Roy, à son -retour de Pologne, l’espouseroit, encore qu’elle fust sa belle sœur; -car il le pouvoit par la dispense du Pape, qui peut beaucoup en telles -matieres, et sur tout à l’endroit des grands, à cause du bien public -qui en sort. Et y avoit beaucoup de raisons que ce mariage se fist, -lesquelles je laisse à deduire aux plus hauts discoureurs, sans que je -les allegue. Mais, entre autres, l’une estoit pour recognoistre par ce -mariage les obligations grandes que le Roy avoit reçeues de l’Empereur -à son retour et depart de Pologne; car il ne faut point douter que, -si l’Empereur eust voulu luy donner le moindre obstacle du monde, il -n’eust jamais peu partir ny passer ny se conduire seurement en France. -Les Polonnois le vouloient retenir s’il ne fust party sans leur dire -adieu; car les Allemans le guettoient de toutes parts pour l’attrapper -(comme fut ce brave roy Richard d’Angleterre, retournant de la Terre -Saincte, ainsi que nous lisons en nos chroniques), et l’eussent tout de -mesme arresté prisonnier et faict payer rançon, ou possible pis; car -ils luy en vouloient fort, à cause de la feste de la Sainct Barthelemy, -au moins les princes protestans.’—_Brantôme_, v. 298-299. - -[9] Henry of Navarre is generally spoken of in these letters as the -Duke of Vendôme, or at most, the titular King of Navarre. The greater -part of the kingdom had been seized by Ferdinand the Catholic in 1515, -and has ever since been held by the Kings of Spain. Henry’s power was -derived from his position as a great French noble, the first Prince of -the blood after the King’s brother, and from his vast possessions in -France, and not from the fragment of Navarre from which he derived his -title. Subjoined is a short sketch of his family:— - - - Charles de Bourbon, Duc de Vendôme, - descended from the sixth son of Louis IX. - │ (Saint Louis) - │ - ┌───────────────────────────────────────────┬──────────────────┐ - - Anthony, = Jeanne d’Albret, Louis de Bourbon, Charles, Cardinal - Duc de Vendôme │ Queen of Navarre Prince de Condé, de Bourbon, - │ killed at Jarnac, set up as King by - │ 1569 the League after - ┌─────────────────┐ │ Henry III.’s death - │ under the title of - Henry, Catherine = Henri, Duc de Bar, │ Charles X.of - Duc de Vendôme, eldest son │ - afterwards Henry of the Duke │ - IV. of Lorraine. │ - │ - ┌───────────────┬─────────────────────────┬────────────────┐ - - Henri, born 1552, François, Prince de Charles, Cardinal Several other - Prince de Condé. Conti, born 1558. de Bourbon, children. - born 1562. - -[10] Montmorency, the eldest son of the famous Constable Anne de -Montmorency, and himself Duc de Montmorency and Marshal of France. -He was born in 1530, and fought at St. Quentin, and at the taking of -Calais. He and Cossé were suspected of being implicated in the rising -of Shrove-Tuesday, 1574, concerted between Alençon and the Huguenots, -and were imprisoned in the Bastille. His wife was a natural daughter -of Henry II. by Diane de Poitiers, who had been legitimated. He died -without issue in 1579. His four brothers were, Damville, Monsieur de -Montbéron, killed at the battle of Dreux in 1562, Monsieur de Méru, and -Monsieur de Thoré. See note page 11, and also note page 16. - -Cossé took part in Guise’s famous defence of Metz in 1552, was -appointed _surintendant des finances_ in 1563, and Marshal in 1567. -He fought at St. Denis and Moncontour, but was defeated by Coligny at -Arny-le-Duc in 1570. He died in 1582, aged 70. According to Brantôme -(ii. 434), he remarked on his imprisonment: ‘Je ne sçay pas ce que M. -de Montmorency peut avoir faict, mais quant à moy, je sçay bien que je -n’ay rien faict pour estre prisonnier avec luy, sinon pour luy tenir -compagnie quand on le fera mourir, et moy avec luy; que l’on me fera de -mesmes que l’on faict bien souvent à de pauvres diables, que l’on pend -pour tenir compagnie seulement à leurs compagnons, encor qu’ilz n’ayent -rien meffaict.’ - -[11] ‘Le peuple de la ville, n’agueres partisan de cette famille, les -reçeut avec injures et contribua 800 harquebusiers de garde tant que -leur prison dura.’—_Aubigné_, _Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. vi. - -[12] By _Nove_ Busbecq probably means the town which d’Aubigné -(_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) calls Nonnai, now Annonay, 24 -French miles from Lyons. D’Aubigné says the distance is nine leagues, -which roughly corresponds with Busbecq’s twelve miles. See note, vol. -i. page 80. Annonay was a town in the Vivarais, one of the districts -which were the strongholds of the Protestant cause, and was itself a -Protestant town. For an account of the sieges it underwent, and of the -civil war in the Vivarais, see Poncer, _Mémoires sur Annonay_. On this -occasion the town was summoned on October 22nd, and blockaded till -December 8th, so the news in the text was premature. Dr. Dale, the -English representative at the French Court, mentions the raising of the -siege of ‘Noue,’ in a letter dated December 23rd.—_Calendar of State -Papers, Foreign Series_, 1572-74, p. 583. - -[13] Louis de Bourbon, Duc de Montpensier, born in 1513, was descended -from a branch of the Bourbon-Vendôme family, and on his mother’s side -was nephew to the Constable de Bourbon. He served as a volunteer at -St. Quentin, where he was made prisoner. He was a bitter enemy to -the Huguenots. ‘Quand il prenait les heretiques par composition,’ -says Brantôme (iii. 364), ‘il ne la leur tenait nullement, disant -qu’à un heretique, on n’estoit nullement obligé de garder sa foy.’ He -distinguished himself at Jarnac and Moncontour. He took a prominent -part in the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. From 1574 to 1576 he -commanded in Poitou and Saintonge, and died in 1582. By his first wife, -Jacqueline de Longwy, who was a Protestant, he had a son and four -daughters, one of whom, Charlotte, married the Prince of Orange. See -Letter XIX. and note. His son—who, till he succeeded to the title of -Montpensier, on his father’s death, was known as the Prince Dauphin -d’Auvergne—is frequently mentioned in Busbecq’s letters to Rodolph. -Fontenay is a town, nearly due west of Poitiers, and about fifty-five -English miles from it. - -[14] Guy du Faur, Seigneur de Pibrac, was born at Toulouse, in -1529. He became member of the Parliament there, and was one of the -French ambassadors at the Council of Trent in 1562. In 1565, at -the recommendation of the Chancellor l’Hôpital, he was appointed -Avocat-Général to the Parliament of Paris. He accompanied Henry to -Poland as Chancellor, and was in great danger during the precipitate -flight of the King. After his return to Paris he sold his office of -Advocate. He was again despatched to Poland, to persuade the Diet to -allow Henry to retain the crown, but his mission proved unsuccessful. -He was afterwards Chancellor of the Queen of Navarre, with whom he -was supposed to be in love. He went with Alençon to Flanders, as his -Chancellor, and died in 1584. He was celebrated for his eloquence. - -[15] The Comte de Damville was second son of the Constable, and brother -to the Duc de Montmorency (see page 8). He was born in 1534, and was -made Governor of Languedoc in 1563, which he held for nearly fifty -years, almost as an independent sovereign. He was the leader of the -moderate Roman Catholic party, known as the Politiques, and after the -death of Henry III. adhered to the cause of Henry IV., who on December -8th, 1593, created him Constable. He succeeded to the Dukedom of -Montmorency on his brother’s death in 1579. He died in 1614. - -[16] The Castle of Lusignan was the original seat of the famous family -of Lusignan, which gave kings to Jerusalem and Cyprus. In the keep of -the château was a fountain, said to be haunted by the fairy Melusine, -the ancestress and tutelary genius of the family. According to the -legend, the founder of the family first met her by a forest spring. -Before she became his wife she exacted a promise from him that he would -not attempt to see her on the Saturday in every week, or to find out -where she had gone. For a time all went on well, but unfortunately the -husband was at last persuaded to peep into the room to which Melusine -had retired. To his horror he discovered that on every Saturday half -her body was transformed into a serpent. Finding the secret was no -longer hers, she thrice flew round the château, and then vanished. -She was believed to appear at times on the keep of the château, and -whenever she was seen it was said to presage a death, either in the -Lusignan family or in the Royal family of France. - -Lusignan is situated about fourteen English miles south-west of -Poitiers. De l’Estoile, i. 49, gives some details of the siege and -capitulation. “Le mardy, 25^e janvier, la ville et chasteau de Lusignan -furent rendus par les Huguenos à M. de Montpensier, chef de l’armée du -Roy en Poictou, soubs condition de vies et bagues sauves, et d’estre -conduits seurement à la Rochelle: de quoi furent baillés ostages pour -seureté de ladite capitulation, encores que la foy de M. de Montpensier -ne peust ni ne deust estre suspecte aux Huguenos, lesquels furent -assiégés trois mois et vingt et un jours, durant lesquels furent -tirés de sept à huict mil coups de canon.” If Brantôme does not belie -Montpensier (see note 2, page 9), the besieged had good reason for the -precautions they took. - -[17] Published September 10th at Lyons. - -[18] The Seigneur de Rambouillet was sent by the Queen Mother, and the -Seigneur d’Estrées by Alençon, to Henry on June 4th, to congratulate -him on his accession.—_De l’Estoile_, i. 5. ‘Rambouillet, that was -aforetime captain in one of the guards, and his three brothers, has -left the Court, because the King has given away an office, that one -of the Rambouillets looked for.’—_Calendar of State Papers, Foreign -Series_, 1572-74, p. 560. - -[19] These towns had been retained by the French when the rest of the -possessions of the Duke of Savoy were restored to him, partly after the -treaty of Cateau Cambrésis, in 1559, and partly by Charles IX. in 1562. -With the exception of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, they were the last -remains of the French conquests beyond the Alps. The Duchess of Savoy -was Margaret, daughter of Francis I., and therefore aunt to Henry III. -She was born in 1523, married in 1559, at the conclusion of peace, to -Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, and died September 14th, 1574. The -indignant protest of the Duc de Nevers against the surrender of these -towns may be found in the compilation known as his _Mémoires_, vol. i. -page i. - -[20] Frederic III. was Elector Palatine from 1559 to 1576. He was the -first important German prince who embraced Calvinism, and was the head -of that sect in Germany. His Court was the asylum of the French and -Flemish exiles. When Henry III. passed through Germany on his way to -Poland, he visited Heidelberg at the Palatine’s invitation. He found -the gates of the town guarded, the streets lined with soldiers, match -in hand, and no one to receive him at the Castle except armed men. -Halfway up the stairs he was met by the Rhinegrave, attended by two -of the survivors of the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. The Rhinegrave -asked him on the Elector’s behalf to excuse his coming down, on -account of indisposition. Henry found him at the entrance of the room -supported by a gentleman, in the attitude of a man who finds it a -great effort to stand upright. ‘On n’y pouvoit entrer sans jetter la -veüe sur un grand Tableau de la mort de l’Admiral, et des principaux -Seigneurs tués à Paris. Voyant que le Roi portoit sa veüe de ce costé, -il poussa un grand souspir, et dit tout haut, “Ceux qui les ont fait -mourir sont bien malheureux, croyez qu’ils estoient gens de bien et -grands Capitaines.” Le Roy respondit doucement, “Qu’ils estoient -capables de bien faire s’ils eussent voulu.” Ce Prince sentoit un -grand contentement en son ame de pouvoir faire esclatter l’excez de sa -passion en la presence du Roy, il en fit voir les effets en diverses -façons, lui donna à souper, et le servit de poisson, mais il n’eut pour -Gentilhomme que ceux qu’on luy dit avoir eschappé le jour de Saint -Barthelemy, qu’il appelloit “La boucherie et le massacre de Paris.”’ -The next day the Count took more than thirty turns with the King up -and down the great hall of the Castle, with a firm step and in perfect -health, so as to show that his indisposition of the previous evening -had been entirely feigned.—Matthieu, _Histoire de France_, i. p. 363. -The Palatine’s second son, John Casimir, born in 1543, is a prominent -figure in the religious wars of the time. He was one of the military -adventurers who hoped in the general confusion to win themselves a -throne by their sword. He conducted several expeditions to the aid of -the French Protestants, and was one of the many princes suggested as -a husband for Queen Elizabeth. At her instigation he was given the -command of the German army which entered the Netherlands in 1578. For -an estimate of his character see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_. -Part V. ch. v. He died in 1592. - -[21] The two sons of the Constable were his two youngest sons, de Méru -and de Thoré. While the Marshal and Damville, their elder brothers, -remained Catholics, they became Protestants. The reason of their flight -to Germany was that they had been implicated in the rising of Shrove -Tuesday, 1574, and the conspiracy to seize Charles IX. at St. Germain. -‘Les cousins [du Prince de Condé] de Thoré et de Méru se rendent à -Geneve, où le Seingneur de Thoré se déclare et fait profession de -la Religion et là est arresté et retenu, et son frère de Méru mis -hors ladite ville, pour ne vouloir faire semblable profession.’—_De -l’Estoile_, i. 22. - -[22] François de Foix de Candale, Bishop of Aire, in Gascony, third son -of Gaston de Foix, Comte de Candale, Captal de Buch, &c. His father’s -sister Anne married Ladislaus, King of Hungary and Bohemia, by whom -she had two children—Louis, King of Hungary, killed at Mohacz in 1526, -and Anne, who married the Emperor Ferdinand, and was the mother of -the Emperor Maximilian. The Bishop was one of the most learned men of -his time, especially in mathematics and natural philosophy. Besides -the works mentioned in the text, he translated Euclid into Latin. He -invented various mathematical instruments, and founded a chair of -mathematics in the College of Aquitaine at Bordeaux. He died in 1594, -aged eighty-four according to Thuanus, but eighty-one according to his -monument. D’Aubigné, in his _Mémoires_ under the year 1580, relates the -following anecdote of him and Henry IV. ‘Le roi de Navarre, passant un -jour à Cadillac, pria le grand François de Candale, de lui faire voir -son excellent cabinet, ce qu’il vouloit bien faire, à condition qu’il -n’y entreroit pas d’ignares. “Non, mon oncle,” dit mon maître, “je n’y -mènerai personne qui ne soit plus capable de le voir et d’en connoître -le prix que moi.” La compagnie s’amusa d’abord à faire lever le poids -d’un canon par une petite machine qu’un enfant de six ans tenoit entre -ses mains. Comme elle étoit fort attentive à cette operation, je me mis -à considérer un marbre noir de sept pieds en quarré, qui servoit de -table au bon Seigneur de Candale; et ayant apperçu un crayon, j’écrivis -dessus pendant qu’on raisonnait sur la petite machine, ce distique -latin:— - - Non isthæc, princeps, regem tractare doceto, - Sed docta regni pondera ferre manu. - -Cela fait, je recouvris le marbre et rejoignis la compagnie, qui étant -arrivée à ce marbre, M. de Candale dit à mon maître, “Voici ma table;” -et ayant ôté la couverture et vu ce distique, il s’écria, “Ah! il y a -ici un homme.” “Comment,” reprit le roi de Navarre, “croyez-vous que -les autres soient des bêtes? Je vous prie, mon oncle, de deviner à -la mine qui vous jugez capable d’avoir fait ce coup.” Ce qui fournit -matière à d’assez plaisans propos.’ - -[23] He was killed February, 1573, in an attack on the château of -Soumiere, in Languedoc.—Mezeray, _Histoire de France_, iii. 282. - -[24] The Egyptian deity Thoth, was identified with the Greek Hermes, -and was considered the real author of everything produced or discovered -by the human mind. Being thus the source of all human knowledge and -thought, he was termed τρὶς μέγιστος, or Thrice Greatest. A -variety of works are preserved, of which he is the reputed author. -The most probable opinion as to their real origin is that they were -forgeries of Neo-Platonists in the third or fourth century of our -era. The most important of them is the Ποιμάνδρης, the book -translated by the Bishop. It is written in the form of a dialogue, and -treats of nature, the creation of the world, the nature and attributes -of the deity, the human soul, &c. - -[25] In the Vivarais. It cut off Lyons from communicating with -Marseilles by water. See _Mezeray_, iii. 360. - -[26] It is impossible within the compass of a note to give more than -the briefest outline of the principal events in the life of this famous -Breton chief. He was born in 1531, and became a Protestant in 1558. -In 1561 he was one of the French nobles who escorted Marie Stuart to -Scotland. Brantôme was another of the suite. In 1570 he was wounded by -a musket-shot at the siege of Fontenay; gangrene set in, and it was -found necessary to amputate his left arm; Jeanne d’Albret, Queen of -Navarre, held the shattered limb during the operation. This arm was -replaced by one of iron, whence he obtained the famous sobriquet, by -which he is best known, _Bras de fer_. In 1573 Charles IX. sent him -to La Rochelle in the hope he would be able to effect some compromise -with the citizens, and he was for some time regarded with suspicion -by both sides; but he appears to have always acted an honest and -straightforward part in a very delicate position. When he found a -reconciliation was impossible, he placed his sword once more at the -service of the French Protestants. He fought for the Protestant cause -not only in France but also in the Netherlands, was Count Louis of -Nassau’s right-hand man at the surprise and subsequent siege of Mons -in 1572, and at one time, in 1579, occupied Bousbecque and the places -in the neighbourhood, Menin, Comines, Wervicq, &c. He was mortally -wounded at the siege of Lamballe, in Brittany, and died on August -4, 1591. Thuanus (v. p. 180) calls him ‘a truly great man, who for -bravery, prudence, and military knowledge deserved to be compared with -the greatest generals of the time, and for the purity of his life, his -moderation, and his justice to be preferred to most of them.’ For a -further account of him see Letters to Rodolph, IX. and LIV., note. - -[27] This report was correct. See _Mezeray_, iii. 360, where an -interesting account is given of the siege. - -[28] The second Edict, of October 23. The purport of it was, that no -person should be troubled on religious grounds. - -[29] The Comte de Fiesco was _chevalier d’honneur_ to the Queen. The -Fieschi were Counts of Lavagna, and one of the four principal families -of Genoa. The conspiracy of the Fieschi in 1547 is one of the most -famous incidents of Genoese history. The object of the conspirators was -to overthrow the power of Andrew Doria, and to detach Genoa from the -Imperialists, and bring the republic into close connection with France. -The conspiracy miscarried, owing to its leader, Count John Louis -Fiesco, falling from the planks by which he was boarding a galley, and -being drowned. Owing to the darkness of the night the accident was -not discovered till it was too late to assist him. His brothers were -executed except Scipio, the youngest, who escaped to France, and is the -person mentioned in the text. In 1568 he was Ambassador to the Court -of Maximilian. He was afterwards _chevalier d’honneur_ to Louise de -Vaudemont, the Queen of Henry III., and one of the original knights of -the Order of the Holy Ghost.—Lippomano, _Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_, ii. -413. He married Alphonsina Strozzi, who is the Countess mentioned by -Busbecq. She was originally _dame d’honneur_ to Catherine de Medicis. - -[30] The Sorbonne was ‘a society or corporation of Doctors of Divinity -settled in the University of Paris, and famous all over Europe. It -was founded by the French King St. Lewis, and Ralph de Sorbonne, -his confessor, a Canon of the Church of Paris, who gave it its name -from the village of Sorbonne, near Lyons, which was the place of his -nativity.’—_World of Words._ - -Their determination, dated July 2, 1530, is given by Holinshed, -_Chronicles_, iii. 924. It is to the effect that ‘the foresaid marriage -with the brother’s wife, departing without children, be so forbidden -both by the law of God and of nature, that the Pope hath no power -to dispense with such mariages, whether they be contract or to be -contract.’ It was read to the House of Commons with the decisions of -the other Universities, March 30, 1531. - -[31] Leonhard or Lamoral von Thurn and Taxis succeeded his father -in 1554 as Postmaster-General in the Netherlands, and in 1595 was -appointed Postmaster-General of the Holy Roman Empire. He died in -1612, aged upwards of 90. He was brother of J. B. Taxis or Tassis, the -well-known Spanish Ambassador. See Letters to Rodolph, XLIII., and note. - -[32] Sebastian, grandson of Charles V., became King of Portugal in -1557, when he was only three years old. At the time Busbecq wrote he -was a gallant young man of twenty, dreaming of great exploits as a -Crusader. Four years later he attempted to put his ideas into practice, -and invaded Africa with a large force. His army was annihilated in -the battle of Alcazar (August 4th, 1578), and the brave young King -perished on the field. His romantic end produced a deep impression -on his subjects. ‘It may be mentioned,’ says the _Times_ (December -1825), ‘as a singular species of infatuation, that many Portuguese -residing in Brazil, as well as in Portugal, still believe in the coming -of Sebastian, the romantic king, who was killed about the year 1578, -in a pitched battle with the Emperor Muley Moluc. Some of these old -visionaries will go out wrapped in their large cloaks, on a windy -night, to watch the movements of the heavens, and frequently, if an -exhalation is seen flitting in the air, resembling a falling star, they -will cry out, “There he comes!”’ For a curious story of a hoax played -on one of these fanatics, see Hone’s _Everyday Book_, vol. ii. page 88. - -[33] In this and some other letters, passages referring to arrangements -connected with the dower have been curtailed or altogether omitted. It -is sufficient to state that Elizabeth’s dower had been fixed at 60,000 -francs per annum, and that Busbecq’s object was to see that it was -properly secured. - -[34] Pierre de Gondi, see note, page 39. - -[35] John Evelyn made the same expedition by water from Lyons to -Avignon, some seventy years later. A full account of his voyage is -given in his _Diary_ (p. 69, Chandos edition). Like Busbecq he stopped -at Valence. ‘We then came to Valence, a capital Citty carrying the -title of a Dutchey, but the Bishop is now sole lord temporal of it and -the country about it. The towne having an University famous for the -study of the civil law, is much frequented; but the Churches are none -of the fairest, having been greatly defaced in the time of the warrs.’ - -[36] Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence, was one of the most successful -diplomatists of his day; he had been ambassador at Constantinople -in 1537, on which occasion he received the pot of balsam, which he -afterwards lost in Ireland (see vol. i. p. 387). Henry III. owed his -Polish Crown to his exertions and diplomatic skill. He was father of -that bold and unscrupulous adventurer, Balagny. - -His career is thus sketched by a contemporary:— - -‘Il avoit esté de sa premiere profession jacobin, et la feue royne -de Navarre Margueritte, qui aymoit les gens sçavans et spirituels, -le cognoissant tel, le deffrocqua et le mena avec elle à la Court, -le fit cognoistre, le poussa, luy ayda, le fit employer en plusieurs -ambassades; car je pense qu’il n’y a guieres pays en l’Europe où il -n’ayt esté ambassadeur et en negotiation, ou grande ou petite, jusques -en Constantinople, qui fut son premier advancement, et à Venize, en -Polongne, Angleterre, Escosse et autres lieux. On le tenoit Lutherien -au commencement, et puis Calviniste, contre sa profession episcopalle; -mais il s’y comporta modestement par bonne mine et beau semblant; la -reyne de Navarre le deffrocqua pour l’amour de cela.’—_Brantôme_, iii. -52. - -[37] Monsieur de Vulcob, French Ambassador at the Court of Maximilian. -See Charrière, _Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_, iii. 596, -note. - -[38] Jean de Morvilliers was born at Blois in 1506. He was ambassador -at Venice from 1546 to 1550, and was rewarded for his services by -receiving the Bishopric of Orleans in 1552. After he became bishop, -the Chapter of his cathedral, by a statute passed in November 1552, -ordered him to shave off his beard. He refused to comply, and the -quarrel raged fiercely for four years, till finally in 1556 it was -appeased by a letter from the King to the Chapter, in which he declared -that he required to send Morvilliers to various countries in which a -beard was necessary, and therefore ordered the Chapter to receive him -beard and all. He did not, however, take possession of his cathedral -till 1559. Francis II. appointed him a Privy Councillor, and in 1561 -he took part in the Conference of Poissy, and in the following year -attended the Council of Trent, as one of the French representatives. He -was afterwards ambassador to the Duke of Savoy, and in 1564 was one of -the negotiators of the Treaty of Troyes, between Charles IX. and Queen -Elizabeth. In the same year he gave up his Bishopric in favour of his -nephew. On the disgrace of the Chancellor l’Hôpital, in 1568, he became -Keeper of the Seals, but in 1571 had to resign them to Birague. In de -Thou’s opinion (iii. 209), he was honest and prudent, but cautious -to the verge of timidity, and therefore always pursued a policy of -expediency. He was the head of the party who were in favour of peace -but thought no religious reform was required, and who therefore, in -order to remain on good terms with the extreme Catholic party headed -by the Guises, did not hesitate to evade or violate the pledges given -to the Protestants. See _Thuanus_, iii. 35. De Thou’s estimate of -his character is borne out by a State-paper preserved by d’Aubigné -(_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. i. ch. ii.), written by Morvilliers at the -request of Charles IX. in 1572, in opposition to Coligny’s project of -war with Spain. - -[39] Elizabeth’s marriage portion had never been paid, and Busbecq -was afraid that this fact might be adduced as a reason for not paying -her dower now she was a widow; and also, in case of the failure of -Maximilian’s issue male, a claim might be set up on behalf of her -daughter, that Elizabeth’s renunciation of her rights of succession -was invalid for the same reason. That Busbecq’s fears were not -ill-founded is shown by the fact that Louis XIV. argued that his wife’s -renunciation of her rights to the Crown of Spain was invalid, as her -marriage portion had never been paid. - -[40] The Comte de Retz was the son of a Florentine banker at Lyons, -named Gondi, Seigneur du Péron. His wife entered the service of -Catherine de Medici, and took charge of her children in their infancy. -She endeared herself to the Queen, who being Regent during the minority -of Charles IX. advanced her children to the highest posts: the Comte -de Retz became first Gentleman of the Chamber to the King, and a -Marshal of France; he acquired enormous wealth. His brother, Pierre de -Gondi, was made Bishop of Paris, and afterwards Cardinal; he had other -preferments worth 30,000 or 40,000 livres per annum, and property worth -200,000 crowns; while a third brother was Master of the Wardrobe to the -King. - -[41] The following is an extract from a diary kept by a French official -during this same year 1575:—‘Le mardi 6^e juillet, fust pendu à Paris, -et puis mis en quatre quartiers, un capitaine nommé la Vergerie, -condamné à mort par Birague, chancelier, et quelques maistres des -requestes nommés par la Roine-mère, qui lui firent son procès bien -court dedans l’Hostel de ladite Ville de Paris. Toute sa charge estoit -que, s’estant trouvé en quelque compagnie, où on parloit de la querelle -des escoliers et des Italiens, il avoit dit qu’il faloit se ranger -du costé des escoliers et saccager et couper la gorge à tous ces.... -Italiens, et à tous ceux qui les portoient et soustenoient, comme -estans cause de la ruine de la France: sans avoir autre chose fait ni -attenté contre iceux.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 69. - -[42] Maximilian put on record his protest against the Massacre of -Saint Bartholomew in a letter to Lazarus Schwendi:—‘Quod attinet -ad præclarum illud facinus quod Galli in Amiralio ejusque sociis -tyrannicè perpetrarunt, equidem id minimè probare possum, magnoque -cum dolore intellexi Generum meum sibi persuaderi passum tam fœdam -lanienam. Quanquam scio magis alios imperare quàm ipsum. Attamen hoc -ad excusationem facti non sufficit, neque hoc satis est palliando -sceleri.’—Maximilian to Laz. Schwendi. Leyden, 1603. 2nd edition. - -[43] Jean St. Chaumont, being at Nismes with a picked body of soldiers, -determined to make an attempt on Aigues-Mortes. Guided by some -Protestants who had been driven out of the town, he contrived one night -to blow open the gates; his troops rushed in and took possession of -the place. The garrison fled to the tower of Constance, which two days -later was compelled to surrender. See _Thuanus_, iii. 83. - -[44] Stephen Bathory, Voivode of Transylvania. He and Maximilian -were eventually both elected in 1576, and civil war was imminent in -consequence; but the death of Maximilian a few months later left -Bathory in undisputed possession of the Crown. - -[45] See page 13, and note, page 14. - -[46] In order to show her contempt for the besieging army, one of the -women of Livron brought her distaff to the breach, and sat herself down -to spin. See _Thuanus_, iii. 83. - -[47] Charles, son of Claude Duke of Guise and Antoinette de Bourbon, -born 1524. Archbishop of Rheims 1538. Cardinal 1547. There is little -doubt as to the cause of his death being that which is given by -Busbecq, though some declared that he was murdered by means of a -poisoned torch, and others that he was presented with a poisoned purse. -For some time before he had been complaining of severe pain in the -head. See _Thuanus_, iii. 47, 48. - -‘Le dimanche 26^e décembre à cinq heures du matin, Charles, cardinal -de Lorraine, aagé de cinquante ans, mourust en Avignon d’une fiebvre, -symptomée d’un extrême mal de teste provenu du serein d’Avignon, qui -est fort dangereux, qui lui avoit offensé le cerveau à la procession -des Battus, où il s’estoit trouvé, en grande dévotion, avec le crucefix -à la main, les pieds à moictié nuds et la teste peu couverte, qui -est le poison qu’on a depuis voulu faire accroire qu’on lui avoit -donné.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 40. The character the zealous Protestant -d’Aubigné gives of the Cardinal (_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. xi.) -is as follows: ‘esprit sans borne, tres chiche et craintif de sa vie, -prodigue de celle d’autrui, pour le seul but qu’il a eu en vivant, -assavoir d’eslever sa race à une desmesurée grandeur.’ - -[48] Catherine de Medici was supposed to be endowed with second-sight. -Her daughter gives several instances in her memoirs. - -‘Mesme la nuict devant la miserable course en lice, elle songea comme -elle voyoit le feu Roy mon pere blessé à l’œil, comme il fust.... -Elle n’a aussy jamais perdu aucun de ses enfans qu’elle n’aye veu une -fort grande flamme, à laquelle soudain elle s’escrioit: “Dieu garde -mes enfans!” et incontinent apres, elle entendoit la triste nouvelle -qui, par ce feu, lui avoit esté augurée.... Elle s’escrie, continuant -ses resveries, comme si elle eust veu donner la bataille de Jarnac: -“Voyez-vous comme ils fuient! Mon fils a la victoire. Hé, mon Dieu! -relevez mon fils! il est par terre! Voyez, voyez, dans cette haye, le -Prince de Condé mort!”’—_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 42-43. The story -of the Cardinal’s ghost is given more fully in De l’Estoile’s diary: -‘Puis aiant demandé à boire, comme on lui eust baillé son verre, elle -commença tellement à trembler, qu’il lui cuida tumber des mains, et -s’escria: “Jésus! voila M. le cardinal de Lorraine que je voy!”’—_De -l’Estoile_, i. 41. - -[49] Pomponne de Bellièvre, jurist and diplomatist. Born at Lyons -in 1529, he was twice Charles IX.’s ambassador to Switzerland, and -accompanied Henry III. to Poland. In 1586 he was sent to England to -ask for the release of Mary Queen of Scots. In 1599 Henry made him -Chancellor, a post which he held till 1604. He died in 1607. - -[50] The following extract from a letter, dated November 3, 1574, and -written by the King to his representative at Constantinople, proves the -truth of this statement:—‘Toutesfois je veux vous advertir et luy aussy -(the bishop of Acqs, the late Ambassador), s’il est encores par delà, -que tout fraîchement j’ay receu et de bon lieu que l’empereur se plaint -fort de luy et des offices qu’il a faicts par delà contre ses affaires. -Je sçay bien qu’il n’a eu considération qu’à mon service; toutesfois je -seray bien aise que durant votre légation vous vous comportiez envers -ses ministres le plus amiablement que vous pourrez et leur presterez -toute faveur en ce que touchera le particulier d’iceluy S^r empereur où -vous verrez que mon service ne sera point engagé, afin qu’il cognoisse -que je me ressens du bon recueil et faveur qu’il me fist dernièrement -passant par ses terres, et ay en recommandation la légation qui est en -nostre royaume.’—Charrière, _Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_, -iii. 578. - -[51] Maximilian gave this advice to Henry III. when he stopped at -Vienna on his way back to France. ‘Cæsarem prudentissimum juxta et -optimum principem hoc Regi consilium dedisse memorant, ut pacem primis -regni auspiciis et in Galliæ ingressu suis daret.’—_Thuanus_, iii. 8. - -[52] Her name was Catherine. She eventually married in 1599 Henry, Duke -of Bar, son of Charles, Duke of Lorraine, and died in 1604. - -[53] This was no kindness to Louise de Vaudemont. Brantôme praises -her for her loyalty to her husband: ‘Aussi que dès le beau premier -commencement de leur mariage, voire dix jours après, il ne luy donna -pas grande occasion de contentement, car il luy osta ses filles de -chambre et damoiselles qui avoient tousjours esté avec elle et nourries -d’elle estant fille, qu’elle regretta fort.’—_Brantôme_, v. 334. - -[54] Charles, Cardinal de Lorraine. See page 45, and note. - -[55] Queen Leonora, sister of Charles V. and widow of Francis I., one -of the Princesses to whom Busbecq’s grandfather, Gilles Ghiselin II., -had been _premier écuyer trenchant_. See vol. i. page 26, note 1. - -[56] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part IV. chap. iii. - -[57] Louis d’Este, Cardinal of Ferrara and Archbishop of Auch, was son -of Hercules II., Duke of Ferrara, and Renée, daughter of Louis XII. of -France. He was born in 1538, made Cardinal in 1561, and died at Rome in -1586. He deserved, says de Thou, to be called the treasure of the poor, -the glory of the Sacred College, and the ornament of the Court of Rome. - -[58] Miss Freer, in her history of Henry III., has charged Busbecq’s -Queen with heartlessness. ‘Under these circumstances Elizabeth gladly -accepted her father’s invitation to return to Vienna. With all -her virtue and simplicity Elizabeth appears not to have possessed -much tenderness of character; else, herself feeling so keenly the -disadvantages of a residence at Paris, she could not have abandoned her -infant daughter to the care of Catherine de Medici; nor even, as far -as it can be discovered, made any attempt to convey her to be educated -far from the levity of the Court.’—Vol. ii. p. 39. Miss Freer evidently -did not know of Busbecq’s letters to Maximilian; she frequently quotes -the letters to Rodolph, but does not appear to be aware that they were -written by the man whom she describes as ‘Auger de Ghislin, Seigneur de -Boësbecq, a German noble resident in France.’ - -[59] ‘Le 22^e mars les députés de M. le prince de Condé, mareschal -Damville et autres associés, tant de l’une que de l’autre religion, -selon la permission qu’ils avoient eue du Roy d’envoier vers lui tels -personnages qu’ils aviseroient pour l’avancement et conclusion d’une -paix générale et asseurée à tout son roiaume, aians, par un commun -advis, articulé leurs conditions et icelles dressées en forme de -requeste, partirent de Basle le dit 22^e mars pour venir trouver Sa -Majesté à Paris, où ils arrivèrent le mardi 5^e avril.’—_De l’Estoile_, -i. 54. For a full account of these negotiations see _Mémoires de -Nevers_, i. 308. - -[60] The Queen had so much difficulty in procuring funds that she was -obliged to postpone her visit to August. Her child, Princess Marie -Elizabeth (god-daughter of Queen Elizabeth of England), was at this -time three years old. Amboise, near Blois, was considered particularly -healthy, and on that account appointed as the nursery for the royal -children. Evelyn speaks of it as a very agreeable village, built of -stone and roofed with blue slate; he gives a full description of the -castle which was the residence of the young Princess. _Diary_, p. 63. - -[61] Don Rodolph Khuen von Belasii, Baron of Neu-Lembach, descended -from an ancient Tyrolese family. He was also Privy Councillor to the -Emperor. - -[62] See note, p. 63. - -[63] Roger de Saint-Lary de Bellegarde attached himself to the Comte -de Retz, was introduced by him to Catherine de Medici, and rose as -rapidly as his patron. Henry III. on his return from Poland created -him a Marshal, and gave him the command of his forces in Dauphiny. His -position was, however, undermined by du Guast, and he was despatched to -Poland. Regarding this mission as merely a pretext for his banishment, -he went no further than Piedmont, entered the Duke of Savoy’s service, -and with his assistance took possession of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, -the last of the French conquests beyond the Alps, driving out Birague, -the Governor. Afterwards the Duke of Savoy, accompanied by the Marshal, -had an interview, near Lyons, with the Queen Mother. The sequel may be -told in Brantôme’s words. ‘Elle luy fit tout plein de remonstrances. -Luy, ores planant, ores connivant, et ores conillant et amusant la -Royne de belles paroles, se trouva atteint de maladie par belle poison, -de laquelle il mourut.’—_Brantôme_, iv. 103. - -[64] About a mile from Montbéliard Pibrac was captured by Brysach and -a band of brigands, who assumed the character of Huguenot refugees. -The Ambassador was compelled to leave his carriage, and follow his -captors into the forest. Meanwhile a hue and cry was raised, and the -people turned out to hunt the banditti. Pibrac was now in great danger, -as the brigands threatened to kill him if one of their party should -be hurt. From noon to midnight he was compelled to accompany Brysach -and his band through the recesses of the forest. Fortunately he was -able to turn his talents as a diplomatist to good account, and at last -persuaded his companions to set him free. See _Thuanus_, iii. 98. -Compare the account of Busbecq’s capture, vol. i. p. 71. - -The country of Montbéliard, or Mümpelgard, lay between Franche Comté -and Alsace, and belonged to a branch of the House of Würtemberg. It -remained in their hands till near the end of the last century. In 1792 -the French took possession of it, but it did not become French _de -jure_ till 1801, when, with the other German _enclaves_ in Alsace, it -was ceded by the treaty of Luneville. - -[65] So in March 1538 Holbein was despatched to Brussels to take a -portrait of Christina, the widowed Duchess of Milan, and daughter of -Elizabeth of Denmark, sister of Charles V. (see vol. i. page 26, note -2), for whose hand Henry VIII. had been negotiating. She is reported to -have declined his offer, saying, ‘if she had had two heads one should -have been at the service of the King of England, but as she had only -one, she preferred to keep it on her own shoulders.’ Holbein’s portrait -now belongs to the Duke of Norfolk, and was exhibited at the Winter -Exhibition of the Royal Academy in 1880. The lady afterwards married -Francis Duke of Lorraine, and became the mother of Charles Duke of -Lorraine and Dorothea, the wife of Duke Eric of Brunswick. Hence came -the connection between the Houses of Austria and Lorraine, alluded to -on page 59, Maximilian II. being Christina’s first cousin. - -Similarly Holbein, in the following year, was again sent abroad to take -a portrait of Anne of Cleves.—_Froude,_ ch. xvii. - -[66] ‘Le dimanche 19^e juing arrivèrent à Paris M. le duc de Lorraine -et M. de Vaudemont, père de la Roine, pour achever le mariage du -Marquis de Nomenie, fils aisné dudit seingneur de Vaudemont aveq -la damoiselle de Martigues. En congratulation et resjouissance des -venues de ces princes, se firent à la Cour plusieurs jeux, tournois et -festins magnifiques, en l’un desquels la Roine-Mère mangea tant qu’elle -cuida crever, et fust malade au double de son desvoiement. On disoit -que c’estoit d’avoir trop mangé de culs d’artichaux et de crestes et -rongnons de coq, dont elle estoit fort friande.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 64. - -[67] The Ilsings or Ilsungs were an ancient Swabian family, several of -whom had been burgomasters of Augsburg. The person mentioned in the -text was probably George Ilsing von Lichtenberg, Privy Councillor to -Charles V., Ferdinand, Maximilian, and Rodolph, and Statthalter in the -Duchy of Würtemberg. - -[68] The Princess Charlotte de Bourbon was compelled to take the vows -before she had arrived at the legal age. She became Abbess of Joüarrs; -but ran away in 1572, and took refuge with the Elector Palatine. The -Prince of Orange saw her at Heidelburg and fell in love with her. St. -Aldegonde conducted her to Brill, where the Prince met her. They were -married June 12. - -[69] ‘Mareschal d’Amville vint à estre empoisonné de telle façon, que, -s’il ne fut esté secouru prestement et par bons remedes, il estoit -mort; et de faict les nouvelles en vindrent au Roy qu’il estoit mort -de ceste poison. J’estois lors en sa chambre quand ces nouvelles luy -furent apportées ... il ne s’en esmeut autrement, et ne monstra le -visage plus joyeux ny fasché, sinon qu’il envoya le courrier à la -Reyne; et ne laissasmes à causer avec luy. Ce gouvernement de Languedoc -fut aussi tost donné à M. de Nevers.... Vindrent apres nouvelles -que ledit sieur mareschal n’estoit point mort et tendoit peu à peu -à guerison, laquelle tarda beaucoup à luy venir. Plusieurs disoient -que s’il fust mort de ceste poison, que M. de Montmorancy fust esté -sententié ... mais on craignoit que ledict mareschal, voyant son frere -mort, qu’il eust joué à la desesperade, craignant qu’il ne luy en -arrivast autant s’il estoit pris, et avoit un tres grand moyen de faire -mal avec l’alliance des Huguenots, voire du roy d’Espagne, qu’il eust -pris.’—_Brantôme_, ii. 436-7. - -Montmorency’s relations had good reasons for their apprehensions. It -was intended to strangle him, and, to cover the murder, Miron, chief -physician to the King, was sent to see him, and told to give out -that he had apoplectic symptoms. Gilles de Souvré, chief chamberlain -to Henry, was selected as his executioner, and to his reluctance to -undertake the office the prisoner owed his life. See _Thuanus_, iii. -105. - -Montmorency was conscious of his danger. ‘Tell the Queen,’ said he, -‘that I am well aware of her intentions towards me; there is no need to -make so much fuss. She has only to send the Chancellor’s apothecary: I -will take whatever he gives me.’ See _De l’Estoile_, i. 63. - -[70] The date shows that this letter ought to follow Letter XXI., but -we have retained the order of the Latin Edition. - -[71] The following quotation from Marguerite de Valois’ autobiography -shows that Busbecq was right:—‘Nous nous en retournasmes à Paris -trouver le Roy, qui nous receust avec beaucoup de contentement d’avoir -la paix; mais toutesfois aggreant peu les advantageuses conditions -des huguenots, se deliberant bien, soudain qu’il auroit mon frere à -la cour, de trouver une invention pour rentrer en la guerre contre -lesdits huguenots, pour ne les laisser jouir de ce qu’à regret et -par force on leur avoit accordé seulement pour en retirer mon frere -(Alençon).’—_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 79. - -[72] ‘J’ay ouy dire à de grands capitaines que si le Piedmont au moins -nous fust demeuré ... il eust servy d’escolle tousjours et d’amusement -aux gens de guerre françois, et s’y fussent tous arrestez, et ainsy -ne se fussent adonnez ny affriandez aux guerres civiles; estant le -naturel du François de vacquer tousjours aux œuvres de Mars et d’hayr -l’oysiveté, le repos et la paix.’—_Brantôme_, v. 234. - -[73] John Listhius, a Hungarian noble, married the sister of Nicolas -Olahus, Archbishop of Gran and Primate of Hungary, by whom he had two -sons; after her death he took orders, and became Bishop of Wessprim -in 1568, and Bishop of Raab in 1572. He died in 1578. He was Privy -Councillor to Ferdinand and Maximilian. - -[74] Lazarus von Schwendi, Seigneur of Hohen-Landsperg in Upper -Alsace, was a very remarkable man. He was a friend of Count Egmont, -by whose side he fought at the battles of St. Quentin and Gravelines. -At Maximilian’s request Philip II. allowed him to take command of his -forces in Hungary. He retook Tokay from the Turks in 1565. (Katona, -_Historia Regum Hungariæ_, xxiv. 45; see also _Sketch of Hungarian -History_.) He was also distinguished as a scholar; he wrote a book, _De -Bello contra Turcas gerendo_, and two other treatises. But what marks -his position more than anything else is the fact that two of the most -important manifestos of that age were addressed to him. (1) Orange’s -protest against the administration of Granville. See Motley, _Rise of -the Dutch Republic_, Part II. chap. iv.:—‘This letter, together with -one in a similar strain from Egmont, was transmitted by the valiant -and highly intellectual soldier to whom they were addressed, to the -King of Spain with an entreaty that he would take warning from the -bitter truths which they contained.’ (2) Maximilian’s protest against -the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew (see note 1, page 42). Schwendi -eventually retired to his estates in Alsace, and died at Kirchofen in -1583, aged sixty-two. - -[75] De Blot obtained the appointment (see Foppens, _Bibliotheca -Belgica_, i. 491). - -[76] The Emperor Frederic III., the great-grandfather of Charles V. and -Ferdinand, married Eleonora, daughter of Edward, King of Portugal, in -1452. - -[77] See page 68. - -[78] Montbrun cut to pieces the Swiss troops of de Gordes, who -commanded for the King in Dauphiny. After a less decisive engagement -the day before, he overtook them on June 13 at the passage of the Drome -near Die. Eight hundred Swiss were killed together with their Colonel, -and eighteen standards were taken, while the victors only lost six men. -See _Thuanus_, iii. 93. - -[79] These Palatines were great Polish magnates. - -[80] Charles du Puy Montbrun, a member of one of the oldest families in -Dauphiny, was born about 1530. One of his sisters became a Protestant, -and took refuge in Geneva. He pursued her thither, declaring that he -would either bring her back a Catholic or kill her; but instead of -reclaiming her, he fell under the influence of Beza and became himself -a convert. In 1560 he raised a small partisan force, with which he -carried on a guerilla war in Dauphiny and the Vivarais. His young wife -accompanied him on these expeditions, as the camp was her safest abode. -He took an active part in the civil wars, and fought bravely at Jarnac -and Moncontour. - -The affair mentioned in the text was a mere skirmish. Montbrun was -engaged in hot pursuit of the King’s troops, whom he had defeated a -few days before (see page 78), when a daring attempt was made by a -party of the royal cavalry to seize the bridge of Gervane, and cut -off his retreat. Though he had only a small force in hand, he charged -the enemy, but finding himself outnumbered was compelled to retreat. -His horse fell in trying to leap a ditch, and he was taken prisoner. -Busbecq’s account shows that the affair was represented in Paris as -a decisive victory. Compare Thuanus, iii. 94, who also states that -Montbrun was the first to raise the Huguenot standard after Saint -Bartholomew. D’Aubigné (_Histoire_, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) says he -will give him no eulogy except the title La Noue conferred upon him—to -wit, the Valiant Montbrun. - -[81] The King, however, was at the entertainment. ‘A ces nopces se -trouvèrent le duc de Lorraine et MM. de Guise, avec la pluspart des -princes et seingneurs, qui lors estoient à la Cour, et y dansa le Roy -tout du long du jour, en grande allégresse.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 82. - -[82] Louis Gonzaga, Duc de Nevers, third son of Frederick II., Duke -of Mantua, was born in 1539, and was brought up in France with Henry -II.’s children. He had a horse killed under him at St. Quentin, was -taken prisoner, and was ransomed for 60,000 crowns. In 1565 he married -Henriette de Clèves, the sister of the two last Ducs de Nevers, and of -Catherine de Clèves, wife of the Duke of Guise, and was created Duc -de Nevers. In 1567 he became Governor of the French possessions in -Piedmont, and protested strongly against their cession by Henry III. -(_Mémoires_, i. 1). He was deeply implicated in the Massacre of Saint -Bartholomew. A partisan of the Guises at the beginning of the League, -he afterwards went over to Henry III. At the death of the latter, he at -first assumed an attitude of neutrality between the League and Henry -IV., but soon espoused the royal cause. He died in 1595. - -[83] See note 2, page 53. - -[84] See note, p. 36. - -[85] The Fregosi were one of the four great plebeian families of Genoa, -and gave many Doges to the Republic. Mario de Birague was sent as -ambassador to Genoa in the summer of 1574, and John Galeazzo Fregoso -commanded the two galleys of the said ambassador. Both were received -with great joy at Genoa, though Fregoso was a banished citizen. -Charrière, _Négotiations de la France dans le Levant_, iii. 609. For a -full account of the disturbances at Genoa see _Thuanus_, iii. 113-128. - -[86] Beauvoir, or Beauvois, de la Nocle was one of the Huguenot chiefs -(among whom were Montgomery and the Vidame de Chartres), who were in -the Faubourg St. Germain during the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, and -succeeded in making their escape. He and d’Arènes were the principal -spokesmen of the Deputies at Paris. He was one of the French gentlemen -who accompanied the army of Casimir which invaded France in 1587 under -Dohna. In 1591 Henry IV. sent him as his ambassador to England. - -[87] Buren, in Gelderland, was taken by the Spanish General Hierges, at -the end of June 1575. For details of the siege see _Thuanus_, iii. 73; -_Strada_, i. 393. The date of the final rupture of the negotiations was -July 13, 1575.—Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part IV. ch. iii. - -[88] For a sketch of Mondragon’s life and character see Motley, _United -Netherlands_, iii. 342-3. The expedition which Busbecq mentions as -contemplated was carried out on September 27. See Motley, _Rise of the -Dutch Republic_, Part IV. ch. iii. - -[89] ‘At the same time in the assembly of the Confederate States, -the question of asking the protection of some powerful neighbouring -Sovereign was long and hotly debated, as some were inclined to the -Empire, and the Princes and States of the Empire, others to the King of -France, and others again to the Queen of England. The side, however, -prevailed which was in favour of an English alliance.’—_Thuanus_, iii. -79. For a full account see _Meteren_, 153-155. - -[90] See page 128, and note. - -[91] Duke Eric of Brunswick succeeded his father the Duke of -Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, in the principalities of Gottingen and -Calenberg. Brought up as a Lutheran, he afterwards became a Roman -Catholic. He fought on the Spanish side at St. Quentin, and was -subsequently employed in the Netherlands and Portugal. He does not seem -to have taken his rejection much to heart, as in the following December -he married Dorothea, daughter of Christina, Duchess of Lorraine (see -note, page 63), and sister of Charles, the reigning Duke. Busbecq’s -Queen honoured the marriage of her rejected suitor with her presence -(see page 129). He died at Pavia in 1584. In the opinion of Thuanus -(iii. 703), he was ‘terribilis suis, neque tamen re ulla memorabili -gesta admodum clarus.’ His widow afterwards married the Marquis de -Varembon, the lover of Mademoiselle de Tournon, whose pathetic story is -told by her royal mistress. See _Mémoires de Marguerite_, 110-114. - -[92] Bourg-la-Reine, near Sceaux.—_De l’Estoile_, i. 85. - -[93] Marie Elizabeth (or Isabel) was born October 27, 1572, a few weeks -after the massacre of Saint Bartholomew; Queen Elizabeth of England -was her godmother. An interesting account of her is given by Brantôme, -whose aunt, Madame de Crissé, was her governess. According to him she -had a great idea of her own importance: ‘Une fois, elle estant malade, -le Roy son oncle (Henry III.) demeura trois jours sans l’aller voir; -au troisiesme il y alla. Lors qu’elle le sentit à la porte elle fit -semblant de dormir, et se tourna de l’autre costé; et, encore que le -Roy l’appellast par trois fois, elle fit de la sourde, jusques à ce que -madame de Crissé, ma tante et sa gouvernante, la fit tourner vers le -Roy, envers lequel elle fit de la froide, et ne luy dict pas deux mots: -et s’en estant departi d’avec elle, sa gouvernante se corrouçant contre -elle, luy demanda pourquoy elle avoit faict ce trait et cette mine. -Elle respondit: “Hé quoi! ma mere, comment me fust-il esté possible de -faire cas de luy, et luy faire bonne chere, que, despuis trois jours -que je suis malade, il ne m’a pas veue une fois, non pas seulement -envoyé visiter, moy qui suis sa niepce, et fille de son aisné, et qui -ne luy fais point de déshonneur.”’—_Brantôme_, v. 245. - -She died before she completed her sixth year. The following touching -notice was written at the time of her death:—‘Ce jour (April 2, 1578), -mourust en l’Hostel d’Anjou, à Paris, Madame Marie Ysabel de France, -fille unique et légitime du feu Roy Charles IX^e, aagée de cinq à six -ans, qui fust pleurée et regrettée à cause de son gentil esprit et de -sa bonté et douceur, qu’elle retenoit de madame Ysabel d’Austriche, -fille de l’Empereur Maximilian d’Austriche, sa mère’.—_De l’Estoile_, -i. 239. - -[94] According to Mezeray, _Histoire de France_, iii. 380, and Amyraut, -_Life of La Noue_, 166, his real name was Dianovitz, and he was a -Bohemian by birth (Bohesme, Boësme, Besme). He is, however, generally -called simply Besme. Brantôme, who knew him well, tells us he was a -page of the Cardinal de Guise, and married an illegitimate daughter -of the Cardinal de Lorraine, a former maid of honour to Elizabeth of -France, Queen of Philip II., who gave her a marriage portion. Two years -afterwards he was sent to Spain, by Guise, under the pretext of buying -horses, but in reality, it was said, to renew the secret alliance which -had existed between Philip and the late Cardinal de Lorraine. According -to Brantôme, he went ‘tant pour querir son mariage que pour braver -et se monstrer en piaffe devant le Roy et les Espagnols, et dire que -c’estoit luy qui avoit faict le coup de M. l’Admiral.’ On his return he -was taken prisoner between Barbezieux and Chasteauneuf, and brought to -the Castle of Bouteville. Being recognised, he offered a large sum for -his ransom, and to get Montbrun exchanged against himself. The Guises, -too, made great efforts to obtain his release. However, when news came -of Montbrun’s execution, the inhabitants of Rochelle, ‘qui le vouloient -acheter pour en faire faire justice exemplaire’ (_De l’Estoile_, i. -83), offered 1,000 crowns for him to Bertoville, the Governor of -Bouteville. The latter, for fear of reprisals against the Huguenot -prisoners, did not wish to put him to death openly, and, on the other -hand, had no intention of letting him go unpunished for the murder -of Coligny. He therefore had recourse to the following stratagem. He -caused one of his soldiers to enter into communication with Besme, -and to agree for a bribe to let him escape. The soldier then reported -Besme’s plans to the Governor, who posted an ambush where the fugitive -was to pass. He fell into their hands and was killed on the spot. For -an account of his murder of Coligny, see _Brantôme_, iii. 280. - -[95] The English Ambassador—or more properly Minister—at that time was -Dr. Valentine Dale. - -[96] Compare his sister Marguerite’s account. ‘Le soir venu, peu avant -le soupper du Roy, mon frere changeant de manteau, et le mettant -autour du nez, sort seulement suivy d’un des siens, qui n’estoit pas -recongneu, et s’en va à pied jusques à la porte de Saint-Honnoré, où -il trouve Simié (Jean de Seymer, master of Alençon’s Wardrobe) avec -le carrosse d’une dame, qu’il avoit emprunté pour cet effect, dans -lequel il se mit, et va jusques à quelques maisons à un quart de lieue -de Paris, où il trouva des chevaux qui l’attendoient, sur lesquels -montant, à quelques lieues de là il trouva deux ou trois cens chevaulx -de ses serviteurs qui l’attendoient au rendez-vous qu’il leur avoit -donné. L’on ne s’apperçoit point de son partement que sur les neuf -heures du soir. Le Roy et la Royne ma mere me demanderent pourquoy il -n’avoit point souppé avec eux, et s’il estoit malade. Je leur dis que -je ne l’avois point veu depuis l’apres-disnée. Ils envoyerent en sa -chambre voir ce qu’il faisoit; ou leur vinst dire qu’il n’y estoit pas. -Ils disent qu’on le cherche par toutes les chambres des dames, où il -avoit accoustumé d’aller. On cherche par le chasteau, on cherche par -la ville; on ne le trouve point. A cette heure l’allarme s’eschauffe; -le Roy se met en colere, se courrouce, menace, envoye querir tous les -princes et seigneurs de la cour, leur commande de monter à cheval, -et le luy ramener vif ou mort. . . . . Plusieurs de ces princes et -seigneurs refusent cette commission, remonstrans au Roy de quelle -importance elle estoit. . . . Quelques aultres accepterent, et se -preparerent pour monter à cheval. Ils ne peurent faire telle diligence -qu’ils peussent partir plustost que sur le poinct du jour, qui fut -cause qu’ils ne trouverent point mon frere, et furent contraincts -de revenir pour n’estre pas en esquipage de guerre.’—_Mémoires de -Marguerite_, p. 64. - -[97] See note, p. 117. - -[98] Claude Antoine de Vienne, Baron de Clervant, born at Metz, 1505. -He was the chief leader of the Huguenots in the north-east of France. - -[99] See note 3, p. 124. - -[100] Marguerite de la Marck, sovereign Countess of Aremberg, in -her own right, was widow of Jean de Ligne, the Comte d’Aremberg who -died so gallantly at Heiliger-Lee (see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch -Republic_, Part III. ch. ii.) She had already had the honour of -escorting Elizabeth, when she came to France as a bride. She visited -Marguerite de Valois when she went to Spa in 1577. ‘Plusieurs seigneurs -et dames d’Allemaigne y estoient venus pour me voir, et entre aultres -madame la comtesse d’Aremberg (qui est celle qui avoit eu l’honneur de -conduire la royne Elizabeth à ses nopces à Mezieres, lors qu’elle vint -espouser le roy Charles mon frere, et ma sœur aisnée au roy d’Espaigne -son mary), femme qui estoit tenue en grande estime de l’imperatrice, -de l’empereur, et de tous les princes chrestiens.’—_Mémoires de -Marguerite_, p. 109. - -[101] Du Guast was one of Henry III.’s favourites, and possessed -unbounded influence over his master. On his return from Poland, whither -du Guast had accompanied him, Henry gave him the bishoprics of Amiens -and Grenoble. The former ‘il vendit à une garse de la Cour la somme -de 30,000 francs: aiant vendu auparavant l’évesché de Grenoble 40,000 -francs au fils du feu seingneur d’Avanson.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 39. -The King also gave him 50,000 livres he had raised by a forced loan -from the Councillors and Advocates of the Parliament and Châtelet at -Paris (_De l’Estoile_, i. 54). De l’Estoile, i. 92, gives an account -of his murder. ‘Il fust tué dans sa maison à Paris, rue Saint-Honoré, -et avec lui son valet de chambre et un sien laquais, par certains -hommes armés et masqués, qui l’assassinèrent à coups d’espées et de -dagues, sans estre congneus ne retenus. Il dit, mourant, que c’estoit -le baron de Viteaux, qui estoit à Monsieur, qui l’avoit tué: toutefois -cela ne fust point avéré, encores que la présumption en fust grande, -et que ce coup avoit esté fait soubs bon adveu et par commandement; -d’autant que ce mignon superbe et audacieux, enflé de la faveur de son -maistre, avoit bravé Monsieur jusques à estre passé un jour devant -lui en la rue Sainct-Antoine, sans le saluer ni faire semblant de le -congnoistre, et avoit dit par plusieurs fois qu’il ne recongnoissoit -que le Roy, et que quand il lui auroit commandé de tuer son propre -frère, qu’il le feroit.’ De l’Estoile makes the reflection that, as -he had shed much innocent blood at the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, -so according to the word of God his own was shed, and that he himself -was surprised and killed in his bed in the same manner as he used -to boast he then surprised and killed others. Six months before the -murder, Brantôme, who was an intimate friend of both parties, had -made an attempt to induce du Guast to withdraw his opposition to -the pardon which de Viteaux was anxious to obtain for the murder of -Millaud. (See page 189 and notes.) He thus concludes his account of -the murder: ‘Pour fin, le baron de Viteaux après avoir fait son coup, -sort si heureusement du logis, et se retira si bien et sans aucun -bruit, qu’on n’en soupçonna celuy qui avoit fait le coup que par -conjectures, tant il fut fait secrettement, et ne se put jamais guieres -bien prouver; mesmes à moy, qui luy estois amy intime, ne me l’a voulu -confesser.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 93. The Baron de Viteaux was a notorious -duellist; his death is described by Busbecq (pages 189, 190). Du Guast -was hated by Alençon, and his sister Marguerite. The former’s income -depended on the favourite’s pleasure, ‘mon frere n’ayant eu jusques -alors son appennage, et s’entretenant seulement de certaines pensions -mal assignées, qui venoient seulement quand il plaisoit au Guast’ -(_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 63). He had also got Marguerite into -scrapes, and was the deadly enemy of her lover, Bussy d’Amboise. All -the evidence points strongly to the fact that he was murdered at her -instigation. Not only do Thuanus (iii. 108-9) and Mezeray (_Histoire de -France_, iii. 391) give graphic accounts of her visit to de Viteaux at -the monastery of the Augustins at Paris, where he had taken sanctuary, -and tell how she persuaded him by her caresses to commit the murder, -but her friend Brantôme, while he praises her for not oftener availing -herself of this means of punishing her enemies, and asserts that she -never retaliated on du Guast, makes the following admission (v. 187): -‘Il est vray que lors qu’on l’eut tué, et qu’on luy vint annoncer, -elle estant malade’ (she had a bad cold, _Mémoires_, p. 66), ‘elle -dict seulement “Je suis bien marrie que je ne suis bien guerie pour -de joye solemniser sa mort.”’ In her _Mémoires_ (p. 79), she alludes -to du Guast’s death only incidentally, but at the same time leaves on -record unmistakeable evidence of her feelings towards him. ‘Le Guast -lors estoit mort, ayant esté tué par un jugement de Dieu, pendant -qu’il suoit une diette, comme aussy c’estoit un corps gasté de toutes -sortes de villanies, qui fust donné à la pourriture qui des longtemps -le possedoit, et son ame aux dæmons, à qui il avoit faict hommage par -magie et toutes sortes de meschancetez.’ - -[102] See note 2, p. 64. - -[103] The word in the text is Casteldunum (Châteaudun), but this must -be a misprint or mistake, as Châteaudun is on the other side of the -Loire, and a long way from Poitiers. From a journal kept by an Avocat -of Saint-Maixent in Poitou, we are able to fix Alençon at La Guerche, -which is close to Châtelherault, on October 1. Châtelherault is -therefore probably the place intended. See _Le Riche_, p. 238. - -[104] The Duke of Guise seems hardly to have deserved the credit he -acquired at the battle of Château Thierry. With 10,000 infantry and -1,000 heavy cavalry, he attacked Thoré, whose troops did not number -more than 2,500; even of these some had been tampered with and went -over to the Duke. Neither was the way in which he received the wound -which gave him the soubriquet of ‘le Balafré’ much to his credit as a -soldier. The struggle had been decided, and he was engaged in hunting -down one of the fugitives in a thicket of brambles, when the man turned -and shot him in the face. See _Thuanus_, iii. 105-6. - -‘Le mardi 11^e octobre, le seingneur de Fervacques arriva á Paris, et -apporta nouvelles au Roy de deux mille, que Reistres, que François, -conduits par M. de Thoré, desfaits par le duc de Guise, près Fismes, -en passant la rivière de Marne au-dessus de Dormans. Dont le Roy -fait chanter le _Te Deum_ solennel. Ceste desfaite estoit avenue le -jour de devant 10^e octobre, entre Dameri et Dormans, dont le bruit -fust plus grand que l’effait; car il n’y mourust point cinquante -hommes de part et d’autre, et après que deux ou trois cornettes de -Reistres, prattiquées par argent, eurent fait semblant de se rendre à -la merci du duc de Guise, le seingneur de Thoré passa sain et sauf à -Nogent-sur-Seine avec mil ou douze cens chevaux, et s’alla rendre à -M. le Duc (d’Alençon) à Vatan. Le duc de Guise, en ceste rencontre, -par un simple soldat à pied qu’il attaqua, fut grièvement blessé d’une -harquebuzade, qui lui emporta une grande partie de la joue et de -l’aureille gauche.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 91. - -[105] Giovanni Michel, the Venetian Ambassador, paid his respects to -Busbecq’s Queen, and has left an interesting notice of her appearance -in her white widow’s dress. ‘I was most cordially received by the -Queen, the wife of the late King, and daughter of the Emperor. She knew -me at once, and appeared delighted to see me. She looked very well in -her widow’s dress.’—_Ambassadeurs Vénitiens_, ii. 220. - -[106] John von Manderschiet Blankenheim, Bishop of Strasburg, 1572-92. -The town of Saverne was an appanage of the Bishopric, and here in later -times the Bishops of Strasburg had a magnificent château. - -[107] ‘Limer, or Lime-hound, the same as Bloud-hound, a great dog to -hunt the wild boar.’—_World of Words._ - -[108] Gaspard de Schomberg, Comte de Nanteuil, was descended from a -German family of Meissen, but educated at Angers, in France. In 1562 -he fought in defence of the last-named town on the Protestant side. -He afterwards entered the royal service and fought for the king at -Moncontour. He was next employed on a mission to the German Princes -to induce them to form a league against Spain. He accompanied Henry -III. to Poland, as his Seneschal. He was one of those who persuaded -Henry IV. to go to Mass, and took a prominent part in the negotiations -for peace between him and his rebellious subjects. He was on several -occasions employed as the agent of the French Government for raising -German troops. When Busbecq saw him he had just come to Paris with -Bassompierre and Count Mansfeldt to conclude a bargain with the King -for a levy of 8,000 mercenaries. - -The Kinskys were an ancient Bohemian family. Perhaps, in the course of -his negotiations for hiring German troops, Schomberg had some dealings -with Maximilian’s _protégé_. - -[109] This was no exaggeration, as the following extract from the Diary -of a contemporary will show: ‘Le lundi 5^e décembre, la Roine veufve, -madame Ysabel d’Austriche, partist de Paris, pour s’en retourner à -Vienne, chés son père et sa mère: et lui bailla le Roy messieurs de -Luxembourg, comte de Rais, et l’évesque de Paris, pour l’accompagner: -qui la rendirent entre les mains des députés par l’Empereur son père, -pour la recevoir à Nanci en Lorraine. Elle fut fort aimée et honorée -par les François tant qu’elle demeura en France, nommément par le -peuple de Paris, lequel, plorant et gémissant à son départ, disoit -qu’elle emportoit avec elle le bonheur de la France.’—_De l’Estoile_, -i. 95. - -Miss Freer (_Henry III._, vol. ii. p. 40), says ‘the Queen quitted -Paris during the first week of August, 1575.’ She was led into this -error by the description given by Godefroy (_Le Cérémonial François_, -i. 927) of Elizabeth’s entrance into Orleans on August 21, and has -confounded her journey to Amboise (see p. 96), with her return to -Germany. - -[110] I.e., Hither Austria. The possessions of the House of Hapsburg in -Swabia and Alsace. - -[111] This is the lady who refused to marry Henry VIII. because she had -only one head! See note p. 63. - -[112] The incidental touches, in which Busbecq makes us acquainted -with the character of his mistress, require some little additions in -order to place before the reader an adequate idea of this good and -interesting lady. She was born June 5, 1554, and was consequently a -baby of a few months old when Busbecq started for the East. She was -married to Charles IX. of France, Nov. 26, 1570, when she was but -sixteen. In her new sphere she quickly won the respect and love of all -who knew her. Two years after her marriage, and just before the birth -of her daughter, came the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. During that -awful night she was quietly sleeping, unaware of the horrors that were -passing around her. Next morning she heard the news, ‘Hélas, dit-elle -soudain, le Roy mon mary, le sçait-il?—Ouy, madame, repondit-on: c’est -luy mesme qui le fait faire.—O mon Dieu! s’escria-t-elle, qu’est cecy? -et quels conseillers sont ceux-là qui luy ont donné tel advis? Mon -Dieu, je te supplie et te requiers de luy vouloir pardonner; car, si -tu n’en as pitié, j’ay grande peur que cette offense ne luy soit pas -pardonnée.’—_Brantôme_, v. 297. - -During her husband’s last illness it was noticed that when she came to -see him she did not take a seat by his pillow, but chose the position -from which she could best gaze at the loved features; she did not -speak, no sound passed her lips, but ever and anon she raised her -handkerchief to her face, and wiped away the silent tears; even the -hardened courtiers were touched by this picture of agony suppressed. -After her husband’s death it was observed by one of the women of her -bedchamber that she constantly took the little silver candlestick, -which served as a night-light, inside the curtains of her bed, and as -soon as she thought her attendants were asleep, she knelt up to read -and pray. It is interesting to find that during her widowhood she -became a diligent reader of the Bible. After her return to Vienna she -founded the Nunnery of Santa Clara, where she resided till the time of -her death, which took place January 22, 1592, in the 38th year of her -age. See vol. i. p. 70. - -One story yet remains to be told. She had known Marguerite de Valois -in the pride of her beauty; towards the end of her days she heard -of her as an outcast from her family, poor and desolate. If her own -relations deserted her, her sister-in-law was not forgetful of the -poor fallen woman. She not only sent her kind messages, but most -generously bestowed on her one half of her French revenues. It seems -strange that so warm and loving a nature should ever have been accused -of heartlessness (see note, p. 56). In spite of the silence and -reserve which marked her character she was, beyond all doubt, a most -affectionate daughter, a thoughtful mother, and a devoted wife. - -[113] Cosmo Gienger, a distinguished soldier, who fought against the -Turks. He was at this time _vice-dominus_ of Austria. He died in 1592, -aged 77. - -[114] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part V. ch. v. - -[115] For the outrages committed by Alençon’s troops in French -territory see _De l’Estoile_, ii. 13-14. - -[116] Just six years have elapsed since Busbecq conducted his Royal -mistress to Vienna. The reason suggested (vol. i. p. 67) may perhaps -partly account for this gap in the correspondence. Meanwhile he had -been engaged in watching the Queen’s interests in France, and no doubt -also in enforcing the admirable rule of which he was probably the -suggester. The Queen had the right of appointing certain officers and -judges in the towns and districts from which her revenues were derived. -Such posts were commonly bought and sold, but Elizabeth gave strict -directions that no such traffic should be allowed with regard to the -appointments of which she had the patronage. See _Thuanus_, iii. 87. - -[117] Charlotte de Bourbon, Princess of Orange, died May 5, 1582. For -this letter see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. ch. v. -See also p. 66. - -[118] A great many Albanians (Epirotes) were serving in the Spanish -cavalry, see _Strada_, and also Motley, _United Netherlands_, ii. -47-51, and iii. 108, where a gigantic Albanian is mentioned. - -[119] In 1578 Sebastian, the boy King of Portugal (see p. 30, note), -was killed in battle against the Moors on the field of Alcazar. -By his death the crown devolved on his uncle Henry, the Cardinal, -who, though nearly seventy years old, at first thought of marrying; -this project was stopped by Philip of Spain; he then appointed a -council of regency to arrange the succession. The two most prominent -candidates were Philip of Spain, who had the best right by blood, but -who was most unpopular in Portugal, and Don Antonio, Prior of Crato, -the illegitimate son of Luis, Duke of Beja, brother of the reigning -King. Don Antonio received the support of the representatives of the -people, but, on the death of Henry in 1580, he was quickly driven -out of Portugal by Alva, and took refuge alternately in France and -England, where he received countenance and support from Henry III. and -Elizabeth. The French expedition to the Azores is frequently mentioned -in Busbecq’s letters. The importance of these islands consisted in -their affording a station for ships coming home either from America or -India. We learn from a contemporary historian (_Histoire de Portugal_, -1610), that Catherine de Medici had agreed with Antonio to accept -Brazil in settlement of her claims on the Portuguese throne (see note, -page 161), hence the interest which she took in this expedition, at -the head of which she placed her gallant cousin Philip Strozzi, with -de Brissac, son of the Maréchal de Brissac, as his lieutenant. They -were attacked off St. Michael’s by a greatly superior force of Spanish -ships under Santa Cruz; de Brissac cut his way through and escaped, -Don Antonio contrived to be absent, and Strozzi and Don Antonio’s -Constable, the Count of Vimioso, were wounded and captured. The latter, -being a relation of Santa Cruz, was kindly treated, but died two days -later of his wounds. Strozzi, according to some accounts, was treated -with great barbarity; at any rate he was thrown overboard by the -orders of the Spanish Admiral. His gallant end, and the cruelty of his -captors, excited a strong feeling in France, which found expression in -epigrams, of which the following is a specimen. - - ‘Qui a l’or et l’argent du ciel pour couverture - Et du grand Océan le saphir pour tombeau, - Embaumé d’un renom et los illustre et beau, - Marrannes, n’a besoin de vostre sepulture.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 79. - -An old historian speaks of these epigrams as ‘tumbeaux cizelez de la -plume,’ and of this specimen as one to which none but a Spaniard could -object. - -[120] The Andalusian fleet under Martinez de Recalde, one of the chiefs -of the Spanish Armada. - -[121] It is interesting to find Raleigh criticising Strozzi’s tactics -in fighting at close quarters with the huge galleons of Spain. It would -appear that the engagement supplied a warning to the captains who five -years later baffled the Armada. See _Historie of the World_, p. 791. - -[122] Prince Dauphin of Auvergne, son of Louis de Bourbon, Duc de -Montpensier and Dauphin d’Auvergne. He distinguished himself at Jarnac, -Moncontour, and Ivry. Died in 1592. - -[123] The brother of Admiral Coligny. His son succeeded to the County -of Laval in right of his mother, Claude de Rieux. - -[124] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap. vi. -According to Motley, Parma received a severe check. Froude tells us -that Norris and the English repulsed the Spanish forces after the -States’ troops had fled. _History of England_, chap. lxvi. - -[125] The Earl of Morton, late Regent of Scotland, was executed on a -charge of being an accomplice in the murder of Darnley. His ruin was -brought about by Comte d’Aubigny, then Earl and afterwards Duke of -Lennox. See Froude, _History of England_, chap. lxiii. - -[126] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap. vi. - -[127] See note 2, page 9. - -[128] The case of Salceda was one which greatly exercised the mind -of de Thou, the historian, who ascribes the death of his father -Christopher de Thou to vexation at finding his advice neglected -when the ruffian was brought to trial. Salceda had been condemned -to death by the Parliament of Rouen, for forging money. The Guises, -who had need of his services, obtained his pardon, or to speak more -correctly perhaps, a suspension of his sentence, for his pardon was not -registered by the Parliament of Rouen, though granted by the King. His -mission, according to Motley, was to poison Alençon and Orange, but -according to Salceda’s own confession he was to join Alençon with some -troops, gain his confidence, and get himself appointed to the command -of Dunkirk or some other strong place, which he was to betray to the -Guises. These last were then to rise and compel the King to place them -at the head of his army which they intended to lead against Alençon and -Orange. On being arrested Salceda made various confessions implicating -the Guises and other leading men in France. Christopher de Thou, -President of the Parliament of Paris, one of those before whom he was -tried, was convinced that there was a great deal of truth in Salceda’s -statements, and was most anxious that his life should be spared with -a view to bringing others to justice, but too many great people were -interested in stopping the mouth of their unfortunate tool, and he was -therefore executed. It is probable that the story of an attempt to -poison Alençon and Orange was a mere veil to cover the grounds on which -he was executed. The fact that a distinguished Netherlander, Lamoral -Egmont, cousin of the French Queen, and son of the famous general, -was concerned in Salceda’s plot, seems to point to the accuracy of de -Thou’s version. It is evident that Busbecq thought there was something -more in the matter than appeared on the surface. Compare _Thuanus_, -iii. 565-566, and especially the account in his life. _De vita suâ_, -27-31. Miss Freer gives a very full and interesting account of -Salceda’s conspiracy; see _Henry III._ vol. ii. pp. 304-319. - -[129] The following note was made by one who was in all probability -an eye-witness: ‘Quand Tanchou, lieutenant de robbe courte, présent -à l’exécution avec ses archers, vinst dire au Roy que sur le bas -eschaffaut, sur lequel estoit son corps quand il fust tiré, il s’estoit -fait deslier les deux mains pour signer sa dernière confession, qui -estoit qu’il n’estoit rien de toutes les charges qu’il avoit mises sus -aux plus grands de ce roiaume, le Roy s’escria: “O le meschant homme! -voire le plus meschant dont j’aye onques ouï parler!” Ce disoit le -Roy, pource qu’à la dernière question qui luy avoit esté baillée (où -le Roy avoit assisté caché derrière une tapisserie), il lui avoit ouï -jurer et affermer, au milieu des tortures, que tout ce qu’il avoit dit -contre eux estoit vrai (comme beaucoup l’ont creu et le croient encores -aujourdhui, veu les tragœdies qui se sont jouées en France par les -accusés.)’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 75. - -[130] See note 2, p. 152. - -[131] See note 3, p. 124. - -[132] La Noue. The famous _Bras de fer_. See note 2, p. 21. For an -interesting account of his captivity, see Motley, _Rise of the Dutch -Republic_, Part VI. chap. iv. Parma was offered Count Egmont and de -Selles (see Letter XLV.), in exchange for La Noue; his answer was -that he would not give a lion for two sheep. Philip expressed his -willingness to restore his illustrious captive to liberty if he would -consent to have his eyes put out. Busbecq must have felt some little -grudge against this gallant soldier, for three years before, 1579, -he had stormed Comines and established himself in the castle of the -Halluins. Bousbecque was also occupied by his troops. See Dalle, -_Histoire de Bousbecque_, p. 247. - -[133] The following is an account of one of the royal pilgrimages: -‘L’onziesme jour d’avril, qui estoit le lendemain de Pasques, le Roy -avec la Roine son espouse partirent de Paris à pied et allèrent à -Chartres, et de Chartres à Cleri, faire leurs prières et offrandes à la -Belle Dame révérée solemneilement ès églises desdits lieux, à ce que, -par son intercession, il pleust à Dieu leur donner la masle lignée que -tant ils désiroient. D’où ils furent de retour à Paris, le 24^e dudit -mois, tous deux bien las et aians les plantes des pieds bien ampoullés -d’avoir fait tant de chemin à pied.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 121. - -[134] See Letter XXVII. and note. - -[135] I.e., a son and heir. - -[136] St. Luc had been one of the ‘mignons’ of Henry III. An amusing -story is told of his fall from favour. The King had procured him a -bride in the daughter of Maréchal de Brissac; when they were married -she objected to her husband’s taking part in the dissipations of the -Court. St. Luc, anxious to remain in the Court circle, and at the same -time desirous of gratifying his wife, determined to frighten Henry into -reforming his ways. Accordingly he had a secret passage cut through -the panels of the King’s bedchamber, and one night presented himself -dressed up in the character of an angel. With a piece of brass piping -he imitated the scene of Belshazzar’s feast, and threatened the King -with a most horrible fate if he did not reform his ways. The King was -completely taken in and thoroughly frightened. For sometime afterwards, -whenever it thundered, the King imagined it to be the sign of his -approaching doom, and took refuge under the beds, and in the cellars -of the palace. Unfortunately for St. Luc he could not keep the joke to -himself; at last the King heard of it, his fears were relieved, and his -favourite was dismissed. - -[137] ‘Il arriva de mesme à M. de Sainct-Luc à Anvers, dans la chambre -de M. d’Alençon, luy estant en son cabinet; mais le prince d’Orange en -vit le jeu en sortant, qui fut contre le sieur de Gauville, où il y eut -quelques coups, dont le prince d’Orange s’en estonna, et dit que telles -choses ne furent jamais veues ny faites en la chambre, ny salle, ny -logis de l’Empereur son maistre; autrement il eust mal basté pour les -délinquants.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 136. - -‘Il arriva de mesmes à M. de Sainct-Luc, brave et vaillant seigneur -certes. Ayant esté deffié et appellé par M. de Gauville, dont j’ay -parlé cy-devant, estans tous deux à Anvers au service de Monsieur, -ainsi qu’il alloit resolu au combat, et qu’il vouloit sortir hors la -ville, fut arresté par La Vergne, capitaine de la garde françoise de -Monsieur.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 182. - -[138] Busbecq too received a gold chain from the King, which he -afterwards lost. See p. 132. - -[139] See p. 158. The phrase ‘coining money’ is a joke. - -[140] Catherine de Medici’s claim was through her mother, a lady of -the House of Auvergne and Boulogne; in order to establish it she had -to go back more than 300 years to the first marriage of Alphonso III. -to the widow of a Count of Boulogne. Catherine alleged there were -children of this marriage from one of whom she was descended. Some -have thought that her only object was to show that she came of royal -and ancient descent; this may have been the motive in part, but there -can be no doubt that she hoped to exchange her visionary claim for -some substantial advantage; thus, as has been already stated, she was -willing to sell her pretensions to Don Antonio for Brazil. (See note p. -146). She was eager also to get an offer from Philip in satisfaction -of her claims. ‘Je ne diray jamais ce que je demande, au contraire, -attendrai ses offres qu’il fault qui soient raisonnables, puis qu’il -est saisy et occupateur de ce que je pretendz m’appartenir.’—_Lettre de -la Reine Mère à Longlée_, January 16, 1585, quoted by Motley, _United -Netherlands_, i. 104. Henry threatened to retaliate by accepting the -sovereignty of the Netherlands, if Philip did not compromise the -matter. Catherine de Medici’s pretensions to the Crown of Portugal -were an important factor in the politics of the time. See _Histoire de -Portugal_, 1610, and Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 101-105. - -[141] ‘The largest unbroken plain in Belgium is called _Campine_, -and comprises the north-east portion of Antwerp, and north-west of -Limburg.’ Mac Culloch, _Geographical Dictionary_. - -[142] One of the steps in Alençon’s scheme for the seizure of Antwerp -not noticed by Motley. - -[143] These troubles were occasioned by Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg, -Archbishop of Cologne, having fallen in love with Agnes Mansfeld. He -married her and became a Protestant, but tried notwithstanding to keep -his see and electorate. See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part -VI. ch. vi., and _United Netherlands_, i. 31, 32, and elsewhere. For a -full account, see _Thuanus_, iii. 582-8. - -[144] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. ch. vi. - -[145] Busbecq hesitates to accept what is now known to have been -Alençon’s version of the affair. - -[146] It seems probable that Busbecq’s diplomacy was directed towards -securing the governorship of the Netherlands to a member of the -Austrian house. Hence his dislike of French interference. (Letters I. -and X.) Ernest did ultimately become Governor of the Netherlands in -1594. - -[147] Jean Bodin was Alençon’s chancellor, and acted as his adviser -during the Prince’s stay in England and the Netherlands. After -Alençon’s death he settled down at Laon where he used his influence in -favour of the League; after a time he changed his views, and induced -the citizens to declare in favour of Henry IV. He was the author of a -treatise _On the Republic_ in six books, and other works. - -[148] Catherine de Medici and Mary Queen of Scots; the latter, before -her execution, disposed of money due to her from the King of France. -See Froude, _History of England_, chap. lxix. - -[149] See Letter XLIX, note. - -[150] See note, p. 82. - -[151] See _De l’Estoile_, ii. 29. - -[152] We see from this notice of Busbecq’s that Alençon intended making -Dunkirk the seat of his Government. It is not referred to by Motley, -but Ranke regards it as a most important piece of information. See -_Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xx. - -[153] Daughter of William by his first marriage. Her brother Philip -William had been carried off into Spain by Philip II.’s orders. She -eventually married Count Hohenlo. - -[154] This order was called the Penitents of the Annunciation, -because it was first instituted at that festival. The members of the -fraternity used on certain occasions to go in procession from church to -church, walking two and two, and wearing sacks of different colours, -the knights of the King blue, the knights of St. Michael black, and -the rest white. They were distinguished from similar associations, -which were numerous at that time, by having their faces covered with -a mask, and a large whip hanging from their girdles. The cross was -generally carried by the Cardinal de Guise, who had as his acolytes the -Chancellor and the Keeper of the Seals (i.e. Birague and Cheverny.) - -[155] Maurice Poncet. The King and his courtiers had gone in procession -on a wet day. Poncet, in allusion to their dress, quoted a French -proverb as to the folly of trying to keep off rain with wet sackcloth. -He was rewarded for his temerity by imprisonment in the monastery of -St. Peter at Melun. See _Thuanus_, iii. 627. - -[156] ‘Le 29^e mars, le Roy fist fouetter, au Louvre, jusques à six -vingts, que pages, que laquais, qui en la Salle Basse du Louvre avoient -contrefait la procession des Penitents, aians mis leurs mouschoirs -devant leurs visages, avec des trous à l’endroit des yeux.’—_De -l’Estoile_., ii. 112. - -[157] See Letter XXIX. - -[158] Edmund Auger, the King’s confessor. He was not favourably -disposed towards the League, and on this account was recalled by his -superiors. See _Thuanus_, iii. 626. De l’Estoile, who detested him, -declares that he was originally a juggler, ‘basteleur.’ - -[159] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 342. - -[160] See _Strada_, ii. 261-2. - -[161] For his real object, see _Thuanus_, iii. 630-631. He tried to -obtain the Pope’s approval of a scheme for attacking Montmorency, -Governor of Languedoc, and met with a refusal and rebuke. See Letter -XXXII. - -[162] See _Strada_, ii. 264. - -[163] Busbecq was evidently on the watch for some turn in the affairs -of the Netherlands which might tend to the advantage of the House of -Austria. He did not care for decisive Spanish successes. See Letter XLI. - -[164] See Letter XXI., note. - -[165] De Viteaux was the murderer of du Guast, see page 116. The duel -is described by Brantôme at great length; he had an account of it from -Seigneur Jacques Ferron, who had acted as fencing-master to young -Millaud, de Viteaux’s antagonist. Ferron climbed up a tall walnut -tree in order to get a good view of the contest. Brantôme was a great -admirer of de Viteaux. ‘Ainsi mourut ce brave baron, le parangon de -France, qu’on nommoit tel, à bien venger ses querelles par grandes et -determinées resolutions. Il n’estoit pas seulement estimé en France, -mais en Italie, Espaigne, Allemaigne, en Pouloigne et Angleterre; et -desiroient fort les estrangers venant en France le voir; car je l’ay -veu, tant sa renommée volloit. Il estoit fort petit de corps, mais fort -grand de courage. Ses ennemis disoient qu’il ne tuoit pas bien ses -gens que par advantages et supercheries. Certes, je tiens de grands -capitaines, et mesmes d’italiens, qui sont estez d’autresfois les -premiers vengeurs du monde, _in ogni modo_, disoient-ils, qui ont tenu -ceste maxime, qu’une supercherie ne se devoit payer que par semblable -monnoye, et n’y alloit point là de deshonneur.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 89. - -[166] ‘Le mercredi 15^e febvrier, le baron de Viteaux, revenant sur -le soir du Louvre, fut chargé, en la rue Saint-Germain, près le fort -l’Evesque, par dix ou douze hommes de cheval, bien montés et armés à -l’avantage. Et mist ledit Viteaux brusquement la main à l’espée, et, -vaillamment se défendant, se retira enfin sain et sauf.... On eust -cette opinion que ceste charge avoit esté faicte par le jeune Millaud, -désirant venger la mort de son père.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 105. - -[167] Brantôme gives a long list of de Viteaux’s achievements. He -adds—‘S’il eust vescu, il en vouloit tuer encores deux que je sçay -bien, qui, je croy, ne regrettérent guieres sa mort ... et possible -s’il eust eschappé de ce combat, il fust tumbé en une embuscade qu’on -luy avoit préparée, comme j’ay sceu despuis: car il commençoit à estre -plus craint qu’aymé de quelques très-grands et très-grandes: si que -ce trait du meurtre de M. du Guast fut estimé de grande résolution et -asseurance.’—_Brantôme_, vi. 86-95. - -[168] In the early part of 1575 Montal, the governor of Lower Auvergne, -was killed in a defile by the cavaliers of Magdelene de Senetaire, the -widow of Guy de Saint-Exupery, Seigneur de Miraumont. ‘Cette Amazone, -l’une des merveilles de son siécle pour la beauté, mais encore plus -pour le courage et pour la vertu, avoit toûjours auprés d’elle soixante -jeunes Gentils-hommes en bon équipage, qui s’efforçant tous à l’envy de -meriter l’honneur de son estime, faisoient voir dans leur petite troupe -l’échantillon de cette verité autrefois énoncée par un Ancien, Qu’une -armée composée d’Amans seroit invincible.’—_Mezeray_, iii. 375. - -The Latin is _Montenellus_, and we have identified him with _Montal_ -on the authority of de Foy; his case, however, hardly furnishes a -parallel to the death of de Viteaux, and possibly Louvier de Montrevel -(or Maurevert) is intended, who was killed about this time by the -son of a man he had assassinated. This atrocious scoundrel had been -like Besme (see p. 99) a page in the household of Guise, had murdered -the governor of the pages and deserted. In spite of his crime he was -readmitted to his old position, and undertook to murder Coligny. With -this object he deserted to the Huguenots, and was most kindly received -by Moüy, governor of Niort, who shared with him his bed, his board, and -his purse. Unable to find an opportunity of assassinating the Admiral, -Montrevel murdered his benefactor in the most dastardly manner. Mezeray -draws a parallel between him and de Viteaux, who had at least the -redeeming quality of courage. See _Mezeray_, iii. 224 and 555. - -[169] Bussy d’Amboise was a notorious duellist. On one occasion, for -instance, a gentleman named Saint-Phal was looking at a piece of -embroidery, and made the innocent remark that a certain letter worked -on it was X; Bussy, in order to provoke a quarrel, insisted that it -was Y. The upshot of the dispute was a duel with six champions on -either side; at the first meeting Bussy was slightly wounded, on which -Saint-Phal withdrew from the combat. Bussy endeavoured to arrange -another meeting, but was prevented by the King. - -His end was as follows. The King obtained some letters of Bussy’s -boasting of an intrigue with a married lady, and showed them to her -husband, the Count of Monsoreau. The latter carried off his wife to a -lonely castle and compelled her to write a letter to Bussy, inviting -him to visit her. He fell into the trap, and was murdered by a band -of assassins as soon as he entered the castle. No one regretted him, -not even Alençon, to whom he had attached himself.—_Ambassadeurs -Vénetiens_, ii. 453. - -Bussy’s sister Renée afterwards married Balagny (see Letter XXIX.) -on condition that he would avenge her brother, a promise he never -fulfilled. She is the heroine of Cambrai described by Motley, _United -Netherlands_, iii. 350, 351. - -[170] For the real reason of this outburst, see Letters XXII. XXIX. The -King suspected her of causing his despatches to be intercepted and his -messenger murdered. Whether Margaret was guilty of this murder or not, -she was capable of such acts. See note, p. 116. - -[171] ‘La dame de Duras et la damoiselle de Bethune.’—_De l’Estoile_, -ii. 130. - -[172] Jacques de Harlay, Seigneur de Chanvallon, was the reputed father -of Marguerite’s son. - -[173] One of the chief objects of the first expedition of Santa Cruz -to the Azores (see Letter VI.) was to provide for the safety of the -fleet which was expected from India. Telles Silva, having secured Goa -and the other Portuguese possessions in India for Spain, despatched -a messenger, Jerome Lima, to Philip by an overland route, viâ Ormuz, -Bagdad, Aleppo, Jerusalem, and Tripoli, to inform him of his plans. -Matters appear to have been well timed by the Spaniards, for shortly -after the defeat of Strozzi the Indian fleet hove in sight, and Santa -Cruz, after throwing a garrison into St. Michael, escorted the convoy -to Lisbon. Don Antonio was thus left master of the other islands, but, -as has already been seen, he quickly decamped, leaving Emmanuel Silva -in command. The following year the French sent their second expedition, -consisting of 600 men under de Chattes, Knight of Malta; on reaching -Terceira this gallant officer strongly urged the Portuguese commander -to concentrate his troops in some strong place, as he saw no hope of -preventing the Spaniards, who were shortly expected, from disembarking. -Silva refused to take his advice; Santa Cruz succeeded in landing, -and after a sharp engagement the French, who were deserted by their -Portuguese allies, were driven into the interior. - -De Chattes asked Silva to join him, suggesting that with their united -forces they would be able to offer a better resistance or secure better -terms. Silva returned a most insolent answer, telling him to join the -Spaniards, and boasting that he and his Portuguese were a match for -them both, meanwhile he sent to Santa Cruz, offering to surrender -and betray his French allies. This proposition the Spanish admiral -forwarded to de Chattes by a man who had served with the latter at -Malta. De Chattes no longer hesitated to accept the liberal terms -offered by Santa Cruz, and surrendered with 400 men, on condition of -their keeping their side arms, and being sent back to France. Silva was -quickly hunted down, tortured, and executed. The French who had been -taken prisoners before the surrender of the main body were sent to the -galleys. See _Thuanus_, iii. 637-642. - -[174] The father of Casimir. See note, page 15. - -[175] ‘Le 10^e septembre, vindrent à Paris, en forme de procession, -huict ou neuf cens, qu’hommes, que femmes, que garsons, que filles, -vestus de toile blanche, aveq mantelets aussi de toile sur leurs -espaules, portans chapeaux ou de feutre gris chamarrés de bandes de -toile, ou tous couvers de toile sur leurs testes, et en leurs mains -les uns des cierges et chandelles de cire ardens, les autres des croix -de bois, et marchoient deux à deux, chantans en la forme des pénitens -ou pélerins allans en pélerinage. Ils estoient habitans des villages -de S. Jean des deux Gemeaux et d’Ussy, en Brie, près la Ferté Gaucher. -Et estoient conduis par les deux gentilshommes des deux villages -susdits, vestus de mesme parure, qui les suivoient à cheval, et leurs -damoiselles aussi vestues de mesmes, dedans ung coche. Le peuple -de Paris accourut à grande foule pour les voir venans faire leurs -prières et offrandes en la grande église de Paris, esmeu de pitié et -commisération, leur voiant faire tels pénitenciaux et dévocieux voyages -pieds nuds, et en longueur et rigueurs des chemins. Ils disoient avoir -esté meus à faire ces pénitences et pélerinages pour quelque feux -apparans en l’air et autres signes, comme prodiges veus au ciel et en -la terre, mesmes vers les quartiers des Ardennes, d’où estoient venus -les premiers tels pélerins et pénitens, jusques au nombre de 10 ou 12 -mille, à Nostre-Dame de Reims et de Liesse, pour mesme occasion.’—_De -l’Estoile_, ii. 134. - -[176] Busbecq regarded his books as personal friends; see the end -of the 2nd Turkish letter (vol. i. p. 191). He will not have them -slighted! De Foy omits this letter from his translation on the ground -that it has no historic interest. His real reason is evidently his -inability to reconcile its statements with his own notes on Letter -XII., in which he explains Busbecq’s appeal for a settlement as to -the Greek manuscripts, by supposing that they had been stopped at the -Venetian custom-house. For an account of these books see vol. i. p. 417. - -[177] Their names are given, _Thuanus_, iii. 633. The King selected -three Archbishops, each of whom was accompanied by a distinguished -layman. - -[178] Twenty-six of Busbecq’s miles (see vol. i. p. 82 note) are -equivalent to about sixty English miles, which is the distance of -Château Thierry from Paris. - -[179] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, P. VI. ch. vi. - -[180] To those who know the history of the times, it will not be -surprising that Alençon did not care to come to court. Henry III. -allowed and encouraged his favourites to treat his brother in the -most insolent manner, mimicking him to his face, and pointing at -him. The following is the description of their behaviour at St. -Luc’s wedding:—‘Le duc d’Anjou (Alençon) ne voulut point assister à -la cérémonie; cependant, par complaisance pour la reine-mère, il se -présenta le soir au bal, et eut tout lieu de s’en repentir.... Chacun -le montroit au doigt; on le regardoit en ricanant: on se parloit de lui -à l’oreille, assez haut cependant pour qu’il entendît que sa taille, -son air, sa démarche étoient la matière des plaisanteries.’—_Anquetil_, -viii. 77. - -[181] The King had on a former occasion acted with great precipitation -with regard to Alençon, entering his room at night, searching his -bed for papers, and insisting on seeing a note which his brother -with clasped hands implored him not to open. It turned out to be a -billet-doux!—See _Mémoires de Marguerite_, 136-7. - -[182] See Letter XXII. - -[183] Busbecq’s opinion was amply confirmed by Balagny’s subsequent -career. He established himself at Cambrai as an independent Prince.—See -_United Netherlands_, i. 8, 100; and iii. 347-350. See also p. 227. -Balagny was the son of Busbecq’s friend Jean de Montluc, Bishop of -Valence (see p. 35, note 2), who considered himself married to his -mother. ‘Je croy qu’il ne prit point l’ordre de Prestrise, mais il se -donna la licence d’avoir une femme, dont vint Jean de Montluc-Balagny; -car ayant fort pratiqué les Docteurs des nouvelles opinions, il estoit -dans ce mauvais sentiment que le Celibat n’estoit pas une qualité -necessaire aux Ecclesiastiques.’—_Mezeray_, iii. 450. - -[184] As for instance du Guast, Fervaques, and Brantôme. - -[185] ‘Le dimanche 13^e de novembre, le Prévost de l’Hostel et -ses archers prirent prisonnières 50 ou 60, que damoiselles, que -bourgeoises, contrevenant en habits et bagues à l’édit de la -réformation des habits, sept ou huit mois auparavant publié, et les -constituèrent prisonnières au fort l’Evesque et autres prisons fermées, -où elles couchèrent, quelque remonstrance et offre de les cautionner et -paier les amandes encourues que peussent faire les parens et amis: qui -fut une rigœur extraordinaire et excessive, veu que par l’édit il n’y -gissoit qu’une amande pécuniaire. Mais il y avoit en ce fait un tacit -commandement et consentement du Roy, qui ferma la bouche aux plaintes -qu’on en vouloit faire.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 139. - -[186] Cardinal de Birague’s unpopularity with the Court may be partly -accounted for by a very amusing story told by Thuanus. As Chancellor -of France he was commanded by the King to make a speech before the -Parliament asking for the confirmation of some financial measures which -his Majesty had sent to them. Henry was present with all his courtiers. -Whether Birague intended the sarcasm or not it is impossible to say; -but to the great amusement of the ready-witted Frenchmen he said, -looking round on the royal favourites, ‘Really the causes of the King’s -poverty and want of money are so obvious that everyone can see them.’ -He repeated the phrase again and again, amid roars of laughter. See -_Thuanus_, iii. 626. Compare also pp. 177, 178. - -The following is the opinion of his fellow officials:—‘Ce chancelier -estoit Italien de nation et de religion, bien entendu aux affaires -d’Estat, fort peu en la justice; de sçavoir, n’en avoit point à -revendre, mais seulement pour sa provision, encores bien petitement. -Au reste, libéral, voluptueux, homme du temps, serviteur absolu des -volontés du Roy, aiant dit souvent qu’il n’estoit pas Chancelier de -France, mais Chancelier du Roy de France, ce que son successeur a -sceu encores mieux prattiquer que lui. Car il mourust pauvre pour -un homme qui avoit longtemps servi les Roys de France, n’estant -aucunement ambitieux, et meilleur pour ses amis et serviteurs que pour -soi-mesmes. Il disoit, peu auparavant son décès, qu’il mouroit cardinal -sans tiltre, prebstre sans bénéfice, et chancelier sans seaux.’—_De -l’Estoile_, ii. 140. - -[187] Philippe Hurault, Comte de Cheverny. - -[188] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI., chap. -vi. It is interesting to compare the dates as given by Motley with -Busbecq’s letter. The latter throws a fresh light on the character -of the ‘roaring demagogue’ Imbize. It appears from _Thuanus_ (iii. -646) that Imbize, to gain the favour of the people, immediately on -becoming Senator, threw into prison certain citizens, whom he accused -of intriguing with the Spaniards, and having betrayed the Pays de Waes -to them. The trick succeeded; Imbize won the confidence of the people, -and, having attained his object, yielded to Champagny’s entreaties and -released the prisoners. - -[189] The following is a description of Henry III. at the Carnival of -1577:—‘Il faisoit jouxtes, tournois, ballets et force masquarades, où -il se trouvoit ordinairement habillé en femme, ouvroit son pourpoint et -descouvroit sa gorge, y portant un collier de perles et trois collets -de toile, deux à fraize et un renversé, ainsi que lors les portoient -les dames de sa Cour.’—_De l’Estoile_, i. 180. - -[190] When Throgmorton was known to have confessed, ‘there was a flight -of Catholics over the Channel thick as autumn swallows.’—_Froude_, -chap. lxv. - -[191] The Earl of Northumberland—a mistake of Busbecq’s. - -[192] See _Froude_, chap. lxv. - -[193] _Thuanus_, iii. 679. - -[194] See p. 11, and note, p. 185. - -[195] Michel de Seure, Grand Prior of Champagne, a great favourite with -Catherine de Medici. The following scene is described as occurring -after Alençon’s sudden arrest and liberation in 1578: ‘Laquelle estant -finie de cette façon, le chevalier de Seure, que la Royne ma mere avoit -baillé à mon frere pour coucher en sa chambre, et qu’elle prenoit -plaisir d’ouyr quelquesfois causer, pour estre d’humeur libre, et qui -disoit de bonne grace ce qu’il vouloit, tenant un peu de l’humeur d’un -philosophe cynique, se trouvant devant elle, elle luy demande: “Et -bien, monsieur de Seure, que dictes vous de tout cecy?” “C’est trop -peu,” dict-il, “pour faire à bon escient, et trop pour se jouer.” Et -se tournant vers moy, sans qu’elle le peust entendre, me dit: “Je -ne croy pas que ce soit icy le dernier acte de ce jeu; nostre homme -(voulant parler de mon frere) me tromperoit bien, s’il en demeuroit -là!”’—_Mémoires de Marguerite_, p. 148. - -[196] ‘Le 6^e jour de mars, le Roy estant au Conseil, en son chasteau -du Louvre, entra en grande colère contre le chevalier de Seure, -grand-prieur de Champaigne, jusques à lui donner des coups de poing -et de pied, pource que (comme il est haut à la main et furieux en -sa colère) il avoit dit à Milon, seingneur de Videville, premier -intendant des finances, qu’il estoit un larron et assassin du peuple de -France, d’ailleurs par trop affligé, l’aiant chargé de huit millions -d’escus, sous couleur de paier les debtes du Roy, qu’il disoit monter -à ladite somme, combien qu’elles ne montassent qu’à cinq millions, -et par ce moien surchargeoit furtivement le pauvre peuple de trois -millions. Et au Roy, survenant sur ces propos, osa encores dire: -“Sire, vous savez bien ce qui en est;” et lui aiant respondu le Roy -qu’il ne s’en souvenoit point, fust d’abondant si temeraire que de -répliquer hautement et superbement: “Si vous voulez mettre la main -sur la conscience, Sire, vous savez ce qui en est.” Ce que le Roy (ne -prenant pas d’ailleurs plaisir a ouïr de tels propos) print pour une -forme de démenti, et par une promte colère mist la main sur ledit -chevalier, l’excédant, ainsi que dit est.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 149. -Michel de Seure was one of the commissioners mentioned pp. 198, 201. -See _Thuanus_, iii. 633. - -[197] Pierre de Gondi. See note, p. 40. - -[198] See _Froude_, chap. lxvi. - -[199] _Strada_, ii. 281. - -[200] See Letter XXXII. - -[201] ‘Sur la fin de ce mois (May), la Roine-mère s’en alla à Monsseaux -et de là à Chasteau-Thierri, voir M. le Duc son fils, grièvement -malade. Elle en revinst le premier juing, et fist apporter par eau les -plus précieux meubles de son dit fils, abandonné des médecins et de -tout humain secours.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 154. - -[202] The secret is told us by a contemporary:—‘Le 16^e jour de may, -le duc Desparnon partist de Paris par mandement et commission du Roy, -pour aller en Gascongne trouver le Roy de Navarre, lui porter lettres -et créance de la part de Sa Majesté, par lesquelles elle l’ammonestoit, -enhortoit et prioit, pource que la vie du duc Dalençon, son frère, -estoit déplorée et n’en attendoit-on de jour à autre que nouvelles de -sa mort, de venir à la Cour près d’elle et d’aller à la Messe, parce -qu’il le vouloit faire recongnoistre son vrai héritier et successeur de -sa couronne, lui donner grade et dignité près de sa personne, tels que -méritoient les qualités de beau-frère et légitime successeur de ladite -couronne de France, et recevoir de lui tous les honneurs, avantages -et bons traitemens que telles qualités et la bonne amitié qu’il lui -portoit pouvoient requerir.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 153. - -[203] This is evidently Busbecq’s verdict, which he cautiously assigns -to others. Compare Motley’s sketch of Alençon, _Rise of the Dutch -Republic_, Part V. chap. v. Henry IV. expressed his opinion of Alençon -as follows:—‘Un cœur double, un esprit malin, et tourné comme son corps -mal bâti.’ - -[204] Navarre’s title to the succession was recognised in his marriage -contract with Marguerite.—See _Thuanus_, iv. 3. - -[205] _I.e._ Monsieur. ‘A nul appartient d’estre appellé en France -simplement _Monsieur_, que le premier prince du sang ampres le -Roy.’—_Brantôme_, iii. 83. - -[206] Compare _Thuanus_, iii. 680. - -[207] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap. vii. - -[208] See _Strada_, ii. 306, 307. Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 156. - -[209] ‘Le 25^e juillet, le Roy, après avoir fait quelque séjour à -Vincennes, pour y establir ses Hiéronimites, retourna à Fontainebleau, -et de là prist le chemin de Lyon; où estant arrivé, osta le -gouvernement de la ville au seingneur de Mandelot, et le bailla au -seingneur du Bouchage, frère du duc de Joieuse.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. -164. - -[210] Des Pruneaux. See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 58 seq. - -[211] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 31, where this passage is -quoted as Busbecq’s own opinion. Such, no doubt, it is, but, with his -usual caution, he puts it in the mouth of others. - -[212] A full account of Parma’s operations at Dendermonde is to be -found _Strada_, ii. 308-11. Busbecq’s brother-in-law, Jacques de -Yedeghem, had been captain, governor and high bailiff of Dendermonde -(Tenremonde) during 1566 and 1567. He kept the town quiet during those -troublous times, and gained the approval of the Governor-general of the -Netherlands.—Dalle, _Histoire de Bousbecque_, p. 50. - -[213] See Letter XXIX. - -[214] See Letter XVIII., and note 3, p. 224. - -[215] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 113, and note p. 7. - -[216] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 21-23. _Strada_, ii. 317. - -[217] ‘Le 19^e octobre, le Roy, de Blois, et les Roines, de Chenonceau, -partirent en grand haste, pource que deux ou trois damoiselles de la -Roine se trouvèrent frappées de peste; dont l’une, nommée Monmorin, -en mourut. Et se trouvant Ruscellaï à Fontainebleau, au disner du -Roy, et s’estant meu propos de ceste peste, et de la peur que le Roy -et les Roines en avoient eue et avoient encores, il osa dire au Roy -“que Sa Majesté ne devoit point craindre ceste maladie, pource que -la Cour estoit une plus forte peste, sur laquelle l’autre ne pouvoit -mordre.”’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 172. - -[218] Jean Baptiste Tassis (or Taxis) was one of Philip’s most able -diplomatists. He was the son of Jean Baptiste de Tassis, who in 1545 -was appointed Postmaster General throughout Germany and the Netherlands -by Charles V., and whose uncle Francis had in 1516 established a riding -post between Brussels and Vienna by order of the Emperor Maximilian. To -his family, as Strada points out, the world is indebted for the first -regular system of posting in modern times—even down to 1866 the Princes -of Thurn and Taxis managed the posts of Würtemberg, Nassau, Hesse, the -Hanse towns, and some other German principalities. This is the point -of James I.’s complaint that ‘Spain sent him a postilion-ambassador.’ -Motley seems to explain the remark by stating that Tassis was chief -courier to Philip. It is hardly probable that a great ambassador would -be employed in such an office. See also note, p. 28. - -[219] The Kings of England claimed the same power. ‘The days on which -this miracle was to be wrought were fixed at sittings of the Privy -Council, and were solemnly notified by the clergy in all the parish -churches of the realm. When the appointed time came, several divines -in full canonicals stood round the canopy of state. The surgeon of -the royal household introduced the sick. A passage from the sixteenth -chapter of the Gospel of Saint Mark was read. When the words, “They -shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover,” had been -pronounced, there was a pause, and one of the sick was brought up -to the King. His Majesty stroked the ulcers and swellings, and hung -round the patient’s neck a white riband to which was fastened a gold -coin.’—Macaulay, _History of England_, chap. xiv. - -[220] Senlis.—_Thuanus_, iii. 714. - -[221] The practical advantages of this plan are illustrated by the -cases of Montmorency and Damville. See pp. 68, 69, 77. - -[222] See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part VI. chap, iv., -and Letter IX, note. He was a member of the house of St. Aldegonde, -Seneschal to the King of Spain, and Lieutenant of the Royal bodyguard -of Archers. He had been sent by Philip in 1578 to Don John of Austria -and the States-General to negotiate peace.—Tassis, _Mémoires_. - -[223] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 95, note. - -[224] Busbecq calls this nobleman de Herbei. This was the regular -French spelling of the name. Noailles, the French ambassador to Queen -Mary, always uses it. See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 98, and -_Froude_, chap. lxvii. - -[225] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 67. - -[226] His name was Ferrand. He was secretary to the King of Navarre, -and asserted that he had made the attempt at the instigation of his -Queen (Marguerite).—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 181. - -[227] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 139. - -[228] See Ranke, _History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap -xxi. - -[229] See Ranke, _History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. -xxi. - -[230] ‘Ligue sainte, dy-je, pourpensée et inventée par défunct Charles, -Cardinal de Lorraine, voiant la lignée de Valois proche de son période, -et l’occasion se présenter, sous ce beau masque et saint prétexte de -religion, d’exterminer les premiers de la Maison de Bourbon et les -plus proches de la Couronne, pour faire ouverte profession de ladite -Religion Prétendue Réformée, et par ce moien empiéter la couronne -de France, qu’ils disoient avoir esté ravie à Lotaire, dernier -Roy de France de la race de Charlemagne, et à ses enfants, leurs -prédécesseurs, par Hugues Capet, qui n’y pouvoit prétendre aucun droit -que par la violente et injuste usurpation, par le moien de laquelle il -s’en estoit emparé.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 184. - -[231] This surmise was perfectly correct. See Motley, _United -Netherlands_, i. 111. - -[232] William Robert de la Marck, Duke of Bouillon and Prince of Sedan -from 1574 to 1588. A Huguenot like his father. ‘Le Roy, adverti de -tous ces remuemens de divers seingneurs et endroits de son roiaume, et -mesmes par le duc de Bouillon, qui lui donna advis de la grande levée -de gens de guerre que sous main faisoit le duc de Guise, pendant qu’il -s’amusoit à baller et masquer, fist responce qu’il ne le croioit ni ne -craingnoit.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 185. - -[233] See Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xxi. - -[234] See Motley, _United Netherlands_, i. 117. - -[235] They asked that the Estates should meet once every three -years.—Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xxi. - -[236] Sixtus V. was elected Pope the day before this letter was -written. Gregory XIII., who died on April 10, though he was reported -to have approved of the Catholic Princes taking up arms in defence of -their religion (see Sismondi, xx. 150), yet refused to issue any Bull -in their favour. ‘Ce Pape n’avoit jamais adhéré à la levée des armes de -la Ligue, et peu de jours avant sa mort, avoit dit au cardinal d’Est, -que la Ligue n’auroit ni Bulle, ni Bref, ni Lettres de lui, jusques à -ce qu’il vid plus clair en leurs brouilleries.’—_De l’Estoile_, ii. -190. The statement in the text must therefore be a _canard_ started by -the Leaguers. - -[237] Compare vol. i. 219, 220. For the war between Turkey and Persia, -see Creasy, _History of the Ottoman Turks_, chap, xii, and Von Hammer, -bks. xxxviii. and xl. Peace was concluded in 1590, Persia ceding -Tabriz, Shirwan, and Georgia. - -[238] Philippe Emmanuel, Marquis de Nomeny, son of Nicolas Comte de -Vaudemont and Duc de Mercœur, married Marie, daughter and heiress of -Sebastian de Luxembourg, Vicomte de Martigues and Duc de Penthièvre. -(See page 80.) He succeeded his father as Duc de Mercœur in 1577, and -was appointed Governor of Brittany in 1582. During the civil wars after -Henry III.’s death, he aspired to make himself independent. With this -view he negotiated with Philip II., and introduced Spanish troops into -Brittany. He maintained his position till 1598, when he was obliged -to surrender to Henry IV. He then entered the service of the Emperor -Rodolph, and fought in Hungary against the Turks. He died at Nuremberg -on his way home in 1602. His only daughter and heiress was married to -Cæsar, Duc de Vendôme, Henry IV.’s son by Gabrielle d’Estrées. In a -caricature described by de l’Estoile (ii. 230) representing the chiefs -of the League, the motto given to the Duc de Mercœur is ‘Symbolum -ingratitudinis.’ - -[239] See Letter XXXVII. - -[240] For Lansac’s piracies, see _De l’Estoile_, ii. 361. - -[241] Charles de Cossé-Brissac, nephew of Maréchal Cossé (p. 8). He -acted as Strozzi’s lieutenant (see note p 146). Froude in his account -of the French expedition to the Azores calls him ‘the Huguenot de -Brissac,’ whereas he was one of the chiefs of the League. For his -attempted seizure of Angers, see _Mezeray_, iii. 769, 770. He was -appointed Governor of Paris by Mayenne at the request of the Spanish -Ambassadors in 1594. _Mezeray_, iii. 1101-2. - -[242] See note 1, p. 260. - -[243] See Ranke, _Civil Wars and Monarchy in France_, chap. xxii. - -[244] The Marquis of Richebourg and the Seigneur de Billy, a -distinguished Portuguese officer, were both killed. See Motley, _United -Netherlands_, i. 191-196. - -[245] See _Thuanus_, iv. 10. - -[246] See _Froude_, chap. lxvii. - -[247] The grant was made by the deputies of the Clergy assembled at -the Abbey of Saint-Germain des Prés, on October 2, and on the 16th, -a second Edict against the Huguenots was published ordering them to -conform or leave the kingdom within fifteen days.—_De l’Estoile_, ii. -213. - -[248] See _Thuanus_, iv. 50 seq. - -[249] The Seigneur de Tavannes, appointed Governor by the League. See -_De l’Estoile_, ii. 216. - -[250] Dated August 28, 1585. Published in Paris towards the end of -September.—_De l’Estoile_, ii. 210. See Motley, _United Netherlands_, -i. 132. - -[251] Brother of the Prince de Condé. After his uncle’s death he -assumed the title of Cardinal de Bourbon, see note, page 7. - -[252] M. Savary de Lancosme, nephew of M. de Villequier, one of the -King’s favourites. - -[253] ‘Paris est divisé comme en trois villes par la riviere de Seine -qui passe au milieu.... L’autre partie, qui est à gauche de ladicte -riviere, est nommée l’Université.’—Palma Cayet, _Histoire de la Ligue_, -i. 251. The four faubourgs were those of St. Germain, St. Jacques, St. -Marceau, and St. Victor. - -The famous La Noue on this occasion attempted to enter Paris by wading -along the side of the Seine immediately under the Tour de Nesle, so as -to land on the Quai des Augustins. Unfortunately, he rashly led the -way himself, and keeping too close to the foot of the tower, where the -water happened to be deepest, suddenly got out of his depth, and was -nearly drowned. The enterprise consequently proved a failure. - -[254] The Cardinal de Bourbon, Henry IV.’s uncle, the Prince de -Joinville, son and successor to Henry, Duke of Guise, and the Duc -d’Elbœuf had been arrested by Henry III.’s orders, on December 23, -1588, the day of Guise’s assassination. Others, who had been arrested -at the same time, had been executed, had escaped, or had been released, -but these three still remained in close custody. The Cardinal was -confined at Fontenay, and the two Dukes at Tours. - -[255] Between this letter and the last intervenes a period of nearly -four years. See vol. i. p. 69. From the purchase-deed of the Seigneury -of Bousbecque and Parma’s _Sauve-garde_ (see Appendix), we know that -Busbecq continued to reside in France as the agent of Elizabeth. This -letter was written three months after the assassination of Henry III. -After that event Navarre had been obliged to retreat to Normandy -pursued by the Duke of Mayenne. The latter, however, after his attack -on Henry at Arques had failed, retired to Amiens and left the way open -for his enemy to make a dash on Paris. - -[256] The governor was de Maillé-Brezé, Seigneur de Benehart; and the -monk was a cordelier named Robert Chessé or Jessé. Thuanus (v. 32) -gives an account of their execution. The monk died like a brave man, -the governor like a coward. - -[257] Philippe de Lenoncourt, Bishop of Châlons-sur-Marne, and -afterwards of Auxerre, Cardinal of San Onofrio. It is a disputed point -whether he ever actually became Archbishop of Rheims. See _Gallia -Christiana_, ix. 156. - -[258] Henry, eldest son and successor of Charles, Duke of Lorraine. He -sometimes bears the title of Duke of Bar. He married in 1599 Catherine, -Henry IV.’s sister (see note, page 51). After her death he married -Margaret de Gonzaga, daughter of the Duke of Mantua. He died in 1624. -He had taken part in Mayenne’s autumn campaign against Henry, and was -now on his way home from Amiens, where he had been detained some time -by illness. - -[259] ‘Mayenne exposa la nécessité d’établir un conseil général de -l’union, dont l’autorité seroit reconnue par toute la France. Des -désignations pour ce conseil suprême étoient déjà faites par le -conseil particulier de la ville. Il en donna le rôle; on y trouvoit -trois évêques, de Meaux, de Senlis et d’Agen, six curés de Paris, sept -gentilshommes, vingt deux bourgeois de Paris; ce qui, avec lui-même -pour président et un secrétaire, formoit quarante membres.’—_Sismondi_, -xx. 472. - -[260] He was Cardinal Caietano, brother of the Duke of Sermoneta. He -arrived in Paris on January 5. - -[261] The people of Dijon eleven years before had been desirous of -having a separate bishopric, but were prevented by the opposition -of the Bishop and Chapter of Langres, in which diocese Dijon was -situated.—_Gallia Christiana_, iv. 637. - -[262] These reports were not unfounded. Sultan Amurath had in fact -written to Navarre promising protection against Spain, and offering to -send a fleet of 200 sail to Aigues-Mortes.—_Collection des Documents -Inédits sur l’Histoire de France, Lettres Missives de Henri IV._, iii. -364. Part of the letter is quoted by Motley, _United Netherlands_, iii. -48. - -[263] The citadel of Rouen was actually betrayed to the Royalists on -February 19, but was recovered by Aumale four days afterwards. - -[264] The siege began on January 9, and was raised in the middle of -February. _Aubigné, Histoire_, vol. iii. bk. iii. ch. iv; _Thuanus_, v. -41-3. - -[265] This letter is not dated, but from the mention of the Legate’s -arrival and the siege of Meulan, it appears to have been written -towards the end of the first half of January 1590. Busbecq was -probably then at Mantes, the place from which the next letter was -written. Mantes is about twenty-five English miles from Evreux, which -corresponds roughly with ten of Busbecq’s miles. See vol. i. page 82, -note. - -[266] Pierre d’Espinac was born in 1540, and became Archbishop of Lyons -in 1574. He was Speaker, or Prolocutor, of the States-General held at -Blois in 1576. Catherine de Medici, when the Leaguers first took up -arms, sent him to negotiate with them (see p. 246.) However, he went -over to that party, and was thenceforth one of the strongest partisans -of the League. According to his own account, he was forced to take this -step by the insults he received from Epernon, the King’s favourite; his -enemies, on the other hand, asserted that his motive was the hope of -gaining a Cardinal’s hat. After the assassination of Guise, at Blois, -in December 1588, the Archbishop was one of those arrested, and he -shared the prison of the Cardinal, the brother of the murdered duke. -Each expected to meet the same fate, and each confessed to the other, -and received absolution at his hands. The Cardinal was put to death -the following day without trial, but the Archbishop’s life was spared. -On his trial he refused to answer when interrogated by the judges, on -the ground that, as Archbishop and Primate, he was subject only to the -jurisdiction of the Pope, or of delegates appointed by him. He was then -imprisoned at Amboise. On his release he again joined the League, and -was Mayenne’s strongest partisan. He died in 1599, refusing to the last -to acknowledge Henry IV.—_Thuanus_, v. 855. - -[267] Nanteuil-le-Haudoin, 49 kilometres, or about 31 English miles, -from Paris. Busbecq’s ‘French miles’ must therefore be leagues. The -château had been purchased by Schomberg from the Guises in 1578, and he -derived from it his title of Comte de Nanteuil. - -[268] The appointment of these commissioners, and the seizure of -Mayenne’s letters, are mentioned by Busbecq, and, as far as we have -been able to discover, by Busbecq alone. These facts are not noticed by -Sismondi. As has been already remarked (vol. i. page 64, note), these -letters have apparently entirely escaped the notice of historians. - -[269] Little more than two years intervened between the date of this -letter and the writer’s death. See vol. i. pp. 70, 71. - -[270] See for example vol. i. p. 162, pp. 239-241, and p. 351. - -[271] See vol. i. p. 94. - -[272] See vol. i. pp. 94, 167, 407. - -[273] Ferdinand and Louis had married each other’s sisters. Mary, the -wife of the latter, was afterwards Regent of the Netherlands for her -brother Charles V. See Motley, _Rise of the Dutch Republic_, Part I. -chap. i. - -[274] See vol. i. p. 410. - -[275] See vol. i. p. 409. - -[276] See vol. i. p. 166. - -[277] See vol. i. pp. 78, 79. - -[278] See vol. i. p. 301. - -[279] See vol. i. pp. 79, 176. - -[280] See vol. i. p. 80. - -[281] See vol. i. p. 236. - -[282] See vol. i. pp. 111-118. - -[283] See vol. i. p. 80. - -[284] See vol. i. p. 81. - -[285] See vol. i. p. 190. - -[286] See vol. i. p. 85. - -[287] See vol. i. pp. 237-239. - -[288] See p. 282. - -[289] See vol. i. p. 236. - -[290] See vol. i. p. 348, note. - -[291] See vol. i. p. 297. - -[292] See vol. i. p. 386. - -[293] This summary of the treaty is taken from a Latin version of the -Turkish original made by John Spiegel, Ferdinand’s first interpreter, -which is usually printed with Busbecq’s letters. - -[294] See note 2, p. 73. - -[295] Nonsuch Park, at Cheam, was a favourite residence of Queen -Elizabeth. - -[296] See pp. 271-2. - -[297] The original of this patent of Knighthood is preserved in the -Imperial Archives at Vienna. - -[298] The blank supplies the place of a foul epithet. - - - - -_INDEX TO THE LETTERS._ - - - _Aa_, John Van der, member of Ferdinand’s privy council, presents - Busbecq to Ferdinand, i. 78 - - _Abbot_ of Turkish Monastery—his alleged miracles, i. 363-365 - - _Achmet_ Pasha, appointed Grand Vizier, i. 118; - his character, 119; - Busbecq and his colleagues visit, 152; - strangled, 176; - details of his execution, 189-190; - many of his retainers join Bajazet, 275 - - _Aconite_ or Napellus, used by Turkish pilgrim, i. 362 - - _Acorus calamus_, plant sent by Busbecq to Mattioli, i. 415 - - _Adrianople_, town of, i. 107; - Solyman’s winter residence, 198; - Busbecq summoned thither, 199; - earthquake there, 200 - - _Affenstein_, commander of German reiters, killed, ii. 104 - - _Aga_ of the Janissaries, mentioned, i. 232, 285 - - _Agiamoglans_, name of a class among the Christian tribute children, - i. 306, and _note_ - - _Aigues-Mortes_, seaport in Languedoc, surprised by the Huguenots, - ii. 42, and _note_; - Italian nobles captured by the Huguenots taken thither, 155 - - _Akschehr_, town in Asia Minor taken by Bajazet, i. 273 - - _Albacar_, Spanish physician sent by Busbecq to Lemnos, i. 416 - - _Albanians_, a Georgian tribe, i. 246 - - _Albanians or Epirotes_, ii. 143, and _note_ - - _Aldegonde_, St., a prisoner in the hands of the Royalists, ii. 4; - said to be sent by the States as envoy to Alençon, 198; - made burgomaster of Antwerp, 210 - - _Alençon_, Francis, Duke of, afterwards Duke of Anjou, waiting at Lyons - for his brother, ii. 7; - his constitution delicate, 43; - at the Cardinal de Lorraine’s funeral, 46; - at the ball given on the Marquis de Nomeny’s marriage, 81; - his restless spirit, 95; - supposed to have dealings with the Huguenots, 96; - accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, _ib._; - his flight and his motives, 100-104, and _note_; - expected to return to Blois, 105; - demands that the negotiations be held at Blois instead of Poitiers, - 114; - supposed to have instigated du Guast’s murder, 116; - interferes in his quarrel with Thoré, 118; - takes possession of Châtelherault, 120; - demands Bourges and other towns, _ib._; - will probably come to terms, 131; - his expedition to the Netherlands, 141; - intends ravaging Hainault, 143; - sends to Italy to hire horse, _ib._; - a champion of the Catholics, 144; - reinforcements for him, 147; - witnesses the battle at Ghent, 148; - disposition of his troops, 149; - expects to visit England 156; - prevails on citizens of Antwerp to admit 300 French noblemen, 162; - his attempt to seize Antwerp, 166; - retreats to the monastery of St. Bernard, 167; - and thence to Dendermonde, 168; - his probable course of action, _ib._; - blackness of his conduct, 170; - excuses made for it, _ib._; - complete breach with citizens of Antwerp, 173; - his ill-regulated mind, 174; - proposed compromise with him, 174-175; - chooses Dunkirk as his residence, 179; - reported to be concerned in fresh disturbances, 180; - ill at Dunkirk, 181; - presents Fervaques with an abbacy, _ib._; - sends Pibrac to Antwerp, _ib._; - writes to stop his mother from coming, 182; - meets her at La Fère, 185; - has lost everything in Netherlands but Cambrai, 186; - returns to France, _ib._; - said to be going to marry the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine, - 194; - said to have handed over Cambrai to his brother, 195; - his probable plans, _ib._; - appointed by the king his Lieutenant with limited powers, 196; - at Cambrai in great want of money, 198; - envoys to him from the States, _ib._; - likely to come to Paris, 199; - goes to Château Thierry, 201; - intends to winter at Angers, 202; - goes to Laon, _ib._; - will not come to court, 203; - his rumoured negotiations with Spain for sale of Cambrai, 204; - changes his plans, will winter at Château Thierry, 206; - his humiliating position, _ib._; - suspected attempt to murder, 209; - about to receive an embassy from the Netherlands, 210; - urges his claim to be made Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, 212; - visits his mother, 213; - by her advice approaches the king submissively, _ib._; - advised to secure the favour of Joyeuse and Epernon, _ib._; - returns to Château Thierry, 214; - his serious illness, 216; - reported to be in a decline, 217; - given over, 218; - confined to his bed, 219; - importance of his death for France, _ib._; - his death, 221; - his character, _ib._; - preparations for his funeral, _ib._; - said to have bequeathed Cambrai to his mother, 222; - his funeral, 223 - - _Ali_ Pasha, second vizier, and afterwards Grand Vizier, his origin - and character, i. 157, 342; - banquet given by him to Persian ambassador, 157; - his foolish speech, 234; - becomes Grand Vizier, 334; - grants Busbecq’s request to leave his house, _ib._; - sends a cavasse to him, 342; - contrasted with Roostem, 343-345; - his interviews with Busbecq, 345; - his policy, 346; - his accident, _ib._; - conversation with Busbecq about the invasion of Moldavia, 349-351; - helps to procure the release of Busbecq’s servants, 368; - sends him sweetmeats, 375; - informs him of Bajazet’s death, 385; - his presents to him on his departure, 388; - what he wished in return, 391 - - _Ali_ Pasha, the eunuch, appointed to the command in Hungary, i. 236; - visited by Busbecq and his colleagues, 237; - description of him, _ib._; - his operations in Hungary, _ib._; - his rashness checked by a Sanjak-bey, 238; - his discomfiture and death, 239; - his speech on the loss of Gran, 240 - - _Alost_, taken by Alençon, ii. 143 - - _Alva_, the Duke of, his death, ii. 162 - - _Amasia_, capital of Cappadocia, description of, i. 150-151; - Bajazet ordered thither, 267 - - _Amber_, great quantities of it exported to Turkey and Persia, i. 257 - - _Amiens_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88 - - _Amurath I._, Sultan, his death, i. 153, and _note_ - - _Ancyranum Monumentum_, account of the, i. 142-143, and _note_ - - _Angers_, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120; - Alençon going to winter there, 202 - - _Angers_, citadel of, held by de Brissac, ii. 245; - surprised by Huguenots, 248; - its destruction ordered, 249 - - _Angoulême_, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120 - - _Angora_, town of, description of the, i. 142; - Bajazet occupies and raises forced loan from merchants of, 275 - - _Angora_ goats, i. 137, and _note_; - manufacture of mohair from their hair, 143 - - _Annonay_, town in the Vivarais, siege of, ii. 9, and _note_ - - _Ant_, Indian, as large as a dog, sent as a present by the Shah to - Solyman, i. 375, and _note_ - - _Antonio_, Don, pretender to the crown of Portugal, his Constable - killed, ii. 146; - returns to France, 161; - goes to Dieppe, _ib._; - engaged in equipping a fleet, 178; - expenses of his household at Ruel, 183; - his new fleet reaches the Azores, 188; - said to be intended as the commander of the French forces in the - Netherlands, 235 - - _Antwerp_, the French Fury at, ii. 164-168; - tumult against Orange there, 176; - strictly blockaded, 231; - hard pressed, 236; - equipment of fleet to relieve, 240; - cutting the dykes near, _ib._; - the bridge destroyed, 247; - gunpowder sent to Paris from, 254 - - _Antwerp_, inhabitants of, their kind treatment of the prisoners, - ii. 169; - their statement, 171; - demand ransom, 173; - complete breach between them and Alençon, _ib._; - demand the execution of Fervaques, 175; - their confidence in Orange diminished, 185, 186; - ready to suffer the worst rather than submit, 217; - resolved to hold out, 229 - - _Archery_, Turkish skill in, i. 253 - - _Aremberg_, the Countess of, ii. 113, _note_; - writes to announce her arrival at Nancy, 114; - notice sent to her of date of the Queen’s departure, 126; - delayed in reaching Nancy by a mistake, 130 - - _Arslan Bey_, Sanjak-bey of Stuhlweissenburg, his feud with Veli Bey, - i. 244 - - _Arundel_, Earl of, arrested for conspiracy against Queen Elizabeth, - ii. 212; - will probably be pardoned, _ib._; - again arrested, 247 - - _Athenæus_, his statement as to the _pinna_ and _pinna guard_ referred - to, i. 339 - - _Aubigny_, Comte d’, and Duke of Lennox, reported to be besieged in - Scotland, ii. 148, and _note_ - - _Auger_, Edmund, the king’s confessor, rebuked by Catherine de Medici, - ii. 182 - - _Aumale_, the Duke of, accompanies the Queen to Bourg-la-Reine, ii. 96; - a leader of the League, 241; - seizes places in Normandy, 245 - - _Aumont_, Maréchal d’, with Navarre, ii. 262 - - _Auxonne_, town in Burgundy, its inhabitants charge their governor with - treason and pull down the fortifications, ii. 248-249 - - _Axylos_, woodless tract in Asia Minor, i. 215 - - - _Babocsa_, a Hungarian fortress, i. 237 - - _Baden_, the Margrave of, meets the Queen, ii. 134 - - _Bailen_, the Comte de, Spanish ambassador, starts for Lyons, ii. 11; - arrives at Paris, 22; - leaves Paris, 28 - - _Baily_, title of the Venetian ambassador, i. 226, _note_; - his interposition, 226; - unable to help the imprisoned pilgrims, 352; - his surprise at the release of Busbecq’s servants without a bribe, - 368 - - _Bairam_, the feast of, parents allowed to see their married daughters - at, i. 229, and _note_; - description of its celebration by the Turkish army, 302-304 - - _Bajazet I._, Sultan, indignities he and his wife received from - Tamerlane, i. 112 - - _Bajazet II._, Sultan, defeats his son Selim, i. 108 - - _Bajazet_, son of Solyman, his mother’s favourite, i. 179; - implicated in the rising of Mustapha, the Pretender, 180, 185; - his interview with his father, 187-189; - his story continued, 264-281; - conspires against his brother, 265; - removed from Kutaiah to Amasia, 267; - complains of his new government, _ib._; - accuses his brother, 268-269; - prepares for war, 270; - sends back Pertau Pasha, 271; - his message to Solyman, 272; - takes town of Akschehr, 273; - occupies Angora, and raises a forced loan from the merchants, 275; - his appearance and character, 275-276; - marches on Koniah, 277; - his speech to his army, 277-278; - his gallant conduct, 278; - defeated at Koniah, retreats to Amasia, 279; - reputation acquired by him, 280; - sounds his father’s disposition, 298; - warned by his friends to beware of him, 301; - one of his spies executed, _ib._; - starts on his flight to Persia, 302; - his rapidity, 304; - his stratagems to deceive the Pashas of Siwas and Erzeroum, - 304-305; - offers double pay to soldiers joining him, 306; - crosses the Araxes and enters Persia, 306-307; - his speech to the Shah’s envoys, 307; - his reception by the Shah, 308; - his message to his father, 309; - atrocious speech of one of his officers, _ib._; - is seized and thrown into prison, 311; - conjectures as to his probable fate, 311-312; - the end of his story, 375, 378-381; - his execution, 381; - his four sons share his fate, _ib._; - execution of his infant son at Broussa, 382 - - _Balagny_, Governor of Cambrai, ii. 205, and _note_; - his tyrannical conduct there, 227 - - _Baldi_, Philip, an Italian sent to Busbecq by the Emperor, i. 259; - mentioned again, 263 - - _Baldwin_, Count of Flanders and Latin Emperor of Romania—taken and - killed by the Bulgarians, i. 105, and _note_; - mentioned, 130, _note_ - - _Balsam_, given by Ali Pasha to Busbecq, i. 388; - its value, 389, and _note_; - doubts thrown on its genuineness, 416 - - _Balsam-tree_, not now to be found in Asia Minor, i. 142 - - _Basilicus_, John, Greek adventurer—his story, i. 347, _note_; - invades Moldavia, 347 - - _Baths_, intrigues carried on in them by Turkish women, i. 231 - - _Bavaria_, the Duke of, attends the coronation at Frankfort, i. 399, - and _note_; - his health, ii. 134; - his handsome reception of the Queen, _ib._; - thinks the Danube her best route, _ib._; - presses her to remain, _ib._ - - _Bavaria_, the Duchess of, sends messages and letters to the Queen, - ii. 3 - - _Bavaria_, Ferdinand, Duke of, meets the Queen, ii. 134 - - _Bavaria_, William, Duke of, with his wife meets the Queen at Nancy, - ii. 129; - consulted as to her route, 133, 137; - his kindness to her, 135; - goes to Vienna, 137 - - _Belgrade_, town of, described, i. 93; - sieges and capture of, by the Turks, 94; - fertility of the neighbourhood, 165 - - _Bellegarde_, Roger de Saint-Lary de, Marshal, sent as ambassador to - Poland, ii. 61, and _note_; - said to have fallen sick, 66 - - _Bellièvre_, Pomponne de, Ambassador of Charles IX. in Poland, ii. 49, - and _note_; - likely to be sent to the Netherlands, 169; - sent to Alençon, 172; - stays behind to arrange matters, 174; - returns from Antwerp, 181; - sent to King of Navarre, 203 - - _Belon_ (_Bellonus_), Pierre, French traveller and physician, his - mistake about the hyena, i. 140; - referred to for figure of the _pinna_, 339 - - _Bergen_, town in Brabant, taken by the Hollanders under their - protection, ii. 217 - - _Bernard_, Monastery of St., outpost established there by garrison - of Lier, ii. 148; - Alençon passes the night there after the French Fury, 167 - - _Berry_, Duchy of, the Queen’s dower partly charged on it, ii. 109 - - _Besançon_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88 - - _Besme_, murderer of Coligny, taken prisoner by the Huguenots, - ii. 99, and _note_ - - _Beyler-bey of Greece_, the, sent to Selim’s assistance, i. 271; - sent in pursuit of Bajazet, 305; - in command of the troops on the Persian frontier, 378 - - _Billy_, Seigneur de, killed at the Antwerp bridge, ii. 247 - - _Birague_, Cardinal de, Chancellor of France, ii. 39; - Busbecq’s interview with him, 87; - contributes to forced loan, 98; - his death and character, 208, and _note_ - - _Biron_, Marshal, the probable commander in the Netherlands, ii. 147; - takes the command there, 149-150; - asks for more cavalry, _ib._; - halts on the Somme, 154; - joins Alençon, 156; - his army, 157; - going to the Campine, 162; - said to be the author of the attempt on Antwerp, 165; - clears himself of all blame, 175; - his letter pressing Alençon to abandon the scheme discovered, 181; - retakes some small forts, 182; - defeated at Steenbergen, and wounded, 184; - at Antwerp pressing for money, 186; - returns to France, 195; - his attack on Cateau Cambrésis repulsed, 202; - with Navarre, 262 - - _Black Sea_, Busbecq’s visit to it, i. 129, 131; - Polybius wrong in supposing it was silting up, 132 - - _Blaye_, town near Bordeaux, garrisoned by the younger de Lansac, - ii. 245 - - _Blois_, Busbecq obliged to go thither, ii. 141; - king there, 229; - Busbecq goes thither to condole with him in the Queen’s name - on Alençon’s death, 230 - - _Blot_, Hugo de, recommended by Busbecq to Maximilian as librarian, - ii. 73-74, and _note_ - - _Bodin_, Jean, paper relating to French Fury attributed to him, - ii. 171, and _note_ - - _Bokhara_, city of, visited by Turkish pilgrim, i. 360 - - _Bonnivet_, de, defends Endhoven, ii. 182 - - _Bosphorus_, description of the Thracian, i. 129, 131; - for distinction between it and the Cimmerian Bosphorus, - see 111, _note_ - - _Bouchain_, taken by Alençon, ii. 144 - - _Bouillon_, Godfrey de, first King of Jerusalem, mentioned, i. 250 - - _Bouillon_, the Duc de, warns the King of the Guises’ preparations, - ii. 241, and _note_ - - _Bourbon_, Charles, Cardinal de, claims to be successor to the throne, - ii. 228; - reported to intend to give up his orders and to marry the Duchesse - de Montpensier, _ib._; - joins the Guises, 239; - nominally their chief leader, 241; - claims the succession to the throne, 242; - changes his cardinal’s robes for a soldier’s dress, 243; - with the Duke of Guise, 246; - a prisoner, 253, and _note_; - Parliament issues decrees in his name as Charles X., 256; - the Legate summons the people of Langres to acknowledge him as - their king, 257 - - _Bourbon_, House of, its position, ii. 40; - will be heirs presumptive to the crown on Alençon’s death, 218 - - _Bourges_, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120; - likely to surrender to Navarre, 255 - - _Brabant_, people of, pronounce _sevene_ differently from the Flemings, - i. 358; - arrival of ambassadors from them, ii. 214; - all except Antwerp and Bergen likely to submit, 217 - - _Breda_, peace negotiations opened there, ii. 54 - - _Brissac_, de, a Leaguer, seizes the citadel of Angers, ii. 245, - and _note_ - - _Broussa_, execution of Bajazet’s infant son there, i. 382 - - _Bruges_, obliged to call in garrison of Menin for its protection, - ii. 194; - said to have submitted, 219; - receives a Spanish garrison, 222 - - _Brussels_, to be Alençon’s residence, ii. 175; - declined by him, 179; - threatened by Parma, 182; - inclined to go over to him, 183; - thinking of surrendering, 229; - surrenders, 236 - - _Buda_, city of, description of the, i. 89; - hot springs there, 90 - - _Buda_, the Pasha of, Busbecq’s interviews with, i. 169, 396; - see also _Touighoun_ Pasha - - _Bulgarians_, their bread, i. 103; - dress of their women, _ib._; - their origin, history, and language, 105, and _note_ - - _Buren_, town in Gelderland, taken, ii. 90, and _note_ - - _Burgundian_ secretary, letter from him to Busbecq, i. 233 - - _Busbecq_, Ogier Ghiselin de, at marriage of Philip and Mary, i. 77; - summoned to Vienna, _ib._; - bids his family farewell, _ib._; - sees Don Pedro at Brussels, _ib._; - travels to Vienna, _ib._; - interview with Ferdinand, 78; - visits Malvezzi, _ib._; - returns to Vienna, 82; - prepares for journey and starts, _ib._; - reaches Komorn, _ib._; - Gran, 83; - Buda, 85; - makes acquaintance with the Janissaries, 86-87; - his interview with the Pasha, 91; - embarks for Belgrade, 92; - collects coins, 93, 94, 139, 141; - journeys through Servia, 95; - disgusted with Turkish inns, 98; - lodges in a stable, 99; - how he got wine, 100; - reaches Sophia, 102; - Philippopolis, 106; - Adrianople, 107; - Constantinople, 111; - visits the ex-vizier Roostem, _ib._; - sees the sights of Constantinople, 122, _et seq._; - has a dead giraffe dug up for examination, 128; - visits the Bosphorus and Black Sea, 129, 131; - starts for Amasia, 133; - passes through Nicomedia, 134; - Nicæa, 135; - Angora, 139; - enjoys sherbet and preserved grapes, 147; - reaches Amasia, 150; - visits Achmet Pasha and the other viziers, 152; - his first audience of Solyman, 152-153; - his second, 158; - leaves Amasia, 159; - ill of fever, 161; - reaches Constantinople, _ib._; - leaves, 162; - finds _scordium_, 164; - has another fever, 166; - in danger from brigands, 167-8; - visits Pasha of Buda, 169; - compensates a Turk for his nose, 171; - recovers from his fever, _ib._; - reaches Vienna, _ib._; - effects on him of his hardships, _ib._; - sent back to Constantinople, 175; - arrives there, 176; - unfavourably received by the Pashas, 176-178; - left alone at Constantinople, 193; - his politic conduct, 194-197; - summoned to Adrianople, 199; - alarmed by an earthquake, 200; - returns to Constantinople, 201; - hires a house, _ib._; - sent back to his former lodging, _ib._; - his menagerie, 204; - shoots kites, 212; - his partridges, _ib._; - his horses, 214; - his camels, 218; - complains of his letters being intercepted, 234; - Roostem tries to convert him, 235; - his interview with Ali Pasha, the eunuch, 237; - his amusements and occupations, 252; - practises the Turkish bow _ib._; - his visitors, 257; - his retort on Roostem, 264; - sees the Sultan leave Constantinople, 281-287; - his retorts on his cavasse, 287; - summoned to the Turkish camp, _ib._; - his sojourn and observations there, 287-297; - presents Ferdinand’s gifts to the Sultan, 297; - witnesses the celebration of the Bairam, 302-304; - his policy influenced by Bajazet’s fortunes, 313; - apologises for his long letter, 314; - overwhelmed by the news of the Spanish defeat, 316; - rescues the standard of the Neapolitan galleys, 322; - becomes surety for Don Juan de Cardona, 325; - his charity to the Spanish prisoners, 326-330; - fears he will lose the money advanced to them, 329; - good effects of his example, 330; - the plague in his house, _ib._; - allowed to import wine for his private use, 332; - his request to leave his house on account of the plague refused - by Roostem, 333; - granted by Ali, 334; - visits Quacquelben on his death-bed, 335-336; - erects a monument to him, 337; - goes to Prinkipo, _ib._; - his fishing there, _ib._; - his walk with the friar, 340; - his acquaintance with the Metropolitan Metrophanes, 341-342; - Pashas afraid he may escape, 342; - returns to Constantinople, _ib._; - interview with Roostem, 343; - Ferdinand’s bounty to him, 344; - his inquiries for Ali, 347; - alarmed by the invasion of Moldavia, 349; - interview with Ali on the subject, 349-351; - sends home the released pilgrims, 353; - accused by Lavigne as a Spanish spy, 354; - his interview with Goths from the Crimea, 355-359; - with Turkish pilgrims, 359-364; - feats of a mountebank he saw at Venice, 365; - his confinement relaxed, _ib._; - refuses to appease the Cadi by a bribe, 368; - writes to encourage de Sandé, 372; - asks Ferdinand to intercede for the Spanish prisoners, 373; - argues with his cavasse on predestination, 383-384; - fears the effect of Bajazet’s death on his negotiations, 385; - hears of his death from Ali, _ib._; - makes inquiries of his friends, _ib._; - his precautions in concluding peace, 387; - his presents from Ali, 388-389; - starts for home, 390; - a good walker, 391; - recovers his appetite, _ib._; - his application to Ibrahim, 395; - reaches Buda, 396; - visits the Pasha, _ib._; - reaches Gran and Vienna, 397; - informs Ferdinand of his arrival, _ib._; - is graciously received by him, 398; - longs for home, 399; - prefers retirement to a court, 399-400; - his high opinion of Hannibal, 408; - books, plants, animals, &c., - brought back by him, 414-417; - sent a physician to Lemnos, 416; - his journey to Paris, ii. 3; - stays at Speyer from illness, _ib._; - his second visit to Spain, 4, _note_; - reaches Paris, 5; - his interviews with Queen Elizabeth, 5-7; - dissatisfied with the dower business, 14; - asks for instructions, _ib._; - his forecast of the future, 15; - his conversation at Kaiserslautern, _ib._; - complains of Paris prices, 19; - intends going to the Netherlands, _ib._; - his interview with Pibrac, 29; - his conversation about the dower with the Bishop of Paris - and others, 33; - asks for credentials, 34; - goes to Lyons and sees the Spanish ambassador, _ib._; - sails to Avignon, 35; - visited by Bishop Montluc at Valence, 36; - his interviews with the King and Queen-Mother, 36, 37; - with the Bishops of Orleans and Limoges, 37; - sees the siege of Livron, 44; - draws up ciphers, 48; - asks for his salary, 50, 58, 93, 112; - hopes Maximilian will pardon his being addressed as ambassador, 50; - asks for instructions and a speedy answer, 51, 52; - intends going to Brussels, 52; - at Brussels, 53; - returns to Paris and delivers Maximilian’s letter to the King, 55; - his audiences of the Queen-Mother, the Queen and the King, 59; - recommends Hugo de Blot as librarian, 73; - asks Maximilian in the Queen’s name to intercede for Montmorency, - 75; - his interview with the Portuguese ambassador, 76; - suggests, if the Queen marries the King of Portugal, the economy - of sending her direct from Paris, 78; - suggests his recall, 83; - asks for new credentials, 84; - also for watches as presents, 84, 93; - which are refused, 115; - his audience of the King, 85; - his interviews with Birague and de Morvilliers, 87; - requested by Maximilian to remain in Paris, 93; - his answer to the Duke of Brunswick’s envoy, 94; - hopes the Queen will not be long in Paris, 97; - his audiences of the King, 106, 107; - is to accompany the Queen as her chief chamberlain, 128; - complains of the non-payment of de Vulcob’s advances, 132; - writes to Governor of Upper Austria, 136; - obliged to go to Blois on the Queen’s business, 141; - his audience of the King, _ib._; - asks for settlement of the purchase of the Greek books, 163, 188, - 200; - his account of the French Fury at Antwerp, 164-168; - asks for St. Hilaire’s discharge, 188; - goes to Blois to condole with the King in the Queen’s name on - Alençon’s death, 230; - fears his despatches will be stopped, 247; - some actually missing, 250; - seldom has opportunity of sending a letter, _ib._; - fears the town where he will be attacked, 255; - calls the Emperor’s attention to the Queen’s position, 256; - his description of Navarre and Parma and their respective armies, - 261-264 - - _Busbecq’s house_ at Constantinople, description of, i. 201-203 - - _Busbecq’s servants_, their first taste of Turkish luxury, i. 84; - wine as good as feather-beds to them, 100; - their practical joke, 124; - quarrel between them and some Janissaries, 295-296; - quarrel of two of them with the Cadi of Pera, 365-368; - scuffle of one with a Janissary, 393 - - _Bussy d’Amboise_, notorious duellist, his end, ii. 191, and _note_ - - - _Cadi_ of Pera, his quarrel with Busbecq’s servants, and its - consequences, i. 365-368 - - _Caen_, seaport in Normandy, held by the Marquis of Elbœuf, ii. 245 - - _Cæsar._ See _Julius Cæsar_ - - _Calloo_, fort of, near Antwerp, held by Parma, ii. 226 - - _Calvi_, of Genoa, and _Capello_, of Milan, sent out of France on - suspicion of sending money to Parma, ii. 151 - - _Cambrai_, its restoration demanded by the States, ii. 173; - besieged by Parma, 183; - hard pressed, 186; - said to be handed over to the King of France, 195; - Alençon there, 198; - its unsafe state, 202; - reported disturbances there, 203; - origin of reports, 204; - Alençon thinks of selling it to Philip, _ib._; - held by Balagny, 206 and 205, _note_; - King about to take it under his protection, 214; - said to be bequeathed by Alençon to his mother, 222; - a thorn in the side of Artois and Hainault, _ib._; - said to be made to swear allegiance to the Queen-Mother, 225; - its restoration to Spain one of the terms demanded by the League, - 246 - - _Camelopard_, dead, dug up and described by Busbecq, i. 128 - - _Camels_, description of, i. 218; - numbers of them in the Sultan’s baggage-train, 219 - - _Campine_, district in the Netherlands, Biron going to the, ii. 162 - - _Cape Sheep_, i. 138, and _note_ - - _Capello._ See _Calvi_ - - _Caravanserai_, description of a, i. 97 - - _Carestran_, the meeting-place between Bajazet and his father, i. 187 - - _Cardona_, Don Juan de, Spanish officer, manages to get left at Chios, - i. 323; - is ransomed by his brother-in-law, with Busbecq’s help, 325 - - _Casimir_, John, son of the Elector Palatine, sketch of him, ii. 15, - _note_; - king undertakes to pay him 500,000 francs, 127; - his covenant for mutual defence with Condé, _ib._; - sends one of his officers to Elizabeth, 130; - will not hear of a truce, 131; - sends to Queen of England about the Cologne business, 184; - application to him suggested in congress of Middelburg, 202 - - _Castella_, Don Juan de, Spanish officer, his gallant conduct, i. 320 - - _Cat_, the, preferred by Turks to the dog, i. 225; - Mahomet’s, _ib._ - - _Cateau Cambrésis_, treaty of, Turks indignant at, i. 369 - - _Cateau Cambrésis_, town of, taken by Parma, ii. 157; - annoyance caused by its garrison, 162; - Biron’s attempt on it repulsed by Parma, 202 - - _Cathay_, or China, account of, given by a Turkish pilgrim, i. 359-362 - - _Catherine de Medici_, Queen of France, waits for her son at Lyons, - ii. 7; - offended at Pibrac’s advice, 10; - supposed to favour war in order to keep her power, 11, 50; - threatens execution of Montmorency, if his brothers invade France, - 16; - grants Busbecq an audience, 36; - her power over the King, 37; - given good advice by Maximilian, 38; - her illness from walking in a procession at night, 45; - fancies she sees the Cardinal’s ghost, 46, and _note_; - offers the Queen her services, 55; - her unpopularity, 57; - her regard for Maximilian, 59; - tries to keep Alençon quiet, 95; - follows him, 102; - interview between them, 103; - regrets she cannot bid Elizabeth farewell, 122; - concludes a six months’ truce with Alençon, 126; - intends visiting certain towns to persuade them to admit him, 127; - invested with the government in the King’s absence, 145, 183; - grants Don Antonio an audience, 161; - her claims on Portugal, _ib._ and _note_; - her exclamation on hearing of the French Fury, 167; - intends visiting Alençon, 180; - indignant at his folly, 181; - disgusted at the King’s neglect of his duties, 182; - rebukes his confessor, _ib._; - Alençon puts off her visit, _ib._; - goes to Boulogne to see him, 184; - meets him at La Fère, 185; - incensed with her daughter for her conduct, 193; - returns to La Fère, 194; - goes to Alençon at Château Thierry, 202; - and then to Laon, _ib._; - returns to Paris, 203; - again goes to Alençon, 209; - visited by him, 213; - her advice to him, _ib._; - visits him, 217; - said to be sick with grief, 218; - her grief for Alençon genuine, 221; - importuned by Netherland ambassadors, 224; - strongly supports their appeal to the King, 225; - resolved to keep Cambrai, 228; - goes to the Loire, _ib._; - her hatred of Spain, 235; - her answer to the Netherland ambassadors, 237; - with the Duke of Guise, 246 - - _Cavasses_, nature of their office, i. 85, 201; - Busbecq’s cavasse induces the Pashas to confine him in his old - quarters, 201; - their general behaviour to Busbecq, 258; - rudeness of one, and Busbecq’s retaliation, 259-260; - one tries to prevent Busbecq seeing the Sultan’s departure, 281; - Busbecq retorts on him, 287; - Busbecq’s argument with his cavasse on predestination, 383-384. - - _Champagny_, M. de, brother of Cardinal Granvelle, in danger at Ghent - on account of alleged conspiracy ii. 209 - - _Chanvallon_, M. de, former favourite of Alençon, and lover of the - Queen of Navarre, flies to Germany, ii. 193; - his manners and appearance, _ib._ - - _Charité_, La, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120 - - _Charlemagne_, the Emperor, dispersed the Saxons, i. 359; - House of Guise said to be descended from him, ii. 238 - - _Charles V._, the Emperor, his truce with the Turks, i. 78; - Turkish recollection of his victories, 318; - standard with his arms rescued by Busbecq, 322-323; - etiquette at his court, ii. 159-160 - - _Charles IX._, King of France, questions as to his leaving a will, - ii. 33; - had appointed his brother Henry his Lieutenant, 104 - - _Charlotte de Bourbon_, daughter of the Duke of Montpensier, - her marriage with the Prince of Orange, ii. 66, and _note_; - her death, 142 - - _Chartres_, attempt on town of, ii. 98; - Nevers’ head-quarters, 102; - said to have gone over to Navarre, 255 - - _Chattes_, M. de, a Knight of Malta, commanding Don Antonio’s fleet, - ii. 188 - - _Chederle_, fabulous hero identified by the Turks with St. George, - legend of, i. 148-150 - - _Chios_, tame partridges from, i. 212; - how reared, 213; - its Genoese inhabitants, and its form of government, 323, - and _note_; - Spanish officers left there, _ib._ - - _Cicero_, his statements as to the _pinna_ and _pinna-guard_ referred - to, i. 339 - - _Ciphers_, Pashas puzzled by supposed, i. 233; - Busbecq draws some up, ii. 48 - - _Claudius_, the Emperor, the story of his murder alluded to, i. 172 - - _Clervant_, M. de, Huguenot leader, taken prisoner, ii. 104, and _note_ - - _Cocq_, Jerome de, Busbecq asks his salary to be paid to, ii. 50 - - _Codignac_, M. de, French Ambassador at Constantinople, his quarrel - with his successor, i. 370 - - _Coins_, ancient, found by Busbecq, i. 94, 139, 141 - - _Colchians._ See _Mingrelians_ - - _Cologne_, disturbances at, ii. 162, and _note_; - King hopes to profit by them, 185 - - _Compiègne_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88 - - _Condé_, Prince de, expected to take the field, ii. 32; - messenger from him at Avignon, 41; - some wish him sent to Hungary against the Turk, 49; - likely to invade France, 68; - terms of peace to be referred to him, 70; - suggestion that he should go to assist Orange, 72; - said to be coming with an army, 88; - Mezières appointed as his residence, 127; - his covenant for mutual defence with Casimir, _ib._; - will not hear of a truce, 131; - spoken of for the command in the Netherlands, 233; - marriage reported between him and Navarre’s sister, _ib._; - report of a bull declaring him disqualified to succeed to the - throne, 243, 249; - marches on Angers, but fails in his enterprise, 248 - - _Constantinople_, description of, and its antiquities, &c., i. 122-127; - the Sultan’s sons not allowed to enter, 187; - entry of Turkish fleet into, 321 - - _Cossé_, Maréchal de, imprisoned in the Bastile, ii. 8; - sketch of him, _ib._, _note_; - his illness, 19; - will probably go with Montmorency to Alençon, 105 - - _Crane_, story of a Balearic, i. 207 - - _Cratevas_, a Greek herbalist, fragments of, in Busbecq’s MS. of - Dioscorides, i. 417, and _note_ - - - _Dadian_, King of the Mingrelians, his appearance and character, - i. 245; - his capture and escape, 246-247; - his presents to Solyman, 251-252 - - _Dalmatian_ horseman, his objection to fire-arms, i. 241-242 - - _Damville_, Comte de, afterwards Duc de Montmorency, sketch of him, - ii. 11, _note_; - summoned by the King, _ib._; - said to have caused Montpellier to revolt, 22; - to have made an attempt on Avignon, 23; - prepares to defend himself, 32; - carries war through Languedoc and Guienne, 56; - report of his death, 68, and _note_; - terms of peace to be referred to him, 70; - comes to life again, 77; - King wishes to deprive him of his government, 187; - intended campaign against him, 214; - pronounced contumacious by the Parliament, _ib._; - campaign given up, 218; - said to be appointed Constable of France by Navarre, 255. - - _Dantzic_, amber merchant of, at Constantinople, i. 257 - - _Dauphin_, the Prince. See _Montpensier_ - - _Delegates_ from the rebels expected in Paris, and their demands, - ii. 57, 60; - sent back with the King’s answer, 60 - - _Dendermonde_, Alençon withdraws thither, ii. 168; - attacked by Parma, 226 - - _Denmark_, King of, application to the, suggested in Congress of - Middelburg, ii. 202; - his eldest daughter married to King James of Scotland, 258 - - _Derby_, Earl of, comes to Paris as the bearer of the Order of the - Garter from Queen Elizabeth to the King, ii. 234; - his magnificent reception, 237; - his departure, _ib._ - - _Diest_, town belonging to Prince of Orange, blockaded by Parma, - ii. 157; - surrenders to him, 162; - recovered by him, 183 - - _Dietrichstein_, Adam von, Austrian Baron, i. 325, _note_; - ransoms his brother-in-law, _ib._ - - _Dijon_, the Pope’s legate summons people of Langres to, ii. 257; - transfers their bishopric to, _ib._ - - _Dioscorides_, famous MS. of, found by Busbecq at Constantinople, - i. 417, and _note_ - - _Divan_, custom of entertaining ambassadors on leaving in the, - i. 159, 387; - meaning of the word, 197; - Busbecq and his colleagues summoned thither, _ib._; - scene there, 232-234; - de Sandé brought before, 325; - debate there as to whether Busbecq should be allowed to bring wine - into Constantinople, 332 - - _Divorce_, Turkish laws about, i. 230 - - _Dixmude_, hard pressed, ii. 194 - - _Djerbé_, account of the Spanish defeat at, i. 317, _note_, and 317-321 - - _Dodona_, the oak of, alluded to, i. 272 - - _Dorothea_, sister of the Duke of Lorraine, her marriage, ii. 124, 129 - - _Dower_, the Queen’s, Duchy of Berry said to be assigned as, ii. 20; - further reports about it, 26; - Pibrac’s statement about it, 30; - impossible to get the whole charged on Crown Lands, 53, 56; - two proposals as to settlement thereof, 85; - valuation made of property assigned for it, 108; - final arrangement about it, 109 - - _Duck_, species of, whose cry was like a post horn, i. 139 - - _Duel_, a, in France, ii. 188-191 - - _Duelling_, Turkish opinion about, i. 244 - - - _Earthquake_, at Adrianople, i. 200; - at Constantinople, _ib._ - - _Egmont_, Count, Louise de Vaudemont his niece, ii. 51; - his brother compromised by Salceda’s evidence, 154 - - _Egypt_, eggs artificially hatched in, i. 214; - disaffected to the Turks, 273 - - _Elbœuf_, Marquis of, cousin of the Duke of Guise, one of the leaders - of the League, ii. 241; - seizes Caen, 245 - - _Elephant_, that danced and played ball, i. 128 - - _Elizabeth_, Queen of England, peace renewed between her and France, - ii. 60; - anecdote of her, 61; - said to have sent Alençon money, 143; - conspiracy against her, 212; - sends the Garter to the King, 235; - reported attempt on her life, 240; - offers the King 6,000 horse, 246; - fresh conspiracy against her, 247; - openly takes Holland and Zealand under her protection, 251 - - _Elizabeth_, daughter of Maximilian, widow of Charles IX., sends her - carriages for Busbecq, ii. 5; - her proposed marriage to Henry III., 6; - the general topic of conversation, 11; - her uncomfortable position in Paris, 14; - difficulties about her dower, _ib._; - her illness apprehended, 22; - her recovery, 24; - questions as to her future arrangements, 25; - report of her marriage to Henry III. discredited, 27; - her health, 29; - marriage with King of Portugal talked of, 30, 77; - arrangements as to her establishment and return, 31, 32; - wishes Busbecq to go to the King, 33; - her escort home, 47; - consults Busbecq as to her conduct to the new Queen, 51; - shows him the Queen-Mother’s letter, _ib._; - suggested for the governorship of the Netherlands, 54; - how her current expenses are to be provided, _ib._; - intends going to Amboise after Easter, 58; - anxious to see her daughter, but prevented by want of funds, 64; - no money to pay her servants, 65; - her position intolerable, 67; - longs to return and also to see her daughter, 78; - her poverty, _ib._; - her illness caused by anxiety, 79; - arrangements about her journey, 84, 115, 119, 123; - the municipality of Paris inclined to defray her expenses, 91; - requires money, 92; - receives proposal from Duke Eric of Brunswick, 94; - starts for Amboise, 96; - arrives there, 97; - the date of her departure, 109; - questions about her route, 110-111; - her anxiety to leave, 113; - sends Orleans wine to her father, 124; - starts from Paris, 128; - arrives at Nancy, 129; - present at the Duke of Brunswick’s wedding, _ib._; - sends courier to Madame d’Aremberg, 130; - arrives at Bâle, Augsburg, and Munich, 133, 134; - whether her route is to be by land or water, 133; - her health, 135; anxious to reach her father, 136; - her life and character, _ib._ _note_; - business relating to her, 141; - her rights disregarded, 172; - curtailment of her income from the troubles in France probable, - 256 - - _Elizabeth_, daughter of the preceding, probably will not be allowed - to leave France, ii. 56; - is delicate, 58; - description of her, 97, and _note_ - - _Elkass_ Mirza, assisted by Solyman against his brother, Shah Tahmasp, - i. 301 - - _Endhoven_, town in Brabant, capitulates, ii. 182 - - _English_ ambassador suspected of intriguing with Alençon, ii. 99-100.; - See also _Derby_, Earl of - - _Epernon_, Duke of, favourite of the King, applies for governorship - of Brittany, ii. 172; - King wishes the Duke of Lorraine to give him his daughter, 176; - description of him, 177; - King wishes to make him governor of Metz, 184; - Alençon advised to secure his interest, 213; - escorts Alençon on his departure, 214; - sent to the King of Navarre, 220; - honourably received by him, 223; - ill of scrofula, 230; - his reported marriage to Navarre’s sister, 242; - finds out where his hat is, 246; - sent to his command at Metz, 251 - - _Eric_, Duke of Brunswick, proposes for Elizabeth, ii. 94, and _note_; - reported preparations for his marriage to Dorothea, the Duke of - Lorraine’s sister, 124; - his wedding, 129 - - _Ernest_, the Archduke, suspected of being concerned in the affair - of Antwerp, ii. 168; - Philip II.’s daughter said to be betrothed to him, _ib._ - - _Erzeroum_, the Pasha of, how deceived by Bajazet, i. 304-305; - afterwards put to death by Selim, 305 - - _Espinoy_, Prince of, accompanies the Netherland ambassadors to France, - ii. 234 - - _Essek_, town of, famous battle there, i. 166 - - _Este_, the Cardinal of, applies for the honour of escorting the Queen, - ii. 55, and _note_; - accompanies her to Bourg-la-Reine, 96; - appointed to escort her, 126; - returns to Paris on account of plot to waylay him, 130 - - _Estrées_, d’, family of, banished from Court, ii. 13 - - _Etampes_, town of, taken by Navarre, ii. 252 - - _Eunuchs_ of Solyman’s bed-chamber, the chief of the, procures Pialé - Pasha’s pardon, i. 324; - de Sandé recalled at his wish, 326. - See also _Hassan_ Aga - - _Evreux_, town of, threatened by Navarre, ii, 258 - - - _Fast_, the Turkish, how kept, i. 290-291 - - _Ferdinand_, King of Hungary and Bohemia, King of the Romans - and afterwards Emperor, summons Busbecq to Vienna, i. 77; - Busbecq’s interview with him, 78; - sends Malvezzi to the Porte, _ib._; - recovers Transylvania, 79; - sends Zay and Wranczy to the Porte, 80; - engaged at the Imperial Diet, 172; - sends Busbecq back to Constantinople, 175; - his bounty to Busbecq, 344; - at Frankfort, 397; - receives Busbecq graciously, 398; - panegyric on him, 401-414; - his Fabian tactics, 409; - his difficulties, 411 - - _Ferdinand_, the Archduke, sees Busbecq at Vienna, i. 171-172; - commands at the relief of Szigeth, 237; - honour he thereby acquired, 239; - declines to give Ibrahim an audience except _incognito_, 398 - - _Ferrara_, the Duke of, a candidate for the Polish crown, ii. 43 - - _Ferrier_, M. de, formerly Ambassador at Venice, sent by the King to - the King of Navarre, ii. 182 - - _Fervaques_, officer of Alençon, said to be the suggester of the French - Fury, ii. 169; - a prisoner, _ib._; - his execution demanded by the Antwerp citizens, 175; - presented by Alençon with an abbacy, 181; - attempt to assassinate him, 209 - - _Fiesco_, the Comte de, account of him, ii. 26, and _note_; - mentioned 33; - refuses to leave the Queen’s service, 52 - - _Fire-arms_, objection of the Turks to, i. 242-243 - - _Flagellants_, guilds of, ii. 45; - new guild of, instituted by the King, 179; - punishment of footmen who mocked, 180 - - _Flushing_, town of, bought by Orange, ii. 183 - - _Foix_, François de, Comte de Candale and Bishop of Aire, dedicates a - translation of Hermes Trismegistus to Maximilian, ii. 17, and _note_ - - _Fontenay_, town in Poitou, besieged, ii. 10; - taken, 12 - - _Forez_, county of Le, the Queen’s dower partly charged on, ii. 109 - - _France_, M. de, the Queen’s first steward, ii. 33 - - _France_, state of, ii. 38-42, 48-50, 67-68, 70-73, 77, 87-89; - no money but French or Spanish allowed in, 151; - dreadful weather in, 163; - on the brink of war, 241 - - _Francis I._, influences the Sorbonne to decide in Henry VIII.’s favour, - ii. 27 - - _Franciscan friar_, story of a, i. 340 - - _Frederic III._, Emperor, his alliance with the House of Portugal, - ii. 77, and _note_ - - _Frederic III._, Elector Palatine, his reception of Henry III., - ii. 15 _note_ - - _Fregosi_, a great Genoese family, ii. 89, and _note_ - - _French gentlemen_, their characters, ii. 72, 92 - - _Fünfkirchen_, Bishop of, defeated by Ali Pasha, i. 236 - - - _Gannat_, town in the Bourbonnais, added to the Queen’s dower, ii. 109 - - _Gaston_, Don. See _Medina-Celi_, Duke of. - - _Genoa_, a safety-valve for restless Frenchmen, ii. 89 - - _George, St._, identified by the Turks with their hero, Chederle, - i. 148; - how painted by the Greeks, 150; - greatly venerated by the Mingrelians, 251 - - _Georgians_, their prudent answer when asked to attack the Shah, i. 377 - - _Germain, St., en Laye_, King at, ii. 211; - reforms of assembly at, _ib._; - King returns thither, 230 - - _German_ reiters, report that 2,000 are coming to join Damville, - ii. 96; - defeated by Guise, 104; - more reported to be coming, 110, 113, 119; - said to have crossed the Rhine, 127; - scouring the country, 129; - seen from the ramparts of Nancy, 131; - 1,500 hired by Alençon, near Cambrai, 143; - Navarre said to be hiring, 212; - rumours of some being brought to France, 239; - much dreaded in France, 249 - - _Ghent_, battle before, ii. 148; - alleged conspiracy detected there, 209; - Parma’s envoys courteously received there, 217; - said to have come to terms with him, 219; - admits the troops of Orange, 222; - submits to Parma, 229 - - _Ghourebas_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154, - and _note_; - mentioned, 283 - - _Gienger_, Cosmo, governor of Upper Austria, ii. 138, and _note_ - - _Gilles_, or _Gyllius_, Peter, French traveller, referred to, i. 132, - and _note_ - - _Goatsucker_, cruel treatment of a, by a Venetian goldsmith, i. 226, - and _note_ - - _Goigny_, Seigneur de, officer of King of Spain, seen at Cambrai, - ii. 204 - - _Goldfinches_, tricks of trained, i. 228 - - _Goldsmith_, story of a Venetian goldsmith and a bird, i. 226 - - _Goths_ remaining in the Crimea, i. 355-359, and 355 _note_; - vocabulary of their language, 357-359 - - _Gotzen_, Dr. Joachim, sent by Duke Eric of Brunswick to propose for - the Queen, ii. 94 - - _Gran_, city of, description of, i. 83; - surprised by the Imperial troops, 239 - - _Grapes_, Turkish mode of preserving, i. 147-148 - - _Greeks_, their superstitions about unclean food, i. 124; - test Solyman’s prohibition of wine, 332-333 - - _Guadagni_, an Italian in the French service, seneschal of Lyons, - ii. 40; - sent to Maximilian, 31; - his statement to him, 47 - - _Guast_, Louis du, one of the King’s favourites, his murder, ii. 116. - and _note_; - his quarrel with Thoré, 117; - his splendid mode of life, 118; - debts left by him, 119 - - _Guise_, Henry, Duke of, le Balafré, hostile to Alençon, ii. 95; - accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96; - appointed the King’s Lieutenant, 98; - defeats the German reiters, 104; - wounded, 105; - his triumphal return to Paris, 121; - offers to go to Alençon’s rescue, 167; - one of the leaders of the League, 241; - declares he is simply a private gentleman fighting for the League, - 246; - takes Verdun, 247 - - _Guise_, the young Duke of, a prisoner, ii. 253, and _note_ - - _Guise_, House of, its position, ii. 40; - its hereditary feuds with House of Navarre, 176-177; - sets the League on foot, 238; - its claims to the throne, _ib._; - understanding with the Pope and the King of Spain, 239; - prepares for a campaign, 241; - its reasons for offence, 242 - - _Guises_, their party striving to make themselves masters of France, - ii. 224 - - _Güns_, town in Styria, taken by Solyman, i. 409 - - - _Halys_ (Kizil Irmak), the river, fishing in, i. 145 - - _Harrach_, Rodolph von, a minister of Ferdinand’s, i. 412 - - _Hassan_ Aga, chief of the eunuchs of the bed-chamber, sent as - ambassador to Persia, i. 380; - and again as Bajazet’s executioner, 381 - - _Havre de Grâce_, likely to surrender to Navarre, ii. 255 - - _Hawking_, Solyman’s taste for it, i. 198 - - _Hebrus_, or Maritza, the river, i. 106, 107 - - _Henry_, one of Busbecq’s servants, his quarrel with the Janissary - of Tolna, i. 392-396; - does not take de Sandé’s remonstrance in good part, 394 - - _Henry VIII._, King of England, decision of the Sorbonne on the - validity of his marriage, ii. 27, and _note_ - - _Henry III._, King of France, his obligations to Maximilian, ii, 6, - _note_; - expected at Lyons, 7; - hires Swiss and other troops, 8; - arrives at Lyons, 9; - resolves to continue the war, 12; - and begins it with a light heart, 13; - offers an amnesty, _ib._; - cedes certain towns to the Duke of Savoy, _ib._; - his reception by the Elector Palatine, 15, _note_; - his return to Paris uncertain, 20; - publishes a second edict, 23; - report of his marriage to his brother’s widow discredited and why, - 27; - likely to go to Avignon, 28; - said to have fallen in love with Louise de Vaudemont, 32; - gives Busbecq an audience, 36, 55, 59, 85, 106, 107; - under his mother’s influence, 37; - sets out for Rheims, 38; - his character, 43; - wishes to keep Poland for one of his children, _ib._; - at the Cardinal de Lorraine’s funeral, 46; - orders his ambassador at Constantinople to support Maximilian’s - interests, 49, and _note_; - about to marry Louise de Vaudemont, 51; - his unpopularity 57; - gives away all Damville’s offices, 69; - cannot digest the rebel demands, 70; - suffering from influenza, 74; - raises fresh cavalry, 81; - promises an escort for Elizabeth, 84, 86; - his goodwill to Maximilian, 86; - hopes Montmorency is innocent, _ib._; - convenes a mock States-General, 87; - orders the crops in Languedoc to be burnt, 88; - his amusements, 91; - wishes to keep Poland, 92; - accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96; - his military preparations, 97; - appoints Guise his lieutenant, 98; - orders the ambassadors to move into Paris, 100; - sends Nevers in pursuit of Alençon, 102; - his remarks on Alençon’s conduct, 107; - his interference in the quarrel between du Guast and Thoré, 118; - regrets the Queen’s departure, 123; - sends Maximilian a present of grey-hounds and lime-hounds, 124; - undertakes to pay Casimir and his troops 500,000 francs, 127; - pledges jewels to Duke of Lorraine, _ib._; - his unwilling consent to the truce, 128; - disclaims all responsibility for Alençon, 141; - goes to Lyons, 145; - his fondness for pilgrimages, 145, 156, and _note_; - goes to Bourbon-les-Bains, 149; - more favourable to Alençon’s enterprise, 150; - witnesses Salceda’s execution, 153; - his interview with him, 154; - his reply to the Spanish ambassador, 155; - makes a pilgrimage to Nôtre Dame de Liesse, 156; - commands the Bretons to build fifty galleys, _ib._; - orders money to be paid to Alençon, _ib._; - expected in Paris, 158; - sends commissioners through France, _ib._; - who returned without success, 172; - his financial expedients, 160; - his extravagance, 172, 178; - his conduct unfavourably criticised, 173; - moves troops to the frontier, _ib._; - presses the Duke of Lorraine to betroth his daughter to Epernon, - 176; - his affection for Joyeuse and Epernon, 178; - institutes a new order of Flagellants, 179; - orders footmen who mimicked the Flagellants to be whipped, 180; - his devotion to religious observances, 182; - sends M. de Ferrier to the King of Navarre, _ib._; - going to Foullenbraye to drink the Spa waters, 183; - in bad health, _ib._; - urged by the Pope to accept and publish the decrees of the Council - of Trent, 184; - wishes to make Epernon governor of Metz, _ib._; - hopes to profit by the troubles at Cologne, 185; - will go to Lyons, _ib._; - sends a courier with an autograph letter to Joyeuse, 187; - hurries back to Paris, _ib._; - going to Lyons, _ib._; - his outbreak against his sister, 192; - writes to Navarre accusing her, 193; - sets out for Lyons to meet Joyeuse, 194; - his demands from the Pope through Joyeuse, 197; - refused, 198; - goes to Saint-Germain en Laye on account of the plague, 201; - his financial difficulties, _ib._; - not sorry for Alençon’s absence, 203; - regrets his outburst against his sister, _ib._; - said to have written to Alençon cautioning him, 205; - holding assemblies at Saint-Germain, 206; - attempts to enforce his sumptuary laws about dress, 207; - intends to reform, 210; - in retirement at Saint-Germain, 211; - returns to Paris, 213; - meets Alençon, _ib._; - going to take Cambrai under his protection, 214; - resolved to make Joyeuse’s father governor of Languedoc, _ib._; - his attack on the Prior of Champagne, 215-216, and _note_; - gives up his campaign against Damville, 218; - estranged from his wife, 219; - said to be thinking of a divorce, 220; - sends Epernon to Aquitaine, _ib._; - intends going to Lyons, _ib._; - wears black mourning for Alençon, 221; - goes to Lyons, 224; - asks Navarre to come to him, offering to make him - Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, _ib._; - returns from Lyons, 227; - building a church for himself and his penitents, _ib._; - his campaign against vice, _ib._; - goes to the Loire, 228; - is driven away from Blois by the plague and returns to - Saint-Germain, 230; - has a chance of trying his power of healing scrofula, 231; - undecided as to assisting the Netherlanders, 232; - grants their ambassadors a private audience, 234; - invested with the Garter, 235; - reluctant to take up the cause of the Netherlands, _ib._; - distressed at attempt to assassinate Navarre, 236; - his final answer to the Netherland ambassadors, 237; - suspected of secretly approving of the Guises’ plans, 240; - neglects the Duke of Bouillon’s warning, 241; - difficulties of his position, 244; - sends deputies in vain, 246; - on condition of receiving 100,000 crowns a month from the clergy, - orders the Huguenots to leave France within fifteen days, - 247-248, and _note_; - recalls his army, 248; - sequestrates Navarre’s property, 249; - resolves not to let a Huguenot remain in France, 250; - sends some Huguenot women to England under his safe conduct, - _ib._; - given up to his devotions and living like a hermit, _ib._; - Parliament removed to Tours by him, 256 - - _Henry_, King of Navarre and Duke of Vendôme, afterwards King of - France, his position and family, ii. 7, _note_; - waits at Lyons for the King, 7; - attends the Cardinal of Lorraine’s funeral, 46; - accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96; - receives his wife courteously, 203; - demands her punishment if guilty, otherwise that of her accusers, - 204; - said to have sent to Germany to hire reiters, 212; - given the duchy of Alençon, 222; - receives Epernon honourably, 223; - well qualified to lead an army to the Netherlands, 233; - likely to give his sister to Condé, _ib._; - attempt to assassinate him, 235-236, and _note_; - his accession dreaded by the Guises, 238; - on his guard, 240; - reported Bull declaring him disqualified for the throne, 243, - and _note_; - offers assistance to the King, 246; - Bull declaring him and Condé disqualified to succeed, 249, - and _note_; - his property sequestrated by the king, _ib._; - attacks the faubourgs of Paris, 251; - retreats after offering battle, 252; - retakes Etampes, _ib._; - his plans for the winter, 253; - takes Vendôme and Le Mans, 254; - his reported coronation, _ib._; - his declaration about religion, 255; - said to have made Montmorency Constable, _ib._; - convenes the States-General at Tours, 257; - attacks Evreux, 258; - summons Rouen, 259; - besieges Paris, _ib._; - Cardinal de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons sent to him, 260; - threatens to break off negotiations, 261; - places his cannon at St. Denis, _ib._; - contrasted as a general with Parma and comparison of their armies, - 262-264 - - _Hermes Trismegistus_, reputed work of, translated by François de Foix, - ii. 18, and _note_ - - _Heydons_, kind of banditti, i. 92; - Busbecq escapes an attack from them, 167; - their insolence inveighed against by Solyman, 390 - - _Hilaire, St._, French cadet in Rodolph’s service, his discharge - requested, ii. 188 - - _Horses_, Busbecq’s, i. 214; - account of Turkish, how they are reared, trained, &c., 215-217 - - _Humayoum_, Mogul Emperor of Delhi, i. 299, and _note_ - - _Hungarian_ nobles, certain, go over from the Voivode to Ferdinand, - i. 386 - - _Hungary_, its great fertility, i. 165; - events there, 236-242 - - _Hyena_, account of the, i. 140; - used for love-charms, _ib._; - story about it, 141 - - - _Ibrahim_ Pasha, a eunuch, governor of Constantinople, i. 111; - sent to Ghemlik to execute Mustapha’s son, 120-121; - his escape from the women of Ghemlik, 122 - - _Ibrahim_, the interpreter, a Polish renegade, his notion of a cipher, - i. 233; - disgraced by Lavigne’s and restored by Busbecq’s influence, 370; - his gratitude, _ib._; - encourages Busbecq to ask for de Sandé’s release, 372; - appointed to go to the Emperor with Busbecq, 387; - rates the Janissary of Tolna for his conduct, 395; - is to go to Frankfort, 398; - wishes to visit the Archduke Ferdinand, _ib._; - witnesses the coronation, has an audience of the Emperor, and is - sent home, 399 - - _Ilsing_, ii. 64, _note_; - notice of the Queen’s departure to be given to him, 120; - notice sent to him, 124 - - _Imaret_, Turkish word for hostel, i. 110 - - _Imbize_, accuses nobles at Ghent of conspiracy against the authorities - of the city, ii. 209, and _note_ - - _Imeritians_, a Georgian tribe, i. 246; - their feuds with the Mingrelians 246-247 - - _Isabella_, widow of John Zapolya, returns to Transylvania, i. 236 - - _Ismael_, son of Shah Tahmasp, a deadly enemy of the Turks, i. 300-301 - - _Italian merchants_ of Pisa, their charity to the Spanish prisoners, - i. 330 - - _Italian-Greek_, his reasons for refusing to help the prisoners, i. 330 - - _Italian renegadoes_, i. 294-296 - - _Italians_, strong feeling in France against Italians in the French - service, ii. 39-40 - - - _Jackals_, i. 135 - - _Jagodin_, Servian village, Busbecq sees a Servian funeral there, i. 95 - - _James_, King of Scotland, said to be a prisoner, ii. 148; - said to be about to attack England, and also to marry a Spanish - princess, _ib._; - marries daughter of the King of Denmark, 258 - - _Janissaries_, account of the i. 86-87, and _note_; - a few stationed in each town as police, 86, 392; - employed as firemen, 151; - suspected of incendiarism, _ib._; - how Busbecq put his escort of Janissaries in good humour, 199; - their tents, 222; - their equipment and mode of fighting, 223; - help Busbecq to get out, 282; - procession of, 285; - defend their conduct against Busbecq’s cavasse, 287; - frugal dinner of one, 289; - their punishments, 293; - quarrel of some with Busbecq’s servants, 295-296; - how they are regarded by the Sultan, 296; - entitled to the Sultan’s dinner on the day of Bairam, 304. - - _Janissary stationed at Tolna_, his quarrel with Busbecq’s servants, - i. 392-396 - - _Jehangir_, Solyman’s youngest son, his appearance, character, - and death, i. 178-179 - - _Jews_, Busbecq finds himself in a house full of, i. 282; - two sent by Janissary of Tolna to Busbecq, 395 - - _Jorneton_, mentioned, ii. 74 - - _Joyeuse_, account of the Duke of, a favourite of the King, - ii. 177-178; - his pilgrimage to Loreto, and visit to the Pope, 185; - given the governorship of Normandy, 188; - his instructions on going to Italy, 197; - Alençon advised to secure his interest, 213; - escorts Alençon in his departure, 214; - King wishes to make his father governor of Languedoc, _ib._; - his quarrel with the Duc de Mercœur, 219; - its origin, 220, 245; - marches to recover places seized by the Duc d’Aumale, 245 - - _Juliers_, Duke of, at the coronation at Frankfort, i. 399, and _note_ - - _Julius Cæsar_, his opinion of his soldiers, i. 223; - his intention in mounting the tenth legion, 224; - his despatch of _Veni, vidi, vici_, 408 - - _Junius_, secretary to the late Elector Palatine, sent by the States - to Alençon, ii. 198, and _note_ - - _Juppenbier_ (spruce beer), a barrel of, presented to Busbecq, and its - effect on his guests, i. 257-258 - - - _Kanûns_, or Turkish Domesday Book, i. 142, and _note_ - - _Katzianer_, Austrian General, his defeat alluded to, i. 166 - - _Kevi_, Island in the Danube, i. 167 - - _Khodja_, story of a, at a Pasha’s table, i. 377-378 - - _Khuen_, Don Rodolph, Master of Horse to Maximilian, Busbecq asks his - salary to be paid to him, ii. 58, and _note_ - - _Kinsky_, John, his business with Schomberg, ii. 112, 125 - - _Kites_, the scavengers of Constantinople, i. 212; - Busbecq shoots, _ib._ - - _Kizilbash_, name given by Turks to the Shah, i. 219 - - _Koniah_, the ancient Iconium, Selim ordered to, i. 267; - its strategic importance, 273; - Selim posts himself there, 274; - battle of, 278-279 - - _Koran_, any Christian sitting on a, punished with death, i. 111; - copy of the, presented to the Sultan by the Persian Ambassador, - 157, 375 - - _Kurds_, their origin, i. 275, and _note_; - body of, hired by Bajazet, 274; - their sham fight, 275 - - - _Langres_, Guise raises troops near, ii. 98; - bishopric of, removed to Dijon, 257 - - _Languedoc_ and _Guienne_, the chief Huguenot region, ii. 41; - the crops in, ordered to be burnt, 88 - - _Lansac_, de, seizes Blaye, ii. 245, and _note_ - - _La Noue_, Huguenot leader, account of him, ii. 21, _note_; - at Rochelle, 21; - a prisoner, 155, and _note_; - attempts to surprise Paris, 252, _note_; - with Navarre before Paris, 262 - - _Laon_, Alençon goes there, ii. 202 - - _Lasso de Castilla_, Don Pedro, Ambassador of Ferdinand at the marriage - of Philip and Mary, urges Busbecq to hasten to Vienna, i. 77, and - _note_ - - _Laval_, the Comte de, son of d’Andelot, and nephew of Coligny, goes - to the Netherlands, ii. 147, and _note_; - Orange intends giving him his daughter, 179; - to be governor of Antwerp, _ib._ - - _Lavigne_, the French Ambassador, procures the release of the Venetian - prisoners, i. 353; - had formerly calumniated Busbecq, _ib._; - dreaded by Roostem on account of his bluntness, 354; - story of an interview between them, _ib._; - hates Ibrahim the interpreter, and procures his disgrace, 370; - his quarrel with de Codignac, _ib._ - - _Lazarus_, an Albanian chief, recaptured after escaping, and impaled, - i. 131-132 - - _Legate_, from the Pope (Cardinal Caietano), summons people of Langres - to Dijon, ii. 257; - lays them under an Interdict for refusing to acknowledge - the Cardinal de Bourbon, _ib._; - encourages the Parisians to hold out, 260 - - _Le Mans_, town of, taken by Navarre, ii. 254, 255 - - _Lemnian Earth_, a medicine used by Quacquelben, i. 164; - how procured, 256, and _note_; - Busbecq sends a physician to Lemnos to make inquiries about it, - 416 - - _Lenoncourt_, Cardinal de, said to have crowned Navarre at Tours, - ii. 254, and _note_ - - _Leonora_, sister of Charles V., widow of Francis I., difficulties - about arranging the settlement of her dower, ii. 53, 83 - - _Leyden_, reports about the siege of, ii. 4 - - _Leyva_, Don Sancho de, Spanish Admiral, commander of the Neapolitan - galleys, brought prisoner to Constantinople, i. 321; - imprisoned in the tower of Pera, 326; - how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373; - hates de Sandé, 373; - asks permission to return by Ragusa and Venice, 390 - - _Lier_, its garrison erect an outpost at the monastery of St. Bernard, - ii. 148 - - _Lillo_, fort near Antwerp, besieged, ii. 224 - - _Limoges_, de l’Aubespine, Bishop of, ii. 37 - - _Listhius_, John, Hungarian noble, Bishop of Wessprim, ii. 73, - and _note_ - - _Livron_, siege of, ii. 44; - turned into a blockade, 46 - - _Livy_, thought Alexander would have been defeated if he had attacked - Rome, i. 408 - - _Lorraine_, Charles, Cardinal de, his illness, death, and character, - ii. 45, and _note_; - his funeral, 46; - blamed as the cause of the war, 50; - formerly absolute master of France, 53 - - _Lorraine_, Cardinal de, brother of the Duke of Guise, one of the - chiefs of the League, ii. 241 - - _Lorraine_, Christina, Duchess Dowager of, her portrait taken for - Henry VIII., ii. 63, _note_; - sends a message to Maximilian, 132 - - _Lorraine_, Duke of, expected in Paris, ii. 63, 70; - at the Marquis de Nomeny’s marriage, 80; - asked to allow the passage of Spanish troops through Lorraine, 91; - accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, 96; - his conversation with Busbecq at dinner, _ib._; - notice of the Queen’s departure sent to him, 124; - jewels sent by Henry III. to induce him to be security to Casimir, - 127; - comes to meet Elizabeth, 129; - expected in Paris, 158; - arrives, 163; - demands Navarre’s sister for his son, _ib._; - his horror at the notion of giving his daughter to Epernon, 176; - his subterfuges, _ib._ - - _Lorraine_, House of, King devoted to, ii. 32; - its connection with Maximilian, 59, and _note_ - - _Luc, St._, his outrageous behaviour in Alençon’s chamber, ii. 159, - and _note_; - his repartee to Orange, 160 - - _Lusignan_, castle of, account of the, ii. 12, _note_; - its siege expected, _ib._; - commenced, 21; - continues, 28; - raised, 32; - surrenders, 46 - - _Luxembourg_, M. de, mentioned as likely to escort Elizabeth, ii. 126 - - _Lynx_, story of an Assyrian, i. 206 - - _Lyons_, inhabitants of, demolish their citadel, ii. 249 - - _Lyons_, Pierre d’Espinac, Archbishop of, ii. 260, _note_; - sent as ambassador to the Guises, 246; - sent by the Parisians to treat with Navarre, 260 - - - - _Mahomet_, story of and his cat, i. 225; - why he forbade the use of wine, 292-294 - - _Mahomet II._, Sultan, builder of the castle of Europe on the - Bosphorus, i. 131 - - _Mahomet_, son of Solyman, who died young, i. 178 - - _Malvezzi_, John Maria, former ambassador to the Porte, Busbecq visits - him, i. 78; - his embassy and imprisonment, 79-80; - his death, 81 - - _Mamelukes_, their ancient dominion in Egypt, i. 273, and _note_ - - _Mancup_, town of Goths in the Crimea, i. 356 - - _MSS._, Greek, collected by Busbecq at Constantinople, i. 416-417 - - _Marasch_, the Pasha of, sent as ambassador to Persia, i. 380 - - _Marche, La_, the Queen’s Dower partly charged upon, ii. 109 - - _Marguerite_ de Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre, catches cold when - walking in procession of Flagellants, ii. 45; - Alençon’s confidante and on bad terms with Henry III. and her - husband, 96; - as yet childless, 176; - assailed by the King, 192; - leaves Paris for Vendôme, _ib._; - King said to intend to imprison her, 193; - declares she and the Queen of Scots are the most unhappy beings - in the world, 194; - joins her husband, 203; - to live apart from him till her case has been investigated, _ib._; - expected to revenge the insult, 204; - said to be reconciled to her husband, 212; - refuses to see Epernon, 223 - - _Marseilles_, attempt to seize, ii. 245 - - _Martigues_, the Vicomte de, his daughter about to marry the Marquis - de Nomeny, ii. 64 - - _Mary_, sister of Henry VIII. and widow of Louis XII., her marriage - with the Duke of Suffolk, ii. 76 - - _Mary_, Queen of England, her marriage, i. 77 - - _Mary_, Queen of Scots, her pension so settled as to be worthless, - ii. 34; - expenses of her return home defrayed by Charles IX., 48; - her whole dower not secured on crown lands, 53; - remark of Marguerite de Valois about her, 194; - in danger for conspiring against Queen Elizabeth, 212 - - _Matarieh_, gardens of, near Cairo, the true balsam grown there, i. 416 - - _Mattioli_, Italian physician and botanist, specimens sent him - by Busbecq, i. 415, and _note_ - - _Maximilian_, King of Bohemia, afterwards King of Hungary and Emperor, - receives Busbecq graciously on his return to Vienna, i. 171; - his election as King of the Romans, 397; - his coronation, 399; - his advice to Henry III., ii. 50; - asked to intercede for Montmorency, 75; - his views as to the settlement of the Dower, 85; - wishes Busbecq to remain in Paris, 93 - - _Mayenne_, the Duke of, accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, ii. 96; - likely to escort Elizabeth, 126; - a Leaguer, 241; - hurries to relieve Angers, 248; - his troops in contact with the enemy, 250; - enters Paris, 252; - has large forces embodied but no means to pay them, _ib._; - attacks the fort of Meulan, 258; - arrives at Meaux, 259; - his letters intercepted, 261; - an unlucky general, 262 - - _Medina Celi_, Duke of, commander of the expedition to Djerbé, retires - to citadel and escapes by night, i. 319; - his son Don Gaston a prisoner, 323; - his agents search for Don Gaston unsuccessfully, 324; - Don Gaston probably murdered by Pialé Pasha, _ib._ - - _Medina de Rio Sicco_, Duke of, coming from King of Spain to - congratulate Henry III. on his marriage, ii. 74 - - _Mehemet_ Sokolli Pasha, third of the Vizierial Pashas, afterwards - Grand Vizier, despatched by Solyman to Selim, i. 270; - returns and is sent to Asia, 271; - sent in pursuit of Bajazet, 305; - in command of the troops on the Persian frontier, 378 - - _Melun_, town of, said to have surrendered to Navarre, ii. 255 - - _Menagerie_, Busbecq’s, stories of animals in, i. 204-208 - - _Mendoza_, Don Bernardino de, implicated in conspiracy against Queen - Elizabeth, ii. 212; - ordered to leave England, 213; - arrives in Paris, 216; - appointed Spanish ambassador to France, 230; - induces the Parisians to hold out, 260 - - _Menin_, evacuated, and then plundered and sacked, ii. 194 - - _Meninx_, island of. See _Djerbé_ - - _Mercœur_, Duc de and Marquis de Nomeny, the king’s brother-in-law, - ii. 244, _note_; - his approaching marriage, 64; - his marriage, 80; - accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, 96; - governor of Brittany, 172; - report of his death, _ib._; - untrue, 173; - his quarrel with the Duke of Joyeuse, 219; - its cause, 220; - a Leaguer, 241; - his ingratitude, 244 - - _Méru_, M. de, younger son of the Constable Montmorency, ii. 16, _note_ - - _Metrophanes_, the Metropolitan, a friend of Busbecq’s, anxious for a - union between the Greek and Latin churches, i. 341-342 - - _Metz_, great Protestant disturbances at, ii. 251 - - _Meulan_, fort on the Seine, attacked by Mayenne, ii. 258, 259 - - _Mezières_, appointed as Condé’s residence, ii. 127 - - _Michel_, Giovanni, Venetian ambassador, visits Busbecq, ii. 121, - and _note_ - - _Middelburg_, Congress of Netherland States at, ii. 202 - - _Milan_, useful as a training school for French soldiers, ii. 72, - and _note_ - - _Minarets_, serve the purpose of our belfries, i. 291 - - _Mingrelians_, account of the, i. 245-252; - their monarch, 245; - their feuds with the Imeritians, 246 - - _Mirambeau_, brother of Lausac, sent to Alençon, ii. 171; - thinks there is little hope of an arrangement, 173 - - _Mohacz_, battle of, i. 167, 407, and _note_ - - _Mohair_ goat. See _Angora_ goat - - _Mola_, of Augsburg, a courier, ii. 119 - - _Mondragon_, Spanish officer, his projects, ii. 90, and _note_ - - _Montal_, notorious bravo, his end, ii. 190, and _note_ - - _Montbéliard_, Pibrac waylaid near, ii. 62, and _note_ - - _Montbrun_, Vicomte de, Huguenot chieftain, said to be with Damville, - ii. 23; - seizes towns in Dauphiny, 41; - throws reinforcements into Livron, 44; - defeats Swiss in Dauphiny, 78, and _note_; - wounded and taken prisoner, 79-80; - his character, 80, and _note_; - beheaded at Grenoble, 99 - - _Montluc_, Jean de, Bishop of Valence, i. 389, _note_; - ii. 35, and _note_ - - _Montmorency_, Duc de, Marshal of France, his imprisonment in the - Bastille, ii. 8; - account of him, _ib._ _note_; - his execution threatened, 16; - guarded more strictly, 67, 68, and _note_; - better treated, 77; - offers to stand his trial, 86; - considered innocent by Vaudemont, 91; - his release decided on, 103; - sets out to Alençon, 114; - a notable instance of the fickleness of fortune, 115 - - _Montmorency_, Madame de, asks Elizabeth to request Maximilian to - intercede for her son, ii. 75; - contributes to the forced loan, 98 - - _Montpellier_, said to have revolted at Damville’s instigation, ii. 22 - - _Montpensier_, Louis de Bourbon, Duc de, account of, ii. 9, _note_; - besieges Fontenay, 10; - and Lusignan, 21, 32; - his son the Prince Dauphin, 147; - his death, 152 - - _Montpensier_, Duc de, son of the preceding, intends going to the - Netherlands, ii. 147; - in spite of his father’s death, 152; - joins Alençon, 156 - - _Morvilliers_, Jean de, Bishop of Orleans, ii. 37, _note_; - his interview with Busbecq, 87; - arrangement by which Busbecq receives his salary through him, - 93, 112, 122; - contributes to the forced loan, 98 - - _Mufti_, Turkish chief priest, consulted by Solyman, i. 116, 272, 374 - - _Mustapha_, Solyman’s eldest son, his high character and popularity, - i. 113; - summoned to appear before his father, 115; - his execution, 117-118; - his only son shares his fate, 119-122; - many of his retainers join Bajazet, 275 - - _Mustapha_, the Pretender, his first appearance, i. 179; - his story, 181-182; - threatening aspect of his rising, 183; - deserted by his followers, 184; - taken prisoner and executed, 185 - - - _Nanteuil_, fortress of, appointed for the meeting of the Peace - Commissioners, ii. 260 - - _Napellus._ See _Aconite_ - - _Napoli di Romania_, its surrender by the Venetians, i. 261-263 - - _Navarre._ See _Henry IV._ - - _Netherland_ Ambassadors with Alençon, ii. 212; - try to gain the King’s support, 225; - their offers, _ib._; - come with fresh proposals to the King, 231; - granted a private audience, 234; - attend the investiture of the King with the Garter, 235; - return home, 237; - the King’s reply to them, _ib._ - - _Netherlands_, news from the, ii. 4, 90, 195; - dykes opened in the, 205 - - _Nevers_, Louis Gonzaga, Duc de, ii. 82, _note_; - suggestion of placing Elizabeth’s affairs under his protection, - 82; - sent in pursuit of Alençon, 102; - asks for governorship of Brittany, 172; - indignant at being refused, 173; - brings reinforcements to Navarre, 261 - - _Nicæa_ (Isnik), description of, i. 136 - - _Nicomedia_ (Ismid), ruins of, i. 134 - - _Nicopolis_, battle of, i. 407, and _note_ - - _Niort_, town of, given to Alençon, ii. 126 - - _Nissa_ or _Nisch_, town of, i. 96 - - _Nocle_, Beauvois de la, deputy from Condé, ii. 89, and _note_ - - _Nogarola_, Count, Commander of German horse, ii. 44; - returns to Vienna, 58 - - _Nomeny_, Marquis de. See _Mercœur_, Duc de - - _Northumberland_, Earl of, arrested for conspiracy against Queen - Elizabeth, ii. 212, _note_ - - - _O_, Monsieur d’, holds the citadel of Caen for the League, ii. 245 - - _Olympus_, Mount, in Asia, view of, from Constantinople, i. 123, 202; - Busbecq travels along its slopes, 136; - furnishes Constantinople with snow, 291 - - _Orange_, William, Prince of, peace negotiations opened with him, - ii. 4; - his plan of misleading the Spanish fleet by false beacons, _ib._; - his marriage to Mademoiselle de Bourbon, 66; - suggestion that Condé should lead troops to his assistance, 72; - if beaten, will hand over the Netherlands to a foreign power, 90; - recovers from his wound, 142; - likely to secure Holland and Zealand for himself, 145; - rebukes St. Luc, 159; - prayed for during his illness by the reformed churches in France, - 162; - excused himself from going with Alençon to the camp, 169; - to be appointed Alençon’s Lieutenant, 175; - mobbed in Antwerp, 176; - intends to marry Teligny’s widow, and to give his own daughter to - Laval, 179; - buys Flushing, 183; - his influence declining, 185, 196; - tries to arouse the men of Antwerp, 186; - crosses to Zealand, _ib._; - reinforces Ostend, 194; - in retirement at Flushing, 196; - likely to be soon made Count of Holland and Zealand, 205; - schemes to recover Zutphen, 208; - Hollanders said to have sworn allegiance to him, 210; - assassinated, 224 - - _Orchan_, son of Bajazet, a marriage suggested between him and the - Shah’s daughter, i. 308 - - _Orleans_, declares for the Guises, ii. 245 - - _Ostend_, resists Parma, ii. 194; - said to have come to terms with him, 219 - - _Othman_, founder of the Turkish royal family, i. 137 - - _Oudenarde_, besieged, ii. 143; - surrenders, 144 - - _Ouloufedgi_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154, - and _note_; - mentioned, 283 - - - _Palyna_, Paul, fails to keep his appointment with Busbecq, i. 82; - overtakes him at Buda, 86 - - _Paper_, Turkish reverence for, and the reason of it, i. 110 - - _Paris_, proposal in the municipality of Paris to defray Elizabeth’s - expenses, ii. 91; - regret of the inhabitants at her departure, 128, and _note_; - _émeute_ there in consequence of the King’s enforcing his - sumptuary law, 207; - the faubourgs taken by Navarre, 251-252; - besieged, 259-261; - dreadful famine in, 259 - - _Paris_, Pierre de Gondi, Bishop of, and Chancellor to Elizabeth, - ii. 33; - his views about the dower, 85; - likely to escort the Queen, 126; - starts home from Nancy with an escort, 130; - wounded in the council-chamber, 216; - sent as ambassador to Rome, 249; - sent by the Parisians to treat with Navarre, 260 - - _Parma_, Alexander Farnese, Prince of, besieges Oudenarde, ii. 143; - takes it, 144; - encamps at Arras, 149; - threatens to attack St. Quentin in case of a French invasion, 150; - sickness of his troops, 157; - retakes Cateau Cambrésis, and blockades Diest, _ib._; - takes Diest, 162; - prepares to besiege Alost and threatens Brussels, 182; - besieges Cambrai, 183; - sends the governor of Namur to the King, 184; - takes Dunkirk, 186; - checked at Ostend, 194; - relieves Cateau Cambrésis, 202; - master of nearly all the country but Ghent and Antwerp, 205; - receives overtures from Flanders, 217; - removes to Dendermonde, 226; - said to be dangerously ill, 256; - in retirement, 258; - comes to the relief of Paris, 260; - he and his army contrasted with Navarre and his army, 262-264; - his devices for encountering the French cavalry, 263 - - _Partridges_, from Chios, i. 212; - how reared, 213 - - _Pashas_, keep open house before Ramazan, i. 376 - - _Patriarch of Constantinople_, consulted in vain by the Pashas, i. 234 - - _Pax_, John, commander at Komorn, i. 83 - - _Pernantius_, of Lorraine, said to have reconciled the Queen of Navarre - to her husband, ii. 212 - - _Persia_, its barrenness, i. 219; - creates a diversion in favour of Christendom, 221-222; - account of the country and its monarchs, 298-301, and _note_ - - _Persians_, their religious differences with the Turks, i. 161-162, - and 236, _note_; - complain of the violation of their territory, 307 - - _Persian_ Ambassador, his arrival at Amasia, i. 156; - peace concluded with, 157; - and honours paid to him, _ib._; - his departure from Amasia, 160 - - _Persian_ Ambassadors bring presents to Solyman, i. 156-157, 375 - - _Pertau_ Pasha, fourth Vizierial Pasha, and married to the widow - of Mahomet, the Sultan’s son, i. 183; - despatched by Solyman against Mustapha the Pretender, 183-184; - despatched by Solyman to Bajazet, 270; - sent back by him, 271 - - _Pescara_, Marquis of, report of his brother’s capture by the - Huguenots, ii. 155 - - _Peter_, the courier, mentioned, ii. 58, 65, 67, 112, 119 - - _Philip II._, King of Spain, his marriage, i. 77; - Turkish reports of his power, 318; - said to have promised his daughter to the King of Scotland, - ii. 148; - supports the League, 239; - sends money to Paris, 254 - - _Philippopolis_, town of, i. 106 - - _Pialé_ Pasha, the admiral, sent in command of the Turkish fleet to - Djerbé, i. 318; - sends a galley to Constantinople to announce his victory, 319; - conceals Don Gaston in hopes of a large ransom, 324; - his consequent peril, _ib._; - is forgiven by Solyman, _ib._ - - _Pibrac_, Guy du Faur, Seigneur de, account of him, ii. 10, _note_; - offends the Queen-Mother by advising the King to dismiss his - Italian troops, 10; - reported to be coming from Lyons, 23; - arrives in Paris, 28; - his conversation with Busbecq, 29; - the advocate of peace, 50; - starts for Poland as ambassador, 61; - waylaid near Montbéliard, 62, and _note_; - is to visit the Polish Palatines, 79; - his opinion of Polish affairs, 81; - his return expected, 122; - his unpleasant position in Poland, _ib._; - returns, 126; - what he thinks the Poles have gained from France, 132; - will probably be sent to the Netherlands as Alençon’s chancellor, - 169; - sent to Antwerp by Alençon, 181 - - _Pignerolo_, town and fortress in Piedmont, ceded by Henry III. to - the Duke of Savoy, ii. 13 - - _Pigs_, Turkish prejudice against them turned to account by Busbecq’s - friend, i. 205 - - _Pilgrimages_, fashion of making, in France, ii. 199 - - _Pilgrims_ to Jerusalem, seized by the Syrians and imprisoned at - Constantinople, i. 352; - their release procured by the French ambassador, 353; - sent home by Busbecq, _ib._ - - _Pinnas_, a kind of mollusc, caught by Busbecq, i. 339; - account of them and their guards, 339-340 - - _Plague_, the, Busbecq’s suite attacked by, i. 163; - outbreak of, in Busbecq’s house, 330-335; - death-rate from, at Constantinople, 341; - appears in France, ii. 183; - spreading, 188; - raging in Paris, 199; - prevents the King entering Paris, 201; - carries off one of the ladies of the Queen’s bed-chamber, 230 - - _Plane-tree_, great, opposite Busbecq’s house, i. 227; - the cavasse when shut out ties his horse to it, 260 - - _Pliny_, his statements as to the _pinna_ and _pinna-guard_ referred - to, i. 339 - - _Poitiers_, attempt to surprise, ii. 88 - - _Poland_, account of affairs in, ii. 29; - French hope to keep, 78, 92; - affairs there, 81 - - _Pont-à-Musson_, Marquis of, eldest son of the Duke of Lorraine, goes - to Flanders on his way home, ii. 255-256 - - _Pope_, the, offers the King 3,000 Swiss, ii. 122; - urges him to accept the Tridentine Decrees, 184; - visited by Joyeux, 185 - - _Portugal_, Sebastian, King of, account of him, ii. 30, _note_; - marriage between him and Elizabeth spoken of, ii. 30, 76-78 - - _Portuguese Ambassador_ arrives in Paris, ii. 70; - expected, 74; - Busbecq’s interview with him, 76-77; - suggests a marriage between Elizabeth and the King of Portugal, - _ib._; - takes a house in Paris, 82 - - _Poussin_, Huguenot fortress, besieged, ii. 21; - taken, 23 - - _Predestination_, Turkish notions about, i. 341, 382-383 - - _Prinkipo_, the largest of the Princes’ Islands in the sea of Marmora, - Busbecq allowed to retire thither, i. 334; - account of it, 337-340 - - _Puygalliard_, M. de, acting governor at Cambrai for the King of - France, ii. 195; - leaves the town, 205 - - - _Quacquelben_, native of Courtrai, Busbecq’s physician, attends the - Pasha of Buda, i. 86; - shares Busbecq’s taste for ancient coins, 94; - his treatment of intermittent fever, 161; - of the plague, 164; - is attacked by the plague, 335; - his opinion of the plague, _ib._; - Busbecq’s last visit to him, 335-336; - his death, 336; - his high character and abilities, _ib._; - examines aconite brought by Turkish pilgrim, 362 - - _Quesnoy_, Le, town in Hainault, failure of Alençon’s attempt on, - ii. 198 - - _Quentin, St._, town in Picardy, garrisoned against any attack by - Parma, ii. 150; - Marshal de Retz there, 227 - - - _Raab_, Busbecq’s escort attacked by soldiers from its garrison, i. 170 - - _Rakos_, plain near Pesth, the former meeting-place of the Hungarian - Diet, i. 168 - - _Rambouillet_, family of, ordered to leave the Court, ii. 13, - and _note_ - - _Ramée_, Pierre de la, his method, i. 99, _note_ - - _Rascians_, their language, i. 105; - extent of their country, 166; - their character, _ib._ - - _Remorantin_, a château, suggested by Busbecq as a residence for - Elizabeth, ii. 25; - assigned as part of her dower, 109 - - _Requesens_, Don Berenguer de, Spanish Admiral, commander of the - Sicilian galleys, brought a prisoner to Constantinople, i. 321; - imprisoned in the tower of Pera, 326; - how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373; - asks leave to return by Ragusa, 390; - his death, _ib._ - - _Retz_, Comte de, Marshal of France, ii. 39, _note_; - some of his troops cut to pieces by Damville, 32; - supports Elizabeth’s interests, 82; - attends the Queen-Mother to Boulogne, 184; - commands in Picardy, 223; - makes the people of Cambrai swear allegiance to the Queen-Mother, - 225; - at St. Quentin negotiating with Balagny, 227; - still in Picardy, 228 - - _Retz_, Comtesse de, likely to be one of Elizabeth’s escort, ii. 126 - - _Rhodope_, Mount, i. 106 - - _Richardot_, Councillor, sent to King of Spain, on account of Parma’s - conduct, ii. 258 - - _Richebourg_, Marquis of, formerly resident at the Court of Maximilian, - ii. 234; - killed at the Antwerp bridge, 247 - - _Rimini_, the Bishop of, the Apostolic Nuncio, his death, ii. 198 - - _Rochefoucauld_, goes to the Netherlands, ii. 147 - - _Rodolph II._, Emperor, suspected of being concerned in the affair of - Antwerp, ii. 168; - said to be betrothed to Philip II.’s daughter, _ib._ - - _Roland_, mythic Carlovingian hero, the legend said to be known to the - Mingrelians, i. 250, and _note_ - - _Roostem_, Grand Vizier, Busbecq and his colleagues visit him, i. 111; - his origin, character, and abilities, 113-114, 343; - sent in command against the Shah, 115; - his dismissal from office, 118; - restored to office, 176, 190; - urges Busbecq to remain, 196; - complains of Hungarian raids, 199; - his opinion of Busbecq, 234; - tries to convert him, 235; - his orthodoxy suspected, _ib._; - his conversation with Busbecq, 235-236; - his exultation at his kinsman’s raid, and sorrow at his death, - 240-241; - raises a troop of dragoons from his household servants, 242; - failure of the experiment, 243; - his remarks on Busbecq’s obstinacy, 261; - his emblematic present, 263-264; - warns Busbecq not to quarrel with the Janissaries, 296; - excites Solyman’s wrath against Pialé, 324; - his conversation with de Sandé in the Divan, 325; - refuses to let Busbecq leave his house on account of the plague, - 333; - his death, 334; - contrasted with Ali, 343, 345; - story of him and Busbecq, 344; - dreaded interviews with Lavigne, 354; - scene at one, 355; - his conduct towards Busbecq’s servants when falsely accused, - 367-368 - - _Rouen_, threatened by Navarre, ii. 257, 259 - - _Roxolana_, Solyman’s wife, her real name Khourrem, account of her, - i. 111-112, and _note_; - her intrigues against Mustapha, 113; - and his only son, 119; - her affection for Bajazet, 179; - appeases his angry father, 185; - encourages him, 187; - how she induced Solyman to marry her, 229, and 112, _note_; - her death, 265 - - _Ryhove_, Flemish noble, accused by Imbize of conspiracy, ii. 209 - - - _Salceda_, implicated in a plot, ii. 148; - a prisoner, 149; - his terrible execution, 152-153, and _notes_; - his wickedness and audacity, 154; - his head sent to Antwerp and stuck on the highest pinnacle, - 154, 155 - - _Saluzzo_, the marquisate of, proposal to sell or pawn, ii. 61; - 200,000 crowns borrowed on security of it, 79 - - _Salviati_, his mission to procure de Sandé’s release, and its failure, - i. 371, 374, _note_ - - _Samarcand_, city of, visited by a Turkish pilgrim, i. 360 - - _Sandé_, Don Alvaro de, commander of the citadel at Djerbé, attempts - to escape and is captured, i. 320; - exhibited on Pialé’s galley, 321; - before the Divan, 325; - imprisoned in the fortress of Caradenis, 326; - how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373; - his hatred of Leyva, 373; - his speech to the steward of the French representative, _ib._; - his journey home with Busbecq, 390-397; - his jokes, 391; - fears he will be sent back to Constantinople, 393; - chides Busbecq’s servant for his temper, 394; - his gratitude to Busbecq, 397 - - _Sanjak-bey_, derivation of the word, i. 84, and _note_; - Turkish army preserved by the advice of a Sanjak-bey, and his - subsequent treatment, 238-239; - story of a Sanjak-bey and a Khodja, 377-378 - - _Sanjak-bey of Gran_, Busbecq’s interviews with the, i. 84, 170 - - _Saumur_, town of, given to Alençon, ii. 126 - - _Savigliano_, town and fortress in Piedmont, ceded by Henry III. to - the Duke of Savoy, ii. 13 - - _Savona_, reported capture of, by the Duke of Savoy, ii. 74 - - _Savoy_, Emanuel Philibert, Duke of, receives Savigliano, and Pignerolo - from Henry III., ii. 13 and 14, _note_; - death of his wife, 14; - said to have taken Savona, 74; - lends 200,000 crowns on security of Saluzzo, 79 - - _Savoy_, Charles Emmanuel, Duke of, son of the preceding, said to be - estranged from Spain, and likely to marry Navarre’s sister, ii. 148; - about to be betrothed to the Duke of Lorraine’s daughter, 163 - - _Saxon_ colonists in Transylvania, i. 359 - - _Saxony_, the Elector of, attends the coronation at Frankfort, i 399, - and _note_ - - _Schomberg_, Gaspard de, Comte de Nanteuil, ii. 124, _note_; - his dealings with Kinsky, 112, 125; - going to Germany, 155; - his château of Nanteuil mentioned, 260, and _note_ - - _Schwartzenberg_, Count von, meets Elizabeth at Nancy, ii. 129; - consulted by Busbecq about her route, 133, 137 - - _Schwendi_, Lazarus von, an Alsatian seigneur, a scholar and a soldier, - ii. 73, and _note_; - prevented by illness from coming to Nancy, 129 - - _Scivarin_, Gothic town in the Crimea, i. 356 - - _Scordium_, or water germander, a remedy for the plague, i. 164, - and _note_ - - _Scotland_, news of disturbances in, ii. 148; - King of Scotland. See _James_, King of Scotland - - _Scutari_, town of, i. 133 - - _Scuter_, Lawrence, a courier, ii. 119 - - _Sebastian_, King of Portugal. See _Portugal_, Sebastian, King of - - _Selim I._, the father of Solyman, his defeat by his father at - Tchourlou, i. 108, and _note_; - picture of his defeat of the Persians at Tschaldiran, 129; - referred to, 299; - his conduct alluded to, 276-277, 279, 383 - - _Selim_, Solyman’s son, afterwards Sultan Selim II., destined by his - father as his successor, i. 179; - warns his father against Bajazet, 265; - removed to Koniah from Magnesia, 267; - marches on Ghemlik, 268; - occupies Koniah, 273; - his appearance and character, 275-276; - awaits his brother’s attack, 277; - puts the Pasha of Erzeroum to death, 305; - his succession advantageous to the Shah, 312; - procures Pialé Pasha’s pardon, 324 - - _Selimbria_, town of, i. 109 - - _Selles_, M. de, a prisoner in Zealand, ii. 233, and _note_ - - _Semendria_, formerly a fortress of the despots of Servia, i. 95 - - _Servians_, the, their funeral customs, i. 95; - their marriage customs, 96; - their language, 105; - extent of their country, 165 - - _Seure_, Michel de, Prior of Champagne, his quarrel with the King, - ii. 215-216, and _note_ - - _Sforzia Palavicini_, defeated by Ali Pasha at Fülek, i. 236 - - _Shad_, the common Danube, found also in the Halys, i. 145 - - _Sherbet_, mode of making, i. 147 - - _Silihdars_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 153, _note_; - mentioned, 283 - - _Siwas_, the Pasha of, deceived by Bajazet, i. 304 - - _Slavery_, its advantages discussed, i. 210-211, and _note_ - - _Slaves_, Christian, met by Busbecq, i. 162 - - _Slaves_, use made by the Turks of the numerous slaves captured by - them, i. 209-211 - - _Sluys_, town of, holds out against Parma, ii. 219 - - _Snakes_, in Busbecq’s house, i. 203-204 - - _Solyman_, Sultan, takes Belgrade, i. 94; - induced by Roxolana to marry her, 112; - goes to the army and summons Mustapha, 115; - consults the mufti, 116; - rebukes the mutes for their slackness, 117; - mohair his usual dress, 144; - Busbecq’s first and second interviews with him, 152, 158; - his appearance and character, 159-160; - avenges an insult, 162; - sends Pertau Pasha against the false Mustapha, 183; - his anger against Bajazet appeased by Roxolana, 185-186; - interview with Bajazet, 187-188; - goes to Adrianople, 198; - remonstrates with Bajazet, 266; - changes his sons’ governments, 267; - refuses to listen to Bajazet’s complaints, 270; - consults the mufti about him, 272; - his appearance, 285; - his opinion of the Janissaries, 296; - is presented by Busbecq with Ferdinand’s gifts, 297; - pretends to be inclined to pardon Bajazet, 298; - orders the execution of one of his spies, 301; - orders his army to return to Constantinople, 302; - orders Bajazet’s child to be brought up at Broussa, _ib._; - sends Pashas and Sanjak-beys in pursuit of Bajazet, 305; - removes Pasha of Erzeroum from office, _ib._; - alarmed at Bajazet’s flight to Persia, _ib._; - wishes to pursue him, but is restrained by the Pashas, 306; - deeply hurt at the loss of Djerbé, 318; - sends an armament thither, _ib._; - sees the triumphal entry of his fleet, 321; - his demeanour, 322; - his increasing superstition, 331; - his prohibition of wine tested by some Greeks, 332-333; - his reply to Busbecq’s request to leave his house, 333; - releases pilgrims at Lavigne’s request, 353; - his letter to the King of France, 369; - tries to induce the Shah to surrender Bajazet, 378; - sends messages to the Georgians and Turkomans, 379; - persuades the Shah to permit Bajazet to be executed, 380-381; - orders Bajazet’s child to be executed at Broussa, 382; - his parting speech to Busbecq, 390; - a terrible enemy, 405-407; - his attacks on Hungary and Austria, 409; - his three wishes, 410 - - _Sophia_, town of, i. 102 - - _Sorbonne_, decision of the, about Henry VIII.’s marriage, ii. 27, - and _note_ - - _Spahis_, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154, and _note_; - mentioned, 283 - - _Spain_, the posts to, stopped, ii. 151; - threatens the liberties of Europe, 226 - - _Spaniards_, the, take Djerbé, i. 317-318; - their fleet defeated by the Turks, 318; - their sufferings during the siege, 320-321; - their sufferings in prison alleviated by Busbecq, 326-328 - - _Spanish_ ambassador, his remonstrances about Salceda’s head, ii. 155 - - _Spanish_ officer employed as gooseherd, i. 209 - - _Stag_, fierceness of a, i. 208 - - _Standing armies_, dangers of, i. 296-297 - - _States-General_, their meeting demanded, ii. 57; - mock States-General convened, 87; - summoned, 257 - - _Sterckenburg_, officer sent by Casimir to Elizabeth, ii. 130 - - _Strasburg_, the Bishop of, notice of Elizabeth’s departure sent to - him, ii. 124, and _note_; - prevented from coming to Nancy by fear of the German reiters, 129; - his return home, 133; - remains at Bâle, 135 - - _Strozzi_, Philippe, Marshal of France, ii. 39; - killed at the Azores, 146 - - _Sunnites_ and Schiis, the two great sects of Mohammedans, i. 161, - _note_ - - _Sweden_, marriage between the daughter of the King of, and Henry III. - spoken of, ii. 43; - her portrait, 63 - - _Swiss_ Ambassadors at Paris, ii. 63; - entertainments and presents to them, 158, 160 - - _Swiss_ troops defeated by Montbrun, ii. 78 - - _Symplegades_ or floating islands at the mouth of the Bosphorus, i. 132 - - _Szigeth_, fortress in Hungary, attacked by Ali Pasha, i. 236; - relieved by the Archduke Ferdinand, 237-238 - - - _Tahmasp_, Shah, at war with Solyman, i. 115; - his character and mode of life, 300; - sends envoys to Bajazet, 307; - invites him to visit him, 308; - his treachery towards him, _ib._; - and his motives, 309; - causes him to be arrested at his table and his followers to be - murdered, 311; - prefers that Selim should succeed to the throne, 312; - his treacherous conduct, 378; - consents to Bajazet’s execution, 381 - - _Tamerlane_, indignities inflicted by him on Bajazet and his wife, - i. 112; - his descendants, 379 - - _Tartar, a_, his hair his only head covering, i. 85 - - _Tartars_ in the Crimea, account of the, i. 356 - - _Tashkend_, city of, visited by Turkish pilgrim, i. 360 - - _Tassis_ (_or Taxis_), _J. B._, Spanish ambassador in Paris, superseded - and sent to the Netherlands, ii. 230, and _note_ - - _Taxis_, Leonhard de, Postmaster-General in the Netherlands, ii. 28, - and _note_ - - _Tchekmedjé_, Buyuk and Kutchuk, bays near Constantinople, i. 109, - _note_ - - _Tchourlou_, town of, famous for the defeat of Selim, i. 108 - - _Thoré_, M. de, younger son of the Constable Montmorency, ii. 16, - _note_; - escapes from the defeat of Germans and reaches the Loire, 106; - joins Alençon, 115; - his quarrel with du Guast, 117 - - _Tolna_, a Hungarian town, its good wine and civil inhabitants, i. 93; - quarrel between the Janissary there and Busbecq’s servant, - 392-396 - - _Tortoises_, i. 134 - - _Touighoun_, Pasha of Buda, meaning of the name, i. 85; - his illness and reputation, 85, 86; - Busbecq’s interview with him, 91 - - _Tours_, attempt on, ii. 98; - reported coronation of Navarre there, 254; - Parliament removed thither by Henry III., 256; - the States-General convened there by Navarre, 257 - - _Trajan’s Bridge_, remains of, i. 95 - - _Trajan’s Gate_, or pass of Ichtiman, i. 106, and _note_ - - _Transylvania_, recovered by Ferdinand, i. 79, 80; - Hungarian nobles revolt from the Voivode of, 386; - the Voivode’s ambassadors try to hinder the conclusion of peace, - 387 - - _Transylvanian_, the most popular candidate for the Polish crown, - ii. 43, and _note_ - - _Trautson_, John von, Ferdinand’s minister, i. 412 - - _Tschaldiran_, battle of, alluded to, i. 299 - - _Tulips_, i. 107 - - _Turenne_, the Vicomte de, brings reinforcements to Navarre, ii. 261 - - _Turkish_ ambassador intervenes at the Polish Diet. ii. 29 - - — army at Amasia, described, i. 155-156 - - — beggars, i. 209 - - — camp, described, i. 288, 289 - - _Turkish_ cavalry, Busbecq’s first sight of, i. 83 - - — commissariat, i. 219-221, 289 - - — fanatics at Buda, i. 396 - - — fleet, reported arrival of a, ii. 257 - - — horseman, a, described, i. 283-284 - - — horses, their rearing, training, &c., i. 215-217 - - — hostels, described, i. 98 - - — inns. See _Caravanserai_ - - — military punishments, i. 293-294 - - — officer induced by Busbecq to give up the royal standard of the - Neapolitan galleys, i. 322 - - — old woman, her romantic story, 231-232 - - — pilgrim gives Busbecq an account of his journey to Cathay and of that - country, i. 359-362; - feats performed by another, 362-363 - - — soldiers contrasted with Christian, i. 221; - their clothing and its distribution, 222 - - — women, their treatment and mode of life, i. 228-229 - - _Turkoman_ chiefs invited to attack the Shah, i. 379 - - _Turks_, their notions about wine-drinking, i. 88; - about houses, 90; - consider the left-hand the place of honour, 92; - their methods of dividing time, 101; - attach no distinction to birth, i. 104, 154; - their fondness for flowers, 108; - and money, _ib._; - their reverence for paper and the reasons for it, 110; - their superstitions as to unclean food, 124, 134; - their favourite colours, 144; - their notions about omens, _ib._, 269; - surprised at the Germans’ fishing, 145; - their frugal fare, 146; - their notions of chronology, 149; - how promotion is regulated among them, 155; - their dress, _ib._; - their horror of pigs, 205; - slavery among them, 209-211; - their kindness to animals, 224; - prefer cats to dogs and why, 225; - ransom birds from bird-catchers, 227; - some think it wrong to keep birds in cages, _ib._; - their marriage laws, 229; - do not inquire closely into crimes, but punish them severely if - detected, 232; - think it their duty to make one offer to a Christian of conversion - to their religion, 235; - their religious differences with the Persians, _ib._; - their skill in archery and mode of shooting and practising, - 253-255; - their readiness to accept foreign inventions and to adopt various - Christian customs, 255-256; - their Parthian tactics, 257; - their treatment of ambassadors, 261; - believe that the souls of those killed in battle ascend to heaven, - 289; - their notions of the Carnival, 290; - their fast, _ib._; - dislike to eat or drink standing, 291; - their endurance under the bastinado, 294; - their reverent behaviour at their prayers, 303; - impression made on them by the Spanish successes, 318; - their exultation at their victory, 319; - their taunts of the prisoners, 322; - how they treat prisoners, 326; - their recklessness about infection, 341; - disturbed at Basilicus’ invasion of Moldavia, 349; - at dinners carry off things for their wives and children, 375; - their notions about predestination, 341, 382-383; - pray for Busbecq’s conversion, 384; - league against them suggested to divert the restless spirits of - France, ii. 49; - their victories over the Persians render them formidable, 243-244, - and _note_; - offer to assist Navarre, 257, and _note_ - - - _Uzes_, Duc de, commands for the King at Aigues-Mortes, ii. 42 - - - _Varna_, battle of, i. 407, and _note_ - - _Vaudemont_, Louise de, afterwards Queen of France, Henry III. in love - with her, ii. 32; - about to marry her, 51; - is a niece of Count Egmont, _ib._; - Elizabeth’s attendants ordered to enter her service, 52, - and _note_; - no favourite with the Queen-Mother, 57; - congratulated by Busbecq in Maximilian’s name, 59; - estranged from her husband, 219 - - _Vaudemont_, Nicolas, Comte de, the King’s father-in-law, a probable - peacemaker, ii. 63; - his arrival expected, 63, 70; - at his son’s marriage, 80; - visits Montmorency and thinks him innocent, 91 - - _Veli Bey_, Sanjak-bey of Hatwan, his feud with Arslan Bey, i. 244 - - _Veltwick_ or _Velduvic_, Gerard, ambassador of Charles V. to the - Porte, i. 79, and _note_; - his detention by the Turks referred to, 263 - - _Vendôme_, Cardinal de, brother of Condé, Navarre’s sequestrated - property placed in his hands, ii. 249 - - _Vendôme_, Duc de. See _Henry IV._ - - _Vendôme_, House of, its position, ii. 40 - - _Vendôme_, retaken by Navarre and the governor executed, ii. 254 - - _Vendôme’s_ sister Catherine, rumours of her intended marriage to - Alençon, ii. 51, and _note_; - to the Duke of Savoy, 148, 194; - to the Duke of Lorraine’s son, 163; - to Condé, 233; - to Duke of Epernon, 242; - her great prospects, 176 - - _Venetian_ Baily. See _Baily_ - - _Venetian_ goldsmith, adventure of a, i. 224 - - _Verdun_, town of, taken by Guise, ii. 247 - - _Vimioso_, the Count of, Don Antonio’s Constable, killed off the - Azores, ii. 146 - - _Viteaux_, the Baron de, a famous duellist, murders du Guast, ii. 116, - _note_; - account of his death, 189-191, and _notes_ - - _Vopiscus_, quoted, i. 214 - - _Vulcob_, M. de, French Ambassador at Vienna, ii. 36, and _note_, 85; - arrangement by which Busbecq received his salary through him, 112, - 122 - - - _Weasels_, stories of, i. 203 - - _Wranczy_ or _Verantius_, Antony, Bishop of Fünfkirchen, afterwards - of Erlau and finally Archbishop of Gran, sent as ambassador to the - Porte, i. 80; - Busbecq finds him at Constantinople, 111 - - _Wyss_, Albert de, comes with presents from Ferdinand to the Sultan, - i. 297 - - - _Ypres_, given up for lost, ii. 194; - still blockaded by Parma, 199 - - - _Zay_, Francis, commander of the Danube flotilla known as _Nassades_, - afterwards governor of Kaschau, sent as ambassador to the Porte, - i. 80; - Busbecq finds him at Constantinople, 111; - his fishing in the Halys, 145 - - _Zutphen_, town in Gelderland, taken by the Spaniards, ii. 208 - - LONDON: PRINTED BY - SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE - AND PARLIAMENT STREET - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The life and letters of Ogier Ghiselin -de Busbecq, Vol. II (of 2), by Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq and Francis Henry Blackburne Daniell and Charles Thornton Forster - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OGIER GHISELIN DE BUSBECQ, VOL II *** - -***** This file should be named 53630-0.txt or 53630-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/6/3/53630/ - -Produced by Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - |