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diff --git a/old/53746-0.txt b/old/53746-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 385e2ee..0000000 --- a/old/53746-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,7840 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Among the Head-Hunters of Formosa, by -Janet B. Montgomery McGovern - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Among the Head-Hunters of Formosa - -Author: Janet B. Montgomery McGovern - -Release Date: December 16, 2016 [EBook #53746] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMONG THE HEAD-HUNTERS OF FORMOSA *** - - - - -Produced by Cindy Horton, Clarity, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries and the -HathiTrust Digital Library.) - - - - - -Transcriber's Note: Italic text is denoted by _underscores_ and bold -text by =equal signs= - - - - -AMONG THE HEAD-HUNTERS OF FORMOSA - -[Illustration: MAN AND WOMAN OF YAMI TRIBE IN REGALIA WORN AT THE -SPRING FESTIVAL IN HONOUR OF THE SEA-GOD. - -(_See page 149._)] - - - - - AMONG THE HEAD-HUNTERS - OF FORMOSA - - _By_ JANET B. MONTGOMERY - MCGOVERN, B.L. - - _Diplomée in Anthropology, University of Oxford_ - - - WITH A PREFACE BY - - R. R. MARETT, M.A., D.Sc. - - READER IN SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY, UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD - - - ILLUSTRATED - - - T. FISHER UNWIN LTD - - LONDON: ADELPHI TERRACE - - - - - _First published in 1922_ - - (_All rights reserved_) - - - - - TO - - W. M. M. - - MY SON AND THE COMPANION - OF MY WANDERINGS - - - - - “No human thought is so primitive as to have lost bearing on our own - thought, or so ancient as to have broken connection with our own life.” - - E. B. TYLOR, _Primitive Culture_. - - - - -PREFACE - - -To treat her as a goddess has always been accounted a sure way of -winning a lady’s favour. To the cynic, therefore, it might seem that -Mrs. McGovern was bound to speak well of her head-hunting friends of -the Formosan hills, seeing that they welcomed her with a respect that -bordered on veneration. But of other head-hunters, hailing, say, from -Borneo or from Assam, anthropologists have reported no less well, and -that though the investigators were accorded no divine honours. The -key to a just estimate of savage morality is knowledge of all the -conditions. A custom that considered in itself is decidedly revolting -may, on further acquaintance with the state of culture as a whole, turn -out to be, if not praiseworthy, at least a drawback incidental to a -normal phase of the ruder life of mankind. - -The “grizzled warrior,” we are told, who made oblation to our -authoress, bore on his chin the honourable mark of the man-slayer. To -her Chinese coolie that formidable badge would have been enough to -proclaim the wearer _seban_--the kind of wicked animal that defends -itself when attacked. Thus, if it merely served to warn an invading -alien to keep his distance, this crude advertisement of a head-hunting -habit would be justified, from the standpoint of the survival of -the hard-pressed aborigines. Even had a threat of cannibalism been -thrown in, its protective value could hardly be denied; for, much as -men object to be killed, they commonly deem it worse to be killed -and eaten. Though reputed to be man-eaters, however, the savages of -Formosa are not so in fact. Indeed, the boot is on the other foot. I -remember Mr. Shinji Ishii telling us at a meeting of the Folk-lore -Society that, despite their claim to a higher form of civilization, -the Chinese of the adjoining districts will occasionally partake of -a head-hunter, chopped up small and disguised in soup: the principle -implied in the precaution being, I dare say, sound enough, namely, that -of inoculation, though doubtless the application is unfortunate. - -Meanwhile, head-hunting has for these wild-folk a function and -significance that are not to be understood so long as we consider it -as a thing apart. The same canon of interpretation holds good of any -other outstanding feature of the social life. Customs are the organic -parts of a body of custom. To use a technical expression, they are -but so many elements composing a single “culture-complex.” Modern -research is greatly concerned with the tracing out of resemblances -due to the spread of one or another system of associated customs. The -method is to try to work back to some ethnic centre of diffusion; -where the characteristic elements of the system, whatever might have -been their remoter derivation, have been thoroughly fused together, -in the course of a long process of adaptation to a given environment. -Thereupon it becomes possible to follow up the propagation of influence -as it radiates from this centre in various directions outwards. Now -it may well be that the tradition rarely, or never, is imparted in -its entirety. Selection, or sheer accident, will cause not a little -to be left behind. On the other hand, the chances are all against one -custom setting forth by itself. Customs tend to emigrate in groups. -Thus head-hunting, and a certain mode of tattooing, and the institution -of the skull-shelf, and the requirement that a would-be husband must -display a head as token of his prowess, are on the face of them -associated customs, and such as are suited to have been travelling -companions. Hence it is for the ethnologist to see whether he cannot -refer the whole assortment to some intrusive culture of Indonesian or -other origin. - -Yet lest one good method should corrupt the science, we should not -forget that there is another side to the study of culture; though from -this side likewise there is equal need to examine customs, not apart, -but in their organic connexion with each other. Whencesoever derived, -the customs of a people have an ascertainable worth here and now for -those who live by them. The first business, I should even venture to -say, of any anthropologist, be his sphere the study or the field, is -to seek to appreciate a given culture as the expression of a scheme -of values. Every culture represents a set of means whereby it is -sought to realize a mode of life. Unconsciously for the most part, -yet none the less actually, every human society pursues an ideal. To -grasp this ideal is to possess the clue to the whole cultural process -as a spiritual and vital movement. The social inheritance is subject -to a constant revaluation, bringing readaptation in its train. There -is a selective activity at work, and to apprehend its secret springs -one must keep asking all the time, what does this people want, and -want most? unconscious though it may largely be, the want is there. -Correspondingly, since it is a question of getting into touch with a -latent process, the anthropologist must employ a method which I can -only describe as one of divination. He must somehow enter into the -soul of a people. Introjection, or in plainer language sympathy, is -the master-key. Objective methods so-called are all very well; but -if, as sometimes happens, they lead one to forget that anthropology -is ultimately the science of the inner man, then they but batter at a -closed door. - -A sure criterion, then, by which to appraise any account of a savage -people consists in the measure of the sympathy shown. A summary sketch -that has this saving quality will be found more illuminating than -many volumes of statistics. Literally or otherwise, the student of -wild-folk must have undergone initiation at their hands. Having become -as one of themselves, he is qualified to act as their spokesman, -putting into such words as we can understand the felt needs and -aspirations of a less self-conscious type of humanity. Here, for -instance, Mrs. McGovern, though writing for the general public, and -reserving a full digest of her material for another work, has sought -to present an insider’s version of the aboriginal life of Formosa. She -was willing to become an initiate, and did in fact become so, almost -overshooting the mark, as it were, through translation to a super-human -plane. So throughout she tries to do justice to the native point of -view. She says enough to make us feel that, despite certain notions -more or less offensive to our conscience, the ideal of the Formosan -tribesman is in important respects quite admirable. He is on the whole -a good man according to his lights. Allowance being made for his -handicap, he is playing the game of life as well as he can. - -Having thus dealt briefly with principles of interpretation I perhaps -ought to stop short, since an anthropologist as such has nothing -to do with the bearing of his science on questions of political -administration. Mrs. McGovern, however, has a good deal to say about -the means whereby it is proposed to convert head-hunters into peaceable -and useful citizens. Without going into the facts, upon which I am -incompetent to throw any fresh light, I might venture to make some -observations of a general nature that depend on a principle already -mentioned. This principle was, that to understand a people is to -envisage its ideal. The practical corollary, I suggest, is that, to -preserve a people, one must preserve its ideal so far as to leave its -vital and vitalizing elements intact. In other words, in purging that -ideal, as may be done and ought to be done when it is sought to lift -a backward people out of savagery, great care should be taken not to -wreck their whole scheme of values, to cause all that has hitherto -made life worth living for them to seem cheap and futile. Given -sympathetic insight into their dream of the good life--one that is, -probably, not unlike ours in its main essentials--it ought to prove -feasible to curtail noxious practices by substituting better ways of -satisfying the same needs. Contact with civilization is apt to produce -among savages a paralysis of the will to live. More die of depression -than of disease or drink. They lose their interest in existence. Their -spirit is broken. When the policy is to preserve them, the mere man of -science can lend a hand by pointing out what indeed every experienced -administrator knows by the time he has bought his experience at other -people’s expense. Given, then, the insider’s point of view, a sense -of what the savage people itself wants and is trying for, and given -also patience in abundance, civilization may effectively undertake to -fulfil, instead of destroying. - - R. R. MARETT. - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -_Among the Head-hunters of Formosa_ contains the substance of -observations made during a two-years’ stay in Formosa--from September -1916 to September 1918. The book is written for the general reader, -rather than for the specialist in anthropology or ethnology. Hence -many details--especially those concerning minor differences in manners -and customs among the various aboriginal tribes--have been omitted; -for these, while perhaps of interest to the specialist, would prove -wearying to the layman. - -Inadequate as the treatment of the subject may seem to the -anthropologist, I venture to hope that such information as the book -contains may stimulate interest, and perhaps encourage further -investigation, before it is too late, into the tribal customs and -habits of a little-known, and rapidly disappearing, people. - -A writer--signing himself “P. M.”--discussing the aborigines of -Formosa, in the _China Review_ (vol. ii) for 1873, says: “Decay and -death are always sad sights to contemplate, and when decay and death -are those of a nation or race, the feeling is stimulated to acuteness.” - -If this feeling in connection with the aborigines was aroused in -a European resident in Formosa in 1873, how much more strongly -is this the case to-day--nearly half a century later--when the -aboriginal population has dwindled from approximately one-sixth of -the population of the island (an estimate given by Keane in his -remarks on Formosa, in _Man Past and Present_) to about 3 per cent. -of the entire population--a decline of 15 per cent. in less than -fifty years. Under the present system of “benevolent assimilation” on -the part of the Japanese Government the aboriginal population seems -declining at an even more rapid rate than it did under Chinese rule, -which ended in 1895. Hence if the mistake which was made in the case -of the Tasmanians--that of allowing them to die out before definite -or detailed information regarding their beliefs and customs was -gained--is to be avoided in the case of the Formosan aborigines, all -anthropological data available, both social and physical, should be -gained without further delay. Up to this time apparently but little -has been done in the way of scientific study of these people, in spite -of the fact that, as Keane points out, Formosa “presents a curious -ethnical and linguistic connecting link between the continental and -oceanic populations of Asia.” - -Dr. W. Campbell, writing in _Hastings’ Encyclopædia of Religion and -Ethics_ (vol. vi) remarks: “The first thing to notice in making any -statement about the savages of Formosa is the extreme paucity of -information which is available.” If anything which I--the first white -woman to go among certain of the tribal groups of these savages--am -able to say will make less this “extreme paucity of information,” then -I shall feel that the time spent in writing this book has not been -wasted. - -I must add that I am deeply indebted to Dr. Marett, of Oxford, who most -kindly read the greater part of the book in manuscript form; and again -in proof. - - JANET B. MONTGOMERY MCGOVERN. - - Salzburg, Austria. - _March 1922._ - - -NOTE - -Among other valuable suggestions, Dr. Marett has called my attention -to the fact that the word “caribou” (sometimes spelt carabao) is used -in this book to describe an animal other than the American reindeer. -It is quite true that no dictionary would define “caribou” as meaning -the hideous, almost hairless, beast of the bovine species used in -certain parts of Indonesia for ploughing the rice-paddies, and whose -favourite recreation--when not harnessed to the plough--is to lie, -or to stand, buried to its neck in muddy water; yet this beast is so -called both in the Philippines and in Formosa; that is, by English and -Americans resident in these islands. By the Japanese the animal is -called _sui-gyu_; by the Chinese _shui-niu_ (as nearly as the sound can -be imitated in English spelling); the characters being the same in both -languages, but the pronunciation different. - -In connection with the pronunciation and the English spelling of -Chinese and Japanese words, the spelling is of course phonetic. This -applies to the names of places, as well as to other words. As regards -Formosan place names, the difficulty of adequate transliteration is -aggravated by the fact that the Chinese-Formosans and the Japanese, -while using the same written characters, pronounce the names quite -differently. In spelling the names of places, I have followed that -system usually adopted in English books. There can, however, be no -hard and fast rules for Sino-Japanese spelling; therefore the Japanese -gentleman to whom I am indebted for the map who has spelled Keelung -with a single “e,” is quite “within his rights” from the point of view -of transliteration. - - J. B. M. M. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PREFACE pp. 9-14 - - INTRODUCTION pp. 15-18 - - - PART I - - _DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLAND AND ITS INHABITANTS_ - - - CHAPTER I - - IMPRESSIONS FROM A DISTANCE - - Scepticism regarding the Existence of a Matriarchate--Glimpse of - Formosa from a Steamer’s Deck in passing--Hearsay in Japan concerning - the Island Colony--Opportunity of going to Formosa as a Government - Official pp. 27-35 - - - CHAPTER II - - IMPRESSIONS AT FIRST-HAND - - The Voyage from Kobe to Keelung--The History of Formosa as recounted by - a Chinese-Formosan--A Visit to a Chinese-Formosan Home--The Scenery of - Formosa--Experience with Japanese Officialdom in Formosa pp. 36-68 - - - CHAPTER III - - PERSONAL CONTACT WITH THE ABORIGINES - - A New Year Visit to the East Coast Tribes--Received by the Taiyal as a - Reincarnation of one of the seventeenth-century Dutch “Fathers.” - pp. 69-85 - - - CHAPTER IV - - THE PRESENT POPULATION OF FORMOSA - - Hakkas and other Chinese-Formosans, Japanese, Aborigines pp. 86-92 - - - PART II - - _MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE ABORIGINAL TRIBES_ - - - CHAPTER V - - RACIAL STOCK - - Physical Appearance pointing to Indoneso-Malay Origin--Linguistic - Evidence and Evidence of Handicraft--Tribal Divisions of the - Aborigines--Moot Question as to the Existence of a Pigmy People in the - Interior of the Island pp. 95-108 - - - CHAPTER VI - - SOCIAL ORGANIZATION - - Head-hunting and associated Customs--“Mother-right” and Age-grade - Systems--Property Rights--Sex Relations pp. 109-129 - - - CHAPTER VII - - RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND PRACTICES - - Deities of the Ami and Beliefs of this Tribe regarding Heaven and - Hell--Beliefs and Ceremonials of the other Tribes of the South--Descent - from Bamboo; Carved Representations of Glorified Ancestors and of - Serpents; Moon Worship; Sacred Tree, Orchid, and Grass--The Kindling of - the Sacred Fire by the Bunun and Taiyal Tribes--Beliefs and Ceremonials - of the Taiyal--Rain Dances; Bird Omens; Ottofu; Princess and Dog - Ancestors--Yami Celebrations in Honour of the Sea-god pp. 130-151 - - - CHAPTER VIII - - MARRIAGE CUSTOMS - - The Point of View of the Aborigines regarding Sex--Courtship preceding - Marriage--Consultation of the Bird Omen and of Bamboo Strips as to the - Auspicious Day for the Wedding--The Wedding Ceremony--Mingling by the - Priestess of Drops of Blood taken from the Legs of Bride and Groom; - Ritual Drinking from a Skull--Honeymoon Trips and the setting-up of - House-keeping--Length of Marriage Unions pp. 152-162 - - - CHAPTER IX - - CUSTOMS CONNECTED WITH ILLNESS AND DEATH - - Belief that Illness is due to Evil Ottofu--Ministrations of the - Priestess--A Seventeenth-century Dutch Record of the Treatment of - the Dying by the Formosan Aborigines--The “Dead Houses” of the - Taiyal--Burial of the Dead by the Ami, Bunun, and Paiwan Tribes beneath - the Hearth-stone of the Home--“Green” and “Dry” Funerals pp. 163-172 - - - CHAPTER X - - ARTS AND CRAFTS - - Various Types of Dwelling-houses peculiar to the Different - Tribes--Ingenious Suspension-bridges and Communal Granaries - common to all the Tribes--Weapons and the Methods of their - Ornamentation--Weaving and Basket-making--Peculiar Indonesian Form of - Loom--Pottery-making--Agricultural Implements and Fish-traps--Musical - Instruments: Nose-flute; Musical Bow; Bamboo Jews’-harp--Personal - Adornment pp. 173-185 - - - CHAPTER XI - - TATTOOING AND OTHER FORMS OF MUTILATION - - Cutting away of the Lobes of the Ears and knocking out of the - Teeth--Significance of the Different Designs of Tattoo-marking among - the Taiyal--Tattooing among the Paiwan pp. 186-192 - - - CHAPTER XII - - METHODS OF TRANSPORT - - Ami Wheeled Vehicle resembling Models found in early Cyprian - Tombs--Boat-building and the Art of Navigation on the Decline. - pp. 193-197 - - - CHAPTER XIII - - POSSIBILITIES OF THE FUTURE - - “Decadent” or “Primitive”--A Dream of White Saviours from the West - pp. 198-199 - - - CHAPTER XIV - - CIVILIZATION AND ITS BENEFITS - - To “wonder furiously”--Better Government, or Worse?--Comparison of - Standards--A Conversation with Aborigine Friends--The Question of - Money--Tabus pp. 200-215 - - - INDEX pp. 217-220 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - MAN AND WOMAN OF YAMI TRIBE IN REGALIA WORN AT THE SPRING FESTIVAL - IN HONOUR OF THE SEA-GOD _Frontispiece_ - - FACING PACE - - ANTHROPOLOGICAL MAP OF FORMOSA 27 - - GATEWAY OF THE OLD CHINESE WALL FORMERLY SURROUNDING THE CITY OF - TAIHOKU 36 - - “CARIBOU,” OR WATER-BUFFALO, USED BY THE CHINESE-FORMOSANS 52 - - MEN AND YOUNG WOMEN OF THE TAIYAL TRIBE ON A STATE VISIT TO THE - CITY OF TAIHOKU 52 - - AUTHOR IN RICKSHA IN THE CITY OF TAIHOKU 66 - - USUAL FORM OF _TORO_ (PUSH-CAR) 66 - - TWO MEN OF THE TAIYAL TRIBE BRIBED BY GIFTS TO HAVE THEIR PICTURE - TAKEN 70 - - AUTHOR IN _TORO_ GOING UP INTO TAIYAL TERRITORY 70 - - “FACTORY” FOR EXTRACTING CAMPHOR IN THE MOUNTAINS OF FORMOSA 90 - - MEN OF THE BUNUN TRIBE 98 - - YAMI TRIBESPEOPLE OF BOTEL TOBAGO IN FRONT OF “BACHELOR-HOUSE” 98 - - TAIYAL WOMAN, AND A WOMAN LIVING AMONG THE TAIYAL BELIEVED TO BE - PART PIGMY 102 - - WOMAN OF YAMI TRIBE OF BOTEL TOBAGO 102 - - MAN OF TAIYAL TRIBE AND WOMAN LIVING AMONG THE TAIYAL SUSPECTED - OF HAVING A STRAIN OF PIGMY BLOOD 108 - - AUTHOR’S SECRETARY MAKING NOTES OF TAIYAL DIALECT 108 - - TAIYAL TRIBESPEOPLE 114 - - SKULL-SHELF IN A TAIYAL VILLAGE 114 - - TWO PAIWAN MEN AND A YOUNG WOMAN IN FRONT OF THE HOUSE OF A - PAIWAN CHIEF 120 - - FAMILY OF THE AMI TRIBE 134 - - GLORIFIED ANCESTOR OF THE PAIWAN TRIBE CARVED ON A SLATE - MONUMENT 134 - - AUTHOR WITH TWO TAIYAL GIRLS IN FRONT OF TAIYAL HOUSE 172 - - TAIYAL WARRIOR IN CEREMONIAL BLANKET 172 - - PAIWAN VILLAGE OF SLATE 176 - - AUTHOR IN THE DRESS OF A WOMAN OF THE TAIYAL TRIBE 180 - - A TAIYAL WOMAN AT HER LOOM 184 - - WOMAN OF AMI TRIBE MAKING POTTERY 184 - - - - -PART I - - -_DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLAND AND ITS INHABITANTS_ - -[Illustration: ANTHROPOLOGICAL MAP OF FORMOSA. - -Scale 1:2,000,000. Heights in feet] - - - - -CHAPTER I - -IMPRESSIONS FROM A DISTANCE - -Scepticism regarding the Existence of a Matriarchate--Glimpse of -Formosa from a Steamer’s Deck in passing--Hearsay in Japan concerning -the Island Colony--Opportunity of going to Formosa as a Government -Official. - - -As to the actual existence of matriarchates I had always been -sceptical. Matrilineal tribes, and those matrilocal--that was a -different matter. The existence of these among certain primitive -peoples had long been substantiated. But that the name should descend -in the line of the mother, or that the newly married couple should -take up its residence in the tribe or phratry of the bride, has not -of necessity meant that the woman held the reins of power. Quite -the reverse in many cases, as actual contact with peoples among -whom matrilineal and matrilocal customs existed has proved to every -practical observer.[1] - -Those lecturers in the “Woman’s Cause” who boasted of the “great -matriarchates of old” I thought weakened, rather than strengthened, -the cause they would advocate by attempting to bring to its aid -evidence builded on the sands. The great “matriarchates of antiquity” -I was inclined to class with the “Golden Age” of the Theosophists, as -representing a state of affairs not only “too good to be true,” but -one in which the wish was--to paraphrase--father to the belief. And -as to prehistoric matriarchates, representing a highly evolved state -of civilization--in anything like the present-day significance of -that word--I am still sceptical; as sceptical as I am of a Golden Age -preceding the day of _Pithecanthropus_ and his kind. - -But a land which is, as regards its aboriginal inhabitants--now -confined to a few tribes, and those fast diminishing, in its more -mountainous and inaccessible portions--sufficiently matripotestal -to justify its being called a matriarchate, I have found. And this, -as is often the case with a quest of any sort, rather by accident. -Residence among the American Indians of New Mexico, of Arizona, and of -Nevada, and a slight knowledge of the natives of certain of the Pacific -Islands--particularly those of Hawaii and of the Philippines--had -led me to give up the idea of finding a genuine matriarchate even -among primitive peoples. Too often I had found that where those who -had “passed by” had spoken of a “matriarchal state” as existing, -investigation had proved one that was only matrilineal or matrilocal. - -It was in Formosa that I found these matriarchal people; Formosa, that -little-known island in the typhoon-infested South China Sea, so well -called by its early Portuguese discoverers--as its name implies--“the -beautiful.” Indeed, it was the beauty of Formosa that first attracted -me. I shall never forget the first glimpse that I caught of the island -as I passed it, going by steamer from Manila[2] to Nagasaki. There -it lay, in the light of the tropical sunrise, glowing and shimmering -like a great emerald, with an apparent vividness of green that I had -never seen before, even in the tropics. During the greater part of the -day it remained in sight, apparently floating slowly past--an emerald -on a turquoise bed. For on that day there was no typhoon or threat -of typhoon, and on such a day the China Sea can, with its wonderful -blueness and calm, make amends for the many other days on which, like -the raging dragon that the Chinese peasants believe it veritably to be, -of murky green, spitting white foam, deck-high, it threatens--and often -brings--death and destruction to those who venture upon it. Nor was -the emerald island a jewel in the rough. The Chinese call it Taiwan, a -name which means, in the characters of their language, Terrace Beach, -[Illustration].[3] This name the Japanese--the present masters of the -Island--have adopted; and it is not an inappropriate one. Nor do the -terraces refer to those small, low-lying ones of the rice-paddies which -for some centuries Chinese coolies have cultivated on the fertile east -coast of the island; but rather to those bolder mountain terraces, -carved by the hand of Nature, and covered with that wild verdure which -only tropical rains, followed by tropical sunshine, can produce.[4] -These terraces--gleaming brilliant green, and seeming to refract the -sunlight of that April day, as we sailed across the Tropic of Cancer, -which cuts Formosa through the middle--were curiously like the facets -of a great emerald, polished and carefully cut. - -The glimpse which I caught that day of the shining island with its -vivid colouring, and seemingly wondrously carved surface, remained with -me as a pleasant memory during the several years that I spent in Japan. - -Although Formosa is now a Japanese colony--has been since 1895--one -is able to get curiously little definite information in Japan -regarding the island. From the Japanese themselves one hears only -of the marvellous energy and skill of the Japanese in exploiting the -resources of the island--sugar, camphor, tea--and the manufacture of -opium, a Government monopoly. From the English, Scottish, and Canadian -missionaries stationed in Formosa, who sometimes spend their summers in -Japan, one hears more of the exploiting, on the part of the Japanese, -of the Chinese population of Formosa--a fact which later I found to be -cruelly true. - -Now and then, while I was in Japan, I heard vague rumours of -head-hunting aboriginal tribes in the mountains of Formosa, but -regarding these I could gain little exact information. The Japanese, -when questioned about the aborigines, were either curiously -uncommunicative, or else launched at once into panegyrics concerning -the nobility of the Japanese authorities in Formosa in allowing dirty, -head-hunting savages to live, especially as some of these dirty -head-hunters had dared to rebel against the Japanese Government of the -island. Of the manners and customs of the aborigines, however, the -Japanese seemed wholly ignorant. Nor were the missionaries from Formosa -much better informed, as far as the aborigines were concerned. Their -mission work, they said, was confined to the Chinese population of the -island, with now and then tactful attempts at the conversion of the -Japanese. But as for the aboriginal tribes--yes, they believed there -were such people in the mountains; one of their number, when going -from one Chinese village to another in the interior of the island, had -seen a queen or “heathen priestess” of the aborigines carried on the -shoulders of her followers. More they did not know--yes, probably it -was true that these savages cut off people’s heads whenever they had a -chance. They were heathen--what could one expect?... - -While failing to get much accurate information regarding the aborigines -of Formosa, I managed, on the other hand, to get a good deal of -misinformation. One book in particular, I remember, written obviously -by one who had never been there, gave the impression that the whole -island was inhabited by savages, with a “small sprinkling at the ports -of Japanese, Chinese, English, and Filipinos.” - -The most trustworthy information concerning Formosa--as I later -learned, after I myself had been to the island--was that obtained -through the columns of the _Japan Chronicle_, an English newspaper -published in Kobe. This information was in connection, particularly, -with “reprisal-measures” of extraordinary severity taken by the -Japanese Government of Formosa against certain of the aboriginal -tribes, some members of which had risen in revolt against the Japanese -gendarmerie (_Aiyu-sen_) placed in authority over them. This curiously -cruel strain in the Japanese character was at that time difficult for -me to believe[5] (I had not then been in Korea, or in any of the other -Japanese dependencies). But what was said of the Formosan aborigines -aroused my interest to such an extent that I was anxious to study them -at first-hand. - -Circumstances, however, prevented my going to Formosa for some time. -A “foreigner”--American or European--anywhere in the Japanese Empire -is always more or less under surveillance; in the colonies--Formosa -and Korea--more rather than less. Any attempt to go to Formosa to -carry out independent investigation of the aborigines would, I knew, -have been politely thwarted by the Japanese authorities. A “personally -conducted tour” could, finances permitting, have easily been arranged. -I would have been most politely received by the Japanese officials of -the island, and escorted by them to those places which they wished me -to see, and introduced to those people whom they wished me to meet. -Such had been the experience of several “foreigners” who had gone -to visit the island and “study its people.” To live for any length -of time in Formosa one must satisfy the Japanese authorities that -definite business demands one’s presence there. At that time I had no -“definite business which demanded my presence” in Formosa. Nor had -a “bradyaga”[6] like myself the capital to start a business in tea -or sugar, which would have given a credible excuse for living in the -island. Besides, a _woman_ tea-exporter!--the Japanese authorities -would scarcely have been satisfied. - -My desire to learn at first-hand something of the aborigines of Formosa -remained, therefore, more or less an inchoate inclination on my part, -and I turned my attention to other things. Then, curiously enough, as -coincidences always seem curious when they affect ourselves, a few -months later, when I was in Kyoto, studying Mahayana Buddhism,[7] came -an offer from a Japanese official to go to Formosa as a teacher of -English in the Japanese Government School in Taihoku, the capital of -the island.[8] - -I had taught English in Japan--both in Tokyo and Kagoshima[9]--and -I knew that however Japanese people in different parts of the -empire might vary in other respects, on one point, at least, they -were singularly alike; that is, in their incapacity for the ready -assimilation of a European tongue. This in rather curious contrast to -their ability for imitation in other respects. No; teaching English -to Japanese was no sinecure. But it opened for me the way to go to -Formosa; it gave me an “excuse for being,” as far as existence on that -island was concerned. Consequently I accepted the offer to teach in -the school which had been built for the sons of Japanese officials -in Formosa,[10] and in September 1916 I sailed from Kobe, Japan, for -Keelung, the northernmost port of Formosa. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] It is but fair to add, however, that among tribes with whom the -matrilocal custom exists, the position of the woman is apt to be better -than among those that are patrilocal. This particularly as far as the -treatment of the wife is concerned. The husband is regarded always more -or less as a visitor--an “auslander”--among his wife’s people; one -over whom the influence of his father-in-law and brothers-in-law has -a chastening effect. In matrilocal tribes the real power lies usually -in the hands of the father and the elder brother of the wife, who have -absolute authority over her and over her children. - -[2] Formosa is only 225 miles (approximately) north of Cape Engano, the -northernmost point of the Philippine Islands, of which Manila is the -capital. - -[3] Some Chinese scholars maintain that Terrace Bay (i.e. a bay -surrounded by terraces) is a more accurate translation than Terrace -Beach. - -[4] There is some difference of opinion as to the origin of the name. -Shinji Ishii, the Japanese writer, suggests that the Chinese name, -Taiwan, is a corruption of _Paiwan_, the name of one of the aboriginal -tribes of the island. In this connection it must be remembered that the -Japanese, generally speaking, are prone to deny to the Chinese capacity -for poetic conception, or appreciation of beauty. I, however, who have -lived among the Chinese, and know their genuine appreciation of the -beautiful in nature, and their habit of fixing the poetic concept of a -moment by crystallizing it in a word or phrase, think “Terrace Beach” -or “Terrace Bay” the more probable meaning of _Taiwan_. - -[5] I had gone to Japan under the glamour of the writings of Lafcadio -Hearn. - -[6] Vagabond--or wanderer--as nearly as that expressive Russian word -“бродяга” can be translated into English. - -[7] To be exact, I was, when in Kyoto, devoting my attention chiefly -to the study of _Shin-shu_ (not to be confounded with Shinto)--one of -the many sects into which Mahayana Buddhism is now divided, the sect -associated with the two great Hongwanji temples of Kyoto--and comparing -these teachings with those of _Zen-shu_, another sect of Mahayana -Buddhism, which I had previously studied in a Zen monastery in Kamakura. - -[8] As a teacher in this school I ranked as a “two-button” official -(_sōninkan_) of the Japanese Government, and thus technically -entitled to wear two buttons on the sleeve of my coat, and to carry -a short sword with a white handle. The Director of the school, the -Head Master and the heads of one or two departments and the other -“foreign” teachers were also “two-button” officials. The majority -of the teachers were “one-button” officials (_hanninkan_), entitled -to wear only one button on the sleeve of their coats and to carry a -black-handled sword. The “two-button” officials were “invited”--i.e. -practically commanded--to attend official government banquets and -similar functions, and to meet visiting princes and other notables from -the “mother-country.” The “one-button” officials escaped these honours. - -[9] The picturesque and interesting--because still untouristized--city -in the extreme south of Japan, situated under the shadow of Sakurajima, -the still active volcano, which early in 1914--the year that I was in -Kagoshima--destroyed a portion of the city, and killed several hundred -of its inhabitants. - -[10] A school for the daughters of Japanese officials has also been -established in Taihoku; but it is an interesting commentary upon the -position of women in Japan, even at the present time, that while -several “foreign” (English and American) teachers are engaged for the -boys’ school, no “foreign” teacher is employed for the girls’ school. -That would be “too expensive for a girls’ school,” the Japanese say. -Also, while the curriculum of the two schools is--with the exception of -English--practically the same, yet the boys’ school is called a Middle -School (Chu Gakkō), because the boys are expected to go later to a -Higher School, for the completion of their education; while the girls’ -school is called a Higher School (Kōtō Gakkō) because the education of -girls is supposed to be completed with the completion of the course in -this school. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -IMPRESSIONS AT FIRST-HAND - -The Voyage from Kobe to Keelung--The History of Formosa as recounted by -a Chinese-Formosan--A Visit to a Chinese-Formosan Home--The Scenery of -Formosa--Experience with Japanese Officialdom in Formosa. - - -Formosa lies about a thousand miles south of Kobe--six hundred and -sixty miles, it is estimated, south of Kagoshima, the southernmost -point of Japan proper--and the voyage of four days down through -the Tung Hai (Eastern China Sea) was a warm one, the latter part -especially. Before Keelung was reached, the wraps that had been -comfortable when leaving Japan were discarded in favour of the -thinnest clothing that could be unpacked from bags or steamer-trunk. -Two Scottish missionaries, returning to their work among the -Chinese-Formosan in the southern part of the island, were the -only other foreigners[11] (white people) on board. The other -passengers--certainly of first and second class--were, with one -exception, Japanese; chiefly Japanese officials, who, with their -families, were going to take up their duties in the island colony of -the empire; or to resume these duties after a summer vacation spent -in Japan. The one exception was--as exceptions usually are--the most -interesting person on board. This was a Chinese-Formosan; one who, -in the days before the Japanese possession, had belonged to one of -the “old” families of the island--as people all over the world are -accustomed to reckon age in connection with “family” (_au fond_, -how curiously alike are we all--Oriental and Occidental--in the -little snobbishnesses that make up the sum of human pride--and human -childishness). - -[Illustration: GATEWAY OF THE OLD CHINESE WALL - -_Formerly surrounding the city of Taihoku, the capital of Formosa._] - -At any rate, in the days when “old” families in Formosa meant also -wealthy families, this Chinese-Formosan, then young, had been -sent to Hongkong, to be educated in an English college there. -Consequently it was in excellent English that he told me something -both of the early history of Formosa, as this had been recorded in -old Chinese manuscripts, and also something of the traditions of -the Chinese peasantry regarding the origin of the island. This--the -origin--was connected, as are almost all things else in China, in the -minds of the people, with the dragon. It seems that, according to -popular legend--which the early Chinese geographers repeated in all -seriousness--the particular dragon which was responsible for the origin -of Formosa was one of more than usual ferocity. The home of this -prince among dragons was Woo-hoo-mun (Five Tiger Gate), which lies -at the entrance of Foochow, a town on the South China coast. One day -his dragonship, being in a frolicsome mood, went for a day’s sport in -the depths of the ocean. In his play he brought up from the ocean-bed -sufficient earth to mould into a semblance of himself; Keelung -being the head; the long, narrow peninsula, ending in Cape Garanbi, -the southernmost point of the island, being the tail; the great -mountain-range running from north to south--of which Mt. Sylvia and -Mt. Morrison[12] are the two highest peaks--representing the bristling -spines on the back of the dragon. - -Thus according to tradition was created the island of Formosa, or -Taiwan, which is in area about half the size of Scotland, but is in -shape long and narrow, being about 265 miles long[13] and--at its -widest point--about 80 miles wide. It is separated from China by the -Formosa Channel, sometimes called Fokien Strait, which is at the widest -about 245 miles, but at the narrowest only 62 miles; the dragon seeming -to prefer to build this memorial of himself almost within sight of his -permanent abiding-place. Indeed the Chinese-Formosan fishermen declare -that on a clear day the coast-line of China may be discerned from -the west coast of Formosa. But this I, myself, have never seen--the -curve of the earth, alone, would, I think, prevent its being actually -seen--and I am inclined to think that the fishermen mistake the outline -of the Pescadores, small islands lying between China and Formosa, but -nearer the latter, for China proper. That is, if their imagination -does not play them false altogether, and build for them out of the -clouds on the horizon a semblance of the coast-line of the home of -their ancestors--something sacred to every Chinese, whatever the -conditions of starvation or servitude which drove his ancestors from -the motherland. - -Something of the early historical, or pseudo-historical, records of -Formosa my Chinese-Formosan fellow-voyager on the Osaka Shosen Kaisha -steamer also told me. It seems that the first mention in Chinese -records of the island is in the _Sui-Shu_--the history of the Sui -Dynasty, which lasted from A.D. 581 to 618, according to Occidental -reckoning. At that time Chinese historians and also geographers -believed Formosa to be one of the Lu-chu ([Illustration]) group; -that long chain of tiny islands which dot the sea from the south of -Japan to the north of Formosa, like stepping-stones, or--as they more -strongly reminded me when I first saw them--like the stones which -Hop-o’-my-Thumb dropped from his pocket when he and his brothers were -carried away into the forest, that they might find their way back home. - -According to early Chinese historians the aboriginal inhabitants of -Formosa up to about the sixth century A.D. were a gentle and peaceable -people, making no objection to Chinese settlements on the coast of the -island. Then in about the second half of the sixth century--as nearly -as Oriental and Occidental systems of reckoning time can be correlated -(the beginning of the Sui dynasty) there swept up from “somewhere in -the south” bands of fierce marauders who conquered the west coast of -the island and drove the surviving aboriginal inhabitants into the -central mountains. A little later--in about the seventh century--the -Chinese historian, Ma Tuan-hiu, says a Chinese expedition went to -Formosa, with the intention of forcing the new inhabitants to pay -tribute to China. This, however, these “new inhabitants”--of Malay -origin presumably--refused to do. Consequently great numbers were -killed by the Chinese, who also burned many native villages, and used -the blood of the slain inhabitants for caulking their boats. To one -who knows the peculiar reverence with which blood is regarded by all -primitive peoples, and the many ceremonies, religious and social, -in which the use of blood makes the ceremony sacred, it is easily -comprehensible that the caulking of Chinese boats with the blood of -their kinsmen caused greater consternation among the Formosan savages -than the mere slaughter of a greater number of their people would have -done. - -In spite, however, of the ruthless measures taken by the Chinese in -their efforts to extort tribute, the “wild men of the South” held -their ground, and the Chinese were at last obliged to leave the island -without tribute, and without having exacted the promise of it. This, -according to Chinese records, was an unprecedented occurrence when sons -of the Flowery Kingdom were dealing with barbarians. - -For several centuries Chinese records seem to have made little or no -mention of Formosa; then in the twelfth century occurred an event even -more extraordinary, as far as the relations between China and Formosa -were concerned. This was the appearance in the sea-coast villages of -Fokien Province, China, of a band of several hundred Formosans. These -men came, it is said, for the purpose of pillaging iron from the homes -and shops of the Chinese. This metal they valued above anything else -in the world,[14] because they had learned that it could be made into -spear-heads and arrow-heads, also into knives, more serviceable than -those made of flint. They were not able, apparently, to smelt the crude -ore, but they understood the building of forges, and were skilful in -“beating ploughshares into swords”--to paraphrase. Locks, bolts, nails, -from the houses of the Chinese villagers, were grist to the mill of -these Formosans, as was anything else made of iron on which they could -lay their hands. It is said that before they could be driven away they -had secured a large store of iron, in various forms, much of which they -succeeded in carrying off in their boats. This is the only occasion on -record on which the Formosan “barbarians” ventured to cross the channel -which separates their island from China; or at least the only one on -which they succeeded in doing so. - -It was not until the Yuan dynasty (in the early part of the fourteenth -century), during a war between China and Japan, that a Chinese -expedition proved that Formosa did not belong to the Lu-chu group; this -with tragic consequences to an eminent Chinese scholar of the day. The -history of the Yuan dynasty records that “a literate of Fokien Province -advised attacking Japan through the Lu-chu Islands.” This literate, -believing Formosa to be one of the Lu-chu group, begged the Chinese -admiral, Yangtsian, to set sail first for that island. It seems that it -had been the intention of Admiral Yangtsian to sail from North China -directly to Japan, but, with that respect for reputed scholarship -characteristic of the Chinese, the admiral listened to the advice of -the literate; the latter being promoted to naval rank, and asked to -join the expedition as adviser. - -This expedition proved that the principal island of the Lu-chu group -lay many _li_ to the north of Formosa. China was the gainer in -geographical knowledge; but the admiral lost the advantage which he -probably would have gained had he sailed from North China, and his -adviser, the literate, lost his head--not figuratively, but literally. -Even after this expedition, however, Formosa was still called “Little -Lu-chu.” - -It was not until the time of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644) that the -island seems to have been called Taiwan. In Chinese records of this -period the name “Taiwan,” as applied to the island, appears for -the first time. Indeed, for some reason, Chinese authorities seem -to consider that the “authentic history” of the island begins from -the time of the Ming dynasty. The event which in Chinese chronicles -dates the beginning of this “authentic history” was the visit--an -unintentional one--in about 1430, of the eunuch, Wan San-ho, an officer -of the Chinese Court. Wan San-ho had been on a visit to Siam, and -was on his way back to China, when the boat on which he was sailing -was struck by a typhoon and blown so far out of its course that the -captain was obliged to take refuge in the nearest port, which happened -to be on the south-west coast of Formosa, near the present town of -Tainan.[15] It is recorded that Wan San-ho remained for some time on -the island, and when he eventually returned to China took back with -him herbs and plants of high medicinal value. It is said that the -Chinese still use in their pharmacopœia herbs grown from the seeds of -those brought from Formosa by Wan San-ho in the fifteenth century. For -the accuracy of this statement I, of course, cannot vouch; nor could my -Chinese-Formosan friend who first told me the story of Wan San-ho. He, -however, evidently believed it to be true. - -It was also during the Ming dynasty that the first association of the -Japanese with Formosa is recorded. This was about the close of what is -known in Japanese history as the Ashikaga dynasty, which lasted from -1336 to 1443. At this time the Japanese Empire was torn by internal -conflict, and was the scene of constant strife between contending -political parties, the followers of the Great Daimyos. During this -period of disorder Japanese pirates, under the banner of _Hachiman_ -(the Japanese God of War), plundered the villages on the coast of China -and established headquarters, first on the Pescadores--the small group -of islands off the west coast of Formosa--and later at the port that is -now known as Keelung, on Formosa proper. - -This seems to have been a harvest-time for Japanese pirates. -Unrestrained by authority at home, and finding no enemy stronger than -themselves on the sea, they made raids not only on the towns of the -China Coast, but made successful plundering expeditions even as far -south as Siam. The booty from these raids, it seems, was first brought -to Keelung, then sent to Japan, where it was sold at a high profit. -Those were days in which bold buccaneers waxed fat. - -Nor were the Japanese pirates allowed to reap the harvest alone. At -the same time that these men had headquarters at Keelung, in the north -of Formosa, Chinese pirates had established headquarters near Tainan, -in the southern part of the island. If the records report truly, the -intercourse between the Chinese and Japanese pirates does not seem to -have been unfriendly, even while their respective nations were at war -with each other--outlaws presumably being absolved from the obligations -of patriotism. This state of affairs lasted for over a hundred years. -During the sixteenth century Formosa, which was then known to the -Japanese as “Takasago,” seems to have become a sort of “clearing-house” -between China and Japan--a link between nations the “respectable” -portions of whose populations were estranged. In the early part of that -century the Chinese pirates were united under the leadership of Gan -Shi-sai, grandfather of the famous Koksinga, shrines to whose memory -recently erected by the Japanese--because it has been learned that his -mother was a Japanese--one sees everywhere in Formosa at the present -time.[16] - -The sixteenth century was a rather noteworthy one in the history of -Formosa. It was during this century that the Hakkas--the outcaste class -of China--fled to Formosa to escape persecution in the mother-country. -And more important, at least from the European point of view, it was -in the sixteenth century that Europeans first learned--as far as -there is any record--of the existence of the island. It is sometimes -said that the Portuguese had a fort in Keelung about 1590. Of this -there seems to be no definite proof. Not only was this the opinion of -the Chinese-Formosan who first gave me in outline the history of the -island, but later investigation on my own part failed to find proof, or -even trustworthy evidence, of the existence of such a fort. However, -there can be little doubt that the Portuguese navigators, sailing down -the west coast of the island, gave to it the name by which it is known -to-day to Europeans--“Ilha Formosa” (Beautiful Island).[17] The Dutch -navigator Linschotten, in the employ of the Portuguese, so recorded it -in his chart in the latter part of the sixteenth century. - -It was early in the next century that the Dutch, as a nation, first -came into touch with Formosa. In 1604 the Dutch admiral, Van Narwijk, -sailed for Macao, in the south of China; but a typhoon--that frequent -occurrence in the China Sea--drove him to the Pescadores. While there -he gained a knowledge of the near-by large island of Formosa, which -knowledge, it is said, was responsible for the later--temporary--Dutch -dominance of the island. Another typhoon, however, resulting in another -wreck, brought about the actual first landing of Dutchmen on Formosa -proper. This was in 1620, when a Dutch merchant ship was wrecked near -the present town of Tainan. - -At that time a Japanese colony was, with the permission of China, -established at this point. The Dutch captain, after having first -been refused by the Japanese land on which to build a depôt for his -goods--or that portion which he had saved from the wreck--at last -persuaded the men from Dai Nippon to allow him to build a depôt “if -this could be built on ground no larger than that which could be -covered with an ox-hide.” The “heaven-descended”[18] thought the -_Ketto-jin_ (hairy barbarian) mad. They naturally were not familiar -with the European classics. The Dutch captain apparently was, since he -repeated the famous manœuvre--said to have been responsible for the -founding of Carthage[19]--of cutting the ox-hide into very thin strips. -With the raw hide rope thus made he succeeded in encircling a piece of -ground amply large for the building of a goods depôt. - -The Chinese-Formosan, in relating this story, was so convulsed with -laughter that, in spite of his excellent English, it was at first -difficult to understand him. It seemed that what especially excited -his risibility was the idea--to him ludicrous--that a man of any other -nationality should be able to outwit a Japanese in a “sharp deal.” -He declared the story “too good to be true,” but in the accounts of -the early history of Formosa which I have read since hearing the -Chinese-Formosan recount the story, there seems evidence for its verity. - -At the time, however, when this incident is supposed to have -occurred--the early part of the seventeenth century--the Chinese were -really the masters both of the Pescadores and of Formosa proper. It -was they who, in 1622, gave the Dutch permission to establish a fort -on one of the Pescadore islands. This was done under the command of -Admiral Cornelius Reyersz, who wished to have a stronghold from which -he could sally forth to attack the Portuguese at Macao. The next year -an agreement was reached between Holland and China by which the Dutch -were to remove from the Pescadores to Formosa. In 1624 the Dutch built -Fort Zelandia, the ruins of which are still to be seen at Anping, the -harbour-town near Tainan. - -The building of Fort Zelandia marked the beginning of Dutch dominance -in Formosa, a period which, though lasting less than forty years, is -one that has never been forgotten by the aboriginal inhabitants of the -island, as I found later, when I went among them. During this time, -however, the Dutch were not left in undisturbed control of the island. -Another European nation cast covetous eyes upon the “Ilha Formosa.” -Spain organised an expedition under the command of Don Antonio de -Careño de Valdez, which in 1626 set forth from Manila, then a Spanish -possession, and sailed north to the “Beautiful Island.” The Spaniards -succeeded in establishing a colony at Keelung, which they called -Santissima Trinidad, and afterwards built a fort--San Domingo--at the -other northern port of the island, called by the Chinese and Japanese -Tamsui. - -For some years it seems there was a struggle between the Dutch and -Spanish for the domination of the island. Then in 1641 the greater -part of the Spanish troops in Formosa were recalled to Manila, in -order to take part in an expedition against the Moors[20] in Mindanao, -the southernmost island of the Philippine group. This gave the -Dutch an opportunity of which they were not slow to take advantage. -They renewed their attacks upon the Spanish garrison, now greatly -weakened. The following year--1642--this surrendered, and the last -Spaniard--including the priests and the Dominican Friars, who had come -over with Don Careño de Valdez--left the island. - -The Dutch were now left for a time undisputed masters of Formosa. They -built forts on the ruins of those evacuated by the Spanish at Tamsui -and Keelung. The old Dutch fort at Tamsui is still standing, and is in -a good state of preservation. It has walls eight feet thick, and is -used to-day as the British Consulate of the island.[21] - -For about twenty years after the Spanish surrender in Formosa, Dutch -prosperity in the island was at its height. It is said that during this -time there were nearly three hundred villages under Dutch jurisdiction, -divided for convenience of administration into seven provinces. The -population of these villages, while recorded as being “native,” -evidently consisted of Chinese-Formosans. Finding that agriculture -was not progressing among these people, the Dutch minister, Gravius, -is said to have sent to the East Indies for “water-buffaloes,” the -so-called caribou, and when these arrived he distributed them among the -Chinese population of the island. “Water-buffaloes”--descendants of -those imported by the seventeenth-century Dutch--are used to-day by the -Chinese-Formosans for ploughing their rice-paddies (see illustration). - -[Illustration: “CARIBOU,” OR WATER-BUFFALO, USED BY THE -CHINESE-FORMOSANS. - -_This is said to be a descendant of those introduced by the Dutch in -the seventeenth century._] - -[Illustration: MEN AND YOUNG WOMEN (MEN CROUCHING, WOMEN STANDING) OF -THE TAIYAL TRIBE ON A STATE VISIT TO THE CITY OF TAIHOKU.] - -Besides the Chinese population of Formosa under Dutch administration, -the aboriginal tribes in the mountains also acknowledged Dutch -supremacy, as they had never acknowledged Chinese, and as, more -recently, they have never been reconciled to Japanese. Later, when I -myself went among the aborigines, I received interesting confirmation -of the account given me by the Chinese-Formosan on the boat, as the -reason, apparently, that I was able to get into as close touch with -them as I did was because they regarded me as the reincarnation of one -of the seventeenth-century Dutch, whose rule over them, three hundred -years ago, has become a sacred tradition. - -This tradition among the aborigines confirms the records made by -Father Candidius, and other Dutch missionaries of the period; although -the records, naturally, go more fully and accurately into detail. If -record and tradition are to be relied upon, the Dutch rule of Formosa -was marked by unusual benevolence, sagacity, and sympathy with the -aboriginal people; tradition in this instance carrying more weight -than record, as the former is that of the subject people. Apparently -the Dutch administrators allowed the natives much liberty regarding -their own form of government; there was no interference in the choice -of headmen or chieftains on the part of the various tribes; nor was -there interference in the administration of tribal justice by these -headmen. The chief of each of the most important tribes was invested -with a silver-headed staff, bearing the Dutch commander’s coat of -arms. This was supposed to be used as an insignia of authority. Thus -only indirectly, and in a manner appealing to the vanity of the savage -chieftains, was recognition of the over-lordship of the Dutch enforced. -As also indirect was the influence exerted over the chiefs, by a great -feast given once a year by the Dutch governor, to which it is said the -chieftain of every aboriginal tribe was invited, and where matters both -inter-tribal and intra-tribal were discussed. At the conclusion of this -feast presents were distributed, and the chieftains sent home with the -blessing of the Dutch governor.[22] - -This time of peace and prosperity for the aboriginal tribes--the -memory of which has remained among them as that of a Golden Age--was -brought to an abrupt end in 1661, through the invasion of Formosa by -the Chinese pirate Koksinga, before referred to, and his followers, who -seem to have poured in hordes into the island. The Dutch made a brave -resistance; but, in all, they numbered only a little over two thousand, -and were unable to hold their own against the vastly greater number of -Chinese, who came over from the mainland in the train of Koksinga. The -latter is said to have owned three hundred boats, in which he brought -his followers from China. - -In 1662 Governor Cogett, the Dutch commander, surrendered to Koksinga. -Then the Dutch who remained alive, both those who had composed the -garrison and also the settlers with their families--the latter said to -have numbered about six hundred--left the island as speedily as was -possible, most of them sailing for the near-by Dutch East Indies. - -From that time until 1895--the close of the Sino-Japanese War--when -Formosa passed into the hands of the Japanese, the Chinese were lords -of the island. Of this period of Chinese dominance--over two hundred -years--I learned little from the Chinese-Formosan on the boat. He -passed on to the recounting of the sufferings of his own people--the -Chinese on the island--under Japanese rule, and the injustice to -which they had been subjected for twenty years. Of this he was still -speaking when the little steamer, rounding the rocky islet, the last -of the Lu-chu group, which lies--or rather, rears upward--as a sort -of natural fortification in front of the chief harbour of the island, -puffed noisily into Keelung bay. My Chinese friend, on bidding me -good-bye, said he hoped that while I was in Formosa I would come to his -home and meet his wives--one of whom, especially, was very intelligent -and spoke a little English. - -“Bradyaga”[23] though I am, and accustomed to meeting all sorts and -conditions of--wives of men, I must, I think, for a moment have looked -startled. It was the man’s English accent and his English point of view -regarding many matters that made his casual reference to his plural -household seem incongruous. He must have noticed this (indeed it was -his remark that revealed my own _naïveté_ to myself; I thought I had -my features under better control), for he smiled and said: “I know in -Europe and in America it is different; certain things are done _sub -rosa_--and denied. It is a question which is better. But come to my -home and see for yourself how our system works.” - -Later I met the wives of my Chinese-Formosan friend. There were three -of them--the intelligent one, the pretty one, and the eldest and -most honoured one, who was the mother of the eldest son and heir. At -least the last was called the “Great Wife” and the “Honourable One” -by the others; but there was no trace of shame or of dishonour in the -position of any of the women. All seemed very proud, very happy, and -curiously affectionate toward each other and--greater test of a woman’s -affection--even toward each others’ children. Nor do I think that they -were “showing off” for my benefit; it was said by all who knew them -that this was their habitual attitude. Other lands, other manners--and -morals, perhaps. - -As I went away from that interview with the several Mrs.----, -I startled my ricksha-man--who thought I was giving him some -incomprehensible order--by humming, to the tune of a chant I had -learned from an aboriginal tribe in the mountains (for this was after I -had been in Formosa for several months), some words written, I think, -by Kipling: - - “There are nine-and-sixty ways of constructing tribal lays, - And every single one of them is right.” - -Then I met a missionary acquaintance. So preoccupied was I with -thoughts suggested by the visit I had just paid that I almost passed -the missionary without speaking. Turning back, I apologized both for -my seeming discourtesy in not speaking, and also for the barbaric -chant, to the tune--if tune it could be called--of which I was humming -Kipling’s words. - -“A visit I have just made suggested the words, I suppose,” I explained, -laughing, “or brought them up from some depth of the subconscious; I -was rather fond of quoting them once.” Then I told the missionary of -the visit from which I was returning. - -“Disgusting heathen!” she exclaimed. “Besides, what have ‘different -ways of constructing tribal lays’ to do with heathen immorality?” She -frowned and looked puzzled. Then added more gently, as if explaining -to a child: “‘Lays,’ you know, means poetry, and ‘constructing tribal -lays’ just means writing poetry; nothing whatever to do with the -heathen and their horrible ways.” - -When we parted she adjured me to be more careful about wearing my -sun-helmet, assuring me that it was necessary in that climate. “If one -does not,” she explained, “something might happen to one--to one’s -head, you know,” she added significantly, “and it would be a dreadful -thing in a heathen country....” - -To go back for a moment to the day of my landing: - -As my first glimpse of Formosa from a passing steamer, a few years -before, had fascinated me, so did my first glimpse of the island -after I had landed. Not the Formosa of Keelung quay with its hordes -of starving, skin-and-bone dogs--several of them dragging about -on three legs or with paralysed hindquarters--nosing for food -among the refuse,[24] or its crowd of screaming, guttural-voiced -ricksha-coolies and vegetable-and-fish pedlars; or the arrogant -Japanese officials--all in military uniform, with swords strapped at -their sides[25]--bullying the Chinese-Formosans. But the Formosa of the -country through which I passed in going from Keelung to Taihoku; the -Formosa of scenery surpassing that of Japan proper, both in natural -beauty and in the picturesqueness of the tiny peasant-villages, each -village protected from tornadoes by a clump of marvellously tall -bamboos, whose feathery tops of delicate green seemed to cut into the -deep blue of the tropical sky; each house protected from evil spirits -by cryptic signs--said to be quotations from Confucius--written, or -painted, in black on red paper,[26] and pasted above and at both sides -of each doorway. Every village was further protected by a temple of -brilliant and varied colouring, on the roof of which wonderfully -moulded dragons writhed or reared. The inhabitants of these villages -were, of course, Chinese-Formosans. Very picturesque were these too, -in their bright blue smocks and black trousers; men and women dressed -so much alike that at a little distance they were indistinguishable. -Only on nearer view was it clear that those who wore tinsel ornaments -in their hair and walked as if on stilts were women. When these hobbled -still nearer the cause of their queer stilted walk was obvious. Their -feet were “bound,” i.e. deformed and distorted, pathetically--and to -Western eyes abhorrently--out of shape. - -Up to this time I had always supposed that only among the “upper -classes” in China were the feet of the women bound; those of the -class who could afford to go always in ricksha or sedan-chair. But -all the women of the Chinese-Formosans--except those of the despised -Hakkas--bind their feet; rather, have them bound in infancy. A woman -with unbound feet is regarded as a sort of pariah, and her chances of a -“good marriage”--that goal of every Chinese woman--are almost nil.[27] - -These peasant and coolie-women hobbled nearer to see the train as it -stopped at the little stations between Keelung and Taihoku, especially -when it was reported that there was a white woman aboard. Many of them -could not walk without the aid of a stick or without resting one hand -on the shoulder of a small boy, thus maintaining their balance. “Lily -feet” were obviously a handicap in the carrying of such burdens as most -of these women had on their backs. In some cases the bundles consisted -of babies strapped Indian-papoose fashion to the shoulders of the -mothers--a custom common to both Chinese and Japanese women; in other -cases, of heavy bundles of food or of faggots. Unattractive as were the -figures of the women--the entire leg being undeveloped, as the result -of the cramping of the feet from infancy--their faces were generally -attractive; sweet, with a wistful, rather pathetic expression. Only -the lips and teeth of the older women were often hideously disfigured -from the habit of beetle-nut chewing. The women out of doors who were -not burden-bearing were kneeling at the side of the streams and canals, -used for irrigating the rice-paddies, busily engaged in washing the -family linen--very much in public--or pounding it between stones. As -these washerwomen--and they seemed legion, for the Chinese devote as -much time to the washing of their clothing as the Japanese do to that -of their bodies--knelt, I saw the soles of their feet. In the case of -some of the poorer and more ill-dressed women, the splashing water had -displaced the rags with which their feet were bound, and the “shoes” -which were supposed to cover them. The feet themselves--those members -which every lily-footed woman most carefully conceals--were exposed. -The sight was not a pleasant one. - -I turned to watch the men, most of whom were working in the -rice-paddies. Some of them were ploughing--with much the same -sort of plough as those supposed to have been used by the ancient -Egyptians. To these ploughs were harnessed great “water-buffaloes.” -Here was picturesqueness unmarred by a suggestion of pain, even of -pain proudly borne, as in the case of the women. The greyness of -the “water-buffaloes” made a pleasing contrast to the vivid green -of the rice-paddies and to the blue smocks and high-peaked, yellow, -dried-bamboo-leaf helmets of the men. There are few things more -pleasing to the eye than a carefully terraced Chinese rice-paddy -in full verdure, with its graceful slopes and intricate curves of -shimmering green. If one approaches too near, the olfactory sense is -unpleasantly assailed. But on this first day in Formosa I was not too -near. I saw only the beauty--beauty of unusual richness and variety; -for, as a background to the rice-paddies, and peasant villages and -multi-coloured temples, beetled the great mountain crags, all glowing -in the brilliance of tropical September sunshine. - -So beautiful was the scenery of the island that after I was settled in -Taihoku I made frequent excursions through the country, scraping what -acquaintance I could--by means of sign language and the few words of -Chinese-Formosan dialect that I had learned from my servants--with the -peasants, and taking “snapshots” of their houses and temples, and of -their children. Attractive as are all Oriental children, these little -ones seemed particularly so; perhaps because of the quaintness of -Chinese children’s costume, certainly as this is still worn in Formosa. - -On one of these excursions into the country I passed through Keelung. -My kodak was in my hand, but the idea of taking a picture in Keelung -never occurred to me. In the first place, I knew that the taking -of photographs of any sort in this port was one of the many things -“strongly forbidden” by Japanese officialdom. In the second place, -Keelung is a squalid and dirty town, with none of the picturesqueness -of the open country or of the tiny peasant-villages. There was no -temptation to photograph its ugliness, or the flaunting evidences of -its vice--vice of the mean, sordid type of Oriental, sailor-haunted -port-towns. I was hurrying through this hideous town as quickly as -possible, in order to reach a stretch of open country, which I knew -lay beyond, and which commanded a beautiful view of the sea and of -fantastically rearing rocky islets, when I felt my arm roughly grasped. -Turning around, I beheld a Japanese policeman. Clanking his sword as he -spoke, he demanded my name and address; also he peremptorily demanded -to know what I meant by coming to take photographs in the great -colonial port-town of his Imperial Majesty, and asked if I did not know -that this made me guilty of the unspeakably abominable crime of lack -of respect for his August Majesty. I explained that I was not taking -pictures in Keelung, had not done so, and had no intention of so doing; -that there was nothing there worth photographing. - -“But the fortifications,” he began; “you may be looking----” Then he -stopped, apparently rather abashed. - -“What fortifications?” I asked. “I did not know that there were any. -Where are they?” - -“Oh no, of course,” he answered, with confusion rather curious in a -Japanese policeman. “Of course there are not any now. Only there might -be some, one day, and----” Suddenly his brow cleared, as if under the -inspiration of an idea that would elucidate matters. “Anybody might -be a German--a German spy, you know, looking for a site to build some -fortifications perhaps.” - -Although this was during the Great War, I knew that in Formosa -the fear on the part of the Japanese Government of a “German spy” -was practically nil. Also the Japanese policeman was sufficiently -intelligent to be able to distinguish one to whom English was the -mother-tongue (I was speaking with my secretary as I walked) from -a German, even though the latter were speaking English.[28] But in -those days of war-hysteria when many English-speaking people became -excitedly sympathetic at the suggestion of German spies and their -machinations----. Yes, it was a clever move on the part of the -policeman. But it aroused my curiosity. - -Afterwards I made several trips to Keelung, but without my camera. And -once, quite by accident, I learned how strongly fortified that port is -at the present time, and with what ingenuity the fortifications are -concealed. But that forms no part of the present narrative.... - -The fact that I had taken a “photographic apparatus” to Keelung was -recorded against me in the police records of Taihoku, and brought -several calls of an inquisitorial nature from the police. - -To inquisitorial calls from the police and from other Japanese -officials, however, I became accustomed during my residence in Formosa. -My object in going there was to devote my leisure time--that not -engaged in teaching--to the study of the aboriginal tribes of the -island. There were reports--reports confirmed and denied--of a pigmy -race among the aborigines. These reports still further stimulated -my interest. I knew there were really pigmies--the Aetas--in the -Philippines. Were there, or were there not, such people in the -mountains of Formosa? I determined to find out. - -My teaching duties occupied only four days a week. The other three -days of each week, besides all the days of the rather frequent -vacations, were supposedly my own, to employ as I felt inclined. It -was supposed apparently by both school officials and police officials -(the duties of the two seem curiously interlinked in the Japanese -Empire) that inclination would lead me to devote this leisure to -attending tea-parties at the houses of the missionaries in the city and -to distributing pocket Testaments among the young men of the school. -My predecessor (who had resigned the school-post in order to take up -avowed missionary work) had, it seemed, so devoted her leisure, and -to the mind of Japanese officialdom it was incomprehensible that what -one _seiyō-jin_ woman had done all others should not, as a matter -of course, wish to do. When it was learned that my inclination lay -in another direction--that of tramping the island, especially the -mountains, and getting into as close touch as possible with the -aborigines--I received several calls from horrified officials. The -Director of Schools was especially insistent (he said he was requested -to be so by the Chief of the Police Department) in wishing to know why -I was not satisfied with ricksha-rides about the city. This after I -had made him understand that I was not a missionary and that I was not -particularly interested in either pink teas or Testament distribution. -“Why you want to walk?” he demanded. “Japanese ladies never walk; only -coolie-women walk.” - -I explained that obviously I was not a Japanese, also that I was not -at all certain that I was a lady, and that if the distinction between -coolie-woman and lady lay in the fact that the one walked and the -other did not, I much preferred being classed in the former category. - -He scratched his head rather violently--a Japanese habit when puzzled -or annoyed. Suddenly the light of a great idea seemed to dawn upon him. -“Ah,” he exclaimed exultantly, the recollection of some missionary -speech or sermon evidently being made to serve the occasion, “but -they will say you are immoral, and Christian ladies do not like to be -thought immoral.” - -This struck me as being amusing--for several reasons. - -“Yes,” I said, “and who is likely to think me immoral?” - -“Oh, everybody,” he answered impressively. “And they will publish it in -the papers--all the Japanese papers in the city, and in the island,” -he emphasized, “that you are immoral. And, anyhow, you must do in Rome -as the Romans do,” he added triumphantly, evidently thinking he had -convicted me out of the mouth of one of the sages of my own Western -world. Ever afterwards this: “Do in Rome as the Romans do” was a -favourite phrase of his when he tried to insist upon my regulating my -life in every detail upon the model of that of a Japanese woman. - -[Illustration: AUTHOR IN RICKSHA IN THE CITY OF TAIHOKU.] - -[Illustration: USUAL FORM OF _TORO_ (PUSH-CAR). - -(_Author has vacated seat by the side of Japanese policeman, in order -to take “snapshot.”_)] - -I am afraid I did not conceal my amusement on this occasion as well -as I should have done. Japanese officials take themselves, and like -to be taken, very seriously. I did not wish the Director to know -that I saw through his ruse--and that of certain other of the Japanese -officials--a ruse directed towards keeping me from coming into personal -contact with the aborigines of the island and with the more intelligent -Chinese-Formosans, except when under the immediate surveillance of the -Japanese. - -The Director said that it would be “all right” if he accompanied me -on my excursions into the mountains. Now the Director happened to be -a married man; his wife happened to be a Japanese lady who “of course -did not walk.” I tried to explain that if he really thought there -was danger of a scandal, the companionship of a married man on these -excursions, one whose wife was left at home, would not tend to lessen -this danger. - -“I am afraid I must continue to go my wicked way without the protection -of your companionship,” I said; “and if ‘they’--whoever ‘they’ may -be--annoy you with questions as to the object of my excursions into the -mountains, or if they are inquisitive as to whether I go there for the -purpose of a romance, legitimate or otherwise, tell them that I am one -of those who like to ‘eat of all the fruit of the trees of the garden -of the world----’” - -“Huh?” roared the Director. Both hands were at his head now. - -“Tell them ‘Yes’ to anything they ask about me,” I said, “if that -will set their minds at rest and prevent their annoying you with -impertinent questions, as you say they annoy you.” - -“I’ll tell them you are immoral, that’s what I’ll tell them; if -you don’t just go about where you can ride in rickshas, like other -ladies,” wrathily exclaimed the Director, attempting to rise and make -a dignified exit. Unfortunately, however, the Director happened to be -fat, and happened not to be accustomed to sitting in a chair.[29] Also -his sword had become entangled in the wicker-work arm of the chair, so -that, when he rose, the chair rose with him. This slightly spoiled the -effect of the dignified exit. It may have been due to the fact that it -was necessary to extricate him from the chair, that, before leaving, he -became sufficiently mollified to concede: “If you want exercise more -than other ladies, you may play tennis-ball on the school-grounds.” - -FOOTNOTES: - -[11] Why the Japanese should restrict the term “foreigner” -(_seiyō-jin_, or _ijin-san_, or _ketto-jin_, the last meaning literally -“hairy barbarian”) to men and women of the white race, I do not know. -A member of any other Asiatic race--liked or loathed--is not called a -“foreigner.” - -[12] Mt. Morrison--called by the Japanese Niitaka-Yama--is the highest -mountain in the Japanese Empire, exceeding by nearly a thousand feet -the world-famous Mt. Fuji, in Japan proper. - -[13] That is, “as the crow flies.” In actually traversing the island, -however, from northern to southern extremity, it is necessary, by the -shortest route, to travel at least 350 miles. - -[14] It is said that at this time the Formosans valued iron so highly -that when throwing a spear tipped with this metal, they always pulled -it back, by means of a raw-hide line, about 100 feet long, one end of -which was held in the hand, the other attached to the spear-haft. - -[15] Probably the harbour of Anping. - -[16] The recent change of view-point on the part of the Japanese -regarding Koksinga throws an interesting side-light on the psychology -of that race. Previous to 1895 the name of Koksinga was in Japan held -up to universal execration. He had been a “villainous Chinese pirate; -one who had behaved in Taiwan with the usual cruelty of his race” -(i.e. the Chinese). Since 1895 when the Japanese came into control of -Formosa, and, in turn, dispossessed the Chinese, it has been discovered -“in old Japanese records” that Koksinga had a Japanese mother. -Therefore he was Japanese--and a hero. Temples have recently been -erected in honour of this “Japanese hero” by the Japanese, in several -places in Formosa. To one who knows how strictly patrilineal the -Japanese are--how little relationship through the line of the mother is -usually considered--“_c’est à rire_”! - -[17] The name Formosa, as applied to the island, seems to have first -become generally known in Europe through the book, _Historical and -Geographical Description of Formosa_, by the so-called impostor, -Psalmanazar, published in London in 1704. How much credence can be -given to the statements of Psalmanazar remains still an open question. - -[18] The Japanese, of even the more educated classes--teachers and -others--will say in all seriousness that their ancestors “came from -heaven.” The ancestors of all other races they consider to have -been earth-born. On this assumption they base their conception of -the superiority of the Japanese race to all other races. There is -a mountain in the southern part of Japan, near Kagoshima, to which -the Japanese point as the actual spot on which their first ancestors -alighted when they descended from heaven. - -[19] Aus Brockhaus, _Konversationslexikon_: “Dido oder Elissa, die -sagenhafte Gründerin von Karthago, war eine Tochter des tyrischen -Königs Mutto und die Gemahlin von dessen Bruder Sicharbas (bei Virgil -Sichäus) einem Priester des Melkart. Ihr Bruder tötete ihren Gemahl, -worauf Dido mit dessen Schätzen, begleitet von vielen Tyriern, entfloh, -um einen neuen Wohnsitz zu suchen. Sie landete in Afrika, unweit der -schon bestehenden phönizischen Pflanzstadt Ityke (Utika) und baute auf -dem den Eingeborenen abgekauften Boden eine Burg Byrsa (das Fell). Die -Bedeutung dieses Wortes wurde durch die Sage so erklärt: Dido habe so -viel Land gekauft, wie mit einer Rindshaut belegt werden könne, dann -aber listig die Haut in dünne Streifen geschnitten und damit einen -weiten Raum umgrenzt. An die Burg schloss sich hierauf die Stadt -Karthago an. Hier ward Dido nach ihrem Tode, den sie sich selbst auf -dem Scheiterhaufen gab, um dem Begehren des Nachbarkönigs Hiarbas -(Jarbas) nach ihrer Hand zu entgehen, göttlich verehrt, wie denn ihre -mythische Gestalt offenbar derjenigen der grossen weiblichen Gottheit -der Semiten entspricht, welche auch den Namen Dido führte. Virgil -lässt, wie es schon Nävius getan, den Äneas zur Dido kommen und giebt -dessen Untreue als die Ursache ihres Todes an.” - -Aus Weber, _Weltgeschichte_: “Die Sage von der Ochsenhaut bei Gründung -der Stadt (Karthago) ist bezeichnend für den Charakter der Phönizier, -deren List und Verschlagenheit schon im Altertum berühmt war.” - -Nach Gustav Schwab, _Die Schönsten Sagen des klassischen Altertums_, -“War es eine Stierhaut (was dem Namen Byrsa entspricht).” - -[20] The Moors captured the southern island of the Philippine Island -group--Mindanao--and converted the natives to Mohammedanism. Their -hybrid descendants now living on Mindanao are still called “Moros.” - -[21] During the days of the Chinese over-lordship of the island there -were several British consulates in Formosa; one in Takao, the southern -port of the island, and one in Anping, the harbour on the west coast, -as well as the one in Keelung. Since Formosa has been a part of the -Japanese Empire, however, British trade with the island has steadily -declined. No encouragement--in fact, every discouragement--is given -it by the present masters of the island; hence there are no longer -consulates at either Takao or Anping, and the great houses formerly -occupied by the consuls, which were centres of both social and business -activity in the British colonies at Takao and Anping, respectively, are -now falling into decay, occupied only by bats, snakes, and homeless -Chinese-Formosan beggars. - -[22] The records speak only of male chieftains being invited to these -feasts. It is possible that those tribal groups which have now--and -probably had then--women chiefs sent male proxies to the feasts of the -Dutch governors, as the latter would treat only with men. - -[23] See footnote, p. 33. - -[24] Curiously enough, this pack of starving dogs constituted my -first impression of life in Formosa, teeming though the island is -with richness of vegetable and animal life, and with all that makes -for easy and comfortable living for both man and beast. At first the -starvation and evident misery of these dogs puzzled me. I did not then -fully understand--as later I was forced to do--the callousness and -indifference of the great majority of both Chinese and Japanese to the -sufferings of animals. - -[25] All the Japanese in Formosa in Civil Service, including the -teachers, wear military uniform and carry swords. - -[26] All “writing” in Chinese characters is really painting, being done -with a soft brush dipped in Indian ink. - -[27] During my residence in Formosa, my Chinese-Formosan house-boy came -to me, begging that _Asa_--the “sun,” or “shining lord”--in this case -“female lord” (lady does not quite express the significance) of the -household--would lend him 70 yen, with which to buy a “lily-footed” -bride. His father had said it was time for him to marry, and with -40 yen--the amount of his savings--he could buy only a “big-footed” -wife, something which would make him the laughing-stock of all his -acquaintance. - -[28] In Japan the police are drawn from the educated upper-class--the -old _Samurai_. - -[29] The Japanese when at home always sit, or rather kneel, on -_Zabuton_ (kneeling-cushions, or mats) on the floor. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -PERSONAL CONTACT WITH THE ABORIGINES - -A New Year Visit to the East Coast Tribes--Received by the Taiyal as a -Reincarnation of one of the seventeenth-century Dutch “Fathers.” - - -In spite of the objections of the Director, and the suspicions of the -police and of the hydra-headed ‘they,’ I did not, while in Formosa, -confine either my interests or my exercise to ricksha-riding[30] or to -“tennis-ball.” - -My chief interest lay with the mountain tribes--the aborigines; my -chief exercise consisted in what my Japanese friends called “prowling” -among these tribes. Sometimes accompanied by another English teacher -and a servant, sometimes by my son or secretary, sometimes quite alone, -I went up into the mountains; going as far as I could by “trolly” -(or _toro_, as the Japanese call it[31])--a push-car, propelled by -Chinese-Formosan coolies, on rails laid by the Japanese--rather, under -their instructions--into the mountains, for the purpose of bringing -camphor-wood and crude camphor down to the great camphor-refining -factory in Taihoku. From the terminus of the _toro_ line I “prowled.” - -For permission to go into the mountains--and permission for almost -every movement on the part of a “foreigner” is necessary in the -Japanese Empire, in Formosa even more than in Japan proper--I am -indebted to Mr. Hosui and to Mr. Marui, the two most courteous Japanese -officials whom I met in Formosa. I wish here to express my gratitude to -both.[32] - -The tribe that I first studied, and of which I saw perhaps more than of -any other during my residence in Formosa, was the great Taiyal tribe -of the north--reputed to be the most bloodthirsty on the island, and -whose territory now covers almost as much as that of all the other -tribes together.[33] From Taiyal territory I sometimes “prowled” -over into that of the Saisett and Bunun tribes. This was perhaps not -strictly according to official permission; I was told that it was “too -dangerous.” But the spice of danger--perhaps also the “forbidden-fruit” -element--made these walks the more interesting; and I still have my -head on my shoulders. - -[Illustration: TWO MEN OF THE TAIYAL TRIBE BRIBED BY GIFTS OF HAT AND -CIGARETTES TO HAVE THEIR PICTURE TAKEN.] - -[Illustration: AUTHOR IN _TORO_ (PUSH-CAR), GOING UP INTO TAIYAL -TERRITORY.] - -The southern tribes I approached by water from the east coast; my -first visit to them being during the first Christmas--rather, New -Year[34]--vacation that I spent on the island. Of this visit I retain a -somewhat vivid recollection, for two reasons. One because of the great -cliffs of the east coast, a glimpse of which I caught in passing; the -other because of the novel mode of debarkation, necessitated by stormy -weather, at Pinan,[35] a port in Ami territory, just north of that -occupied by the Paiwan and Piyuma tribes. - -I embarked at Keelung, on one of the small coasting steamers, sailing -around the east coast to Takao,[36] the southernmost port of the -island. It was just south of Giran[37] that we passed the great cliffs, -said to be the highest in the world. For about twenty-five miles these -giant cliffs rise perpendicularly from the sea to a height of about -6,000 feet. This towering wall of granite--for such the rock seemed to -be--is one of the most imposing sights that in my wanderings about the -world I have seen. - -The weather was grey and drizzling when we left Keelung, but it was -just after we had left Karenko,[38] the first port south of the great -cliffs--the second day out--that the storm broke. Those who have -weathered a storm in a small boat know what this means. In all the -guide-books, and other books dealing with Formosa, that I have seen, -it is said that the sea-route, up and down the coast of the island, -“can be safely followed only during six months of the year,” i.e. the -spring and summer months. “Safely” is probably, like other words, a -matter of individual definition. Personally I should be inclined to -substitute the word “comfortably” for “safely,” judging from my own -experience, both on this trip and on a subsequent one. That is, as -far as the actual voyage is concerned, if one be content to remain on -board the steamer from Keelung to Takao, where there is a good harbour. -With the exception of one or two who disembarked at Karenko, the other -passengers--all Japanese, naturally--seemed glad enough to do this. I, -however, had not come on this trip for the sake of the sea-voyage, or -with the object of reaching Takao--now a Japanese town, the southern -terminus of the railway which starts from Keelung in the north--and -which I could much more easily have reached by rail had I wished to -visit it. Takao, like all the other large towns of the island, is -on the western side of the great mountain range,[39] contains no -aborigines, and, especially to one who has lived for some years in -Japan, is of no especial interest. - -The purpose of my trip was to study the aborigines of the east coast -and those who lived in the narrow south-eastern peninsula of the -island. It had not been possible for me to obtain police permission -to cross--or to attempt to cross--the great mountain range; therefore -I knew that my only hope of studying the eastern and south-eastern -aboriginal tribes lay in landing at Pinan. The captain tried to -dissuade me. He said that no man among his passengers would think -of landing; much less should a woman attempt it. Would I not wait -until another trip when the weather was calmer, or when I had a -companion--one of my own race (on this occasion I happened to be quite -alone and the only “foreigner” on board). He really did not like to -take the responsibility.... But I assured him that he would be absolved -of all responsibility “if anything happened” to me--a euphemism that -he several times used, in his rather good, Scotch-accented English (he -had been about the world among seafaring men). Also that my Government -would not hold his Government responsible if “anything happened.” My -blood would be on my own head. - -The captain at last rather lost patience. He told me of some -_sensible_ missionaries--he stressed the adjective (he seemed to -think I was a senseless one; apparently he could not conceive of any -white woman wanting to go among “heathen” except for the purpose of -“converting” them)--who in similar stormy weather had sailed around -the island three times before they had dared to attempt a landing at -a Chinese-Formosan village on the coast. I explained that the length -of my vacation would not make such a proceeding possible in my case, -and that rather than go on to Takao, I preferred to go ashore--or -to attempt to do so--in one of the canoes in which some men of the -Ami tribe had put out from shore, and in which they were evidently -endeavouring to reach the ship. I was told it was their custom to -do this, whenever a Japanese ship approached, in order to barter -commodities. - -The captain said rather grimly that would be my “only chance on this -trip,” as, with the exception of a few articles which he would give the -savages, if they succeeded in reaching the ship when it came to anchor, -he would not attempt to discharge the cargo he had for Pinan, but would -defer that until the return voyage from Takao.... - -The Ami canoes succeeded in reaching the ship, and I succeeded in -persuading the captain to have a ladder lowered for me to descend. -This, however, only after further argument, for the captain declared -he had believed I was only “bluffing” (where he had learned this -delightfully expressive word I do not know), when I had said that I -was willing to trust myself to the Ami and to one of their canoes. -He said, however, that these coast Ami were _sek-huan_--“half-tame,” -he explained, when interpreting the expression--and that as far as -my life was concerned, this would probably not be in danger, if I -succeeded in reaching the shore; that is, so long as I did not venture -into the interior. On this point I would make no promise, and the -captain did not press the matter. He was probably glad to be rid of -a passenger whom he evidently regarded as a missionary of less than -average missionary intelligence. To do him justice, however, when the -canoes were tossing on the waves at the side of the ship, he called -down to one of the savages, who was evidently the chief, or leader, -of those who had ventured out, a few words in mixed Japanese and Ami -dialect. This he assured me was an order to look well after my life -and comfort. The fact that I understood enough Japanese to know that -the captain referred to me as the “mad one,” did not detract from my -appreciation of his order. - -I clung to the ladder until the crest of a wave brought the little -canoe sufficiently high for me to drop into the arms of the chief, who -deposited me, also the small bag I had with me--which one of the crew -of the steamer had thrown down to him--in the bottom of the boat. Then -shouting an order to the men in the several other canoes, the chief and -the one other man in the same canoe with him--and me--began to paddle -for shore. The order that the chief shouted was evidently to the effect -that the men in the other boats were to wait and get certain things -from the steamer, for on looking back, when the canoe in which I was -rose on the crest of a wave, I could see bundles being lowered from -the ship’s side into the canoes. What these contained I do not know, -and soon it became impossible to watch, for the waves rose higher; the -salt water was in my eyes, and was pouring constantly over my head and -face. I was drenched to the skin, in spite of the supposedly waterproof -coat that I wore. The chief’s assistant had given up paddling and was -vigorously bailing the boat with a large gourd, or calabash. The chief -alone paddled. - -I had been in the boats of other Pacific islanders; these had been much -more skilfully managed. I soon realized that in seamanship the Formosan -aborigines could not compare with the Hawaians, the Filipinos, or with -most of the peoples of the South Seas; perhaps for one reason, because -their canoes carry no outrigger. Or is this effect, rather than cause? -Is it because of their lack of seamanship at the present time that they -venture into the waves in outriggerless canoes? - -At any rate, whatever they lack in skill in the navigation of -sea-craft, the Ami at least are not lacking in personal bravery, -or in a sense of responsibility. When the canoe was swamped by the -waves--as, soon after leaving the ship, I realized must inevitably be -the case--the chief motioned me to get on his back, and when I had -done so, began to swim for shore. He did this quite coolly, almost as -if it were a matter of course, although he had never before seen a -white woman; apparently regarding the whole affair from the Oriental, -“it is ordered,” point of view. The other man in the boat seemed for a -moment to be more at a loss, but at an order from the chief he dropped -the now useless paddle, which for some reason (or none) he still held, -and rescued my little travelling-bag, first taking the handle between -his teeth, then, in spite of the waves, managing in a rather dexterous -fashion--by means of the strip of homespun hemp-cloth which he had been -wearing as a loin-cloth--to lash it to his shoulders, swimming with -legs and one arm as he did so. - -Thus from the water--literally--I reached the territory of the east -coast tribes and southern tribes of the island. What I learned of -their manners and customs I shall write in its proper place.[40] But I -want here to record my appreciation of the courage and also the cool, -matter-of-course calmness of the Ami chief, whose presence of mind -undoubtedly saved my life on this occasion, as my own awkward attempts -at swimming would never have carried me through those waves. So rough -were they that it was with difficulty I was able even to cling to the -back of the chief. Had the water been colder I should probably not have -been able to do so. But at that latitude--a little south of the Tropic -of Cancer--sea-water, even in January, is never numbingly cold. - -Rather different was my experience on the occasion of another winter -vacation during my stay in Formosa. That vacation I spent in the -mountains, as I wished to visit certain sub-tribes of the Taiyal -that I had not seen. Because of the altitude, it was--certainly by -contrast with the plain below--bitterly cold. There had been flurries -of snow during the day. I had with me, as guide and luggage-bearer, a -Chinese-Formosan coolie, an elderly man, who was supposed to be well -acquainted with the mountain trails--to have tramped them since his -youth, when as a charcoal-burner he had ventured into the mountains -for fuel. Thus had he recommended himself to me. However, perhaps -because of the snowy greyness of the day, he managed to lose his way. -I had--fortunately--a pocket compass with me. In such Chinese-Formosan -dialect as I had acquired--inadequate enough--I attempted to explain -the meaning of the pointing needle. My guide declared he understood, -and said that in order to regain the trail we must go in a certain -direction. Going in this way, it was necessary to cross a stream, which -usually was little more than a shallow brook. Because of the winter -rains,[41] however, this had become so swollen that it was almost a -torrent, and when we reached it we found, instead of a shallow stream -that could easily have been waded, or crossed over on stepping-stones, -a great body of water, dashing over fallen trees, and swirling around -boulders which normally lay far beyond its banks. - -My guide, accustomed, as are all Chinese coolies--both in Formosa and -on the mainland--to carrying burdens on his back, volunteered thus -to carry me, declaring he could easily do so. I acquiesced; and thus -“pick-a-back” fashion we started. The guide was a tall man, and, though -the water came well up on his thighs, he felt his way carefully with -a stout staff that he carried, and all seemed going well, in spite of -the fact that it was growing dark, when, without warning, the man gave -a startled, guttural cry--in the unexpected fashion of the usually -phlegmatic Chinese when really frightened--shook me from his shoulders, -and, stooping until his whole body was submerged in the water, shuffled -rapidly to a boulder behind which he crouched. Dropped thus suddenly -almost to my waist into very cold water, which was running with a swift -current, I was nearly swept off my feet. I managed, however, to make my -way to a boulder, near the one behind which my guide was cowering. As I -drew myself up out of the water on to the boulder, I angrily demanded -of him the reason of his extraordinary behaviour. - -“Light of Heaven,” the man replied, in a low voice, between chattering -teeth, “be not angry. It is a _seban_--a head-cutter--there.” With a -motion of his head he indicated a figure that I had not seen, standing -at the edge of the water. - -“I was wary,” my guide continued, “I heard a movement in the bushes. -I looked up--I saw. Now our heads must surely go. As it was with our -fathers----” The man continued to murmur, growing more incoherent in -his terror, and evidently more than half benumbed with the cold, as I -found myself also becoming. - -I decided that possible decapitation was preferable to -freezing--especially as the agreeable stage of pleasant dreams, which -is said to accompany actual death from cold, had not been reached; -only that of extreme discomfort. The small weapon that I usually -carried with me on these mountain trips was in my hand-bag, which, -with my other impedimenta, was on the bank that we had left. My guide -had promised to return for these things after carrying me across the -water. However, there are times when it is better to flee from evils -that one knows.... I hailed the _seban_, and, although he spoke a -variety of Taiyal dialect a little different from that of which I knew -a few words, he evidently understood the situation. Indeed, under the -circumstances, words were scarcely necessary for such understanding. -The man’s grin of comprehension pleased me. It was so human--so -_Aryanly_ human--that it was refreshing after the mask-like stolidity -of both Chinese and Japanese to which for some time I had been -accustomed; for these two peoples, however differing in other respects, -are on this point at one. They equally regard it as a mark of the -lowest breeding to allow any expression of emotion--of genuine feeling, -of whatever kind--to be reflected in their features. Even the coolies, -imitating their masters, have, as far as possible, adopted the code of -the latter on this point. All wear a mask that is seldom, or never, -dropped. The _seban_, however, are not trained in Confucian ethics; -hence the play of joy and sorrow, of amusement and of other emotions, -on their more mobile features. - -The expression of that particular _seban_, at the moment, was one of -mixed amusement and sympathy. I am afraid that he rather enjoyed the -plight of the cowering Chinaman. For generations the Chinese-Formosans -and the aborigines of the island have been hereditary foes. However, -I made him understand that my guide--or the one who was supposed to -act in that capacity--was not to be molested. The _seban_ nodded in -comprehension. Then by signs he made me understand that he would--if -I so chose--carry me in safety to his side of the water, which he had -seen I was trying to reach. My clothing was drenched, I was chilled to -the bone, my fingers I found too numb to move. I realized that my hold -on the boulder could not last much longer. The Chinese I knew could -not be depended upon in the proximity of the _seban_. Indeed, the poor -wretch (the Chinese) I feared could scarcely manage to get himself out -of the water, so completely had he been unnerved by the unexpected -appearance of the _seban_--one belonging, it seemed, to a sub-tribe -which he had especial reason to fear. For me it was a choice between -trusting myself unaided to the torrent--and, in my benumbed condition, -I knew I should soon be swept off my feet--and accepting the offer of -the friendly _seban_. Naturally I chose the latter alternative. - -When I signalled the _seban_ my acceptance of his offer, he again -grinned, took his knife from his loin-cloth and, holding it out of -reach of the water, stepped into the stream, which swirled about -his loins. I was glad enough to slip from my precarious hold on the -boulder to the shoulders of the _seban_, who, true to his word--as in -my dealings with the aborigines I found them always to be with those -who have not betrayed them--carried me safely to the shore. Then -still holding me on his shoulders, for I was too benumbed with cold -and fatigue to walk, he strode on to a fire a little distance away, -around which a number of his people were gathered. I learned later that -these were members of a village community higher up in the mountains, -whose bamboo huts had been destroyed by recent torrential rains. The -homeless people were camping temporarily near the foot of a great -tree, in the branches of which the spirits of their ancestors were -supposed to dwell; also the spirits of the Great White Fathers of Long -Ago--obviously the seventeenth-century Dutch--to whom the priestesses -of the demolished village had been offering constant prayers. My -appearance among them was hailed as an answer to their prayers, which -accounted for the fact, as I also later learned, that when I was -carried into camp--a very benumbed and bedraggled goddess--both men and -women fell on their faces, and some of the children fled shrieking in -terror. - -I have since wondered whether perhaps these two chance occurrences--one -a storm at sea, the other a torrential rainfall in the mountains, which -by accident brought me among two divisions of the aborigines, one those -of the east coast, the other those of the northern mountains, in the -fashion that I have described--had not something to do with the very -friendly relations which existed between these “Naturvölker” and me. -Certainly the rôle of the sea-born (or river-born) goddess was not one -that I was anxious to play, or that I had in mind, on either occasion. -But a few chance words of some of the people--after I had learned a -little of their language--led me to believe that the fact that I had -“come to them out of the water” contributed to the esteem in which I -was held; made certain in their minds the conviction that I was the -spirit of one of the beloved white rulers of old, returned from the -elements. (Why a spirit should choose this particularly uncomfortable -method of approach--or of return--was not quite clear.) That I had -come among a matripotestal people probably accounted for the fact that -none of the aborigines seemed to think it strange that the spirit of -one of the Great White Fathers should choose to reappear in the body -of a woman. That such a spirit had returned seemed to be the general -supposition among the northern tribes. Among those of the south there -were some who held, apparently, that a Goddess of the Sea (or “from out -of the sea”) had come to them--one to whom semi-annual offerings were -customarily made. - -When I realized the reason for the regard in which I was held by these -people a sense of the ludicrous overcame me. School-day struggles with -Virgil--buried in some region of the subconscious--were recalled; these -even more strongly when one day I overheard a discussion among some -of the tribespeople regarding my walk. I neither hobbled as did the -Chinese-Formosan women, nor did I walk with the toed-in, short steps -of the Japanese women (a few of the coast aborigines had seen Japanese -women). - -“Feet strangely covered, stone-defying. With no burden on her back, -freely, with long steps, she walks, as must the females of the gods -from whom we spring.” - -“_Et vera incessu patuit dea_,” etc. Curiously similar the idea, -though the words in which this time it was voiced were those of this -strange Malay dialect.... The childhood of the world! Still in odd -comers it exists, and can, with seeking, be found. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[30] Rickshas--small man-drawn carriages--(see illustration) could be -pulled only about the city and its immediate environs, and it was not -city or suburban life in which I was interested. - -[31] See illustrations. - -[32] It is due to the efforts of Mr. Hosui and Mr. Marui that the skull -of a recently decapitated member of the Taiyal tribe has been presented -to the Museum of Oxford University. - -[33] See map. - -[34] Quite naturally, Christmas means nothing to the Japanese. Most of -those who have not been missionized do not even know on what day this -_seiyō-jin matsuri_ (foreign festival) falls; those who live in country -districts have not even heard of it. Their celebration of the winter -solstice is at the New Year, which is the great festival time of the -year. At this season interesting ceremonies are observed, and quaint -and picturesque games played by old and young alike. - -[35] See map. - -[36] See map. - -[37] See map. - -[38] See map. - -[39] See map. - -[40] See Part II of this book. - -[41] Winter is the rainy season in northern Formosa; summer the rainy -season in the southern part of the island. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE PRESENT POPULATION OF FORMOSA - -Hakkas and other Chinese-Formosans, Japanese, Aborigines. - - -As regards this particular odd corner of the world, naturally, in -my peregrinations about the island, I picked up a certain amount of -information. Among other things, I learned that those who make up the -vast majority of the population of the island at the present time, -and who are known as “Formosans”--this not only among themselves, but -who also are so called (i.e. _Taiwan-jin_, “men of Formosa”) by their -Japanese conquerors, and by Europeans resident in the island--are -Chinese; that is, descendants of the immigrants from the mainland of -China. Of these, between 80,000 and 90,000 are Hakkas, originally -from the Kwantung Province of China--a people rather despised by the -other Chinese.[42] The remaining nearly 3,000,000 “Formosans” are -descendants of Chinese from the Fukien Province of the mainland, and -most of them speak the Amoy dialect of Chinese, though a few speak the -dialect of Foochow. - -The Japanese, who since the treaty of Shimonoseki (1895) have been -masters of the island, number between 120,000 and 125,000, and are -constantly increasing in population. All official positions, and those -of authority of any sort, are in the hands of the Japanese as is now -all the wealth of the island. - -The aboriginal population it is naturally more difficult to estimate. -But the number of the aborigines at the present time cannot, in -reality, exceed 105,000. Personally I doubt if a carefully taken -census would reveal that number.[43] Certainly the aboriginal -population is steadily diminishing, and all tribes are being driven -constantly farther up into the mountains; or, in the case of certain -tribes--such as the Ami and Paiwan--are being more rigidly confined to -the precipitous, barren east coast. The whole of the island--including -the marvellously fertile great plains on the west side of the central -mountain range--was naturally once in the hands of the aborigines. -But during the Chinese dominion of the island, from the conquest of -Koksinga (1662) to the close of the Sino-Japanese War (1895), the -aboriginal population was--if all reports and all records, including -those of the Chinese themselves, speak truly--treated with systematic -cruelty and with ruthless greed and rapacity. Sometimes by wholesale -slaughter, sometimes by fraud and cunning, the Chinese gradually -pushed the aborigines back into the central mountain range, or, as the -Japanese to-day are doing, confined them to the sterile, ill-watered -east coast, and thus gained for themselves possession of the whole of -the broad, level, western sea-board; and even of those valleys between -the mountains where rice and tea could be made to grow. Chicanery was -often cheaper than gunpowder. An aborigine would fancy a gun or a red -blanket. A Chinaman would supply him with the commodity desired and -would take in exchange, or more frequently “as security,” fertile -fields. Naturally--to one who knows the habits of the aborigines--the -“security” was seldom redeemed, and the Chinaman became the owner of -the land. - -If an effort were really made by an exceptionally industrious or -far-seeing aborigine to redeem his land, some method was usually found -by the Chinaman to thwart this effort. The land remained in Chinese -hands. - -Since 1895 all the land of agricultural value in the island has passed -from the hands of the Chinese-Formosans into those of their Japanese -conquerors; this usually by force and extortion, the Chinese having -suffered at the hands of the Japanese, much as they had forced the -aborigines to suffer at their hands during the preceding two hundred -years.[44] - -The well-being, or the reverse, of the aborigines has been little -affected by the change of masters. On this point I should be -contradicted by the Japanese, who would point out that they have -introduced the eating, and--as far as this is possible in the -mountains--the cultivation, of rice, instead of millet, among the -aborigines. Also they would lay stress upon the fact that they have -established among the aborigines schools for the “teaching of Japanese -language, Japanese customs, and Japanese manners.” Apart, however, from -wondering just how the displacement of millet by rice, as a staple -of diet, and compulsory training in Japanese language and customs -and Japanese “good manners” will be of benefit to the aborigine (the -eating of white rice will probably give him berri-berri--as it has -given this disease to so many of the Japanese--from which up to this -time he has been spared by the eating of millet), one notes that the -Japanese in their reports--official and otherwise--of the efforts -of their Government in the direction of the “civilization of the -aboriginal tribes” fail to remark upon the fact that, because of their -establishment of camphor “factories”[45] (see illustration) throughout -the mountains, they are encroaching further upon the territory of the -aborigines than ever the Chinese did. Also they fail to remark upon -the fact that bombs are dropped from aeroplanes upon villages of the -aborigines, in order to impress the latter with the omnipotence of the -Japanese Government, and with that of its Divine Emperor.[46] - -[Illustration: “FACTORY” FOR EXTRACTING CAMPHOR IN THE MOUNTAINS OF -FORMOSA. - -_The work is done by Chinese-Formosan coolies under the supervision of -Japanese officials. The manufacture of camphor, like that of opium, is -a Japanese Government monopoly._] - -As a matter of fact, the only people ever dominant in Formosa who -seem to have treated the aborigines with either kindness or equity -were the Dutch during their thirty-seven years’ over-lordship in the -seventeenth century. The story of this period of just and kindly rule -in their island has been handed down among the aborigines from parent -to child and still remains a tradition among them--one of a Golden -Age long past; just how long of course they have no idea, but in the -time of “many grandfathers back.” There is a tradition that the -Dutch even taught the aborigines to read, and also to write their own -dialect--this in the “sign-marks of the gods” (Roman script). Old -documents written by their ancestors are said to have existed among -them even a generation ago. These are reported to have been confiscated -by the Japanese, as part of a systematic and far-reaching attempt to -eradicate the memory of any culture other than Japanese. Whether or not -this story of the confiscation of old documents be true I do not know, -but certainly during my two years’ residence in Formosa I was not able -to find a single document of this sort among the aborigines. - -Only the memory of past culture given by “fair gods who came over the -sea in white-winged boats”--or, as some of the tribes have it, “came up -out of the sea”--remains. - -It seems that there exists among some of the tribes a belief that -a reincarnation of a former “Great White Chief”--presumably Father -Candidius, a Dutch priest, who devoted his life to the care, spiritual -and temporal, of the aboriginal people--will return and help them throw -off the yoke of their Chinese and Japanese conquerors.[47] Hence the -welcome which a fair-haired, blue-eyed person receives from them, and -the reverence with which he--or she--is treated: their appreciation -of such a one being in rather marked contrast with the point of view -of both Chinese and Japanese, who speak of a fair-haired--or even -brown-haired--blue-eyed man or woman as a “red-haired, green-eyed -barbarian.” - -FOOTNOTES: - -[42] One of the distinguishing characteristics of the Hakkas is that -the women never “bind” their feet; whereas the feet of all the other -Chinese-Formosan women are “bound,” i.e. crippled and distorted. This -“sin of omission” on the part of the Hakkas seems to have something to -do with the contempt in which they are held by the other Chinese, both -in Formosa and on the mainland. - -[43] The _Encyclopædia Britannica_, 11th edition, gives the aboriginal -population of Formosa as 104,334. This is probably a fairly correct -estimate, although the Japanese claim that 120,000 is more nearly -correct, they wishing to give the impression that the aboriginal -population is increasing, rather than diminishing. - -[44] During my residence in Formosa I personally saw instances of -the most hideous cruelty on the part of the Japanese toward the -Chinese-Formosans, and of barbaric torture, officially inflicted, as -punishment for the most trivial offences (as later--in the spring of -1919--I saw the same thing in the other Japanese colony, Korea, on the -part of the Japanese toward the gentle Koreans). But this is an aspect -of Japanese colonization with which in this book I shall not deal. - -[45] The camphor “factories” established in the mountains--such as the -one illustrated--for the extraction of crude camphor from the camphor -wood are naturally of a primitive kind. The crude camphor is brought -down to Taihoku to be refined. - -[46] This actually happened during my residence in Formosa, the -Japanese boasting of the cleverness of the expedient, and ridiculing -the aborigines for believing--as they did--that the aeroplane was a -huge bird, and the bomb its poisonous excrement. - -[47] In connection with the care, especially the medical treatment, -which Father Candidius gave to the native people, naturally many -stories of miracles have grown up. - - - - -PART II - -_MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE ABORIGINAL TRIBES_ - - - - -CHAPTER V - -RACIAL STOCK - -Physical Appearance pointing to Indoneso-Malay Origin--Linguistic -Evidence and Evidence of Handicraft--Tribal Divisions of the -Aborigines--Moot Question as to the Existence of a Pigmy People in the -Interior of the Island. - - -While the aborigines are divided into a number of tribes, and are -also grouped--by the Chinese--according to the “greenness” or -“ripeness” of their barbarity, yet they may, collectively speaking, be -regarded as belonging to the Indoneso-Malay stock, many tribes being -strikingly similar in appearance to certain tribes in the Philippine -Islands. Hamay, writing under the head of “Les Races Malaïques” in -_L’Anthropologie_ for 1896, says that the aborigines of Formosa -recalled to him the Igorotes of Northern Luzon (Philippines) as well as -the Malays of Singapore. - -Regarding the Malays of Singapore, I cannot speak from personal -observation, as I have not been in Singapore; but as I spent six -months in the Philippines, shortly before going to Formosa,[48] I -am able to confirm Hamay’s statement as to the resemblance between -Filipinos and Formosan aborigines. As regards the tribe of Igorotes, -this resemblance extends also, to a certain degree, to social customs -and religious beliefs. Considering physical resemblance alone, -however, I should say that this is more striking between the Formosan -aborigines and the Tagalogs of Luzon than between the former and -the Igorotes--that is, where the Tagalogs are unmixed with Spanish -blood. The resemblance between the Tagalogs and the Taiyal[49] tribe -of northern Formosa is particularly striking as regards physical -characteristics. The resemblance, however, ends here. The Tagalogs, -as the result of Spanish influence, are so-called “Christians”; the -Taiyal are not. The latter (Taiyal of Formosa) are a singularly -chaste, honest, and fair-dealing people; the former (Tagalogs) are -singularly--otherwise. - -At least one Formosan tribe--the Ami, of the east coast--has a -tradition that its forbears came “in boats across a great sea from an -island somewhere in the south.” To this tradition I shall have occasion -to refer again. - -In connection with the racial affinities of the Formosan aborigines it -is only fair to state that Arnold Schetelig says he “found to his great -surprise that Polynesian and Maori skulls in the London College of -Surgeons presented striking analogies with those collected by himself -in Formosa.” - -One can only surmise that the reason for the “great surprise” felt -by Schetelig upon noting the resemblance between Polynesian and -Formosan skulls was because he had previously stressed the fact of the -linguistic similarity between modern Malay and the dialect spoken by -the Formosan aborigines, and had gone on to point out the “remarkable -harmony between speech and physical characteristics.” However, as, -since the time that Schetelig wrote, kinship of race between Indonesian -and Polynesian--or, at least, strong evidence pointing in the direction -of a common origin--has been established, there need, at the present -time, be no occasion for surprise; since Polynesian and Malay, or -“Proto-Malay,” peoples doubtless sprang from a common stock, having its -fountain-head in Indonesia. - -Evidence which points strongly to an Indonesian origin of the -aborigines of Formosa exists in certain of their articles of -handicraft, notably the peculiar Indonesian form of loom, the -nose-flute, and the musical bow. (To these I shall refer at greater -length under the head of ARTS AND CRAFTS.) Also the custom of certain -tribes--notably the Yami, of Botel Tobago--of building their houses on -piles.[50] This in a climate, and under conditions, where there is no -material need for such construction. When asked the reason for this, -one gets the reply customary to any question that one may be foolish -enough to ask as to the “reason why” of any custom whatsoever, viz. -“Thus have our fathers done.” - -To my mind, however, the strongest evidence showing Proto-Malay, -rather than Chinese, Melanesian, or other affinity, is supplied by the -language--considering the dialects collectively--of the aborigines. - -[Illustration: MEN OF THE BUNUN TRIBE. - -_Japanese policemen in background._] - -[Illustration: YAMI TRIBESPEOPLE OF BOTEL TOBAGO IN FRONT OF -“BACHELOR-HOUSE.”] - -I am aware that the evidence of linguistic affinity as in any way -indicating that of race is rather disregarded by many anthropologists, -on the ground that contact--commercial or otherwise--between peoples -often affects linguistic interchange, or results in the introduction -of words from the language of one people into that of another. With -this I strongly agree, as regards different races living on the same -continent (the different races of Africa being a case in point); -or even as regards people living on neighbouring islands. With the -Formosan aborigines, however, there has been no contact within historic -times between themselves and other branches of the Malay or Indonesian -race. They themselves are not a seafaring folk, and the people who have -invaded their island--certainly since about the sixth century A.D., -when Chinese records first speak of it, during the Sui Dynasty--have -been successive waves of the Chinese themselves, the Dutch, the -Spanish, possibly the Portuguese, and the Japanese. In spite of this -fact, the language to which the Formosan dialects show closest affinity -is Malay proper, that spoken on the Malay Peninsula, although there -is some resemblance to that spoken in Java, judging from Malayan and -Javanese words given in books, such as Wallace’s _Malay Archipelago_. - -It has been estimated that about one-sixth of the words of the various -Formosan dialects, i.e. those spoken by the different tribes, have -a direct affinity with the Malayan language--that spoken by the -Malays proper. With so large a proportion of words bearing a close -resemblance, and taking into account the centuries-long isolation of -the Formosan tribes--as regards contact with other Malay or Indonesian -peoples--there can be little reasonable doubt that the languages have -sprung from a common stock, as probably the races have done. - -Regarding the tribal divisions of the aborigines, I shall mention -the nine tribes into which they are now usually grouped--in the -spelling of the names following the Japanese, rather than the Chinese, -pronunciation, viz.: Taiyal, Saisett, Bunun, Tsuou, Tsarisen, Paiwan, -Piyuma, Ami, and Yami. This is as nearly as the Japanese--or, for that -matter the English--can imitate the pronunciation of the respective -names by which these tribes-people call themselves. Each name seems -merely to mean “Man” in the dialect of the tribe using it, except Ami -(sometimes pronounced by themselves “Kami”), which means “Men of the -North.” This is the tribe which has the tradition of having originally -come from “somewhere in the south, across a great water.” - -Mr. Ishii--the Japanese writer and lecturer on Formosa--mentions -only seven tribes of aborigines, omitting the Tsarisen and Piyuma. -This is according to the present Japanese system of grouping. They -(the Japanese) say that it is because of “linguistic affinity,” i.e. -because the dialects spoken by the Piyuma and Tsarisen resemble the -tongue spoken by the Paiwan, that they group these tribes together. -Perhaps! Certainly it is a fact that the tribes omitted from Japanese -enumeration are rapidly disappearing; and their conquerors scarcely -like to call attention to that fact. At any rate, Mr. Ishii is honest -enough to admit that “the Piyuma possess a peculiar social organization -and should be treated as separate from the Paiwan.” The Saisett is -another tribe that is rapidly disappearing. Soon there will be only six -tribes left to enumerate--that is, very soon. Soon, as history goes, -there probably will be none. - -The ethnological--or rather, ethnographical--map included in this book -indicates the various areas in which the different tribes live, or -over which they roam. However, the “Aiyu-sen” (military guard line) of -the Japanese is gradually, but steadily, being drawn closer about the -territory supposed to belong to the aborigines; and well within this -territory--even in the mountain range, in which the aborigines were -left undisturbed during the Chinese rule of the island--the Japanese -Government has now established stations for cutting down camphor -trees, and at some points machinery for extracting crude camphor, to -be refined later in the great factory in Taihoku. The work at the -“camphor stations” or “factories” in “savage territory” is done by -Chinese-Formosan coolies under the direction of Japanese overseers. It -is through this territory that the trolly (or _toro_) lines--referred -to in Part I, page 69--have been constructed, over which the -man-propelled cars are pushed up the steep mountain-sides. - -As the tribes now exist, I should consider the Taiyal, of the north, -the largest, both in population and also as regards the territory -over which its members roam.[51] Next to the Taiyal, the Ami, of the -east coast, is the largest tribe, both in population and in extent -of territory; next, the Paiwan, of the south. On this point--that of -the relative size of population of the aboriginal tribes--I should be -inclined to agree with the Bureau of Aboriginal Affairs (Japanese), -of Formosa, rather than with Mr. Ishii, who considers the Paiwan the -largest of the aboriginal tribes as regards population. - -The Japanese usually speak of the “Savages of the North” and the -“Savages of the South”; those “of the North” being the Taiyal--or -“tattooed tribe,” so called because of the rather remarkable way in -which the faces of these people are tattooed, of which I shall speak -more in detail under another heading--together with the few remaining -members of the Saisett tribe. In speaking of the Taiyal tribe, the -“Report of the Control of the Aborigines in Formosa,” issued by the -Japanese Government, says: “Their district [that of the Taiyal] -comprises an area of about 500 square _ri_ (2,977 square miles), with a -population of about 30,000; _but on account of the advancement of the -guard-line in recent years, their district is gradually becoming less_” -(italics my own). - -This statement as to the district of the Taiyal “gradually becoming -less” (something which is acclaimed as being to the credit of the -Japanese Government) might with equal truth be made regarding the -territory of the other aboriginal tribes, those who are grouped -together by the Japanese under the general term “Savages of the South,” -about all of whom the cordon is gradually being drawn tighter. - -The Taiyal is not only the largest and most powerful aboriginal tribe -on the island, but it is also--perhaps for this reason--the boldest and -least submissive. Most of the adult men of this tribe have upon their -faces the tattoo-mark signifying that they have at least one human head -to their credit. The other head-hunting tribes of the island are the -Bunun and the Paiwan. - -[Illustration: TAIYAL WOMAN (LEFT), A WOMAN LIVING AMONG THE TAIYAL -TRIBE, BELIEVED TO BE PART PIGMY (RIGHT). - -(_See page 107._)] - -[Illustration: WOMAN OF THE YAMI TRIBE OF BOTEL TOBAGO. - -(_The tiny island just south of Formosa proper._) _Note the difference -of type, as compared with the more northern tribes._] - -In considering the divisions of the Formosan aborigines, it would be -well for present-day investigators to guard against the error into -which some European writers on the subject, in the early numbers -of the _China Review_ (1873-4), seem to have fallen--that is, the -error of regarding the Chinese terms of _Pepo-huan_ ([Illustration]) -_Sek-huan_ ([Illustration]), and _Chin-huan_ ([Illustration]), as -signifying ethnic or tribal divisions. In reality, these terms--in the -Amoy dialect of Chinese--mean, taking the words in the order given -above, respectively: “Barbarian of the Plain,” “Ripe Barbarian” (i.e. -semi-civilized), and “Green Barbarian” (i.e. wild, or altogether -savage). These terms were applied by the Chinese indiscriminately -to the various tribes, irrespective of difference of dialect or of -physical characteristics. - -Regarding the latter point--physical characteristics: while, broadly -speaking, all the aborigines of Formosa conform to the general “Malay -type,” yet one who has been much among the different tribes can -distinguish without much difficulty--quite apart from difference in -tattoo-marking--between the tall, rather prognathous Taiyal of the -north; the more mongoloid type of the Ami and Paiwan on the east coast; -the handsomer, aquiline-nose type--approximating to that of certain -tribes of the American Indians--of the central mountain-range Bunun; -and the ever-smiling, gentler, darker Yami,[52] of Botel Tobago -(Japanese “Koto Sho”), the tiny island just south of Formosa proper -(see illustrations showing types of the different tribes). - -To return for a moment to the Chinese system of classification--one -based on various degrees of culture (from the Chinese point of -view) existing among the aborigines: The _Pepo-huan_ are about -as non-existent in Formosa to-day as are the ancient Britons in -present-day England. They--the _Pepo-huan_--formerly lived in the -eastern plains, and the few who have not been exterminated have been -amalgamated with the Chinese-Formosan population. The indefinite term -of _Sek-huan_ is sometimes applied to those members of the Ami and -Paiwan tribes who have come most closely into contact with the Chinese. -Under the term _Chin-huan_ are included all the other tribes of the -island. - -Both Keane (in _Man Past and Present_) and T. L. Bullock, formerly -British Consul in Takao[53] (in _China Review_, 1873), speak of a -portion of the _Sek-huan_ as being of light colour, compared with the -other aborigines, as having remarkably long and prominent teeth, large, -coarse mouth, prognathous jaw, and as having a weak constitution. -Both writers suspect a strain of Dutch blood in these people--though -just why weakness of constitution should be associated with Dutch -descent I do not know. Apparently weakness of constitution has led -to non-survival in a country, and under conditions, where the law of -“survival of the fittest” holds rigidly true. Certainly I could find -no trace of these people--taken as a group--either in the mountains -or on the east coast. Half a century makes a great difference in -an aboriginal people, especially when contending against stronger, -conquering races. - -The only extant people among the aborigines who can truthfully -be described as having a “fair complexion”--as far as I could -discover--are a subdivision, or local group, of the Taiyal, called -Taruko. The Taruko group live within a restricted territory in the -north-eastern part of the island, just behind the famous high cliffs. -Not only are the Taruko of lighter colour than the other aborigines, -but they have more regular and more clearly cut features. Ishii states -that “they [the Taruko] are believed to be the oldest inhabitants of -the island.” Of this I, personally, could find no confirmation, though -Mr. Ishii may have good grounds for making the statement. At any rate, -there is a tradition, both among themselves and among the neighbouring -Taiyal, that the Taruko originally lived on the western side of the -great mountains, and within the past few generations have migrated -to their present habitat. If this be the case it is possible that -they may have a strain of Dutch blood. Certainly they are famous for -their intrepid bravery and unbroken spirit. They came under Japanese -domination only in 1914; it is said they were never under that of the -Chinese. These people hold a myth as to their origin, differing from -that held by the other aborigines. Of this I shall speak under the head -of RELIGION. - -Before leaving the subject of the ethnology of the aborigines, -reference must be made to the moot question as to whether or not -there exists in Formosa a pigmy people similar to the Aetas of the -Philippines. Regarding this most interesting point, I can only say -that I was never able to discover a race of pigmies--a tribe or group, -however small. But I did find, while in the territory of the Taiyal, -isolated instances of individuals with apparently a pigmy strain. This -particularly in the case of certain women--three or four. I do not -refer, of course, only to the difference in size between these women -and the Taiyal women--or the women of any of the other tribes; but to -certain characteristics of physique in which they radically differ. For -one thing, the shape of the head is distinctly different, that of these -very small women being more negroid than Malay, and curiously infantile -even for the negroid type of skull--i.e. with disproportionately -bulging forehead. Also the whole shape of the body is more that of a -child than is the case with most adult women, either among Formosan -aborigines or others. The opposition between the great toe and the -other toes is more marked than with the other aborigines. And--perhaps -most significant feature of all--the hair of these women is distinctly -“crinkly,” whereas that of the other aborigines of the main island, as -of all Malay peoples, is absolutely straight--a fact of which the small -women are evidently ashamed.[54] - -The colour of these pigmy women--if such they may be called--is, -however, not as dark as that of the Philippine Aetas or the Andamanese -Islanders. On the contrary, it is rather lighter than that of the -surrounding tribes-people. - -Unfortunately, I did not take measurements of these small women--in -fact, I had no instruments for accurately doing this--but I do not -think their height can be over four feet two or three inches. An -interesting point in connection with them is that the other aborigines -among whom they live regard these women as being “different.” They -themselves--those whom I saw--were taciturn and seemed averse to -expressing themselves. Also curious, in a tribe where few divorces -occur and seemingly little marital infelicity, all these tiny -women whom I personally knew were divorced or separated from their -husbands--Taiyal men; “mutual incompatibility” apparently being the -cause. - -What the true explanation is of the existence of these “pigmean” women, -differing in colour, in features, and in physique from those of the -surrounding tribe, I do not know. It is possible of course that the -few whom I saw were merely anomalies--dwarf individuals of the tribe -in the midst of whom they lived. But this would scarcely account for -the difference in colour, still less for that in the character of -the hair, even if it did for the more infantile type of cranium and -of general physique. It must be remembered that these individuals -referred to live in a zone through which the Tropic of Cancer runs; -consequently they may be exemplifications of the theory sometimes put -forward that every race living in the tropics has its duplicate pigmy -race. Or it may be--and to me this seems more probable--that these few -very small and dissimilar women living among the Taiyal represent the -remainder of a pigmy people, now almost extinct, of whom all the men -have been killed, and of whom but a few of the women still survive. -And as these few (certainly those with whom I came into contact) seem -childless, it is obvious that within the very near future there will -be no representatives remaining--that is, if this last explanation -which I have suggested be the true one. This is one of the many points -in connection with Formosan ethnology which would well repay further -investigation. - -It may be added that the speech of the women referred to--when they can -be induced to speak at all--seems more filled with guttural “clicks” -than is that of the full-blooded Taiyal men and women. - -[Illustration: MAN OF TAIYAL TRIBE, AND WOMAN LIVING AMONG THE TAIYAL. - -_This woman is suspected of having a strain of pigmy blood. Note -difference of features, and difference in the shape of head and face._] - -[Illustration: AUTHOR’S SECRETARY MAKING NOTES OF TAIYAL DIALECT.] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[48] See Part I, p. 29. - -[49] The Taiyal tribe is the same as that which Swinhoe, who spent -a few days among them in 1857, calls the Tylolok (see _Hastings’ -Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics_, vol. vi. p. 85). - -[50] Stakes driven into the ground, extending upward to a height of six -feet, or more (see illustration of Yami house). - -[51] See Part I, p. 70. - -[52] The colour of the skin, the shape of the features, and the -occasionally curly hair of certain members of the Yami suggest that the -people of this tiny island--Botel Tobago--have in them an admixture -of Papuan blood, which modifies the predominant Malay strain. This -admixture is also suggested by certain features of their arts and -crafts. - -[53] During the days of the Chinese government of Formosa when there -was a British consulate at Takao. - -[54] See illustrations from snapshots taken by the author, showing how -these very small women keep their heads covered--bound with cloths--as -much as possible, in order to conceal their hair. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -SOCIAL ORGANIZATION - -Head-hunting and associated Customs--“Mother-right” and Age-grade -Systems--Property Rights--Sex Relations. - - -The social organization of the Formosan aborigines presents many points -of interest, but the four which most forcibly impress the visitor or -student of aboriginal customs, and which, taken together, constitute a -somewhat unique system, are the following: - - (_a_) _Head-hunting_ and the point of view of the tribes-people - regarding this custom. - - (_b_) “_Mother-right_” more fully developed than is usual, even - among primitive people, at the present time. - - (_c_) The _Communal System_--that of holding property in - common--which exists among several of the tribes. - - (_d_) The _Chastity_ and _Strict Monogamy_ customary among these - “Naturvölker”; habits which strikingly impress one who goes - among them after having spent some time in China or Japan, - or in the Chinese and Japanese towns and villages in the - “civilized” part of the island. - -One, or more, of these customs naturally exists among primitive peoples -in various parts of the world; it is the combination of these, welded -into a well-defined social organization, that makes the latter unique. - -That “head-hunting” should be included under the head of “social -organization” may seem perhaps a contradiction in terms--head-hunting -not being exactly a social custom. I think, however, that anyone -who has lived among a head-hunting tribe will realize how closely -this custom is interwoven with the fabric of their whole social -organization. It regulates the social and political standing of the men -of the tribe; it is directly connected with marriage--no head, no wife; -and is reflected in the games, the songs, and the dances of the people. -Moreover head-hunting is regulated by a code as rigid as the code of -“an officer and a gentleman” in so-called civilized society--and is -rather less frequently broken. - -Deniker, in speaking of the Dyaks of Borneo (see _The Races of Man_, -p. 251), aptly remarks: “A number of acts regarded as culpable by the -codes of all civilized states are yet tolerated, and even extolled, -in certain particular circumstances; such as the taking of life, for -example, in legitimate defence, in a duel, during war, or as a capital -punishment. Thus, in recalling examples of this kind, we shall be -less severe on a Dyak who cuts off a man’s head solely that he may -carry this trophy to his bride; for if he did otherwise he would be -repulsed by all.” The same charity for which Deniker pleads in judgment -of the Dyak may well be extended to the Formosan aborigine, who never -thus seeks private vengeance, whatever his provocation, on one of his -fellow-tribesmen,[55] private disputes being always laid before the -chief--male or female--of the tribe or before the chief-priestess, or -a convocation of the elderly women of the tribal group. Also when a -Formosan has voluntarily given his word to refrain from head-hunting, -it is said--and my personal observation would tend to confirm -this--that he never breaks it.[56] - -The tribes among whom head-hunting still exists are the Taiyal, the -Bunun, and the Paiwan, though among the Bunun and the Paiwan to a -lesser extent at the present time than among the Taiyal. Among all -the other Chin-huan tribes it existed within the memory of the older -generation still living. - -Among the Taiyal tribe--the great tribe of the northern part of the -island--one can tell at a glance who has “a head to his credit,” by -the presence, or absence, of the tattoo-mark on the chin. Occasionally -one sees the insignia of the successful head-hunter tattooed on the -chin of young boys. This indicates that these boys are the sons of -famous head-hunters and that their hands have been laid upon heads -decapitated by their fathers; or that they have carried these heads -in net-bags upon their backs. This, by tribal code, entitles them to -the successful head-hunter’s tattoo-mark. Incidentally, it must be -understood that while the Taiyal are--largely because of their peculiar -form of tattooing--usually regarded as a single tribe, they do not so -regard themselves, but are composed of a number of sub-groups (it is -said twenty-six), who regard themselves as separate units; and who -consequently go on head-hunting expeditions against each other. - -When a boy attains maturity he is supposed to celebrate this by going -on his first head-hunting expedition.[57] Usually several boys of about -the same age go together on their first expedition, accompanied by -older and more experienced warriors of the same group, or sub-tribe. -Before going on such an expedition an omen is always consulted--usually -a bird-omen, of which I shall speak more fully under the head of -Religion--and it depends upon the favourable or unfavourable indication -of the omen as to whether the expedition is undertaken forthwith or is -postponed. The Taiyal consider it more auspicious to set forth on such -an expedition with an odd number of men. They seem to think the chances -will be greater of securing a head, which will count as a man, and -thus make up the “lucky even number” with which they hope to return to -the village. - -During the absence of the warriors on one of these expeditions, the -women of the group will abstain from weaving, or even from handling -the material--a sort of coarse native hemp--which customarily they -weave into clothing. Except for the studious tending of the fires in -their respective huts--for if these were allowed to go out, it would -be considered a most evil omen--they do little until they hear in the -distance the cries which herald the return of the warriors. Then, -depending upon whether the cries denote victory or defeat, the women -prepare either for a festival or for a time of lamentation. - -If the warriors have been successful--that is, if they have returned -with one or more heads of slain enemies--a great feast is prepared, -and partaken of by the men and women together. In this respect -Formosan feasts differ from the victorious warrior-feasts of many -other primitive communities, at which only the men are the revellers. -This difference also distinguishes the dance that follows the feast, -in which both men and women participate, the Formosan aborigines -forming an exception to the rule laid down by Deniker that Malay men -do not dance. As in feasting and dancing, so do the women also take -part in the drinking of wine--made by themselves from millet--and in -the smoking of tobacco. Among the Taiyal, as among most of the other -tribes, both men and women smoke bamboo pipes--more of the size and -shape of those smoked by Europeans than are the tiny pipes smoked by -the Chinese and Japanese. These are, however, for some reason which -they could not, or would not, explain, often held upside-down while -being smoked, the tobacco being very tightly “jammed” into the bowl to -prevent its falling out. - -Among the coast Ami, only the men smoke pipes, the bowls of which are -often decorated with bits of metal--bartered from the Chinese--in -imitation of the features of a human face. The women of this tribe -smoke huge cigars. - -How tobacco was introduced into Formosa, where now it grows practically -wild--the leaves being gathered by the women--is a mystery. Probably, -however, it was first brought to the island by the Dutch; and, once -having been planted in a soil favouring its growth, it continued to -flourish and to spread, in spite of what in Europe and in America -would be called lack of cultivation. Now smoking is universal among -all the tribes of the main island of Formosa. Among the Yami alone--of -Botel Tobago--it is, up to the present time, unknown; as is also, -apparently, the drinking of any intoxicating liquor. Another thing that -differentiates these gentle people from their neighbours of the main -island, just to the north of them, is the fact that none of them are -head-hunters. - -[Illustration: TAIYAL TRIBESPEOPLE.] - -[Illustration: SKULL-SHELF IN A TAIYAL VILLAGE.] - -To return for a moment to the present chief head-hunting tribe, the -Taiyal. At the time of feasting and dancing in celebration of a -victory, the head of the victim is placed on the “skull-shelf” of -the village--being often the last addition to a pile of others--and -food and millet-wine are placed in front of it, food being sometimes -inserted into its mouth. The chief (often a woman), or high-priestess, -of the village offers to the last-decapitated head an invitation to the -following effect: “O warrior, you are welcome to our village and to our -feast! Eat and drink, and ask your brothers to come and join you, and -to eat and drink with us also.” - -This invocation is supposed to have a magical effect in bringing about -other victories, and thus adding more heads to the skull-shelf (see -illustration). - -The knives with which the heads of enemies have been cut off are held -in great reverence by all the tribes. Among one tribe--the Paiwan--it -is believed that the spirits of ancestors dwell in certain knives, -which have been in the possession of the tribe for several generations. - -Among the Paiwan, and also the Bunun, the successful warrior is -denoted, not as among the Taiyal by certain tattoo-marking, but by -the wearing of a certain kind of cap which is made by the women of -the tribe. The Paiwan, whose domain formerly extended all the way to -Cape Garanbi, had--and have still in certain quarters--the reputation -of being cannibals, as well as head-hunters. A statement to this -effect is made in the _Encyclopædia Britannica_ (see article under -the head of “Formosa”). This, however, I believe to be a mistake; as -did also George Taylor, for many years light-house keeper at South -Cape (Garanbi), under the Chinese regime; one who probably knew the -aborigines more intimately than any white man since the time of the -Dutch occupation. The superficial observer, seeing a pile of skulls -in a native village--often several skulls over, or at the side of, -the doorway of a chief’s house[58]--is apt hastily to assume that -the villagers must necessarily be cannibals. But, while head-hunters -certainly, I do not believe that the Formosan aborigines are, or ever -have been, cannibals. - -Among the Paiwan a tradition exists that in “days of old,” when their -territory extended to the sea-coast, “great boats” often came near -their coast, from which men landed; and that these men were in the -habit of capturing and carrying away numbers of the Paiwan people. -Whether these “great boats” were Chinese junks or Spanish ships from -the Philippines, I do not know. At any rate, among the Paiwan, the -killing of strangers--except those with fair hair and blue eyes (which -would indicate that the kidnapping invaders of the past were not -Dutch)--is alleged to be an act of self-defence, to prevent their -being carried away, “as their fathers were.” On what foundation of -truth--if any--this tradition is built, I do not know. - -In this connection also the Paiwan claim that once, in those olden -days, when strangers were landing from one of the large ships, they -themselves (the Paiwan) took refuge in a “secret place among the -hills,” but they were betrayed by the crowing of a cock, which revealed -their hiding-place to the strangers, who killed many of them and -carried others away by force to their ship. This they give as their -reason for never eating chicken. - -But as a neighbouring tribe, the Ami, also never eat chicken, and -assign for their abstention an entirely different reason--viz. that -“souls of good and gentle people dwell in chickens”--it is not -possible to give too great credence to Paiwan tradition, or to their -own explanation of their custom; this being one of the many instances -where various “reasons” are given by a primitive people in attempted -explanation of a long-established custom. - -In passing, it may be mentioned that it is only among the coast tribes, -such as Paiwan, Piyuma, and Ami, that the raising of chickens, for the -sake of their eggs, has been introduced--apparently by the Chinese. - -Among the Paiwan, as among the other aboriginal tribes, including the -Taiyal of the north, there exists the custom of two great festivals -during the year, one at seed-time, the other at harvest-time. During -these twice-yearly festivals there is much feasting, much dancing, and, -unfortunately, much drinking of millet wine. That which distinguishes -the Paiwan festivities, however, from those of the other tribes is -that once every five years on these festive days the Paiwan play a -game called Mavayaiya. This game consists of a contest between several -warriors, each trying to impale on a bamboo lance a bundle--now made of -bark--which is tossed into the air, the one who catches it on the point -of his lance being considered the victor. Tradition among them asserts -that in olden days it was a human head--that of a slain enemy--which -was thus tossed about, a mere bundle of bark being considered a poor -substitute. But Japanese laws against head-hunting are strict, for -Japanese themselves have suffered from these expeditions--punitive -usually--and knives, even sacred ones, are no match against modern -rifles, or against bombs thrown from aeroplanes. - -Similarly with the neighbouring tribe--now a small one--that of the -Piyuma. On a festival day, held annually, a monkey--one of those with -which the woods of Formosa are filled--is tied before the bachelor -dormitory, and killed by the young men with arrows. After it is killed -the village chief throws a little native wine three times towards the -sky, and three times on the ground, near the body of the dead monkey. -Singing, dancing, and feasting follow. The old people of the Piyuma -tribe explain that in the “good days of old,” when their tribe was a -large and powerful one, a prisoner, captured from some other tribe, was -always sacrificed on these festal occasions, but now they--like the -Paiwan, with their Mavayaiya--have to be satisfied with an inferior -substitute. It seems that one of the reasons why a monkey is considered -so particularly inferior a substitute for a man is that the former can -at its death bear no message to the spirits of the ancestors of those -who slay it. In the good old days every arrow that was shot into the -body of the man bore with it a message to the spirit of the ancestor -of the man who shot the arrow. Apparently it was regarded as an -obligation, one that could not be evaded, on the part of the victim, to -deliver this message--rather these many messages--immediately upon his -arrival in the spirit-world. - -Even among the Paiwan head-hunting is on the decline, being much less -practised by this tribe to-day than among the Taiyal. Many of the -honours which were formerly paid to the successful Paiwan head-hunter -are now paid to the successful hunter of game, and the latter is now -even wearing the cap of distinction at one time reserved exclusively -for the former. - -In game hunting the aborigines use either the old guns, obtained from -the Chinese by barter, long ago, or--in the cases where these guns -have been confiscated by the Japanese on the ground of their owners -being “dangerous savages”--they have returned to the use of bows and -arrows such as were used by their ancestors before guns were introduced -among them. The bow is simple, usually made of wood of the catalpa -tree, the bow-string being made of the tough “China grass,” which grows -on the island. The arrow is made of bamboo, the arrow-head now being -of iron, this being pounded out from any piece of scrap-iron which the -tribes-people can obtain by barter. - -An interesting feature of Formosan archery is that the arrows are not -feathered, as Japanese arrows are; also that in shooting the arrow, -this is always placed on the left side of the bow, whereas it is placed -on the right side by both Chinese and Japanese. - -So much for the rather unpleasant subject of head-hunting, and those -customs which are associated with, or have sprung from, it. - -[Illustration: TWO PAIWAN MEN AND A YOUNG WOMAN IN FRONT OF THE HOUSE -OF A PAIWAN CHIEF.] - -Turning now to the subject of the general political and social -organization of the tribes, taken collectively, perhaps the most -striking feature may be summed up in the remark of the Japanese -policeman who escorted me on one of my first trips among the Taiyal: -“Their head-man is a woman”--which rather “Irish” remark holds true -not only as regards the Taiyal, but as regards other tribes as well. -One often sees the queen, or woman-chief, of a tribal group borne on -the shoulders of her subjects, as she goes about the village, so that -her sacred feet may not touch the ground. So closely, however, are -“Church and State” bound together--that is, so frequently are queen and -chief-priestess one--that descriptions of certain customs connected -with the “woman head-man” must be postponed until later, when these -will be dealt with under the respective heads of RELIGION and MARRIAGE. - -Among the Paiwan--also the small neighbouring tribe of the -Piyuma--chieftainship seems to be hereditary, usually descending from -mother to daughter, although over some groups male chiefs rule; this -apparently being usual when the old queen has died without leaving a -daughter. Such instances are not infrequent among a people with whom -small families are usual. In this connection, reference may be made -to a statement which has been somewhat widely disseminated regarding -the children of the aboriginal women of Formosa. It has been said that -these women never allow their children to live until they themselves -are thirty-seven years of age.[59] This curious statement was made -by one of the old Dutch chroniclers of the seventeenth century, and -has been repeated, doubtless in good faith--on the strength of the -Dutch records--by more modern writers. Of this custom, however, I saw -no trace in any of the tribes during my residence among them. On the -contrary, I saw many young mothers--of various tribes--nursing and -tending their babies with greatest devotion. It is true that with them, -as with many primitive peoples, twins are considered “unlucky,” and -the weaker of the pair is usually killed at birth. Also, illegitimate -children are not allowed to live, Formosan standards--those of the -aborigines--being curiously rigorous on the latter point. Except in -these instances, I saw nothing that would suggest infanticide among -any of the tribes, and heard nothing of it. Both men and women seem -particularly devoted to their offspring. But, due apparently to the -present hard conditions of life among the aborigines, families are -small and comparatively few of the children born grow to maturity. - -To revert for a moment to the customs of the Paiwan and Piyuma tribes. -A rather strict age-grade, or system of rank regulated according to -age, seems to exist among them. The older the man or woman, the more is -he, or she, held in reverence. - -These tribes--and also the Tsuou, Yami, and Ami tribes--have the -“bachelor-house”[60] system. That is, when a young man reaches the -age of fifteen or sixteen, he is obliged to leave the home of his -parents, and sleep in the bachelor-house until he is married. This -bachelor-house serves as a sort of combination dormitory, military -barracks, and club house. So strictly is the age-grade system observed -among the Piyuma that there are two club-houses: one for boys from -twelve to fifteen years of age; the other for young men over fifteen. -In both bachelor-houses--that of the boys and that of the young -men--the strictest discipline prevails. A certain number of youths are -assigned the duty of keeping the fire supplied with wood (if the fire -were allowed to go out it would be considered an omen of disaster to -the tribe); others that of bringing water--which is usually carried in -great bamboo tubes, borne on the shoulders. Other duties are equably -apportioned. Each age-grade is supposed to obey without question the -orders of those of superior age. - -The reasons assigned for having the young men live apart in -bachelor-houses are as various as are the reasons assigned for the -other customs previously referred to. The two explanations most -frequently given are: (_a_) that living apart makes the young men more -courageous and intrepid, especially as the bachelor-houses are usually -decorated with skulls of slain enemies of the tribe, or tribal group; -and (_b_) that it makes for chastity, and also for conserving the -delicacy of mind of the young women and children; that is, that the -latter may be surrounded only by staid, elderly people, and thus hear -no conversation unfitted for their ears. - -These bachelor-houses are usually, though not invariably, built on -“piles” similar to Indonesian buildings, often ten feet above ground. -Entrance to these houses is by means of bamboo poles, up which the -young men must climb. - -One of the customs of the young bachelors among the Paiwan tribe -recalls a custom of the Hawaians and other Polynesians--that is, on -festal occasions they wear about their necks long garlands of flowers. - -Among the Ami a more complicated age-grade system prevails. In some -groups of this tribe there are ten age-grades; in others, twelve. Men -and women of the same age are accorded equal privileges, greatest -deference always being paid to the oldest. In some respects, the Ami -may be considered the most democratic of the tribes, seniority of each -in turn--rather than hereditary rank--conferring power and prestige. - -With the Taiyal, each sub-group has its own chief, or “chieftainess.” -With this people, however, the office seems to be more elective -than hereditary, the choice usually falling upon a priestess whose -ministrations have been especially successful either in driving away -the rain-devil (to be spoken of more fully under the head of RELIGION) -or in interpreting omens which have led to successful head-hunting -expeditions. - -The granaries, in which the year’s harvest of millet is stored, are -also under the charge of women, who deal out daily supplies of millet -to the women of the different families comprising the tribal group. It -seems tabu for men, certainly of the Taiyal tribe, to approach very -near these millet store-houses. - -To just what cause the women of the Formosan aborigines owe their -ascendancy it would be difficult to say. As a people the aborigines -have reached the stage of “hoe-culture”--a stage which Deniker and some -other anthropologists sharply differentiate from “true agriculture” -(i.e. with the plough), and which usually precedes the pastoral stage, -whereas “true agriculture” follows it. Certainly this precedence of -order of culture is true of the Formosans (the aborigines). They -have no flocks or herds, no beasts of draught or of burden; they are -strictly in the “hunting stage” of civilization as regards the men; -yet the women scratch the ground with a short-handled primitive hoe, -and thus raise millet and sweet potatoes, besides digging away the -rankest of the weeds from about the roots of the tobacco plants. -Whether being concerned with the raising and storing of the staples of -life--millet and sweet potatoes--and with the gathering and curing of -the tobacco-leaves and the making of wine--life’s luxuries--has given -women the ascendancy which they undoubtedly possess is a question. -Personally I should be inclined to think it had (on the principle that -he who holds the purse-strings--or the equivalent--holds the power). -But Lowie, the American anthropologist, with some force of argument, -warns of the danger of too hastily assuming that an agricultural -stage (“hoe-culture” or other) of civilization necessarily implies -“matri-potestas,” pointing out the fact that among the Andaman -Islanders, who are in the most primitive “hunting stage,” women hold -a far higher position than among the present agricultural peoples of -India and of many other parts of the world.[61] - -It may be that the “equal rights” (or superior rights) position of the -aboriginal women of Formosa is due to causes partly racial, for in -Guam, an island of the Marianne, or Ladrone, group also inhabited by a -people evidently of Indonesian extraction, the same state of affairs -seems to exist as regards the relation of the sexes. In Formosa this -certainly is not due to contact with a superior race, for among both -Chinese and Japanese--as is generally known--the woman is regarded as -being distinctly inferior to him who is with these races very literally -“lord and master.” - -To whatever cause may be ascribed the dominance of the aboriginal -Formosan woman in both political and religious life--closely -interwoven as these are--the result seems to make for the happiness -of all concerned, within the tribal group. Disputes within the group -are of infrequent occurrence. When these do occur, they are almost -always settled either by the queen, or chief-priestess alone, or by a -“palaver” or meeting of remonstrance on the part of all the elderly -women of the group. Theft within the group seems unknown among any -of the tribes; this also applies to those who are accepted as guests -of the tribal group. Guests are regarded by them as friends, and the -fidelity in friendship of these “Naturvölker” is touching; as is also -their point of view regarding the sacredness of a promise. This is -especially true of the Taiyal and the other mountain tribes who have -come but little into contact with either Chinese or Japanese. - -Regarding property rights among the Chin-huan (primitive or “green” -savages): all the members of each tribal group hold in common both -hunting-grounds and the grounds used for the cultivation of millet, -sweet potatoes, and tobacco--and more recently rice, since this has -been introduced by the Japanese. No dispute in connection with communal -property ever seems to arise. It is understood that each man who is -physically able will take part in the hunting, and thus contribute -his share toward keeping the group supplied with meat. Equally it -is understood that every woman not ill or aged will take part in -the cultivation, harvesting, and storing of food-stuffs. Millet and -sweet potatoes are kept in common store-houses, and--as explained in -another connection--these are given out by women who have charge of the -store-houses to the woman-head of each family, as she may have need -of them. The scheme of “from each according to his ability, to each -according to his need” seems to work successfully and without friction -among these people. - -The only commodity, apparently, which among them is used as currency -is salt; and this has been recently introduced by the Japanese. Among -those who have never come into contact with the Japanese--that is, -those in the inaccessible mountain regions--it is said still to be -unknown.[62] - -As regards the system of counting in vogue among them, in connection -with barter and otherwise, the _Chin-huan_--excluding those of the -Ami and Paiwan tribes, who live on or near the coast, and who have -been for some time in contact with the Chinese and Japanese--still -count by “hands”: that is, one hand equals five; two hands, ten, etc. -Or, occasionally, by a “man”; the latter, one learns in time, being -equivalent to twenty, that is, the number of fingers and toes, taken -together, belonging to each man. - -A striking feature of the social organization of the aborigines is -their strict monogamy and their marital fidelity for the duration -of the marriage.[63] This custom is in marked contrast with that of -many other primitive races--Africans, Australians, Mongols, American -Indians: also with that of other Malay and Oceanic peoples, and most -of all with that of the Chinese and Japanese. One of the latter, a -government official in Formosa, with whom I was thrown into contact -in connection with my expeditions into savage territory, pitied the -_seban_ (savages) for not having a social organization sufficiently -highly developed to have room within it for a _geisha_ system (that of -professional singing and dancing girls) and that of a _yoshiwara_, the -latter term being too well known in connection with Japanese cities to -make explanation or definition necessary. - -Among the “green savages”--those who have not come into close touch -with the Chinese and Japanese--adultery is punished with death, an -unfaithful husband suffering the same punishment as an unfaithful wife; -and prostitution is unknown. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[55] That is, of the same tribal group, which constitutes a social unit. - -[56] This, of course, does not apply to a forced oath, extorted through -terror. - -[57] This constitutes part of the puberty initiation ceremonies. - -[58] See illustration of Paiwan skull-shelf, at the side of doorway of -chief. - -[59] See _Formosa under the Dutch_, by Campbell. - -[60] See illustration of bachelor-house facing page 97. - -[61] See _Primitive Society_, by Robert H. Lowie, Ph.D., Assistant -Curator in Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History. - -[62] Some groups of the Taiyal use pounded ginger-root, instead of -salt, for flavouring their food. - -[63] This duration varies among the different tribes, as will be -explained in the chapter dealing with MARRIAGE CUSTOMS. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND PRACTICES - -Deities of the Ami and Beliefs of this Tribe regarding Heaven and -Hell--Beliefs and Ceremonials of the other Tribes of the South--Descent -from Bamboo; Carved Representations of Glorified Ancestors and of -Serpents; Moon Worship; Sacred Tree, Orchid, and Grass--The Kindling of -the Sacred Fire by the Bunun and Taiyal Tribes--Beliefs and Ceremonials -of the Taiyal--Rain Dances; Bird Omens; _Ottofu_; Princess and Dog -Ancestors--Yami Celebrations in Honour of the Sea-god. - - -All those who have come personally into contact with a primitive -Malay people will, I think, agree that belief in the “All Father” -idea (such as certain anthropologists suggest is “natural to the -child-mind of primitive man”) does not hold true of this particular -branch of primitive man. Certainly as far as the Formosan aborigines -are concerned, there seems no trace of anything of the sort, except -possibly among the Ami, of the east coast; and such hazy idea of -a Supreme Being as they may perhaps be considered to hold seems -probably derived from teachings of the Dutch missionaries given to -their ancestors. When questioned at all closely as to their religious -belief, they speak of several deities. These are usually in pairs--male -and female--as for example Kakring and Kalapiat. These deities seem -concerned with the thunderstorms which are frequent on the east coast; -these storms being due, according to Ami belief, to the quarrels -between the god, Kakring, and his wife, Kalapiat; Kakring causing the -thunder by stamping and by throwing about the pots (the latter being -the most prized possession of every Ami house-wife), and Kalapiat -bringing about lightning by completely disrobing herself in her -anger--this being a method of showing displeasure frequently adopted by -Ami women. Earthquakes--frequent in Formosa--are supposed to be caused -by a spirit in the shape of a great pig scratching himself against a -pole, which extends from earth to heaven. Sun, moon, and stars were -created by Dgagha and Bartsing--god and goddess, respectively. The -earth the Ami believe to be flat; the sun goes under it at night, the -moon and stars under it during the day. - -The Ami seem more democratic in religion, as well as in politics, than -the mountain tribes; that is, the theocracy of the priestesses seems -less strong. Priestesses, however, exist among them, and in time of -illness or danger they are asked to intercede with the various deities. -Intercession takes the form of a sort of chanting prayer, growing -louder and wilder as it continues, accompanied by the throwing into the -air of small coloured pebbles (now sometimes glass beads bartered from -Chinese and Japanese), together with small pieces of the flesh of wild -pig--this apparently as an offering to the deities. - -When a tribal group among the Ami is in serious distress or danger, -or faced by the necessity of a decision of importance, the elders of -the group[64]--or village, if only one village is affected--usually -repair to a cave, or to a place near a high cliff--wherever an echo -may be heard--accompanied by several priestesses. The latter dance and -chant themselves into a state of frenzy, until they fall exhausted in -a swoon, real or simulated. When they return to consciousness, which -is sometimes not until next day, they say that the spirits which “sang -back” at them from cliff or cave during the chanting have told them -what measures the people must take in order to meet the emergency in -question. This can be communicated only to the elders; and only the -elders are allowed to watch this especially sacred dance. For any of -the younger people to do so would be considered a heinous sin. - -The red stones, or beads, used by the priestesses in their incantations -are also sometimes used by the older warriors and huntsmen. An old -hunter, just before starting into the mountains in search of game, will -put a red pebble into a freshly opened betel-nut, lay this in the palm -of his hand and wave it before his face, palm upward, toward the sky. -This is supposed to bring him good luck in the chase. The same ceremony -is said to have been performed in the olden days, just before starting -on a head-hunting expedition. - -The ideas of the Ami regarding heaven and hell also suggest that these -may be the vestiges of missionary teachings once given by the Dutch -(the present-day missionaries in Formosa confine their attention to -the Chinese-Formosans as before explained). Good men and women, the -Ami believe, go to “heaven,” and bad ones to “hell.” Heaven they -believe to be situated “somewhere in the north”; hell “somewhere in the -south.” One wonders if this belief as regards direction represents a -tribal recollection of their former home--perhaps of a massacre, which -caused the emigration of those remaining; perhaps of hunger, thirst, -and terror on the voyage between the “land to the south” and Formosa. -At any rate, their tradition is that their ancestors drifted to the -coast, which is now their home, in a “long boat.” The very spot of -their debarkation is pointed out--a place near Pinan.[65] Once a year -a commemoration festival is held at this spot, when food and drink -are offered to the spirits of their ancestors. Their own ancestors of -course have gone to heaven, where they themselves will go after death; -equally of course the people of the other tribes, especially those with -whom they happen to be at enmity, will go to hell (savage and civilized -psychology being on some points strangely alike). The Ami say, however, -that hell cannot be any worse than the earth; otherwise spirits would -not remain there. - -With the Piyuma--the small east coast tribe living just south of the -Ami--the most sacred spot is a bamboo-grove a few miles inland called -by themselves “Arapani.” Here, according to Piyuma tradition, was -planted the staff of a god, which grew into a bamboo. From different -joints of this bamboo sprang the first man and the first woman, -ancestors of the Piyuma people. Markings on a stone near Arapani -are said to be footprints of this first couple. Hence this stone is -considered most sacred. - -The tradition of being descended from ancestors sprung from a bamboo -is held by other tribes than the Piyuma; in fact, it is held by -practically all the Formosan tribes; also by the Tagalog tribe of the -Philippines. A similar tradition is referred to in the Japanese tale of -Taketori-Monogatari--now, I believe, translated into English.[66] - -[Illustration: FAMILY OF THE AMI TRIBE.] - -[Illustration: GLORIFIED ANCESTOR OF THE PAIWAN TRIBE CARVED ON A SLATE -MONUMENT.] - -The Paiwan--the tribe south of the Piyuma--and indeed the southernmost -of the main island--is the only aboriginal tribe that has anything -approaching what missionaries would call “idols”--that is, carved -representations of deity. Before the house of the chief of every -tribal group among the Paiwan stands an upright block of slate on -which is carved a figure supposed to be human, this figure often being -surrounded by markings representing serpents.[67] Both human and -serpentine figures are carved in the slate by means of sharpened flint, -or other stone harder than slate. As the Paiwan also build their houses -of slate (by a method to be spoken of more in detail under the head of -ARTS AND CRAFTS), representations of human heads and snakes are carved -always on the lintel over the doorway of the chief; and often on that -over the doorways of successful warriors and huntsmen.[68] - -Some anthropologists might see in this frequent representation of the -snake evidence of snake totemism on the part of the Paiwan. I do not, -however, think this is the case. The Paiwan venerate the snake as being -the most dangerous of living creatures (in the tropical jungles of -Formosa there are naturally many deadly species); but this veneration -is more in the nature of theriolatry than totemism. They seem to think -that by having constantly before their eyes representations of this the -most dreaded of all the creatures of the jungle, they will, through a -sort of sympathetic magic, be inspired with the bravery, as they regard -it--if not the wisdom--of the serpent. - -As for the figure in human semblance carved on the slate tablet, or -monument, in front of the chief’s house, I am inclined to think this -represents rather a glorified ancestor--in the sense in which the -Japanese often use the word “Kami” ([Illustration])--rather than -“god” in the Western sense of that word. Certainly the Paiwan--like -the other aboriginal tribes--pay greater reverence to the spirits of -ancestors than to any deity. Besides the ancestral spirits believed to -inhabit the ancient swords or knives, previously referred to,[69] there -are other spirits whose dwelling-place they believe to be the forest -or jungle. All these are worshipped twice a year, at millet planting -time and at harvest, when food and drink are offered to the spirits -of the dead, at the same time that feasting and drinking are going on -among the living; and once every five years at the time of the harvest -festival occurs the great celebration, when there is played the game of -_Mavay aiya_,[70] already described. - -Adjoining the territory of the Paiwan, on the north-west,[71] is -that of the Tsarisen. Among the latter there is a tradition that -their ancestors came down from the moon, bringing with them twelve -jars of baked clay, or earthenware. At the home of the chief of the -principal tribal group of this now small people are kept two or three -old baked-clay pots, or jars, believed by the tribes-people to be of -lunar origin--a remnant of the original twelve brought down by their -ancestors. These of course are never used, but are regarded by them as -being most sacred, only the chief and the priestesses being allowed to -touch, or even to go near, them. By the side of the old jars is kept a -large, circular white stone, also carefully cherished, believed to be -in some way connected with the moon; but whether it was brought from -the moon, or whether its appearance suggests the full moon, is not -clear. - -It is before these treasures that the priestesses dance, and also -before them that at the semi-annual festivals they place offerings -of millet and millet wine, also sometimes of fruit and other food, -chanting as they do so. This chanting is supposed to invoke the spirits -of the moon-ancestors, who come down during the ceremony and bestow -blessings upon the tribe. In other groups within the Tsarisen tribe, -where there are no sacred jars or stones, the priestesses arrange the -food-offerings in little piles close together, forming a circle: this -to simulate the full moon. To step within the charmed circle would be -sacrilege unspeakable; an offence so serious that only the death of the -offender, the tribes-people say, would remove from the tribe the blight -that otherwise would fall upon it. It is not on record that any member -of the tribe has ever had the temerity to attempt this; and no member -of any other tribe is allowed to come near the sacred spot. - -North of the Tsarisen are the Tsuou and Bunun tribes; the former a very -small tribe, numbering now less than two thousand, the latter numbering -about fifteen thousand, roughly speaking. - -The religious belief--or rather religious ceremonial, for with -primitive people ritual apparently counts for more than dogma--of the -Tsuou is closely bound up with what is sometimes called “tree-worship.” -That is, within, or very near, each village there is a certain tree -which is regarded as holy; and once a year--at harvest-time--millet -wine is sprinkled near the roots of the tree, and singing, dancing, and -feasting carried on under its branches. I do not consider, however, -that this constitutes true tree-worship, nor do I think that the -Tsuou have a “tree-cult.” Rather, their ceremonial is connected with -ancestor-worship, for they seem to think that the spirits of their -ancestors dwell in the sacred trees, and it is to these spirits that -wine is offered at harvest time, and invocations made. - -The Tsuou also regard a certain orchid which grows in that part of -the island as being of peculiar sanctity. They transplant it from the -forest where it grows to the ground at the root of the sacred tree -of each village. During the dry season the priestesses water it, and -always they tend it with scrupulous care. This custom also is obviously -connected with the reverence in which the tribes-people hold their -ancestors, for the latter, they believe, wore this orchid when they -went to battle with neighbouring tribes, and through its magic efficacy -achieved victory. The Tsuou seem to think that in some way this orchid -will eventually restore--or be instrumental in restoring--the former -dominance and prosperity of their tribe. - -The Bunun, unlike their neighbours, the Tsuou, regard a certain kind -of tall grass, which grows in the mountainous region in which they -live, as being of even greater sanctity than trees. Twice a year--at -seed-time and at harvest-time--great bundles of this green grass are -brought into the houses, millet wine is sprinkled before the doorway -of each house, and invocations to ancestors are sung and danced in the -open, between the houses of each village. - -Among the Bunun, as also among all the tribal groups of the great -Taiyal “nation,”[72] there exists the peculiar custom of starting a -“new fire” at the time of the sowing and harvest festivals. This “new -fire” is ceremonially kindled. At other times, should the fire go out -(though this is considered a thing of evil omen), or should hunters, -away from home, wish to start a fire, flint-and-steel percussion is -used--this method apparently having been learned from the Dutch of the -seventeenth century, or possibly from the Chinese. On the ceremonial -days of the year, however--the days when offerings are made to -ancestors--fire must be kindled by a method in use in the “days of the -fathers.” - -Among the Bunun this takes the form of the “fire-drill”--the twirling -of a pointed stick of hard wood of some sort in a depression made in a -stick of softer wood, until the friction heats the flakes of soft wood, -thus “eaten away,” to a point where flame can be produced by placing -against this hot wood-dust bits of very dry grass or leaves, and -blowing upon it. In order thus to produce fire, the chief of the tribal -group--among the Bunun usually a man--shuts himself up alone in his -hut, which for the time being it is tabu for his subjects to approach, -twirling the fire-drill and blowing upon the wood-dust and tinder, -until the sacred fire is “born.” From the flame thus kindled is lighted -first his own domestic fire; then those of all the other members of -the village or group, who, after the actual kindling of the flame, are -invited into the hut of the chief. - -The Taiyal method of lighting the sacred fire is a little different -from that employed by the Bunun. Among the Taiyal the duty of producing -the ceremonial “new fire” devolves upon the priestesses. These -“vestals of the flame,” however, are not virgins. Only middle-aged -and elderly women are priestesses; and all those whom I saw--or of -whom I heard when among the Taiyal--were widows, and usually the -mothers of children. What becomes of the Taiyal spinsters one wonders; -there seem to be none. Yet they are a strictly monogamous people; and -considering how frequently the men of this tribe lose their heads--in -a very literal sense--a disproportion of women, consequently a -number of unmarried ones, might be expected. But this does not seem -to be the case, judging both from my own observation and also from -the reply to questions put to the Japanese _Aiyu_ (military police) -stationed at various points among the Taiyal. It may be that those -anthropologists[73] are right who hold that the so-called hardships -of savage life--frequent insufficiency of food, necessity of hard -physical toil on the part of the women, and similar conditions--result -in a greater number of male infants being born than is the case under -conditions of civilization.[74] (A not impossible hypothesis: since -many stock-breeders hold that the relative leanness or fatness of -cattle has a decided effect upon the sex of the offspring--“lean -years,” i.e. those of scarcity of food, more males; “fat years,” those -of plenty, more females. This fact--if it be a fact--may also be the -basis of the popular idea that shortly after wars a greater number of -males among the _genus homo_ are born than at other times.) - -However, to return to our muttons--that of sacred fire, as produced -by the Taiyal. On the ceremonial day when the “new fire” is to be -kindled, the chief priestess of each group carefully unsheathes -her “fire machine” from the wrapping of bamboo leaves in which it -is kept swathed during the greater part of the year. This “fire -machine” consists of two pieces of bamboo. One piece, used as a saw, -is sharpened on one edge to a knife-like keenness; the other edge is -left blunt. This blunt edge is held in the hand of the officiating -priestess. In a shallow groove cut in the other piece of bamboo the -priestess inserts the sharp edge of the short, wedge-shaped, bamboo -saw. To and fro she draws it, chanting as she does so. Usually she -is seated in the open, before the door of her hut, her congregation -of apparently awestruck subjects being seated in a semicircle, at a -respectful distance from her. Gradually the bamboo saw “eats” down -through the other piece of bamboo across which it is being drawn. The -sawdust resulting is as hot as that which is produced by means of the -fire stick, or “drill,” already described, and by applying to this -dust tinder--very dry grass, usually--and by blowing upon it, flame is -produced. When the tinder actually lights, the priestess gives a cry of -exultation, which is echoed by the waiting people; then feasting and -dancing begin. - -This kindling of the sacred fire by the Taiyal priestesses occurs at -the time of the celebrations in honour of the spirits of the ancestors -of this tribe. These celebrations take place on the night of the -full moon at seed-time and at harvest-time. The day before “full-moon -night,” on these semi-annual occasions, the people hang balls of -boiled millet, usually wrapped in banana leaves, from the branches of -trees, in or near their respective villages. These are to feed the -ancestral spirits, which are supposed to descend through the air that -night, from the high mountain on which they usually reside, into the -trees at the moment of the kindling of the ceremonial fire. This fire -lights the spirits on their way to the trees, from which the food is -suspended--though moonlight also, it would seem, is necessary, since -these “spirit-feeding” celebrations among the Taiyal occur always at -full-moon time. - -In this connection I was much touched on one harvest-time occasion, -when among the Taiyal, at being presented--by a grizzled warrior, -tattooed with the successful head-hunter’s mark--with a mass of boiled -millet carefully wrapped in a large banana leaf. This, he explained, -was because he regarded me as a reincarnation of one of the Dutch -“spiritual protectors” of his ancestors. - -Reverence for ancestors constitutes almost the whole of Taiyal -religion. None of the people of this tribe--or “nation”--seem to hold -a belief in creators of the universe, such as is held by the Ami. The -only deity--other than deified ancestors--whom the Taiyal apparently -take into account is the rain-god, or rather, rain-devil. He, however, -is a being very much to be taken into account in a country like that -in which the Taiyal live--the mountainous part of the island--where -torrential downpours of such violence sometimes occur during the rainy -season that the bamboo and grass huts of the people are washed away. -The Taiyal are not a people who cringe for mercy at the feet of deity -or devil, any more than at those of Chinese or Japanese. Therefore, -instead of prayers and offerings to propitiate the wrath or evil temper -of the rain-devil, who is supposed to be responsible for the downpour, -the chief priestess and assistant priestesses of the tribal group -that is being inundated gather together, with long knives in their -hands--these of the sort that are used by the men in head-hunting--and -begin to dance and gesticulate. The dancing becomes wilder and more -frenzied as it goes on, the gesticulations with the knives--thrusting -and slashing at imaginary figures--more violent; the priestesses cry -or chant in a threatening manner, while the people, both men and -women, standing about, howl and wail. Often the priestesses foam at -the mouth in their excitement, their eyes look as if they would start -from their heads, and this knife-dance usually ends with their falling -exhausted in a swoon, throwing their knives from them as they fall. At -this climax the people shout with joy, declaring that the rain-devil -has been cut to pieces; or, sometimes, that because he has been cut -with the knives of the priestesses, he has fled away and been drowned -in one of the ponds that he has been responsible for creating--being -thus destroyed in the “pit which he had digged for himself.” Whenever -the rain ceases--as in course of time it inevitably must--this is -attributed to the warfare which the priestesses have waged against the -rain-devil.[75] - -After having witnessed the almost maniacal madness of some of these -sacred dances and ceremonies of exorcism on the part of aboriginal -Formosan priestesses, one comes to the conclusion that the so-called -“arctic madness,” of which some anthropologists speak (in connection -with dances and other religious rites of _shamans_ and medicine-men -of the North) is not peculiar to Hyperborean peoples, but is -characteristic of all Mongol and Malay races, when under stress of -religious fervour or other strong excitement. The same habit of almost -hypnotic imitation, one of another, when under stress of terror or -excitement that is said, by those who have been among them, to be -common to sub-arctic peoples, also characterizes the Malay aborigines -of Formosa, this being perhaps particularly noticeable among the Taiyal -tribe. - -All groups of the Taiyal hold sacred the small bird to which reference -has already been made in connection with head-hunting customs--whose -cry is regarded as an omen of good or evil, according to the note, -and followed accordingly. The flight of this bird is also noted -when starting on either a hunting expedition or on one of warfare -(head-hunting). The warriors or hunters will stop on the spot at which -the bird is seen to alight, and there lie in wait for either enemy or -game, according to the nature of the expedition. This bird cannot, -I think, in spite of the reverence in which it is held, be regarded -as the totem of the Taiyal people. Rather, the tribes-people seem to -regard it as the spokesman of some ancestor--one who was in his day a -famous warrior, and who thus, through the medium of the bird, continues -to guide his descendants, and all members of the tribal group to which -during his lifetime he had belonged. Sometimes it is the spirit of a -priestess which is supposed thus to continue to guide and guard her -people. - -The Taiyal word for spirit, or ghost--often used in the sense in which -the Christian would use guardian angel--is _Ottofu_. This seems to -correspond with the _Atua_ of the Polynesians. Sometimes, however, -it seems to be used much as _Mana_ is used by other Oceanic peoples. -Unless one understands really thoroughly the language of a primitive -people (and I do not pretend so to understand Taiyal) it is difficult -always to trace the association of ideas; but apparently, in this -connection, the association is that when a man is guided minutely by -the spirit of some powerful ancestor, he himself becomes imbued with -more than human power and wisdom and strength. - -The heart and the pupil of the eye seem closely associated by the -Taiyal with the spirit of each individual and are sometimes spoken of, -separately and together, as _Ottofu_. The spirit of oneself is thought -to separate itself from one’s body during sleep; also it is liable to -jump out suddenly if one sneezes, and in this case perhaps be lost -permanently; hence a sneeze is considered to portend bad luck. - -As regards life after death, the Taiyal believe that only the good -spirits go to the “high mountain,” to which reference has been made. -This local Mount Olympus seems to be situated on one of the high peaks -of the great central mountain range of the island. In order to reach -it--or to attempt to reach it--each spirit, after death, must pass over -a narrow bridge spanning a deep chasm. The men who have been successful -as warriors and as huntsmen pass over in safety; also the women who -have been skilful at weaving. Men who have been unsuccessful in war or -in the chase, and women who have lacked skill at the loom, or have been -idle, fall from the bridge down into the dirty water that lies at the -bottom of the chasm. - -Most of the Taiyal tribal groups believe--as do the majority of the -other tribes of the island--that their ancestors sprang from the -bamboo. But one of the Taiyal sub-groups--the Taruko, the “High-cliffs -people,” to whom I have already referred as being of lighter colour -and more regular feature than most of the Taiyal tribes-people--have -a curious legend as to their origin. They believe that they are the -descendants of a princess who was married to a dog “somewhere over the -mountains.” A similar legend is said to be current among some tribes in -Java and Sumatra, which is not surprising; nor is it surprising that -the same belief should be held by many of the Lu-chu Islanders--these -being obviously kindred peoples. But an interesting point is that the -same folk-tale is said to exist among certain tribes in Siberia. - -The few remaining members of the Saisett tribe have adopted most of the -practices, religious and otherwise, of their powerful neighbours, the -Taiyal; so these need not be considered separately. - -So much, then, for the religious beliefs and observances of the -aborigines of the main island. - -The Yami--the tribe living on the tiny thirty-mile-in-circumference -island of Botel Tobago (or “Koto Sho,” as the Japanese call it), about -thirty-five miles south of Formosa proper--differ somewhat in religion, -as in other matters, from their neighbours of the large island. The -Yami also observe a semi-annual religious festival; but in their case -the celebration is in honour of the “Sea God,” offerings of fruit, -of food, and of flowers being cast into the sea on these occasions. -No offering of wine is made, as is the case with the other tribes at -their religious festivals, for the reason that the Yami seem to know -nothing of either the making or the drinking of wine--one of the few -primitive peoples of whom this is true. They have a tradition that -their ancestors “came up out of the sea”; hence their worship of the -“Sea God”--a reminiscence probably of the fact that their ancestors -came across the sea from some other island, possibly from one of the -Philippine group, judging from the resemblance of the Yami, generally -speaking, to a Philippine tribe--that of Batan island.[76] - -At the time of their celebrations in honour of the “Sea God” the Yami -wear wonderful hats, or helmets, made of silver coins, beaten thin. -These coins they obtain from the Japanese, in exchange for the products -of their own marvellously fertile little island, when the Japanese -boats stop at Botel Tobago, which they now do once a month. The beaten -coins are pierced and strung together on grass fibres--or on wires, -when these can be obtained from the Japanese. The stiff bands thus made -are built up into enormous pyramid-shaped head-pieces, worn by both men -and women.[77] These constitute the chief article of dress, the Yami -being less skilled in weaving than the aborigines of the main island, -although the women wear garlands of flowers and of shells. - -As the spring festival in honour of the “Sea God” comes at the time -of the vernal equinox, coinciding approximately with the Christian -Easter, the great silver helmets of the Yami can but remind one of the -Easter hats of more civilized lands. And now that the fact is generally -accepted by students of comparative religion and folk-lore that -“Easter” is a pre-Christian festival--common to many lands and races, -only, at the present time in the Western world, given an Anno Domini -interpretation, as is the case with Christmas and the other festivals -of the Church--it is perhaps justifiable to wonder whether the custom -of donning gala attire at Easter may not have a very ancient origin, as -many centuries pre-Christian as the festival itself in celebration of -the awakening of the earth to renewed life. - -With the Yami--the Botel Tobago folk--the New Year is reckoned from the -great spring festival. Most of the tribes on the main island of Formosa -count the New Year as beginning at the time of the harvest festival in -the autumn. - -Before leaving the subject of RELIGION as this is counted among the -aborigines, it may be mentioned that the seventeenth-century Dutch -writers--Father Candidius and others--speak of numerous temples--“one -to every sixteen houses”--as existing among the aborigines. They do -not mention which tribe, or tribes, had these temples, but the context -would seem to imply the Paiwan, or perhaps the Ami. While these temples -doubtless existed at the time that the Dutch Fathers wrote, they no -longer do so. The nearest approach to a temple is the house of chief -or priestess, especially among the Paiwan, where such carvings as have -been described are found. These carved tablets perhaps represent a -system of temples and temple-worship which once existed. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[64] A tribal group, or unit, usually consists of several villages near -together, under the same rulership, and having the same organization -and regulations. - -[65] See map. - -[66] Sometimes called the Story of Kaguya-Hime. - -[67] See illustration. - -[68] See illustration, p. 116. - -[69] See p. 115. - -[70] See p. 118. - -[71] See map. - -[72] The word “nation” is here used in the sense that it is commonly -used in connection with the tribal groupings of the American Indians. - -[73] See _Totemism and Exogamy_ (vol. i), by Sir James Frazer. - -[74] Even under “conditions of civilization,” however, eugenists -hold that more male infants than female are born, but fewer reach -maturity. Among primitive peoples the disproportion seems greater; -that is, except among those tribes where the women are deliberately -fattened--supposedly to enhance their beauty--as is the case with -certain of the African tribes; or except among those where polygamy -exists, which Frazer suggests may tend to increase the proportion of -females (see _Totemism and Exogamy_, vol. i.). - -[75] This attitude of reverencing the priestesses as rain-destroyers -is in curious contrast with that of certain African tribes (e.g. -the Dinkas and Shilluks, according to Dr. Seligman), with whom the -king--who is also chief priest--is called “rain-maker”; this difference -of point of view of course being due to difference of climatic -conditions. - -[76] The resemblance of certain members of the Yami tribe to the -Papuans--such as those of the Solomon Islands--has already been noted -(p. 103). - -[77] See frontispiece. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -MARRIAGE CUSTOMS - -The Point of View of the Aborigines regarding Sex--Courtship preceding -Marriage--Consultation of the Bird Omen and of Bamboo Strips as to the -Auspicious Day for the Wedding--The Wedding Ceremony--Mingling by the -Priestess of Drops of Blood taken from the Legs of Bride and Groom; -Ritual Drinking from a Skull--Honeymoon Trips and the setting-up of -House-keeping--Length of Marriage Unions. - - -Turning from the subject of religious observances to that of marriage -customs, one finds the same close association between the two in -Formosa as in other lands. Indeed, the association is more close -than in countries like England and America, or present-day Russia; -since among the aborigines of Formosa there exists no registry office -or other place where a civil marriage can be performed. In Formosa -marriage means always a religious ceremony, one demanding the presence -of the most powerful priestess of the local group. In some cases, -several priestesses take part in the ceremony. This is especially true -of certain of the groups among the Taiyal tribe, or nation. - -Among those tribes, including the Taiyal, that have come least -into touch with alien culture--Chinese, Japanese, or European--the -religious side of the marriage ceremony seems to consist largely in -purificatory rites--rites which tend to neutralize, as it were, the -difference between the sexes. Sex is, to the aborigines of Formosa--as -to many primitive peoples,--a thing of mystery, and one fraught with -danger--danger not only to the man and woman chiefly concerned, but -also to the tribal group, or whole tribe. The welfare or “ill-fare” -of the tribal unit is a consideration which seems always taken into -account, even in connection with matters which people at a different -stage of evolution would regard as being purely personal and private; -these primitive folk being in some respects practical socialists, in -spite of the fact that they are under the domination of a theocracy. - -Before going on to speak in detail of the marriage ceremony, it may be -well to say a few words in regard to the courtship which precedes it. - -To one who has never been in the Orient, it may seem a matter of course -that courtship should precede marriage. This, however, is very far -from being the case in most Oriental countries, as all know who have -been “east of Suez.” Certainly both in China and Japan, marriages are -arranged entirely by the parents of the young people, often with the -aid of a professional “go-between,” the bride and bridegroom-to-be -sometimes not even knowing each other. The idea that a young woman -should express any preference on her own part as to the choice of a -husband would be considered most indelicate. - -This, then, makes it the more surprising that a people not only -geographically so near to China and Japan, but one that is evidently so -closely akin racially to the Japanese--a fact that is now recognized -by practically all scientific Japanese ethnologists--should observe -customs of courtship which resemble those prevailing in the Western -world, rather than those characteristic of the Orient. Nor is this -true of one or two tribes only. It is true of all the tribes of the -_Chin-huan_ (“green savages”), and even also of those sections of the -Ami, Piyuma, and Paiwan tribes that live directly on the east coast, -and that have, through contact with the Chinese, become in other -respects partly Sinicized. Their own customs of courtship and marriage, -however, have remained up to this time intact. - -“When a young man’s fancy”--not lightly, but seriously, always, in the -case of the aborigine--“turns to thoughts of love,” he begins to pay -court to the maiden of his choice by going each evening about sunset to -her home. Instead, however, of calling, Occidental fashion, upon the -young lady or upon her parents, he contents himself with--not exactly -sitting upon her doorstep, since she, in the first place, has no -doorstep, and since he, in the second place, being a Malay, never sits, -as we of the West think of that attitude; but, rather, with squatting -in front of the door-way of her hut and beginning to play upon a bamboo -musical instrument which somewhat resembles a jews’-harp, and which -is played in much the same way. The sound produced is, to the Western -ear, more like a wail or lament than like a love-song. However, in -Formosa it is--as far as the aborigines are concerned--the practically -universal method of serenading one’s lady-love, and is apparently -enjoyed both by the serenading warrior and by the young lady. The lover -often keeps up the performance for hours at a time, and returns the -next evening, and for many succeeding evenings, to repeat it. All this -time he makes no attempt to pay any other form of address to the young -lady, or to ingratiate himself with her parents. Finally, after some -weeks of this nightly serenading, he leaves the bamboo jews’-harp one -evening at the lady’s door. When he returns next evening if he finds -it still lying there, he knows that his suit has been rejected; and as -in Formosa a woman’s “No” apparently _means_ “No,” the swain makes no -further attempts to renew the courtship, as far as that particular lady -is concerned. At least, this has been the case as far as my observation -has extended; and apparently to attempt to do otherwise would be one -of the things that is “not done” in the best Formosan society; the -etiquette of primitive peoples being--as is well known by those who -have been among them--curiously rigid on many points. - -On the other hand, if the swain finds that the harp which he left -has been taken into the house of the young lady, he regards it as -an indication that his suit has been successful, and that he will be -acceptable as a husband to the maiden of his choice. He thereupon -enters the hut, where he is welcomed by the young lady as her formally -betrothed, and by her parents as a future son-in-law. - -With the Tsuou tribe, it is customary for the lover to leave an -ornamental hair-pin, called _susu_, carved from deer-horn, in front of -the door of his beloved, either in place of the musical instrument or -together with it. The young braves of the Paiwan tribe leave food and -water, as well as the jews’-harp, before the young lady’s door. - -Among the Ami--or at least among certain tribal groups of this -people--the devotion of the lover takes a utilitarian turn. On the -night that he begins the musical serenade he brings with him four -bundles of fuel--wood cut into sticks of convenient length for burning -under the cooking-pots. A number of these sticks--such as would form a -good armful for a woman--are bound together into a bundle, and wrapped -about with wild vine. The four bundles the serenader deposits at his -inamorata’s door. The second night he brings another bundle, which--on -departing after the serenade--he adds to those left the night before. -The third night he brings still another; and so on, until a pile -of twenty bundles (never either more or less) stand as a monument -testifying to his affection for the lady of his choice. On the night -that the twentieth bundle is added to the pile, the jews’-harp is also -left. This is the night that decides his fate. Next day he returns to -find whether the monument is still standing, or whether the lady, by -using it as firewood, has seen fit to reward his devotion. The wood -of which these bundles are made is always from a tree of a certain -kind.[78] Two or three of these trees--young saplings--are planted, -or transplanted, with certain ceremonies, by every boy of the tribal -groups among whom this fuel-offering custom exists, when he is about -ten years old. - -In all cases, and among all the tribes, the acceptance on the part of -the lady of the offerings of the love-lorn swain means acceptance of -himself as a husband. - -“What would happen,” I asked several members--men and women--of the -Taiyal tribe, “if an engagement were broken? Would the young lady -return the presents?” - -“Break an engagement?” They all looked puzzled. “That would mean -breaking a promise that had been made, would it not? But that is not -the custom.” The voice of the priestess, who was the spokeswoman of the -group, was shocked. - -“It is a thing not unheard of in some parts of the world,” I explained. - -“I speak not of savages,”[79] the old woman disdainfully replied. - -Almost immediately after the acceptance of the suitor a priestess is -consulted, and she, in turn, consults the bird-omen--for in Formosa -to-day it is considered quite as true as it was in Greece, in the days -of Hesiod, that-- - - “Lucky and bless’d is he who, knowing all these things, - Toils in the fields, blameless before the Immortals, - Knowing in birds and not over-stepping tabus.”[80] - -Whether or not in Hesiodic Greece birds were supposed to be mouthpieces -of ancestors, I do not know; but certainly this is the case in -present-day Formosa. The ancestors of bride and groom are supposed to -indicate through the cries of birds of a certain species--the same -species that is consulted on head-hunting expeditions--the auspicious -day for the wedding. - -Sometimes, in order to “make assurance doubly sure,” or to decide a -moot point in regard to the exact day, should there be any difference -of opinion among the priestesses as to the interpretation of the -bird-omen, strips of bamboo, some uncoloured, some blackened with soot, -are thrown by the priestesses into the air. Upon the way in which these -fall--the relative numbers of blacks and whites, and also, apparently, -upon the pattern that is supposed to be formed by these strips as they -fall to the ground--the final decision as to the day is made. - -At the wedding ceremony, bride and groom in their best regalia--this -on the groom’s part including the successful warrior’s cap and long -knife--squat in the centre of a circle formed by relatives and friends. -Among most of the tribes the bride and groom are back to back. A -priestess, or more frequently several priestesses, dance, swaying and -chanting, about the young couple, cutting the air with their knives, to -drive away evil spirits, which would otherwise attack a newly married -couple. Before the knife-dance ends the chief priestess usually makes -a slight cut in one of the legs of both bride and bridegroom, presses -out a few drops of blood from each and mingles this blood on her -knife. This also seems to be done with the idea of neutralizing evil -influences that would otherwise attend the consummation of a marriage. - -Feasting and drinking follow the ceremony proper--or at least that part -of the ceremony just described. The concluding portion of the ceremony -consists in the drinking by bride and groom together from a skull. -This skull is preferably one which has been taken from an enemy by the -bridegroom himself, and among the Taiyal this is usually the case even -to-day. The Bunun and Paiwan often content themselves with drinking -from skulls taken by the father, or grandfather, of the groom; while -the other tribes, especially the Ami and Piyuma, have so far departed -from the ways of their fathers that a monkey’s skull, or occasionally a -deer’s skull, is now often substituted--for which effeminacy they are -held in great contempt by the Taiyal. - -The newly married couple, among most of the aboriginal tribes of -Formosa, do not live with the parents of either bride or groom, their -custom in this respect also being more in accord with that of the -Occident than with that of most parts of the Orient. - -After marriage they “set up housekeeping” for themselves, in a bamboo -or stone hut, according to the tribe.[81] As a matter of fact, among -the Taiyal, the newly married couple seem often to retire into the -forest or jungle for several days after the marriage ceremony,[82] and -only upon their return from this sylvan honeymoon does the bridegroom -build the hut, while the bride has her face tattooed by the priestesses -with the insignia of matronhood--a design which extends from lip to -ear, and which will be described at greater length under the head of -TATTOOING. The Taiyal women, alone, have their faces tattooed at -puberty and at marriage. Among the other tribes the state of matronhood -seems to be designated by the wearing of a turban, or head-cloth. - -The Piyuma tribe presents the only exception to the rule that after -marriage young people are expected to set up house-keeping on their own -account. In this tribe, which is matrilocal, as well as matripotestal, -the bridegroom transfers himself and all his belongings to the home of -the bride, and is thenceforth known as a member of her family.[83] - -Among none of the tribes did I find evidence of exogamy--in the usually -accepted sense of that word. The regulations restricting the marriage -of near relatives are, however, rigid. Marriage of first cousins is -forbidden; or rather it is “frowned upon,” as regards the marriage -of cousins on either side of the family. But among the Ami, Piyuma, -Tsarisen, and Paiwan tribes marriage with the first cousin on the -mother’s side is absolutely forbidden. Among the other tribes it is -marriage with the first cousin on the father’s side that is strictly -tabu. Nor does it ever seem to occur to the young people even to -attempt to defy these tribal tabus. - -Regarding the permanency of marriage-unions. Among the “Savages of the -North”--the Taiyal and Saisett--the separation of husband and wife -is almost unknown, with the exception of those few unions, already -referred to, where the woman is apparently of mixed pigmy blood. With -the tribes of the South, however, separation is more frequent, based -apparently--in many cases certainly--on “mutual incompatibility.” In -such cases the separation is usually a peaceful one, both husband and -wife frequently remarrying. It is among the Ami that the frequency of -separation and remarriage reaches its height, marriages in this tribe -often not lasting more than two years; that is, among young people. A -marriage that occurs between people of thirty-five years or over (in -which case, naturally, according to the custom of this tribe, both have -been married before) is usually a lasting one. - -The children of temporary unions, such as have been described, go -sometimes with one parent, sometimes with the other. The arrangement -seems always an amicable one, the grandparents of the children often -deciding the matter. Priestesses are also usually consulted on this -point, as on others that affect either individual or tribal welfare. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[78] _Melia japonica._ - -[79] Or “the low-born,” her words might also be translated. - -[80] Hesiod, _Works and Days_, verse 825 (as translated by Miss E. J. -Harrison). - -[81] The different methods of house-building will be dealt with under -ARTS AND CRAFTS. - -[82] Among a few groups living in the eastern section of the territory -inhabited by the Taiyal, there is a special “bride-house,” i.e. a hut -erected on piles, some twenty feet above ground. In this “bride-house” -every newly married couple of the tribal group must spend the first -five days and nights after marriage. The house is exorcised by the -priestesses before the entrance of the bridal pair. - -[83] The newly married couple among the Paiwan--the tribe adjoining -the Piyuma--live for a short time only with the parents of the bride, -before building a home of their own. According to tradition, this tribe -was once altogether matrilocal, as the Piyuma still are. Among certain -groups of the Ami also, the newly married couple live for a time with -the parents of the bride. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -CUSTOMS CONNECTED WITH ILLNESS AND DEATH - -Belief that Illness is due to Evil _Ottofu_--Ministrations of the -Priestess--A Seventeenth-century Dutch Record of the Treatment of -the Dying by the Formosan Aborigines--The “Dead Houses” of the -Taiyal--Burial of the Dead by the Ami, Bunun, and Paiwan Tribes beneath -the Hearth-stone of the Home--“Green” and “Dry” Funerals. - - -As on occasions of rejoicing--marriage, harvest-festivals, -celebration of successful war or hunting expeditions--so in times of -sorrow--illness or death--are the ministrations of the priestesses -in demand. Illness--except that which is the direct result of -wounds received in foray or battle--is regarded as being due to the -machinations of the malevolently inclined, living or dead. That is, it -may be a living enemy whose evil and powerful _Ottofu_ causes pain and -illness; or it may be the _Ottofu_ of the ghost of some dead enemy. -Serious illness is more usually attributed to the latter, since the -_Ottofu_ of a ghost is considered to have more power than that of any -living person. - -Naturally the element of terror enters into such a conception; also -that of helplessness, since against an enemy already dead there can -be no reprisal. The advantage is all on the side of the dead man--an -auto-suggestion which tends, of course, to aggravate the illness of the -living. - -In any case of illness a priestess is summoned. The usual mode of -procedure on the part of this lady is first to wave a banana-leaf -over the patient, chanting as she does so. This is evidently to -brush away--or frighten away--any evilly inclined _Ottofu_ that may -be hovering about. Then, squatting by the side of the sufferer, she -begins to suck at that spot on his--or her--body where the patient -complains of greatest pain, and to breathe upon it; now and then she -stops sucking, and rocks herself to and fro, as she balances on her -heels, chanting in time to the rocking motion. If it be suspected -that the _Ottofu_ of a living enemy has caused the illness, the -priestess will throw into the air her strips of black and white (i.e. -natural-coloured) bamboo, and upon the pattern formed by these, as they -fall, will depend her decision as to who is responsible for the illness -of the patient. The guilty person will thereupon be hunted down by -relatives of the ill man or woman,[84] and a blood-feud will result, -for illness or suffering caused by the living can be cured only by the -death of the one responsible. - -Should the priestess decide, however, that it is the _Ottofu_ of a -ghost which has caused the trouble, then only “prayer and fasting” can -avail--or can be tried, the prayer taking the form of chanting, which -often becomes wild and hysterical, the priestess sometimes rising -to her feet and dancing as she chants. Apparently the point of the -chanting is to invoke the ghosts of the ill man’s ancestors, and to -beseech these to overcome the ghost of his enemy. If, by chance, the -patient survives the sucking and chanting, and recovers, his recovery -is of course attributed to the intercession of the priestess. - -Among many of the sub-tribes--or tribal groups--of the Taiyal, -especially those living in the eastern part of the Taiyal territory, -the officiating priestess, in cases of serious illness, attempts to -learn the decision of the ghost-ancestors, as to whether they will -restore the patient to health, or whether they consider it time for -him to join themselves. This she does by grasping tightly between her -knees a bamboo tube which projects in front; on this tube she balances -a stone with a hole pierced through it--an object which is considered -sacred. Above this sacred object she waves her hands. If the stone -remains balanced on the bamboo, it is thought the patient will recover. -If it drops to the ground, it is believed that the ancestors have -determined to call the ill man to themselves. - -In any case, if death is seen to be inevitable, relatives and friends -of the dying man gather about his bedside and “wail his spirit across -the bridge.”[85] - -The Dutch writers of the seventeenth century state that among certain -of the aborigines of Formosa (which tribe is not specified) it was -the custom to take the very ill man out of his hut, bind a rope of -vegetable fibre or twisted vines about his body, and by means of this -rope suspend him to the bent-down spring-branch of a tree, then release -the branch, which release would have the effect of throwing the dying -man violently to the ground, thus “breaking his neck and all his -limbs.” The aborigines told the Dutch that they did this in order to -shorten the suffering of the dying. But the Dutch missionary Fathers, -who claimed to have witnessed this peculiar act of barbarity, seemed -to think the real motive which actuated those responsible was to save -themselves the trouble of tending the ill and dying. - -To whatever extent this custom may have prevailed in the days of the -Dutch occupation of the island, it is, I think, no longer observed, -either among the Taiyal nation of the North or among any of the various -tribes of the South. Whether or not the giving up of this practice -among those tribes where it formerly existed was due to the influence -of the Dutch missionaries, I do not know. If so, it seems never to have -been resumed. Among the tribes of both the North and the South, at the -present time, the ill and dying are tended by priestesses and wailed -over by members of the family--and, if a person of prominence, by other -members of the village or community as well--until the breath has left -the body. - -After death there is a difference among the tribes as to the -disposition of the body. With the Taiyal--also the Saisett, the smaller -tribe of the North which seems to have borrowed Taiyal customs--the -dead man or woman is simply left in the house which was his, or her, -abode during life. In the case of a man, the weapons which he used -during life, also pipe and tobacco, are left with the body; in the case -of a woman, agricultural implements--hoe or digging-stick--and tobacco -are left. The loom which she used, for some reason, is not left. This -distinction--between agricultural implements and loom--apparently is -made because the former is regarded as belonging exclusively to the -individual woman, while the latter is used communally by a number of -women of the village. At least such is the explanation given; but one -cannot help wondering to what extent considerations of a practical -nature enter into the distinction made, since a digging-stick or hoe, -such as is used by Taiyal women, can be made in much less than a day, -while it requires many days of labour to make a loom. - -With the bodies of both men and women a little food and wine are -left--a share in the funeral feast, which is partaken of by every -adult member of the village, including the nearest relations of the -deceased, whose appetites do not seem to be affected by their loss. - -In all the “dead-houses” that I have seen the roof has been broken -in. This I am told is done by the funeral party at the time that they -abandon the house; but whether by thus covering the corpse with the -broken-in roof--bamboo and grass--the intention is to save the body -from desecration by dogs or other animals, or whether it is to prevent -the spirit of the dead man from quitting the house in which his body -has been left, is an open question. Certainly the living seem to stand -much in dread of the _Ottofu_ of the recently deceased. This was -impressed upon me more than once when I attempted to go near one or -another of these abandoned houses of the dead. I was gently drawn back -and made to understand that I was running very grave danger. - -As the Taiyal houses are built only of bamboo and of a sort of coarse -grass which grows in the mountains, the erection of a new house for the -family of the deceased is not a serious undertaking; more especially -as all the men of the village assist at the building of the new house, -which is always erected at a respectful distance from the one that has -been given over to the dead. The new house is often erected in a single -day. - -It may be that the difference in the style of houses--consequently in -the amount of time and labour involved in their construction--accounts -for the difference in burial customs between the Taiyal, on the one -hand, and certain of the southern tribes, notably the Paiwan and a -portion of the Ami and Bunun, on the other. Those of the Ami who live -immediately on the coast, in the vicinity of Chinese villages, have -adopted the Chinese custom of inhumation of the dead outside the house; -but those who live inland from the coast follow what was evidently -their original custom, as it is still that of the Paiwan and the -eastern Bunun; namely, the burial of the dead, in a crouching position, -underneath the hearth-stone of the family home. Gruesome as the custom -may seem to Western minds--and unhygienic--it is accepted as a matter -of course by the tribes among whom it exists, and the idea of its -exciting horror in the mind of anyone else seems to them incredible and -absurd. The houses of the people who practise this peculiar form of -inhumation are substantially built of slate (the mode of construction -to be described in greater detail under a subsequent heading); one or -more slabs of slate being used as a hearth, on which a fire is kept -always burning--or, during the dry season, smouldering. - -When the death occurs of any member of the family, the body is bound -with strands of coarse grass in a stooping, or crouching, posture. Then -after the usual funeral ceremonies, both of wailing and of feasting, -are concluded, the ashes are scraped from the hearth--care being -taken, however, that the coals are kept “alive,” for should these be -extinguished, or grow cold, it would be considered an omen of evil, and -would also “displease the _Ottofu_” of the dead--and the hearth-stones -are removed. A deep hole is dug in the place from which the stones have -been moved. This is usually lined with grass before the body is lowered -into it. The personal belongings of the deceased are also placed in the -grave, which is then filled in, the hearth-stone replaced, and the fire -rekindled. Then the life of the surviving members of the household goes -on as before. - -After several members of the household have died, naturally the -space occupied by the graves extends beyond that covered by the -hearth-stones, but always the graves are grouped as closely as possible -beneath the hearth. Whether originally this was done that the heat of -the fire might the more quickly decompose the bodies I do not know. -At the present time the only reason given for this custom is the -stereotyped one, “Thus have our fathers always done”--an answer which -makes one wonder, in connection with many customs, at what point in -evolution man ceased to be satisfied with this reason for doing, or -leaving undone, the things which make up the routine of his life. - -The funeral customs of the western Bunun--or of certain communities -among them--are reminiscent of the customs, described by the Dutch -Fathers, as having been in vogue among the aborigines in their day. -Among these people--the western Bunun--the dead receive both a “green” -and a “dry” funeral. After death the body is slowly dried for nine -days before a fire in the house in which the deceased died, funeral -festivities being continued by the living during this time. This -process is said partially to mummify, or desiccate, the body (I have -not myself been present at such a funeral). At the end of the ninth -day, the body is wrapped in cloths and placed on a platform in the -open, similar to that on which the dead of the American Indians of the -western plains are placed. This platform is also draped about with -native cloth. At the end of three years, the bones are removed from the -platform and buried beneath the house which the man had occupied during -his lifetime. This second, or “dry,” funeral is, like the first, or -“green” one, made an occasion for drinking and feasting--an essential -part of every ceremony, whether of rejoicing or of sorrow. After the -“dry” funeral, the widow, or widower, of the deceased is considered -free to contract another alliance, should he, or she, feel so inclined. -To remarry before the “dry” funeral, three years after the death of -the deceased, would be contrary to tribal custom; therefore one of the -things that is never done. - -Among none of the tribes of the Formosans did I see any evidence of the -wearing of the bones of the deceased as an indication of mourning--as -is the case in certain parts of Indonesia. Nor is there anything -approaching “suttee,” or the sacrifice, in any form, of the widow at -the death of her husband. This, however, would scarcely be expected in -a country where women “hold the upper hand,” as is apparently the case -in Formosa. - -[Illustration: AUTHOR WITH TWO TAIYAL GIRLS IN FRONT OF TAIYAL HOUSE.] - -[Illustration: TAIYAL WARRIOR IN CEREMONIAL BLANKET.] - -FOOTNOTES: - -[84] I have never heard that a woman was supposed to be responsible for -illness. Just what would happen in such a case--if a living woman were -suspected--I do not know. - -[85] The bridge referred to on p. 147. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -ARTS AND CRAFTS - -Various Types of Dwelling-houses Peculiar to the Different -Tribes--Ingenious Suspension-bridges and Communal Granaries -Common to all the Tribes--Weapons and the Methods of their -Ornamentation--Weaving and Basket-making--Peculiar Indonesian Form of -Loom--Pottery-making--Agricultural Implements and Fish-traps--Musical -Instruments: Nose-flute; Musical Bow; Bamboo Jews’-harp--Personal -Adornment. - - -To deal adequately with this subject would require a volume in itself. -In this book I shall speak only of those forms of arts and crafts which -are either peculiar to the Formosans or which seem to show their racial -affinity to other peoples. - -First, as regards their dwelling-houses. The mode of construction of -these varies among the different tribes, and has already been referred -to in the preceding chapter, in connection with funeral rites. The -houses of the Taiyal--simple bamboo and grass shelters, having only a -doorway, but no windows[86]--call for little in the way of detailed -description. These huts are mere sleeping-places, the beds being -bamboo benches, built against the sides of the wall, at about two feet -elevation from the ground. Only in rainy weather is either cooking or -weaving done inside the house. The interior of the hut is in almost -total darkness, the doorway being both narrow and low; so low that even -a woman has to stoop in order to enter it. The smaller tribes whose -territory adjoins that of the Taiyal also build huts after the fashion -of their more powerful neighbours. - -The Ami folk, certainly those living on, or near, the coast, substitute -roughly hewn planks or small saplings for bamboo. This may, perhaps, be -due to Chinese influence. - -The houses of the Bunun and Paiwan are much more substantial, and are -constructed on an altogether different principle, these houses being -of the “pit-dwelling” type. With these tribes it is to _dig_ a house, -rather than to _build_ one, since a larger portion of the structure -is below ground than above it. A space about ten feet by twelve is -cleared of trees and jungle growth, and a pit is dug. This pit is -usually between four and five feet deep. The sides of the pit are lined -with slabs of slate, quarried by the tribesmen. These slate walls are -carried up about three feet above the surface of the earth, thus giving -a wall-height to the house of about seven feet. For the roof bamboo -poles are first laid across from wall to wall, then on top of these are -placed other slabs of slate, giving the house a substantial, but rather -cave-like, appearance.[87] The effect upon a stranger entering a Paiwan -village is to make him wonder, first whether he has been transported -into a land of gnomes, and secondly--and more seriously--whether or not -the gnome-tradition may have arisen from a subterranean-dwelling people -similar to the present-day Paiwan. - -In all probability the slate pit-dwellings were originally constructed -as places of refuge from the warlike, predatory tribes of the North; -and judging from the number of enemy skulls in Paiwan villages, -these slate refuges were effective. Curiously enough, however, -the “bachelor-houses,” in which the young unmarried men live, are -built of wood, on high piles, or stakes. The mode of entry to these -bachelor-houses has already been described.[88] The young men are -supposed to have at least one of their number constantly on guard, in -order to detect the possible approach of an enemy. In such an event a -warning is given, when the women and children retreat within the slate -houses. The married men also repair to their houses, but only long -enough to collect their arms; when, having done so, they sally forth to -join the bachelors in an attack upon the enemy. Only, as a last resort, -when hard pressed by the enemy, do the men--in such an emergency, -bachelors as well as married men--retreat within the slate huts and, -firing through doors and windows, attempt to keep the enemy at bay. -Among the Paiwan the house of a chief has usually three windows, and -the house of a commoner always one, sometimes two; consequently this -mode of “aggressive defence” is often successful. - -Among the peace-loving Yami--the inhabitants of the tiny island of -Botel Tobago--slate houses are not found. Family houses, as well as the -“long-houses” of the bachelors, are of the “pile-dwelling” variety. - -[Illustration: PAIWAN VILLAGE OF SLATE. - -_The houses are of the pit-dwelling variety; a larger portion of each -house is below ground._] - -However the dwelling-houses of the different tribes may vary, the -millet granaries of all the tribes seem built after an identical -pattern. There is in each village of every tribe a communal granary--a -hut, built sometimes of wood, sometimes of bamboo, but always supported -on pillars, some five or six feet above the ground. Near the top -of each of the four pillars is a round piece of wood (among the -Paiwan slate is sometimes substituted for wood) supposed to prevent -rats and mice “and such small deer” from entering the granary.[89] -This _rokko_, as the Taiyal call the “rat-preventer” (to translate -literally), is found in the granaries and store-houses of many of -the Oceanic peoples--both in the Lu-chu Islands and in certain parts -of Melanesia; a coincidence which is not surprising. It is, however, -rather surprising to find the same device used among the Ainu of -Hokkaido and Saghalien. This fact tends rather to upset one’s theory -that the culture of the Formosan aborigines is of purely Indonesian -origin--unless perhaps one accepts the hypothesis that in this instance -the Ainu have borrowed a custom from their southern neighbours; or -again, unless it be a case of “independent origin,” a discussion of the -pros and cons regarding which theory cannot be attempted here. - -Far more remarkable than the dwelling-houses or granaries of the -Formosan aborigines are the long suspension-bridges, which with -marvellous skill they construct of bamboo, held together only with -deer-hide thongs, or occasionally with tendrils of a curiously tough -vine growing in the mountains, and throw across the deep chasms and -ravines which abound in the interior of the island, especially in the -mountainous section inhabited by the Taiyal, Bunun, and Paiwan tribes. -These bridges are now imitated by the Japanese, as regards shape and -construction. Only the material is different, galvanized iron and wire -being substituted for bamboo and thongs. Ingenious bamboo fences are -also constructed by the Taiyal, surrounding their village communities. - -The weapons of the men, bow and arrows and knives, have been referred -to before. Both knives and arrow-heads were formerly made of flint, -but for many years iron has been used[90]; this being obtained by -barter, until recently from the Chinese and now usually from the -Japanese. The few old stone knives still remaining among them are -regarded as sacred, and are used by the priestesses in warding off -evil _Ottofu_ at marriage ceremonies and on occasions of illness--as -has been described in preceding chapters. The knives are not of the -wavy “kris” variety used by some of the Malay peoples, but have one -curve, the cutting edge being on the convex side of this curve. The -scabbard of this knife consists of a single piece of wood hollowed -out to fit the blade. Across the hollowed-out portion are fastened -twisted thongs of deer-skin or strips of bamboo, or--when these can -be obtained--strips of tin, which hold the knife in place when it is -sheathed. Old tomato-cans and milk-tins are now eagerly sought for -this purpose, and much in the way of game and millet will be offered -for them. The scabbard of a chieftain or of an honoured and successful -warrior is decorated with coloured pebbles set into the wood; or, in -the case of the Ami, who live near the sea-shore, with bits of shell or -of mother-of-pearl. The handle of the knife is bound around with wire, -when this can be obtained. Wire is considered highly ornamental, and is -greatly prized, and eagerly bargained for. It is used for ornamenting -pipes as well as knives, and is also bound about the arms, and worn as -bracelets by both women and men; besides being worn as ear-rings by the -men--twisted into huge rings, and thrust through holes in the lobes of -the ears. - -The intimately personal tool of each woman is her millet-hoe, which -has already been described.[91] But the pride of the woman of each -household is the loom belonging to that household. The construction -of this loom can be better understood by looking at the accompanying -illustration of a Taiyal woman at her loom than by detailed -description. Broadly speaking, the loom is of the Indonesian type, but -the trough-like arrangement--the hollowed-out log, around which the -warp is wrapped--seems to have been evolved in Formosa alone; I do -not know of its occurring elsewhere in Indonesia, or in Melanesia or -Polynesia. - -The textile that is woven on this loom is made from a sort of native -hemp, which grows in the mountains. The only colouring matter -obtainable for dyeing the hemp is the juice of a tuber also indigenous -to the mountains. This tuber somewhat resembles a very large and rather -corrugated potato. The dye obtained from this tuber is of chocolate -colour. It is the custom to weave the textile in stripes, uncoloured -and dyed strands alternating. The effect is not displeasing, and the -material is very strong, lasting for years, and withstanding almost -any strain.[92] None of the tribes, however, are satisfied with the -subdued shade which their native dye gives; and most of them have for -years obtained, through barter, cheap Chinese blankets of brilliant -crimson, which they carefully ravel, and with the yarn thus obtained -they add fanciful designs in the weaving of their cloth. Much ingenuity -is displayed in these designs, which often express a sense of the -genuinely artistic, as well as the merely fantastic.[93] - -Besides the cloth that is woven on looms, the women also make net-bags, -by means of a bamboo shuttle and mesh-gauge, not unlike those used -by American Indian women of the western plains--only the shuttle and -mesh-gauge of the latter are made of wood instead of bamboo. These bags -are of two sizes, the larger for carrying millet and other provisions, -the smaller just large enough to hold a human head. It is often upon -bags of this latter kind that the greatest amount of time and of -ingenuity is expended. Every warrior has one of these bags. Next to his -knife, it is his most treasured possession, one which he always takes -with him when going upon a head-hunting expedition. If successful, the -head of his enemy is brought back in it. - -[Illustration: AUTHOR IN THE DRESS OF A WOMAN OF THE TAIYAL TRIBE.] - -A woman who is not a good weaver or maker of bags is held in contempt -by the other women, as well as by the men; and as previously -stated--in the chapter dealing with RELIGION--it is believed that -such a woman after death will not be able to cross the bridge which -leads to the land of happiness--that occupied by her more skilful -sisters and by successful head-hunters. This feeling seems especially -strong among the Taiyal people. - -In basketry and in the making of caps--a cap in Formosa being only a -sort of inverted basket with a visor--the women are as skilful as in -the weaving of cloth. This applies to all the tribes. Among the Paiwan, -the cap of the successful warrior--and now sometimes of the successful -huntsman--is decorated in front, just above the visor, with a sort of -rosette of wild boar’s tusks. This is a symbol of honour as significant -among the Paiwan as is the tattoo-mark on the chin of the successful -warrior among the Taiyal. - -While both in the weaving of cloth and of baskets--including -basket-caps--the various tribes stand much on a level, there is great -difference in skill as regards the making of pottery. In this art the -Ami stand pre-eminent among the tribes on the main island.[94] Their -pots, however, are crude as compared with those of some of the peoples -of the South Pacific. The Ami do not use the coiling process in the -making of pottery, nor do they use a potter’s wheel. Their pots are -first fashioned roughly by hand; then, while the clay is still soft, a -round stone, held in the left hand, is inserted into the interior of -the pot. Around this the pot is twirled with the right hand; rather, -with a small paddle-like stick held in the right hand. This may perhaps -be called an approximation to the potter’s wheel. At any rate, the -finishing touches are given with the paddle-shaped stick, which is used -for smoothing and making symmetrical the exterior and interior of the -vessel. The pot is then dried in the sun, and afterwards baked in a -fire usually made of straw, i.e. dried mountain grass of a particular -kind. - -The Yami of Botel Tobago are skilful pottery-makers, their pots -recalling in appearance those of the Papuans; but the other tribes -are crude and clumsy in their attempts at the making of pots. These -are roughly fashioned by hand, and, as they constantly break, are -apparently not sufficiently baked before being used. Consequently for -carrying water most of the tribes now use tubes of the great bamboo -that grows in Formosa. For cooking they use baskets coated inside and -out with clay, as a substitute for pots. - -There is reason to believe that the skilful making of pottery was once -an art more widely spread among the different tribes than is the case -at present. Among many of the tribes there is a tradition that their -ancestors were mighty in the making of “vessels moulded from earth.” -The Tsarisen not only have this tradition, in common with the other -tribes, but also they have kept among them for many generations--just -how long there is no means of ascertaining--a few pots more skilfully -made than this tribe is capable of making at the present time. These, -they assert, were made by their ancestors, who, in turn, were taught by -the _Ottofu_ of their own ancestors. These pots are regarded as being -most sacred, and are kept in front of the house of the chief of the -principal tribal unit. So sacred are these particular pots that only -the chief, or members of his immediate family, and the chief priestess -of that tribal unit, are allowed to touch them. It is _parisha_ (tabu) -for anyone else to touch or even to come within a “body’s length” of -the sacred vessels. In Formosa--except among the Ami and the Yami -tribes--as in Polynesia, skilful pottery-making seems to be an art that -is rapidly dying out. - -Implements connected with the harvesting and preparation of millet--a -short curved knife for cutting, formerly made of flint, now usually -of iron, a winnowing-fan of basket-work, and mortar and pestle of -wood--are not dissimilar to those used by other Malay peoples; nor are -they unlike those used by the Chinese and Japanese in the harvesting -and winnowing of rice. The aborigines, however, except those who have -come directly under Chinese and Japanese dominance, look with contempt -upon rice-eaters as being unclean--much as the latter regard eaters -of beef and potatoes. All tribes among the aborigines seem to regard -millet as a sacred food, the use of which was revealed to their -ancestors by “further away God-ancestors.” - -The agricultural implements of the east coast Ami show greater skill of -manufacture than those of the other tribes, this perhaps being due to -contact with the Chinese. - -The Ami living on, or near, the coast also make--and successfully -use--an ingenious fish-trap of bamboo having on the interior sharp -spikes or thorns, pointing inward. These act as barbs, and prevent the -fish which have entered the basket-like trap from leaving it. - -[Illustration: A TAIYAL WOMAN AT HER LOOM. - -(_See page 179._)] - -[Illustration: WOMAN OF AMI TRIBE MAKING POTTERY.] - -Mention has already been made of the bamboo jews’-harp, an instrument -which seems common to all the tribes. Besides this, the Taiyal and -Tsuou tribes have two other musical instruments, the nose-flute and the -musical bow. It is possible that these may be used by other tribes, -but I think not commonly so; certainly I have not found them elsewhere -than among the Taiyal and Tsuou. And with these tribes the nose-flute -is used only by the men; it seems semi-sacred in character, as it is -played only on festive occasions, usually when celebrating a victory -over another tribe or tribal unit. Not even a priestess will play -upon a nose-flute; to do so would be “bad form.” Playing upon this -instrument is the exclusive prerogative of the sterner sex--as much so -as is the decapitation of enemies, with the celebration of which it -seems closely connected. - -The musical bow also is usually played by men, although priestesses -occasionally use it as an accompaniment to their chanting during -ceremonials connected with harvest festivals, and on similar occasions. - -In the way of personal adornment, women of all the tribes wear, in -addition to the wire bracelets which have previously been referred to, -necklaces made of small rectangular bits of bone, carefully polished -and strung together on sinews. These bits of bone are usually cut from -the femur of the tiny Formosan deer, with which the mountains abound. -The Yami women also wear necklaces made of seeds, and sometimes of -shells.[95] - -The most conspicuous adornments of the women, however, are the tubes of -bamboo inserted through holes cut in the lobes of the ears; brightly -coloured yarn--when this can be obtained; when not, dried grass--being -thrust into the bamboo, forming a sort of rosette at each end of the -ear-tube. This is considered highly ornamental by the tribes-people; -the larger the bamboo that the lobe of the ears will support without -being torn through, the more is its owner admired. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[86] See illustration. - -[87] See illustration. - -[88] See p. 124. - -[89] Rats and mice are a greater curse on Botel Tobago than on the main -island of Formosa, as on the former there are not--or certainly were -not, up to a very short time ago--either dogs or cats. An opportunity -for a twentieth-century Dick Whittington suggests itself, although the -reward of the modern Dick Whittington would probably consist of flowers -and sweet potatoes--possibly of boiled millet, wrapped in banana-leaves. - -[90] See Part I, p. 41. - -[91] See p. 125. - -[92] See illustration of author in the dress of a woman of the Taiyal -tribe. - -[93] Cloth thus ornamented with crimson yarn is reserved for the making -of coats and blankets for successful warriors and hunters. - -[94] See illustration of Ami woman making pottery. - -[95] See illustration. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -TATTOOING AND OTHER FORMS OF MUTILATION - -Cutting away of the Lobes of the Ears and knocking out of the -Teeth--Significance of the Different Designs of Tattoo-Marking among -the Taiyal--Tattooing among the Paiwan. - - -One form of mutilation--that of perforating the lobes of the ears--was -referred to in the last chapter. “Perforating,” however, inadequately -describes the cutting away of the major portion of the ear-lobe, -leaving only a thin circle of flesh through which is thrust the bamboo -ear-plug. As previously described, the bamboo tube is, in the case -of women, decorated by having strands of yarn, or of dried grass, -threaded through it; this being twisted to form a rosette at either -end of the bamboo. Men also wear the bamboo ear-plug, but I have never -seen the ear-plug of a man decorated with rosettes.[96] Masculine -vanity, as regards the ear, seems to take a different form--that of -having rings of wire twisted through the hole in the lobe, between -the bamboo ear-plug and the rim of flesh beneath it, so that these -“ear-rings” hang from the ear, sometimes jingling as the wearer walks, -if he be fortunate enough to secure enough wire to make several rings -for each ear. This added weight of the rings of wire depending from -the lobe of the ear, which has already been cut to a thin strip--to -allow the passage through it of the bamboo plug--sometimes causes the -flesh to tear through. The man to whom such an accident happens meets -with little sympathy; he is regarded as a weakling, and treated with -consequent scorn. - -The most painful form of mutilation, however, common among all the -tribes except the Ami, is the knocking out of the two upper lateral -incisor teeth. This constitutes a sort of puberty ceremony, being -performed upon both boys and girls when they reach the age of thirteen -or fourteen. Among the Taiyal, the teeth--instead of being knocked out -with wooden blocks, as is common among the other tribes--are often -extracted with twisted China grass, or with a strand from a loom of -one of the women of the tribe. This ceremony is usually performed -by a priestess, though among some of the tribal units the honour -of performing the dental ceremony is conferred upon a valiant and -successful warrior. The reason given for extracting the teeth of youths -and maidens is that, as these are now no longer children, they must -cease to resemble monkeys and dogs, which have not the wisdom to remove -their teeth. As, however, the same custom exists among practically -all primitive peoples, the explanation given is a dubious one, and is -obviously “thought up” for the sake of satisfying the curiosity of the -white man, or woman, who is foolish enough to want to know the “reason -why” of customs that all sensible and well-brought-up people follow as -a matter of course. - -Tattooing is a form of mutilation that is followed by the two large -tribes of Taiyal and Paiwan; the small tribe of Saisett imitating the -system in vogue among the Taiyal; the Tsarisen and Piyuma imitating -that of the Paiwan. The Taiyal system is the most distinctive, and -seems to have the greatest significance as indicating the status of the -individual in the tribe. The tattooing of the Taiyal is on the face. -When a child--whether boy or girl--reaches the age of about five, it -has tattooed on its forehead a series of horizontal lines, each line -being about half an inch in length. These lines are repeated, one above -another, from a point between the eyebrows to one just below the roots -of the hair; the design when finished giving the impression of a finely -striped rectangle about half an inch in width and two and a half inches -in height. Usually several children are tattooed at the same time, and -the occasion is made one of feasting and dancing. The children are by -this ceremony formally accepted as members of the tribe, entitled to -its rights and privileges, and also expected to bear some share of its -duties and responsibilities. It is usually at this time that a boy -is made to lay his hand upon the head of an enemy decapitated by his -father--a custom to which reference has previously been made. - -A Japanese lecturer in a paper read before the China Society in London -in 1916--and afterwards published--said, in speaking of the Taiyal: -“When a boy attains the age of five or six he tattoos on his forehead a -series of three blocks of horizontal lines,” etc. “A girl also tattoos -her forehead at the same age.” - -It was probably the English of the lecturer in question that was at -fault, not his knowledge of the subject. As a matter of fact, no -child tattoos itself. It is always an adult--usually a priestess--who -tattoos the child. The latter reclines upon the ground; the tattooer -stands behind the child and strikes its forehead with a tattooing -implement. This is a piece of bamboo--occasionally wood--with a number -of thorns (from six to ten) fastened at one end, somewhat resembling -a miniature toothbrush.[97] Often a block of wood is held in the -tattooer’s other hand, and with this the tattooing implement is struck -after it has been laid upon the forehead; this ensures a stronger -blow, and one more accurately placed. It seems necessary that blood -be drawn; this is wiped away, and into each puncture a sort of native -lamp-black--obtained by burning oily nuts--is rubbed; the effect is to -produce lines in the design described above. - -The same method is employed by the priestess in tattooing the bride--a -custom to which reference was made in the chapter dealing with MARRIAGE -CUSTOMS. In this case, however, the tattooing is done upon the cheeks, -and in a design quite different from that which is made upon the -forehead of the child. The design that indicates matronhood is one that -practically covers both cheeks, extending from the mouth (the upper -line a little above it; the lower one a little below it, to be exact) -to the ear on each side. The design tattooed upon the bride is not -rectilinear, as was that tattooed upon her forehead in childhood, but -consists of upward-curving lines, between every three or four of which -is a row of marks resembling chevrons. That is, this is the design most -usually seen. In some cases, however--and this is seen more frequently -in the case of women prominent in the tribal unit, therefore is perhaps -an insignia of rank or of honour--the design begins with three parallel -curving lines, a little space, then another line; immediately below -which are two rows of chevrons. The lower row of chevrons rests, as it -were, upon another line; again a little space, then four more parallel -lines, the whole design, when completed, being one of great elaboration. - -As the bride is tattooed after the fashion described, so must the -bridegroom also be tattooed. But in his case the tattooing must be -done before marriage; this in order to show that he is a successful -warrior, and therefore entitled to enter upon the married state. This -insignia of honour and of dignity befitting a Benedict consists of -tattoo-marks on the chin--a series of straight lines, a little longer -than those pricked into the forehead in childhood. By these presents -know all men that the chin-tattooed young brave has at least one head -to his credit--though in these degenerate days it may be only a head -decapitated by his father on which his young hands have been placed. -In such a case, however, it is with humiliation and with apologetic -explanations that confession is made of the fact that the valour was by -proxy. - -Among the Paiwan the successful warriors are tattooed on the shoulders, -the chest, or the arms; sometimes on all these parts of the body; but -less significance seems attached by them to tattoo-marking than is the -case among the Taiyal. Social custom seems to allow the Paiwan greater -latitude in the choice of design, which seems to be regarded more as -of purely ornamental character. It is, however, possible that further -research will show as definite a system regarding tattoo-marking and -its significance to exist among the Paiwan as among the Taiyal. - -Paiwan women are not tattooed on their bodies as the men of the tribe -are, or on their faces as are Taiyal women; but only on the backs -of their hands--little series of lines that approximate sometimes -squares, sometimes circles. The women of the Lu-chu islands have a -similar custom. Whether or not there has been any contact between the -two peoples would be an interesting subject for investigation. - -The custom of circumcision does not seem to exist among any of the -Formosan tribes, either as a rite of puberty or of infancy. Nor did -I see any evidence while among them of finger mutilation, such as -exists among certain peoples in Africa; and also, I believe, among some -Australian tribes. Neither do young men pass through the extremely -painful initiation rites that are demanded of the young “braves” of -certain North American Indian tribes--notably the Sioux--such as -hanging suspended from a rod which is passed through the flesh of the -shoulders, walking over live coals, or the like. The most painful rite -to which either the young man or the young woman is subjected is that -of having the teeth extracted. This is usually borne with stoical -fortitude, and afterwards the youth or maiden will proudly boast of -the fact that the tongue can be seen through the teeth, and will lose -no opportunity of broadly smiling to demonstrate the truth of the -assertion. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[96] The ear-plugs worn by men of the Paiwan tribe are perhaps even -larger than those worn by the men of other tribes. For this reason the -Chinese-Formosans call the Paiwan _Tao-he-lan_ (“Big Ears”). - -[97] Needles obtained by barter from the Japanese are now sometimes -substituted for thorns. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -METHODS OF TRANSPORT - -Ami Wheeled Vehicle Resembling Models found in Early Cyprian -Tombs--Boat-building and the Art of Navigation on the Decline. - - -This subject might be dismissed with a word--so little is any method -of transport less primitive than that of human shoulders developed -among the aboriginal tribes--were it not for two facts which raise -interesting questions. One of these has to do with land transport; the -other with transport by water. - -Regarding the former, the only tribe that uses any sort of wheeled -vehicle, or that knows anything of a beast of draught, is the Ami. The -vehicle of this tribe is a primitive two-wheeled cart, the interesting -point about it being that the solid wheels are fixed to the axle, the -latter revolving with each revolution of the wheels. In fact, the -construction of the cart causes it to resemble an enormous harrow -rather than any vehicle usually associated with transport. The Ami -tribes-people, however, are inordinately proud of this invention, which -they say was introduced among them by the “White Fathers” (evidently -the Dutch) of the “glorious long ago.” This cart is drawn by a -“water-buffalo,” a descendant of those said to have been brought to -Formosa by the Dutch.[98] - -The question of interest in connection with this vehicle is whether or -not the Dutch of the seventeenth century used carts of so primitive a -type as that now in use among the Ami. Is it not more probable that -when the carts introduced by the Dutch fell into decay, the Ami, in -their attempts at imitation of the original model, unconsciously -reproduced a form of vehicle used by man at the “dawn of history?”[99] - -Needless to say, the Ami cart produces a painful creaking, and a sound -that can be compared only to a series of _groans_ when it is drawn over -the rough roads of the east coast. This, however, apparently adds to -its attractiveness in the eyes of its owners. - -Whether or not the present-day cart represents the degeneration of a -more highly evolved type of vehicle once known to the Ami would be -difficult to assert with positiveness. As regards water transport, -however, it is almost certain that degeneration has taken place among -the Ami, as among the other Formosan tribes, both in the craft of -boat-building and in the understanding of navigation. Tribal traditions -among all the aborigines point to the fact that their ancestors were -skilful navigators and that they understood the construction of boats -capable of making long voyages. But the rafts used for fishing at the -present time by those tribes living on the east coast could not be -used for making even a short sea voyage. Nor could the plank canoes -also used for fishing which a few tribal units of the Ami, living -near Pinan, build--in obvious, though crude, imitation of the Chinese -fishing-junk--be used for navigation. - -Of all the aboriginal tribes, the most skilful boat-builders are the -Yami, of Botel Tobago. Their boats, like their pottery, resemble -more those of the Papuans of the Solomon Islands than they do those -of the other Formosan tribes--this both in mode of construction and -in ornamentation. These boats are not dug-outs, but are built from -tree-trunks, smoothed and trimmed with adzes, lashed together--through -holes bored near the seams--with withes of rattan. Prow and stern -are rounded in graceful curves. The boats present a picturesque and -attractive appearance, but cannot be used for making long voyages. - -That the tribes living in the interior of the island should have lost -the art of navigation is not surprising, as on the east side of the -mountain range--within which section the present “savage territory” -lies--there are no navigable rivers, and in the mountains is only one -lake, the beautiful _Jitsugetsutan_ (“Sun and Moon Lake”), so-called by -the Japanese.[100] On this lake those members of the Taiyal and Tsuou -tribes who live near it paddle in their dug-out canoes. These dug-outs, -however, are of the most primitive type, with open ends, obviously -unfitted for seafaring. Even a storm on the lake sends the canoes -hurriedly paddling to shore. But the Ami and the Yami, and also the -Paiwan and Piyuma, have not the excuse that applies to the tribes of -the interior. Before these tribes lies the open sea, over which their -ancestors navigated. That they should have lost the art of building and -of navigating seaworthy craft is strange; as strange as is the fact -that many of the tribes have lost the art of successful pottery-making, -which according to tradition--and also judging from the few ancient -specimens preserved among the Tsarisen--their ancestors seem to have -possessed. - -Whether the losing of these arts implies that the tribes since they -have been in Formosa have not had material as suitable for making -either seaworthy boats or uncrumbling pottery as they had in the land -whence they came, or whether it implies that they are an “ageing” -people, a people who have lost their “grip on life,” and have no longer -either inventive ability or mechanical skill, is a question which I -shall not attempt to answer. It is one which presents an interesting -field for speculation and also for further investigation. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[98] See Part I, p. 52. - -[99] “In the early Cyprian tombs clay models of chariots have been -found; these are modelled with solid wheels; sometimes spokes are -painted on the clay; other models are almost certainly intended to -represent vehicles with block wheels.... - -“Prof. Tylor figures an ox-waggon carved on the Antonine column. It -appears to have solid wheels, and the square end of the axle proves -that it and its drum wheels turned round together.... Tylor also says -that ancient Roman farm-carts were made with wheels built up of several -pieces of wood nailed together.” (Haddon, _Study of Man_.) - -[100] Called by the missionaries “Lake Candidius,” after Father -Candidius, the Dutch missionary explorer, of the seventeenth century, -who discovered it. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -POSSIBILITIES OF THE FUTURE - -“Decadent” or “Primitive”--A Dream of White Saviours from the West. - - -Whether the Formosan aborigines are a “decadent” people, in the sense -suggested in the last chapter, or whether they are “primitive,” in -the sense that they are at the beginning of what would be a long -racial life--a life with possibilities of intellectual and social -evolution--were they given opportunities for the unhampered development -of that life, is a question that will probably never be answered. No -race, whatever its virility or potentiality for development, can long -survive the military despotism of a conquering people; especially when -that conquering people is consistently ruthless in the methods it -adopts for crushing out the racial individualities of the peoples whom -it conquers. - -It seems probable that under the dominance of the Japanese the -aborigines of Formosa will in a few decades, or, at the longest, in a -century or two, have ceased to exist as a people. Unless, indeed, their -dream of being rescued from the rule of both Chinese and Japanese by -“White Saviours from the West” ever come true; and of this there seems -no prospect at the present time. Nor has the white man--if one face -the matter honestly--always proved a “saviour” to the aboriginal races -with whom he has come into contact. As Bertrand Russell has recently -intelligently remarked (_Manchester Guardian Weekly_, Friday, December -2, 1921) apropos of Japan’s policy in China: “Japan has merely been -copying Christian morals.”[101] - -The faith of the aboriginal Formosans, however, both in the power -and the goodness of the white man--and white woman--is touching -in the extreme. This does not happen to be due to the efforts of -present-day missionaries, since the efforts of the latter are, as -has been previously stated, confined to attempts at Christianizing -Chinese-Formosans (those who are usually known as “Formosans”). The -reverence among the aborigines for the white race is the result of the -Dutch occupation of three hundred years ago--a tradition which has been -handed down from generation to generation. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[101] It is possible, however, that if Mr. Russell had been in -Korea in March 1919, and had seen the hideous cruelty practised at -that time--cruelty which took the form of peculiarly ingenious and -diabolical modes of torture on the part of Japanese officialdom -towards unarmed Koreans, women and children as well as men--he might -have modified his statement to the extent of saying that present-day -Japan is copying Christian morals of the age of the Inquisition. That -Japan is not a “Christian country” has no bearing on the question, -since Buddhism, quite as much as Christianity, enjoins forbearance and -gentleness, and stresses--as its key-note--“harmlessness.” But the -teachings of Gautama, like those of Christ, have little effect upon -“the direction taken by the criminal tendencies,” as Mr. Russell puts -it, of the nominal followers of these teachings--in Orient or Occident. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -CIVILIZATION AND ITS BENEFITS - -To “wonder furiously”--Better Government, or Worse?--Comparison of -Standards--A Conversation with Aborigine Friends--The Question of -Money--Tabus. - - -Looking back over what I learned, during the two years that I was in -Formosa, of the manners and customs--collectively speaking--of the -aboriginal tribes, and of the outlook on life of these _Naturvölker_, I -am given to “think furiously” along lines other than anthropological; -that is, along those that are sociological as well. Rather, perhaps, to -“wonder furiously.” - -If it be true, as Dr. Tylor--in _Primitive Culture_--points out, that -“no human thought is so primitive as to have lost bearing on our own -thought, or so ancient as to have broken connection with our own life,” -it opens up an interesting field for speculation. For one thing, as -to what would have been the line of social evolution of the so-called -superior races had they, like the _seban_, continued to regard the -cutting off of an enemy head as meritorious rather than otherwise. (Yet -what is war between “civilized” races, except head-hunting on a grand -scale; only with accompanying mangling and gassing and other horrors -of which the island _seban_[102] knows nothing?) And if, also like -the _seban_, prostitution had remained unknown, and the breaking of a -promise been regarded as so heinous a crime that only the death of the -one guilty of so foul a thing could save his family and relatives and -all who came into contact with him from being contaminated by his own -uncleanness. - -What then? One wonders. What sort of civilization would have been -evolved, had culture progressed--as in Europe, for example, in the -matter of learning, of arts, and of sciences--yet had the standards of -right and wrong remained as they are with the primitive folk among whom -I spent two years, and if the fundamental conception of government had -remained the same--that of a matriarchal theocracy, which is yet, in a -sense, communistic. - -Were they, too, matriarchal--the “tattooed and woaded, winter-clad -in skins” European forefathers of ours? It is a dangerous thing to -assume a unilineal line of evolution. Because there are evidences of -mother-right[103] having been dominant in certain parts of the world, -or with certain peoples--and of this mother-right still existing in -a few isolated instances--it would be rashly unwise to assume, as a -few writers and speakers have done, that the female of the species -was once the dominant half of the _genus homo_. However, assuming for -the sake of argument--or of phantasy--that matriarchal government was -once universal, until the male learned that in the matter of governing -the power of brute force equalled, in efficacious results, that of -summoning spirits from the vasty deep on the part of priestess and -sibyl, or of ruling the tribe through aruspicy and the cries of birds; -or until he learned, perhaps, that brute force could even make his own -those priestly offices which had been the prerogative of that sex once -solely associated with the Mystic Force (by virtue of that medium still -regarded by primitive folk as sacred and mysterious).[104] - -Suppose, I say--and I underscore _suppose_--we assume this -mother-right--matri-potestal as well as matrilineal and -matri-local--once to have existed in Europe in as full force as it -still does in a few islands of the South Pacific; and, again, suppose -the male had never learned, or never chosen to apply, the force of -muscular suasion, what sort of Midsummer’s Night Dream of a world -should we have had? Would it have been an Eden--with Adam kept very -much in his place--a sort of Golden Age, such as many equal-suffrage -advocates assert would be the outcome of matriarchal rule; or would it -have resulted in “confusion worse confounded” (in this year of grace, -1922, is such a state possible to conceive?), such as Weininger[105] -and his school would assert could be the only result of woman-rule? -Or would this school concede that there could be such a thing as a -woman-ruled State? Would it not hold, rather, that such an attempt -could end only in anarchy? - -Yet the realm which the women-chiefs and priestesses of Formosa -govern is the reverse of anarchic. Laws there are as the laws of the -Medes and Persians; or as those are supposed to have been. Every -act of daily life, personal as well as communal, is regulated by -law, and any infringement of this law is met with dire penalty. -This--incidentally--holds true with all primitive peoples, -patriarchal as well as matriarchal. Those who fancy that a “return -to nature”--meaning to primitive conditions--would give licence -either for lawlessness or for the indulgence without restraint in -individual preference, social or political, reckon without knowledge -of conditions actually existing in primitive society. One shudders to -think what would have been Rousseau’s fate had he really “returned -to nature”--i.e. lived among the _Naturvölker_--and broken tabu of -marriage or parenthood. For those who hold in contempt established -convention, or life regulated by law, primitive society is not the -place. - -But to return to the question of gynarchic rule: All the women of -this particular island--or of that particular part of it still -under aboriginal control and hence matriarchal--are not Sapphos or -Katherines--are not even the primitive prototypes of these illustrious -ladies--any more than they are simpering _Doras_,[106] neurotics, or -nymphomaniacs. As George Eliot made one of her characters, in speaking -of her own sex, remark, “The Lord made ‘em fools to match the men,” so -one is inclined to ask, after having seen the practical working of a -gynocracy, if women were made also good and bad--in the comprehensive -inclusiveness of those words--wise and foolish, to match the so-called -sterner sex; the sex which seems, however, in reality neither sterner -nor more bloodthirsty than the so-called gentler one; any more than -it seems a greater lover of abstract justice, which, according to one -English writer, “no woman understands.”[107] - -Which train of wondering brings us back to the original wonder with -which this chapter started: If our European forefathers had ever, in -the dim “once-upon-a-time” of long ago, the same standards of right and -wrong as the present-day _seban_ of Formosa; if they, too, were once -matri-potestal--what would have been the line of evolution that Europe -would have followed had this state of affairs continued, only gradually -evolving, through letters and arts, from savagery to so-called -civilization? Should we have been better governed or worse? - -Or--another wonder intervenes. Would letters and arts have ever -developed under a matriarchy? Probably yes. Perhaps even to a greater -extent than has been the case during the long centuries of patriarchal -rule that have followed the possible once-upon-a-time primitive -matriarchates of antiquity. For even recognizing that the creative -faculty--artistic and inventive--is the heritage of man rather than -of woman, has it not, within historic times, in civilized countries, -been ever under queen rulership that letters and art have flourished? -Perhaps an unrecognized, sublimated form of sex-instinct--or so a -certain school of psycho-analysts would argue--that has spurred -masculine creative genius to its highest point; as it spurred, -apparently, the venturous spirit of the great explorers, certainly of -the Elizabethan age; and as, in a later age in England, it spurred -those who dreamed of world conquest in the name of the “Great Good -Queen.” Has personal idolatry rendered to a king ever equalled -that rendered to a queen, whether by soldier or poet, artist or -farm-labourer? The sex instinct here, as in other fields, has played -its part, and in this particular field usually for good rather than -for evil. Perhaps no more Sapphos would have arisen under the rule -of women than of men; but it seems not improbable that more men poets -might have arisen, worthily and lustily to sing the praises of queens. - -And the governing--worse governed or better under theocratic queens -than under kings or under mobs? Not worse, I think. Executive ability -seems woman’s in surprising degree where she has had the opportunity -to exercise it; often where the exercise of it has been unrecognized, -because attributed to the male--her man--who stood before the world, or -who sat upon the throne. - -As executive and ruler in miniature--executive in the household and -ruler over the children, since house, in any form, has existed or -maternal responsibility, however elementary, been recognized--executive -ability seems to have been developed in women; just as through -child-bearing and rearing--or psycho-physical potentiality for -this--intellectual creative faculty has, with the normal woman, -remained dormant. - -So much for wondering over possible might-have-beens in connection with -matriarchal government, if this system in some supposititious long-ago -ever existed in Europe. - -As for the general standards of right and wrong--standards as they -exist among the aborigines of Formosa, compared with standards which -exist to-day in Europe: Would it be more agreeable to be in danger -of losing one’s head, if one went for a sunset stroll and ventured -too near enemy territory--provided oneself were not the first to -secure the enemy head--yet to know that a word once given, by friend -or enemy, would never be broken; that no lock would be needed to -guard one’s possessions; that life-insurance had not to be taken into -consideration, because, in case of one’s untimely demise, one’s wife -and children would, as a matter of course, be given equal provender -with the other members of the community; that not only was no special -plea for mercy needed for “fatherless children and widows,” but -that, as a matter of fact, these usually fared somewhat better than -other members of the community, because the widow generally became -a priestess, and as such wielded greater power and influence in the -community than a mere wife could do? - -Also to know that fire-insurance might equally be left out of the -reckoning, as in case one’s house were destroyed by fire, all one’s -neighbours could be relied upon to build one a new house. - -Would it be more agreeable to know that battle, murder, and sudden -death were ever-present possibilities, if one happened to be a man and -a warrior (and to be one meant being the other), yet to know that while -life lasted it would ever be a merry one; that if by chance old age -or illness overtook one, one would be cared for, not as a matter of -charity, but again--as in the case of widows and orphans--as a matter -of course; or to cower before what old age and illness and out-of-work -days mean for the poverty-stricken in present-day civilization? - -To live knowing that death sudden, yet swift and comparatively -painless, might one day be one’s portion--or the portion of one’s -husband--yet ever to be certain, while one lived, of a home as good as -that of any member of the people to whom one belonged; of clothing and -fuel and food in abundance; or to live as the poor in the great cities -of Christian civilization live, and to die as they die; to cry not only -for bread where there is no bread, but for work where there is no work; -in decrepit old age and illness to be cared for by the community, if at -all, as a matter of contemptuous pity,--which were preferable? - -I tried once to explain something of economic conditions in the white -man’s world, and in that of modern Japan, to one of my Formosan -aborigine friends. The idea that one should receive more than another, -unless that other had by misconduct forfeited his share, was as -difficult for my friend to understand as it was that a man could not -work who wanted to work, or that there should not be food enough for -all. That it was held to be a matter of shame to be helped by the -community when one was too old or too ill to work was incomprehensible; -as incomprehensible as was the question of prostitution. “But women who -live so, how can they have strong sons and daughters?” he asked. “And -how can they make good priestesses to the people?” an old priestess -who was standing by asked. “Such women destroy faith,” she added, “not -build it up for the guidance of men.” - -I thought of the Inari temples--those devoted to the worship of the -Fox-god--and of the votaries of these temples, in Japan. I thought of -the stories of the temples of Babylon, of Egypt, of certain of those -in ancient Greece--all these had represented mighty civilizations; the -votaries of the Fox-god temples belong to a nation that is to-day one -of the great world-powers; while the old Formosan woman was only a -savage. How could she know anything of the refinements of civilization, -or of what civilization demands? - -But those ancient civilizations, I reflected--they were “heathen”; even -present-day Japan is “heathen.” As a member of a race that is supposed -to uphold Christian civilization and to convert heathen peoples to its -tenets, there was momentary unction in this thought. Then, as the old -man and old woman stood looking up at me, with inquiring, wrinkled -faces, awaiting an answer to questions that would solve the problem -that was puzzling them, there flashed across my mind the memory of -a Christian temple, in a great Christian capital, which it was the -fashion of the more fashionable stratum of the painted ladies of the -city to attend, and where---- - -But no, they were not priestesses; only devotees who exchanged glances -with the male devotees, and who after the services spoke with the -latter, doubtless for the “upbuilding of their faith.” - -And as for the question of the old man; how could women who lived so -have strong sons and daughters? I thought of all the painted women of -all the great cities of the world--those flaunting their silks and -furs and jewels under the electric glare of the great thoroughfares, -inviting with smiles and glances; and those others, shivering, -wrapping their rags about them in dark corners, croaking, cackling, -and clutching desperately, hoping to earn, in an ancient profession of -civilization, enough to buy food and drink sufficient to keep life a -little longer in unclean, diseased bodies. These women had no children; -but I thought of their male companions; some their victims; some who -had victimized and had started certain of the painted ones in their -profession; some merely the boon companions of an hour. And I thought -of hospitals I had visited; of operations that I had witnessed on -the wives of the men who had “settled down after sowing a few wild -oats”--years of agony in one life as a vicarious atonement for perhaps -one night of wine and laughter and song in the life of another. And I -thought of children I had seen, and of grandchildren.... It made it a -little difficult to explain clearly, to the old man and the old woman, -the benefits of a system inextricably interwoven with civilization, -ancient and modern; and the reason why this system lent a delicate -zest to the art of civilized living. And part of my wonder to-day is: -Supposing, _supposing_, this art--this profession--had never been -introduced into society----? - -Almost as difficult to answer as was the question of the reason why of -money-taking in exchange for love were other questions put to me by -aboriginal friends in connection with money. Why money at all? What -were the benefits of this “recognized medium of exchange,” and of the -great banking systems, which are part of the economic fabric of every -civilization of the world. I gave a few coins to some men and women of -the Yami tribe; they began to beat them out into thin plates to add to -their helmets. I gave some to the Ami people; they drilled holes in -them and fastened them, as ornamental buttons, to their blankets. Those -that I gave to the Paiwan they inserted in holes in their ears--all -except one young warrior who set his _ni-ju-sen_[108] piece among the -boars’ tusks that ornamented his cap. The Taiyal priestess to whom I -gave a _go-ju-sen_[109] piece regarded it with reverence, and carefully -wrapped it in a banana-leaf. A short time afterwards I saw her, -sitting by the bedside of a patient, balancing the _go-ju-sen_ on a -bamboo-rod, gripped between her knees; the small stone generally used -on such occasions--mentioned in the chapter ILLNESS AND DEATH--having -been replaced by the shining silver coin. - -The Taiyal seemed to think that some particularly powerful _Ottofu_ -was connected with silver coins. Perhaps the “White Fathers,” and -also the Chinese and Japanese, used these shining pieces to draw -down the _Ottofu_ of long-departed ancestors; hence had they waxed -mighty. That such _Ottofu_ pieces might be used as media of exchange -between different tribes, when these were not actively at war with -each other--this was comprehensible; but that such should be needed, -or conceivably ever used, between members of the same tribe or -nation--this was not comprehensible. “Surely man does not kill meat for -himself alone, when his brothers, too, are hungry; nor does a woman -grow millet for her own children alone, when the children of other -women are crying for food.” - -Nor could I ever quite make my savage friends realize the blessings -of civilization in the matters of the economic system, any more than -of the social. They could only comprehend that among the enlightened -ones of the world it was somehow tabu for one man to have as many -shining pieces as another, or as much meat and drink, as good a house -to shelter him from the wind, or as much fuel to make fire in the rainy -season, as another, that somehow the shining _Ottofu_ pieces brought -these blessings. But just why was it tabu for one man to have more than -another? They were much puzzled, until at last one Taiyal man suggested -that no doubt the White God-descended Ones knew, in their wisdom, which -of their brothers were most worthy, most noble and holy; and to the -most holy was awarded the largest share of the _Ottofu_ pieces. - -And still I am wondering what if the speculations of my savage friends -had been correct--what sort of a Europe should I be living in to-day? -How would it contrast with the Europe that is? - -When my friends learned of the tabu connected with the shining pieces, -they wished to hear more of the tabus of the Great Ones. Were these the -same as their own: tabus that surrounded young men and maidens, which -prevented the latter from hearing an indelicate word or seeing a coarse -gesture, that prevented the marriage of too near relations, that---- - -“Yes, yes,” I hurried to assent, “among the better classes all these -tabus are observed.” - -“But,” my interlocutors interrupted, “what is meant by classes, and, -if there is more than one class among the same people, why should the -young girls of one class be protected more than those of another?” - -Again their intelligence failed to grasp my attempts at a logical -explanation. But a priestess pressed for further knowledge on the -subject of the white man’s--and especially the white woman’s--tabus. -Was it tabu for a husband to be either brutal to his wife---- “Yes, -among the better----” I began. But the priestess hurried on: “or -indelicate in his attentions to her; was she, his wife--as regards -marital relations--to be tabu to him altogether before the birth of her -children, and for some time afterwards? Was a disloyal husband himself -so tabu that, even in the tribes where he was not beheaded or stoned -to death, no self-respecting member of the community--either man or -woman--would speak to him or supply him with food; so that he had to -flee to the woods and live as an outcast?” - -I tried to explain that it was difficult to know; one could not be -sure, for there were some points on which neither men nor women always -told the exact truth. - -“But not to tell the truth!” my friends cried in chorus. “Surely the -curses of their ancestors are on those who do not speak the truth!” - -And I thought, or tried to think, of a civilization--white or -yellow--in which men and women spoke always the truth, with nothing -added, nothing suppressed; where “yea” meant always _yea_, and “nay,” -_nay_; where the realization that anything more “cometh of evil” was -put into practice; consequently the anything more left unsaid. And -still I am trying to think what civilization under these conditions -would mean. Civilization--I am wondering. - -Since my sojourn among the men and women who live in the mountains of -Formosa that word--civilization--has had a new meaning; been a new -source of wonder to me. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[102] In this connection I speak of the aborigines of this particular -island--Formosa. Among many of the Melanesian aborigines of other -islands of the South Pacific--as among many tribes of equatorial -Africa, and certain tribes of American Indians--every form of torture -is applied to the vanquished enemy before death releases him from -suffering. - -[103] See _Das Mutterrecht_, by J. J. Bachofen. - -[104] On this subject see _Les Formes Élémentaires de la Vie -Religieuse_, by E. Durkheim. - -[105] See _Sex and Character_, by Otto Weininger. - -[106] The _Dora_ of Dickens’s _David Copperfield_. - -[107] See _The Female of the Species_, by Kipling. - -[108] A Japanese silver coin, equivalent to about a sixpence in value. - -[109] A Japanese coin, equivalent to about a shilling in value. - - - - -INDEX - - - Aborigines: - characteristics, 95 et seq., 105 - future of, 198 et seq. - population, 87, 88 - social organisation of, 109 et seq., 125-126 - Aetas, 64, 106 - Agricultural implements, 183, 184 - Ainu of Hokkaido, 177 - Saghalien, 177 - _Aiyu-sen_, 100 - American Indians, 103 - Ami tribe, the, 75, 87, 99, 101, 103, 104 - arts and crafts of, 174, 181, 182 - characteristics of, 76, 211 - customs of, 74, 114, 117, 122, 124, 128, 169, 187 - marriage of, 154-156, 160-162 - religion, 131-133, 151 - traditions of, 96 - transport, 193-195 - Amoy dialect, 87, 103 - Andaman islanders, 107, 126 - Anping, 43, 49, 51 - Arapani, 134 - Archery, 120 - Arizona, 28 - Arts and crafts, 173 et seq. - Ashikaga dynasty, 44 - - “Bachelor-house” system, 122, 123 - Bartsing, 131 - Basketry, 181 - Berri berri, 89 - Botel Tobago, 97, 104, 114, 148, 149, 150, 176, 182 - “Bradyaga,” 55 - British trade, 51 - Bunun tribe, the, 70 - arts and crafts of, 99, 174, 177 - characteristics of, 102, 103 - customs of, 111, 169, 170 et seq. - marriage, 159 - Bunun religion, 137, 139, 140 - Bureau of Aboriginal Affairs, 101 - - Camphor, 31, 70 - factories, 70, 90 - wood, 69 - Candidius, Father, 52, 91, 150, 196 - Caps, 181 - Chastity, 109 - Children, 121, 122 - China, 31, 37, 38, 39, 43, 44, 46, 49, 89 - China grass, 120, 187 - _China Review_, the, 103, 104 - China Sea, 29 - Chinese: - classification of tribes, 104 - coolies, 79 - customs, 169 - dominance of Formosan, 49, 54 et seq. - expedition to Formosa, 42 - influence in Formosa, 174 - pirates, 45 - population, 86, 87 - records of Formosa, 37 et seq. - treatment of Aborigines, 88 - under Japanese rule, 54 - Chinese-Formosans, 37, 38, 51, 52, 58 et seq., 69, 88, 101 - dialect, 78 - villages, 74 - _Chin-Huan_, 103, 104, 111, 127, 128, 154 - Circumcision, 192 - Clothing, 113 - Cogett, Governor, 54 - Communal system, 109 - Confucian ethics, 81 - Confucius, sayings of, 58 - - Dancing, 113 - “Dead houses,” 168 - Death, 163 et seq. - Deniker’s _The Races of Man_, 110 - de Valdez, Don Antonio de Careño, 50 - Dgagha, 131 - Divorce, 107 - Dominican Friars, 51 - Dutch, the: - dominance of, 47 et seq., 90 - education, 91 - exit from Formosa, 54 - first landing of, 47 - influences of, 52, 53, 104, 194, 199 - missionaries, 52, 53, 166 - records, 166 - Dutch East Indies, 54 - Dwelling-houses, 173 - Dyaks of Borneo, 110, 111 - Dyes, 179 - - Ear-rings, 178, 186, 187 - Evil omens, 113 - Exogamy, 141, 161 - - Filipinos, 95 - Fokien Province, 41, 42, 87 - Foochow, 38 - dialect, 87 - Fort Zelandia, 49, 50 - - Game hunting, 119 - Gan Shi-sai, 45 - Garanbi, Cape, 38, 116 - _Geisha_ system, 129 - Giran, 71 - _Go-ju-sen_, 211 - Granaries, 124 - Gravius (Dutch Minister), 52 - Great Daimyos, 44 - Guam, 126 - Gynarchic rule, 204 - - _Hachiman_, 44 - Hakkas, 46, 59, 86 - Hamay, 95 - Hawaii, 28 - Head-hunting, 109 et seq. - “Hoe-culture,” 125 - Holland, 49 - Hong-Kong, 37 - Houi, Mr., 70 - - Igorotes, 95, 96 - Illness, customs in, 163 et seq. - Implements, 183, 184 - Inari temples, 209 - Indonesian origins, 97 - Indoneso-Malay stock, 95 - Iron, 41, 42 - Ishii, Mr., 100, 101, 105 - - _Japanese Chronicle_, the, 32 - Japanese classification of tribes, 102 et seq. - domination of Taruko, 106 - education, 35, 89 - first associations with Formosa, 44, 47 - laws, 118 - officialdom, 36, 58, 62 et seq. - pirates, 44, 45 - population in Formosa, 87 - tradition, 134 - treatment of Chinese, 89 - treatment of foreigners, 33 - treatment of Formosans, 31, 32, 58, 89, 100, 198 - _Jitsugetsutan_, 196 - - Kagoshima, 35, 36 - Kakring, 130 et seq. - Kalapiat, 130 et seq. - Karenko, 71, 72 - Keelung, 35, 44, 45, 50, 51, 55, 57, 58, 59, 62, 63, 64, 71, 72 - Kipling, 56 - Kobe, 32 - Koksinga, 45, 54, 88 - Korea, 33, 199 - Kwantung, Province of, 86 - Kyoto, 34 - - Ladrone Islands, 126 - Linguistic affinity of tribes, 98 - Linschotten, 46 - Little Lu-chu, 43 - Looms, 179 - Lowie, 125 - Lu-chu Islands, 39, 42, 43, 176, 192 - Luzon (Philippines), 95, 96 - - Macao, 49 - Mahayana Buddhism, 34 - Malay language, 99 - Malay origins, 40 - Manila, 29 - Maori skulls, 96 - Marianne Islands, 126 - Marin, Mr., 70 - Marital fidelity, 128 - Marriage, 110, 128, 152 et seq., 190, 191 - Masculine vanity, 186 - Matriarchate, 27, 28 - government by, 201 et seq. - Matrilineal tribes, 27, 28 - Matrilocal tribes, 27, 28 - Ma Tuan-hui, 40 - _Mavayaiya_, 118, 136 - Melanesia, 176 - Millet, 183 - granaries, 176 - hoe, 179 - wine, 118 - Mindanao, 50 - Ming dynasty, 43, 44 - Missionaries, 31, 36, 65, 73 - Monkeys, 118 - Monogamy, 109, 128 - Moors, the, 50 - Mother-of-pearl, 178 - Mother-right, 109 - Mt. Morrison, 38 - Mt. Sylvia, 38 - Musical instruments, 184 - Mutilation, 86 et seq. - - Nagasaki, 29 - Nevada, 28 - New Mexico, 28 - _Ni-ju-sen_, 211 - - Ornaments, 185 - _Ottofu_, 163-165, 168, 183, 212 - Ox-hide, 47, 48 - Paiwan tribe, the, 87, 99, 100, 101 - arts and crafts, 174, 175, 177, 196 - characteristics of, 103, 211 - chieftainship of, 121 - contact with the Chinese, 104 - head-hunting, 102, 111, 119 - marriage, 154, 159 - religion, 134-136, 151 - trading, 128 - traditions, 116 - Papuans, 195 - Patrilocal tribes, 27 - _Pepo-huan_, 103, 104 - Pescadores, 39, 44, 47, 49 - Philippine Islands, 28, 50, 64, 95, 106 - Pigmy people, 106 - women, 107, 108 - Pinan, 71, 73, 74, 133 - _Pithecanthropus_, 28 - Piyuma tribe, the, 99, 100 - arts and crafts, 196 - chieftainship, 121 - customs, 117, 118, 122, 188 - marriage, 154, 160, 161 - religion, 134 - Polynesian skulls, 96 - Portuguese, the, 46, 94 - Pottery, 181 et seq. - - Religion, 130 et seq. - Reyersz, Admiral Cornelius, 49 - Rice-paddies, 30, 52, 60, 61 - Russell, Bertrand, 199 - - Saisett tribe, the, 70, 99, 100, 102 - marriage, 162 - religion, 148 - tattooing, 188 - Sakurajuma, 35 - Salt, 128 - _Samurai_, 63 - San Domingo, 50 - Schetelig, Arnold, 96 - _Seban_, 80, 81, 82, 200, 201 - _Sek-huan_, 74, 103, 104 - Sex, 153 et seq. - Shimonoseki, treaty of, 87 - _Shin-shu_, 34 - Siam, 43 - Sino-Japanese War, 54, 88 - Smoking, 113 - Solomon Islands, 195 - South China Sea, 29 - Spain, 50, 51 - Sugar, 31 - Sui dynasty, 39, 98 - Sun and Moon Lake, 196 - Suspension-bridges, 177 - - Tabu, 161, 183 - Tagalog tribe, 96, 134 - Taihoku, 34, 35, 58, 59, 61, 64, 70 - Tainan, 43, 45, 47, 49 - Taiwan, 29, 43 - Taiyal tribe, the: - arts and crafts, 173, 184 - characteristics of, 96, 103, 105, 106, 127, 211 - customs, 114, 125, 165, 168, 169, 187 - head-hunting, 111, 112, 115 - marriage, 152, 157, 159, 160 - religion, 139 et seq., 181, 212 - social organization, 120, 124 - tattooing, 160, 161, 188, 191 - transport, 196 - Takao, 51, 71, 72, 74, 104 - Takasago, 45 - Taketon-Monogabari, 134 - Tamsui, 50, 51 - Taruko group, 105 - Tattooing, 111, 112, 188 et seq. - Taylor, George, 116 - Tea, 31 - Teeth, 187 - Terrace beach, 29, 30 - Theriolatry, 135 - Tobacco, 114 - Totems, 135, 141, 146 - Transport, 193 et seq. - Tribes, classification of, 103-104 - Tropic of Cancer, 30 - Tsarisen tribe, the, 99, 100 - marriage, 161 - religion, 136, 137 - Tsuou tribe, the, 99 - arts and crafts, 184 - customs, 122, 188 - marriage, 156 - religion, 137-138 - transport, 196 - Tuber-juice, 179 - Tung-Hai, 36 - “Two-Button” officials, 34 - Tyler, Dr., 200 - - Van Marwijk, Admiral, 47 - - Wallace’s _Malay Archipelago_, 99 - Wan San-ho, 43, 44 - Weapons, 120, 177, 178 - Weaving, 179, 180 - Weininger, Otto, 203 - Wire, 178 - - Yami tribe, the, 99 - arts and crafts, 176, 182, 185, 195 - characteristics, 103, 211 - customs, 97, 172, 114 - religion, 148-150 - Yangtsein, Admiral, 42 - _Yoshiwara_, 129 - Yuan dynasty, 42 - - _Zen-shu_, 34 - - -_Printed in Great Britain by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld., London and -Aylesbury._ - - - - -UNWIN’S “CHATS” SERIES - -PRACTICAL HANDBOOKS FOR COLLECTORS - - -Most people nowadays are collectors in a small way of Autographs, -China, Furniture, Prints, Miniatures, or Silver, and would take up -these fascinating hobbies more extensively, and collect with profit, if -they had a knowledge of the subject. - -It is to the beginner and would-be collector that Unwin’s “Chats” -Series of practical handbooks especially appeal. 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Third Impression. - - “To the ever-increasing number of collectors who are taking an - interest in old English pottery ... will be found one of the most - delightful, as it is a practical work on a fascinating subject.” - - _Hearth and Home._ - - “Here we have a handbook, written by a well-known authority, which - gives in the concisest possible form all the information that the - beginner in earthenware collecting is likely to need. Moreover, - it contains one or two features that are not usually found in the - multifarious ‘guides’ that are produced to-day.” - - _Nation._ - - -=Chats on Autographs.= By A. M. BROADLEY. With 130 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 6s. net. - - “Being an expert collector, Mr. Broadley not only discourses on the - kinds of autograph he owns, but gives some excellent cautionary advice - and a valuable ‘caveat emptor’ chapter for the benefit of other - collectors.” - - _Westminster Gazette._ - - “It is assuredly the best work of the kind yet given to the public; - and supplies the intending collector with the various sources of - information necessary to his equipment.” - - _Manchester Guardian._ - - -=Chats on Old Pewter.= By H. J. L. J. MASSÉ, M.A. With 52 half-tone and -numerous other Illustrations. - - Cloth, 10s. 6d. net. Second Impression. - - “It is a remarkably thorough and well-arranged guide to the subject, - supplied with useful illustrations and with lists of pewterers and of - their marks so complete as to make it a very complete and satisfactory - book of reference.” - - _Manchester Guardian._ - - “Before setting out to collect old pewter it would be as well to read - Mr. Massé’s book, which is exhaustive in its information and its lists - of pewterers, analytical index, and historical and technical chapters.” - - _Spectator._ - - -=Chats on Postage Stamps.= By FRED J. MELVILLE. With 57 half-tone and -17 line Illustrations. - - Cloth, 10s. 6d. net. Second Impression. - - “The whole book, with its numerous illustrations of excellent quality, - is a _vade mecum_ for stamp collectors, even though their efforts - may be but modest; we congratulate Mr. Melville on a remarkably good - guide, which makes fascinating reading.” - - _Academy._ - - “There is no doubt that Mr. Melville’s book fills a void. There is - nothing exactly like it. Agreeably written in a popular style and - adequately illustrated, it is certainly one of the best guides to - philatelic knowledge that have yet been published.” - - _World._ - - -=Chats on Old Jewellery and Trinkets.= By MACIVER PERCIVAL. With nearly -300 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 6s. net. - - “The book is very thorough, dealing as it does with classic, antique - and modern ornaments; with gold, silver, steel and pinchbeck; with the - precious stones, the commoner stones and imitation.” - - _Outlook._ - - “‘Chats on Old Jewellery and Trinkets’ is a book which will enable - every woman to turn over her jewel-case with a fresh interest and - a new intelligence; a practical guide for the humble but anxious - collector.... A good glossary of technicalities and many excellent - illustrations complete a valuable contribution to collector’s lore.” - - _Illustrated London News._ - - -=Chats on Cottage and Farmhouse Furniture.= A companion volume -to “Chats on Old Furniture.” By ARTHUR HAYDEN. With a coloured -frontispiece and 75 other Illustrations. - - Cloth, 15s. net. Third Impression. - - “One gets very much for one’s money in this book. Seventy-three - full-page illustrations in half-tone embellish a letterpress which is - replete with wise description and valuable hints.” - - _Vanity Fair._ - - “Mr. Hayden’s book is a guide to all sorts of desirable and simple - furniture, from Stuart to Georgian, and it is a delight to read as - well as a sure help to selection.” - - _Pall Mall Gazette._ - - “Mr. Hayden writes lucidly and is careful and accurate in his - statements; while the advice he gives to collectors is both sound and - reasonable.” - - _Westminster Gazette._ - - -=Chats on Old Coins.= By FRED W. BURGESS. With a coloured frontispiece -and 258 other Illustrations. - - Cloth, 10s. 6d. net. Second Impression. - - “A most useful and instructive book ... will prove a boon to the - intending collector of old coins and tokens, and full of interest to - every collector. As was to be expected of any volume of this series, - the illustrations are numerous and good, and greatly assist the reader - to grasp the essentials of the author’s descriptions.” - - _Outlook._ - - “The author has not only produced ‘a practical guide for the - collector’ but a handy book of reference for all. The volume is - wonderfully cheap.” - - _Notes and Queries._ - - -=Chats on Old Copper and Brass.= By FRED W. BURGESS. With a coloured -frontispiece and 86 other Illustrations. - - Cloth, 6s. net. - - “Mr. F. W. Burgess is an expert on old copper and bronze, and in - his book there is little information lacking which the most ardent - collector might want.” - - _The Observer._ - - “Italian bronzes, African charms, Chinese and Japanese enamels, bells, - mortars, Indian idols, dials, candlesticks, and snuff boxes, all come - in for their share of attention, and the reader who has mastered Mr. - Burgess’s pages can face his rival in the auction-room or the dealer - in his shop with little fear of suffering by the transaction.” - - _The Nation._ - - -=Chats on Household Curios.= By FRED W. BURGESS. With 94 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 6s. net. - - “Mr. Burgess gives much information about such attractive antiques - as old glass and enamels, old leather work, old clocks and watches, - old pipes, old seals, musical instruments, and even old samplers and - children’s toys. The book is, in short, an excellent and comprehensive - guide for what one may call the general collector, that is, the - collector who does not confine himself to one class of antique, but - buys whatever he comes across in the curio line, provided that it is - interesting and at moderate price.” - - _Aberdeen Free Press._ - - -=Chats on Japanese Prints.= By ARTHUR DAVISON FICKE. With a coloured -frontispiece and 56 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 6s. net. Third Impression. - - “Mr. Ficke writes with the knowledge of the expert, and his history - of Japanese printing from very early times and his criticism of the - artists’ work are wonderfully interesting.” - - _Tatler._ - - “This is one of the most delightful and notable members of an - attractive series.... A beginner who shall have mastered and made - thoroughly his own the beauty of line and the various subtlety and - boldness of linear composition displayed in these sixty and odd - photographs will have no mean foundation for further study.” - - _Notes and Queries._ - - -=Chats on Old Clocks.= By ARTHUR HAYDEN. With a frontispiece and 80 -Illustrations. 2nd Ed. - - Cloth, 10s. 6d. net. - - “A practical handbook dealing with the examples of old clocks likely - to come under the observation of the collector. Charmingly written and - illustrated.” - - _Outlook._ - - “One specially useful feature of the work is the prominence Mr. Hayden - has given to the makers of clocks, dealing not only with those of - London, but also those of the leading provincial towns. The lists - he gives of the latter are highly valuable, as they are not to be - found in any similar book. The volume is, as usual with this series, - profusely illustrated, and may be recommended as a highly interesting - and useful general guide to collectors of clocks.” - - _The Connoisseur._ - - -=Chats on Old Silver.= By ARTHUR HAYDEN. With a frontispiece, 99 -full-page Illustrations, and illustrated table of marks. - - Cloth, 10s. 6d. net. Third Impression. - - “Mr. Hayden’s ‘Chats on Old Silver’ deals very thoroughly with - a popular branch of collecting. There are a hundred full-page - illustrations together with illustrated tables and charts, and the - student of this book can wander round the old curiosity shops of these - islands with a valuable equipment of knowledge.... Altogether we have - here a well-written summary of everything that one could wish to know - about this branch of collecting.” - - _The Sphere._ - - “The information it gives will be of exceptional value at this time, - when so many families will be forced to part with their treasures--and - old silver is among the most precious possessions of the present day.” - - _Morning Post._ - - -=Chats on Military Curios.= By STANLEY C. JOHNSON, M.A., D.Sc. With a -coloured frontispiece and 79 other Illustrations. - - Cloth, 6s. net. - - “Mr. Johnson in this book describes many of the articles a collector - should be on the look out for, giving short but informative notes on - medals, helmet and cap badges, tunic buttons, armour, weapons of all - kinds, medallions, autographs, original documents relating to Army - work, military pictures and prints, newspaper cuttings, obsolete - uniforms, crests, stamps, postmarks, memorial brasses, money and - curios made by prisoners of war, while there is also an excellent - biography on the subject. The author has, indeed, presented the reader - with a capital working handbook, which should prove a friendly and - reliable guide when he goes collecting.” - - _Field._ - - -=Chats on Royal Copenhagen Porcelain.= By ARTHUR HAYDEN. With a -frontispiece, 56 full-page Illustrations and illustrated tables of -marks. - - Cloth, 10s. 6d. net. - - “This very beautiful and very valuable book will be eagerly welcomed - by lovers of porcelain.... Mr. Hayden describes with great skill and - preciseness all the quality and beauty of technique in which this - porcelain excels; he loves it and understands it, and the examples - he has chosen as illustrations are a valuable supplement to his - descriptions.” - - _Bookman._ - - -=Chats on Old Sheffield Plate.= By ARTHUR HAYDEN. With frontispiece and -58 full-page Illustrations, together with makers’ marks. - - Cloth, 21s. net. - -Old plated ware has, by reason of its artistic excellence and its -technique, deservedly won favour with collectors. The art of making -plated ware, which originated at Sheffield (hence the name “Sheffield -plate”), was continued at Birmingham and London, where a considerable -amount of “old Sheffield plate” was made, in the manner of its first -inventors, by welding sheets of silver upon copper. The manufacture -lasted roughly a hundred years. Its best period was from 1776 (American -Declaration of Independence) to 1830 (Accession of William IV). The -author shows reasons why this old Sheffield plate should be collected, -and the volume is illustrated with many examples giving various -styles and the development of the art, together with makers’ marks. -Candlesticks and candelabra, tea-caddies, sugar-baskets, salt-cellars, -tea-pots, coffee-pots, salvers, spoons, and many other articles shown -and described in the volume indicate the exquisite craftsmanship of -the best period. The work stands as a companion volume to the author’s -“Chats on Old Silver,” the standard practical guide to old English -silver collecting. - - -=Bye Paths in Curio Collecting.= By ARTHUR HAYDEN, Author of “Chats on -Old Silver,” etc. With a frontispiece and 72 full-page Illustrations. - - Cloth, 21s. net. Second Impression. - - “Every collector knows the name of Mr. Arthur Hayden, and knows him - for a wise counsellor. Upon old furniture, old china, old pottery, and - old prints there is no more knowing judge in the country; and in his - latest volume he supplies a notable need, in the shape of a vade-mecum - exploring some of the nondescript and little traversed bye-paths of - the collector. There was never a time when the amateur of the antique - stood more in need of a competent guide.... The man who wishes to - avoid the pitfalls of the fraudulent will find much salutary advice in - Mr. Hayden’s gossipy pages. There are chests, for example, a fruitful - field for reproduction. Mr. Hayden gives photographs of many exquisite - examples. There is a marriage coffer of the sixteenth century, - decorated with carved figures of Cupid and Hymen, a fine Gothic chest - of the fifteenth century, with rich foliated decorations; and a superb - livery cupboard from Haddon Hall. From Flanders come steel coffers, - with a lock of four bolts, the heavy sides strongly braized together. - Then there are snuffers, with and without trays, tinder-boxes, snuff - graters, and metal tobacco stoppers. The most fascinating designs are - shown, with squirrels, dogs, and quaint human figures at the summit. - Fans and playing-cards provide another attractive section. - - Chicken-skin, delicate, white, - Painted by Carlo van Loo. - The fan has always been an object of the collector’s passion, because - of the grace of the article and its beauty as a display. Mr. Hayden - shows a particularly beautiful one, with designs after Fragonard, the - sticks of ivory with jewelled studs. Then there are watch-stands, a - little baroque in design, and table-bells, some of them shaped as - female figures with spreading skirts, old toys and picture-books, and, - of course, cradles, of which every English farm-house once boasted its - local variety. Altogether the book abounds in inviting pictures and - curious information, and is certain of a large, appreciative public.” - - _Daily Telegraph._ - - -=The Fan Book:= Including Special Chapters on European Fans of the -Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. By MACIVER PERCIVAL, author of -“Chats on Old Jewellery and Trinkets.” Fully Illustrated. - - Demy 8vo, cloth, 21s. net. - - - - -POETRY THAT THRILLS - -A COLLECTION OF SONGS FROM OVERSEAS THAT THRILL WITH VIVID DESCRIPTIONS -OF THE ADVENTUROUS LIFE IN THE FROZEN NORTH, IN THE OUTPOSTS OF -CIVILIZATION AND OF THE HEROISM OF SOLDIERS IN BATTLE - - -SONGS OF A SOURDOUGH. By ROBERT W. SERVICE. - - Crown 8vo. Cloth, 4/6 net. Fortieth Impression. - Also a Pocket edition. Fcap. 8vo, cloth, 4/6 net. - - “Of the Canadian disciples of Kipling, by far the best is R. W. - Service. His ‘Songs of a Sourdough’ have run through many editions. - Much of his verse has a touch of real originality, conveying as it - does a just impression of the something evil and askew in the strange, - uncouth wilderness of the High North.” - - _The Times._ - - “Mr. Service has got nearer to the heart of the old-time place miner - than any other verse-maker in all the length and height of the - Dominion.... He certainly sees the Northern Wilderness through the - eyes of the man into whose soul it is entered.” - - _Morning Post._ - - -RHYMES OF A RED-CROSS MAN. By ROBERT W. SERVICE. - - Crown 8vo. Cloth, 4/6 net. Sixth Impression. - Also a Pocket edition. Fcap. 8vo, cloth, 4/6 net. - - “It is the great merit of Mr. Service’s verses that they are literally - alive with the stress and joy and agony and hardship that make up life - out in the battle zone. He has never written better than in this book, - and that is saying a great deal.” - - _Bookman._ - - “Mr. Service has painted for us the unutterable tragedy of the war, - the horror, the waste, and the suffering, but side by side with that - he has set the heroism, the endurance, the unfailing cheerfulness and - the unquenchable laughter.” - - _Scots Pictorial._ - - -BALLADS OF A CHEECHAKO. By Robert W. Service. - - Crown 8vo. Cloth, 4/6 net. Fourteenth Impression. - Also a Pocket edition. Fcap. 8vo, Cloth, 4/6 net. - - “It is to men like Mr. Service that we must look for really original - verse nowadays; to the men on the frontiers of the world. ‘Ballads of - a Cheechako’ is magnificent.” - - _Oxford Magazine._ - - “All are interesting, arresting, and worth reading in their own - setting for their own sakes. They are full of life and fire and - muscularity, like the strenuous and devil-may-care fight of a life - they describe.” - - _Standard._ - - -RHYMES OF A ROLLING STONE. By ROBERT W. SERVICE. - - Crown 8vo. Cloth, 4/6 net. Fifteenth Impression. - Also a Pocket edition. Fcap. 8vo, Cloth, 4/6 net. - - “There is real rollicking fun in some of the rhymed stories, and - some sound philosophy in the shorter serious poems which shows that - Mr. Service is as many steps above the ordinary lesser poets in his - thought as he is in his accomplishments.” - - _Academy._ - - “Mr. Robert Service is, we suppose, one of the most popular - verse-writers in the world. His swinging measures, his robust ballads - of the outposts, his joy of living have fairly caught the ear of his - countrymen.” - - _Spectator._ - - -THE SPELL OF THE TROPICS. By RANDOLPH H. ATKIN. - - Cloth, 4/6 net. Second Impression. - -The poems are striking pen-pictures of life as it is lived by those -men of the English-speaking races whose lot is cast in the sun-bathed -countries of Latin-America. Mr. Atkin’s verses will reach the hearts -of all who feel the call of the wanderlust, and, having shared their -pleasures and hardships, his poems will vividly recall to “old-timers” -bygone memories of days spent in the Land of the Coconut Tree. - - -THE SONG OF TIADATHA. By OWEN RUTTER. - - Cloth, 4/6 net. Third Impression. - -Composed on the familiar metre of “Hiawatha,” “The Song of Tiadatha” -(Tired Arthur), an extravaganza written in the highest spirits, -nevertheless is an epic of the war. It typifies what innumerable -soldiers have seen and done and the manner in which they took it. - - “This song of Tiadatha is nothing less than a little English epic of - the war.” - - _The Morning Post._ - - “Every Army officer and ex-officer will hail Tiadatha as a brother. - ‘The Song of Tiadatha’ is one of the happiest skits born of the war.” - - _Evening Standard._ - - -SONGS OUT OF EXILE: Being Verses of African Sunshine and Shadow and -Black Man’s Twilight. By CULLEN GOULDSBURY. - - Cloth, 4/6 net. Fourth Impression. - - “The ‘Rhodesian Rhymes’ won for their author the journalistic title of - ‘The Kipling of South Africa,’ and indeed his work is full of crisp - vigour, fire and colour. It is brutal in parts; but its brutality is - strong and realistic. Mr. Gouldsbury has spent many years in Rhodesia, - and its life, black and white, is thoroughly familiar to him.... Mr. - Gouldsbury is undoubtedly a writer to be reckoned with. His verse is - informed by knowledge of wild life in open places and a measure of - genuine feeling which make it real poetry.”--_Standard._ - - -FROM THE OUTPOSTS. By CULLEN GOULDSBURY. - - Cloth, 4/6 net. Third Impression. - - “Mr. Cullen Gouldsbury’s collections of his verses are always welcome, - and the last, ‘From the Outposts’ is as good as its predecessor. No - one has quite Mr. Gouldsbury’s experience and gift.” - - _Spectator._ - - “It has been well said that Mr. Gouldsbury has done for the white man - in Africa what Adam Lindsay Gordon in a measure accomplished for the - Commonwealth and Kipling triumphantly for the British race, and he - certainly is good to read.” - - _Field._ - - -THE HELL-GATE OF SOISSONS and other Poems. (“The Song of the Guns.”) By -HERBERT KAUFMAN. - - Cloth, 4/6 net. Fifth Impression. - - “A singular gift for expressing in verse the facts, the heroism, even - the humours of war; and in some cases voices its ideals with real - eloquence.” - - _The Times._ - - “Mr. Kaufman has undoubtedly given us a book worthy of the great hour - that has brought it forth. He is a poet with a martial spirit and a - deep, manly voice.” - - _Daily Mail._ - - -LYRA NIGERIA. By ADAMU. (E. C. ADAMS). - - Cloth, 4/6 net. Second Impression. - - “Mr. E. C. Adams (Adamu) is a singer of Nigeria, and it can safely - be said he has few, if any, rivals. There is something in these - illustrations of Nigerian life akin to the style of Kipling and - Service. The heart of the wanderer and adventurer is revealed, and in - particular that spirit of longing which comes to all ... who have gone - out to the far-lands of the world.” - - _Dundee Advertiser._ - - -SUNNY SONGS. Poems. By EDGAR A. GUEST. - - Cloth, 4/6 net. - -In America Mr. Guest is an extraordinarily popular writer of verses, -though this is his first introduction in book form to the British -public. He brims over with sound sense and tonic cheeriness. He -is keenly sensible of the humour of domestic life, but is deeply -sympathetic with the associations which combine in the word “Home.” -Hence he is read by women with amusement and pleasure. During the war -his poem, “Said the Workman to the Soldier,” circulated by the hundred -thousand. Like Béranger and all successful poets, he is essentially -lyrical; that is to say, there is tune and swing in all his verses. - - - - -RICHARD MIDDLETON’S WORKS - - -POEMS AND SONGS (First Series). By RICHARD MIDDLETON. - - Cloth, 5/- net. - - “We have no hesitation in placing the name of Richard Middleton beside - the names of all that galaxy of poets that made the later Victorian - era the most brilliant in poetry that England had known since the - Elizabethan.” - - _Westminster Review._ - - -POEMS AND SONGS (Second Series). By RICHARD MIDDLETON. - - Cloth, 5/- net. - - “Their beauty is undeniable and often of extraordinary delicacy for - Middleton had a mastery of craftmanship such as is usually given to - men of a far wider imaginative experience.” - - _Poetry Review._ - - “Among the ‘Poems and Songs’ of Richard Middleton are to be found some - of the finest of contemporary lyrics.” - - _Country Life._ - - -OTHER WORKS BY RICHARD MIDDLETON - - THE GHOST SHIP AND OTHER STORIES. - MONOLOGUES. - THE DAY BEFORE YESTERDAY. - - -THE WAITING WOMAN and other Poems. By HERBERT KAUFMAN. - - Cloth, 4/6 net. - - “Mr. Kaufman’s work possesses in a high degree the qualities of - sincerity and truth, and it therefore never fails to move the - reader.... This volume, in short, is the work of a genuine poet and - artist.” - - _Aberdeen Free Press._ - - “A versifier of great virility and power.” - - _Review of Reviews._ - - - - -BY W.B. YEATS AND OTHERS - - -POEMS. By W. B. YEATS. Second edition. Large Crown 8vo, Cloth, 10/6 net. - - Ninth Impression. - - “Love songs, faery themes, moods of meditation, scenes of legendary - wonder ... is it possible that they should become so infinitely - thrilling, touching, haunting in their fresh treatment, as though they - had never been, or poets had never turned to them? In this poet’s - hands they do so become. Mr. Yeats has given us a new thrill of - delight, a new experience of beauty.” - - _Daily Chronicle._ - - -OTHER POEMS BY W. B. YEATS - -COUNTESS CATHLEEN. A Dramatic Poem. - - Paper cover, 2/- net. - -THE LAND OF HEART’S DESIRE. - - Paper cover, 1/6 net. - - -WHY DON’T THEY CHEER? By R. J. C. STEAD. - - Cloth, 4/6 net. - - “Before the war Mr. Stead was known to Canadians as ‘The Poet of the - Prairies.’ He must now be ranked as a ‘Poet of the Empire.’ ... There - is a strength, a beauty, a restrained passion in his war verses which - prove his ability to penetrate into the heart of things such as very - few of our war poets have exhibited.”--_Daily Express._ - - -SWORDS AND FLUTES. By WILLIAM KEAN SEYMOUR. - - Cloth, 4/- net. - - “Among the younger poets Mr. Seymour is distinguished by his delicacy - of technique. ‘Swords and Flutes’ is a book of grave and tender beauty - expressed in lucent thought and jewelled words. ‘The Ambush’ is a - lyric of mastery and fascination, alike in conception and rhythm, - which should be included in any representative anthology of Georgian - poetry.” - - _Daily Express._ - - - - -THE MERMAID SERIES - - -THE BEST PLAYS OF THE OLD DRAMATISTS - -Literal Reproductions of the Old Text. With Photogravure Frontispieces. -Thin Paper edition. School Edition, Boards, 3/-net; Cloth, 5/-net; -Leather, 7/6 net each volume. - - Marlowe. THE BEST PLAYS OF CHRISTOPHER MARLOWE. Edited, with Critical - Memoir and Notes, by Havelock Ellis; and containing a General - Introduction to the Series by John Addington Symonds. - - Otway. THE BEST PLAYS OF THOMAS OTWAY. Introduction and Notes by the - Hon. Roden Noel. - - Ford. THE BEST PLAYS OF JOHN FORD. Edited by Havelock Ellis. - - Massinger. THE BEST PLAYS OF PHILLIP MASSINGER. With Critical and - Biographical Essay and Notes by Arthur Symons. - - Heywood (T.). THE BEST PLAYS OF THOMAS HEYWOOD. Edited by A. W. - Verity. With Introduction by J. A. Symonds. - - Wycherley. THE COMPLETE PLAYS OF WILLIAM WYCHERLEY. Edited, with - Introduction and Notes, by W. C. Ward. - - NERO AND OTHER PLAYS. Edited by H. P. Horne, Arthur Symons, A. W. - Verity and H. Ellis. - - Beaumont. THE BEST PLAYS OF BEAUMONT AND FLETCHER. Introduction and - Notes by J. St. Loe Strachey. 2 vols. - - Congreve. THE COMPLETE PLAYS OF WILLIAM CONGREVE. Edited by Alex. C. - Ewald. - - Symonds (J. A.). THE BEST PLAYS OF WEBSTER AND TOURNEUR. With an - Introduction and Notes by John Addington Symonds. - - Middleton (T.). THE BEST PLAYS OF THOMAS MIDDLETON. With an - Introduction by Algernon Charles Swinburne. 2 vols. - - Shirley. THE BEST PLAYS OF JAMES SHIRLEY. With Introduction by Edmund - Gosse. - - Dekker. THE BEST PLAYS OF THOMAS DEKKER. Notes by Ernest Rhys. - - Steele (R.). THE COMPLETE PLAYS OF RICHARD STEELE. Edited, with - Introduction and Notes, by G. A. Aitken. - - Jonson. THE BEST PLAYS OF BEN JONSON. Edited, with Introduction and - Notes, by Brinsley Nicholson and C. H. Herford. 2 vols. - - Chapman. THE BEST PLAYS OF GEORGE CHAPMAN. Edited by William Lyon - Phelps. - - Vanbrugh. THE SELECT PLAYS OF SIR JOHN VANBRUGH. Edited, with an - Introduction and Notes, by A. E. H. Swain. - - Shadwell. THE BEST PLAYS OF THOMAS SHADWELL. Edited by George - Saintsbury. - - Dryden. THE BEST PLAYS OF JOHN DRYDEN. Edited by George Saintsbury. 2 - vols. - - Farquhar. THE BEST PLAYS OF GEORGE FARQUHAR. Edited, and with an - Introduction, by William Archer. - - Greene. THE COMPLETE PLAYS OF ROBERT GREENE. Edited, with Introduction - and Notes, by Thomas H. Dickinson. - - - - -THE ADVANCE OF SOUTH AMERICA - -A FEW NOTES ON SOME INTERESTING BOOKS DEALING WITH THE PAST HISTORY, -PRESENT AND FUTURE POSSIBILITIES OF THE GREAT CONTINENT - - -When in 1906 Mr. Fisher Unwin commissioned the late Major Martin -Hume to prepare a series of volumes by experts on the South American -Republics, but little interest had been taken in the country as a -possible field for commercial development. The chief reasons for this -were ignorance as to the trade conditions and the varied resources -of the country, and the general unrest and instability of most of -the governments. With the coming of the South American Series of -handbooks the financial world began to realize the importance of the -country, and, with more settled conditions, began in earnest to develop -the remarkable natural resources which awaited outside enterprise. -Undoubtedly the most informative books on the various Republics are -those included in THE SOUTH AMERICAN SERIES, each of which is the work -of a recognized authority on his subject. - - “The output of books upon Latin America has in recent years been very - large, a proof doubtless of the increasing interest that is felt - in the subject. Of these the ‘South American Series’ is the most - noteworthy.” - - _The Times._ - - “When the ‘South American Series’ is completed, those who take - interest in Latin-American affairs will have an invaluable - encyclopædia at their disposal.” - - _Westminster Gazette._ - - “Mr. Unwin’s ‘South American Series’ of books are of special interest - and value to the capitalist and trader.”--_Chamber of Commerce - Journal._ - -Full particulars of the volumes in the “South American Series,” also of -other interesting books on South America, will be found in the pages -following. - - -THE SOUTH AMERICAN SERIES - - -1 =Chile.= By G. F. SCOTT ELLIOTT, M.A., F.R.G.S. With an Introduction -by MARTIN HUME, a Map and 39 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 21/- net. Sixth Impression. - - “An exhaustive, interesting account, not only of the turbulent history - of this country, but of the present conditions and seeming prospects.” - - _Westminster Gazette._ - - -2 =Peru.= By C. REGINALD ENOCK, F.R.G.S. With an Introduction by MARTIN -HUME, a Map and 64 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 18/- net. Fifth Impression. - - “An important work.... The writer possesses a quick eye and a keen - intelligence; is many-sided in his interests, and on certain subjects - speaks as an expert. The volume deals fully with the development of - the country.” - - _The Times._ - - -3 =Mexico.= By C. REGINALD ENOCK, F.R.G.S. With an Introduction by -MARTIN HUME, a Map and 64 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 15/- net. Fifth Impression. - - “The book is most comprehensive; the history, politics, topography, - industries, resources and possibilities being most ably discussed.” - - _The Financial News._ - - -4 =Argentina.= By W. A. HIRST. With an Introduction by MARTIN HUME, a -Map and 64 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 15/-net. Fifth Impression. - - “The best and most comprehensive of recent works on the greatest and - most progressive of the Republics of South America.” - - _Manchester Guardian._ - - -5 =Brazil.= By PIERRE DENIS. Translated, and with an Historical Chapter -by BERNARD MIALL. With a Supplementary Chapter by DAWSON A. VINDIN, a -Map and 36 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 15/- net. Fourth Impression. - - “Altogether the book is full of information, which shows the author to - have made a most careful study of the country.”--_Westminster Gazette._ - - -6 =Uruguay.= By W. H. KOEBEL. With a Map and 55 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 15/-net. Third Impression. - - “Mr. Koebel has given us an expert’s diagnosis of the present - condition of Uruguay. Glossing over nothing, exaggerating nothing, he - has prepared a document of the deepest interest.” - - _Evening Standard._ - - -7 =Guiana.= British, French and Dutch. By JAMES RODWAY. With a Map and -32 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 15/- net. Second Impression. - - “Mr. Rodway’s work is a storehouse of information, historical, - economical and sociological.” - - _The Times._ - - -8 =Venezuela.= By LEONARD V. DALTON, F.G.S., F.R.G.S. With a Map and 45 -Illustrations. - - Cloth, 15/- net. Third Impression. - - “An exhaustive and valuable survey of its geography, geology, history, - botany, zoology and anthropology, and of its commercial possibilities - in the near future.” - - _Manchester Guardian._ - - -9 =Latin America:= Its Rise and Progress. By F. GARCIA-CALDERON. With a -Preface by RAYMOND POINCARÉ, President of the French Republic. With a -Map and 34 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 15/-net. Sixth Impression. - -President Poincaré, in a striking preface to this book, says: “Here is -a book that should be read and digested by every one interested in the -future of the Latin genius.” - - -10 =Colombia=. By PHANOR JAMES EDER, A.B., LL.B. With 2 Maps and 40 -Illustrations. - - Cloth, 15/- net. Fifth Impression. - - “Mr. Eder’s valuable work should do much to encourage investment, - travel and trade in one of the least-known and most promising of the - countries of the New World.” - - _Manchester Guardian._ - - -11 =Ecuador.= By C. REGINALD ENOCK, F.R.G.S. With 2 Maps and 37 -Illustrations. - - Cloth, 15/- net. Second Impression. - - “Mr. Enock’s very thorough and exhaustive volume should help British - investors to take their part in promoting its development. He has - studied and described the country in all its aspects.” - - _Manchester Guardian._ - - -12 =Bolivia.= By PAUL WALLE. With 4 Maps and 59 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 18/- net. Second Impression. - -Bolivia is a veritable El Dorado, requiring only capital and enterprise -to become one of the wealthiest States of America. This volume is the -result of a careful investigation made on behalf of the French Ministry -of Commerce. - - -13 =Paraguay.= By W. H. KOEBEL. With a Map and 32 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 15/- net. Second Impression. - - “Gives a great deal of serious and useful information about the - possibilities of the country for the emigrant, the investor and - the tourist, concurrently with a vivid and literary account of its - history.” - - _Economist._ - -14 =Central America=: Guatemala, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Honduras, -Panama and Salvador. By W. H. KOEBEL. With a Map and 25 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 15/- net. Second Impression. - - “We strongly recommend this volume, not only to merchants looking - ahead for new openings for trade, but also to all who wish for an - accurate and interesting account of an almost unknown world.” - - _Saturday Review._ - - - - -_OTHER BOOKS ON SOUTH AMERICA_ - - -=Spanish America:= Its Romance, Reality and Future. By C. R. ENOCK, -Author of “The Andes and the Amazon,” “Peru,” “Mexico,” “Ecuador.” -Illustrated and with a Map. 2 vols. - - Cloth, 30/- net the set. - -Starting with the various States of Central America, Mr. Enock then -describes ancient and modern Mexico, then takes the reader successively -along the Pacific Coast, the Cordillera of the Andes, enters the land -of the Spanish Main, conducts the reader along the Amazon Valley, gives -a special chapter to Brazil and another to the River Plate and Pampas. -Thus all the States of Central and South America are covered. The work -is topographical, descriptive and historical; it describes the people -and the cities, the flora and fauna, the varied resources of South -America, its trade, railways, its characteristics generally. - - -=South America:= An Industrial and Commercial Field. By W. H. KOEBEL. -Illustrated. - - Cloth, 18/- net. Second Impression. - - “The book considers such questions as South American commerce, - British interests in the various Republics, international relations - and trade, communications, the tendency of enterprise, industries, - etc. Two chapters devoted to the needs of the continent will be of - especial interest to manufacturers and merchants, giving as they do - valuable hints as to the various goods required, while the chapter on - merchandise and commercial travellers affords some sound and practical - advice.” - - _Chamber of Commerce Journal._ - - -=Vagabonding down the Andes.= By HARRY A. FRANCK, author of “A Vagabond -Journey Round the World,” etc. With a Map and 176 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 25/- net. Second Impression. - - “The book is a brilliant record of adventurous travel among strange - scenes and with even more strange companions, and vividly illustrates, - by its graphic text and its admirable photographs, the real conditions - of life in the backwood regions of South America.” - - _Manchester Guardian._ - - “Mr. Franck is to be congratulated on having produced a readable and - even fascinating book. His journey lay over countries in which an - increasing interest is being felt. Practically speaking, he may be - said to have started from Panama, wandered through Colombia, spending - some time at Bogota, and then going on to Ecuador, of which Quito is - the centre. Next he traversed the fascinating country of the Incas, - from the borders of which he entered Bolivia, going right across that - country till he approached Brazil. He passed through Paraguay, cut - through a corner of the Argentine to Uruguay, and so to the River - Plata and the now well-known town of Buenos Ayres.” - - _Country Life._ - - -=In the Wilds of South America:= Six Years of Exploration in Colombia, -Venezuela, British Guiana, Peru, Bolivia, Argentina, Paraguay and -Brazil. By LEO E. MILLER, of the American Museum of Natural History. -With 48 Full-page Illustrations and with Maps. Cloth, 21/-net. - -This volume represents a series of almost continuous explorations -hardly ever paralleled in the huge areas traversed. The author is a -distinguished field naturalist--one of those who accompanied Colonel -Roosevelt on his famous South American expedition--and his first object -in his wanderings over 150,000 miles of territory was the observation -of wild life; but hardly second was that of exploration. The result is -a wonderfully informative, impressive and often thrilling narrative -in which savage peoples and all but unknown animals largely figure, -which forms an infinitely readable book and one of rare value for -geographers, naturalists and other scientific men. - - -=The Putumayo: The Devil’s Paradise.= Travels in the Peruvian Amazon -Region and an Account of the Atrocities committed upon the Indians -therein. By E. W. HARDENBURG, C.E. Edited and with an Introduction by -C. REGINALD ENOCK, F.R.G.S. With a Map and 16 Illustrations. - - Demy 8vo, Cloth, 10/6 net. Second Impression. - - “The author gives us one of the most terrible pages in the history of - trade.” - - _Daily Chronicle._ - - -=Tramping through Mexico, Guatemala and Honduras.= By HARRY A. FRANCK. -With a Map and 88 Illustrations. - - Cloth, 7/6 net. - - “Mr. Harry Franck is a renowned vagabond with a gift for vivid - description.... His record is well illustrated and he tells his story - in an attractive manner, his descriptions of scenery being so well - done that one feels almost inclined to risk one’s life in a wild race - dwelling in a land of lurid beauty.” - - _Liverpool Mercury._ - - “Mr. Franck has combined with an enthralling and amusing personal - narrative a very vivid and searching picture, topographical and - social, of a region of much political and economic interest.” - - _Glasgow Herald._ - - -=Mexico= (STORY OF THE NATIONS). By SUSAN HALE. With Maps and 47 Illus. - - Cloth, 7/6 net. Third Impression. - - “This is an attractive book. There is a fascination about Mexico which - is all but irresistible.... The authoress writes with considerable - descriptive power, and all through the stirring narrative never - permits us to lose sight of natural surroundings.” - - _Dublin Review._ - - -=Things as they are in Panama.= By HARRY A. FRANCK. With 50 -Illustrations. - - Cloth, 7/6 net. - - “Mr. Franck writes from personal knowledge, fortified by the aptitude - of a practical and shrewd observer with a sense of humour, and the - result is a word-picture of unusual vividness.” - - _Standard._ - - “A sparkling narrative which leaves one wondering again why the - general reader favours modern fiction so much when it is possible to - get such vivacious yarns as this about strange men and their ways in a - romantic corner of the tropics.” - - _Daily Mail._ - - -=The Spell of the Tropics.= POEMS. By RANDOLPH H. ATKIN. - - Cloth, 4/6 net. Second Impression. - -The author has travelled extensively in Central and South America, -and has strongly felt the spell of those tropic lands, with all their -splendour and romance, and yet about which so little is known. The -poems are striking pen-pictures of life as it is lived by those men -of the English-speaking races whose lot is cast in the sun-bathed -countries of Latin-America. Mr. Atkin’s verses will reach the hearts -of all who feel the call of the wanderlust, and, having shared their -pleasures and hardships, his poems will vividly recall to “old-timers” -bygone memories of days spent in the land of the Coconut Tree. - - -=Baedeker Guide to the United States.= With Excursions to Mexico, Cuba, -Porto Rico and Alaska. With 33 Maps and 48 Plans. - - Fourth Edition, 1909. Cloth, 20/- net. - - -_IMPORTANT._ Travellers to the Republics of South America will find -WESSELY’S ENGLISH-SPANISH and SPANISH-ENGLISH DICTIONARY and WESSELY’S -LATIN-ENGLISH and ENGLISH-LATIN DICTIONARY invaluable books. Bound in -cloth, pocket size. - - Price 4/- net each. - -Ask for Wessely’s Edition, published by Mr. T. Fisher Unwin. - - - - -THE STORY OF THE NATIONS - -THE GREATEST HISTORICAL LIBRARY IN THE WORLD :::: 67 VOLUMES - - -Each volume of “The Story of the Nations” Series is the work of a -recognized scholar, chosen for his knowledge of the subject and ability -to present history in an attractive form, for the student and the -general reader. The Illustrations and Maps are an attractive feature of -the volume, which are strongly bound for constant use. - - _67 Volumes._ _Cloth, 7s. 6d. net each._ - - “It is many years since Messrs. T. Fisher Unwin commenced the - publication of a series of volumes now entitled ‘The Story of the - Nations.’ Each volume is written by an acknowledged authority on the - country with which it deals. The series has enjoyed great popularity, - and not an uncommon experience being the necessity for a second, - third, and even fourth impression of particular volumes.” - - _Scotsman._ - - “Probably no publisher has issued a more informative and valuable - series of works than those included in ‘The Story of the Nations.’” - - _To-Day._ - - “The series is likely to be found indispensable in every school - library.” - - _Pall Mall Gazette._ - - “An admirable series.” - - _Spectator._ - - “Such a universal history as the series will present us with in its - completion will be a possession such as no country but our own can - boast of. Its success on the whole has been very remarkable.” - - _Daily Chronicle._ - - “There is perhaps no surer sign of the increased interest that is - now being taken in historical matters than the favourable reception - which we believe both here and in America is being accorded to the - various volumes of ‘The Story of the Nations’ as they issue in quick - succession from the press. More than one volume has reached its third - edition in England alone.... Each volume is written by one of the - foremost English authorities on the subject with which it deals.... - It is almost impossible to over-estimate the value of the series - of carefully prepared volumes, such as are the majority of those - comprising this library.... The illustrations make one of the most - attractive features of the series.” - - _Guardian._ - - - - -A NEW VOLUME IN “THE STORY OF THE NATIONS” - -NOW READY - -BELGIUM - -FROM THE ROMAN INVASION TO THE PRESENT DAY - -By EMILE CAMMAERTS. With Maps and Illustrations. Large Crown 8vo. -Cloth, 12/6 net. - - -A complete history of the Belgian nation from its origins to its -present situation has not yet been published in this country. Up -till now Belgian history has only been treated as a side issue in -works concerned with the Belgian art, Belgian literature or social -conditions. Besides, there has been some doubt with regard to the -date at which such a history ought to begin, and a good many writers -have limited themselves to the modern history of Belgium because they -did not see in olden times sufficient evidence of Belgian unity. -According to the modern school of Belgian historians, however, this -unity, founded on common traditions and common interests, has asserted -itself again and again through the various periods of history in spite -of invasion, foreign domination and the various trials experienced -by the country. The history of the Belgian nation appears to the -modern mind as a slow development of one nationality constituted by -two races speaking two different languages but bound together by -geographical, economic and cultural conditions. In view of the recent -proof Belgium has given of her patriotism during the world-war, this -impartial enquiry into her origins may prove interesting to British -readers. Every opportunity has been taken to insist on the frequent -relationships between the Belgian provinces and Great Britain from -the early middle ages to the present time, and to show the way in -which both countries were affected by them. Written by one of the most -distinguished Belgian writers, who has made a specialty of his subject, -this work will be one of the most brilliant and informing contributions -in “The Story of the Nations.” - - - - -A COMPLETE LIST OF THE VOLUMES IN “THE STORY OF THE NATIONS” SERIES. -THE FIRST AND MOST COMPLETE LIBRARY OF THE WORLD’S HISTORY PRESENTED IN -A POPULAR FORM - - -1 =Rome:= From the Earliest Times to the End of the Republic. By ARTHUR -GILMAN, M.A. Third Edition. - - With 43 Illustrations and Maps. - - -2 =The Jews:= In Ancient, Mediæval and Modern Times. By Professor JAMES -K. HOSMER. Eighth Impression. - - With 37 Illustrations and Maps. - - -3 =Germany.= By S. BARING-GOULD, M.A. Seventh Impression. - - With 108 Illustrations and Maps. - - -4 =Carthage: or the Empire of Africa.= By Professor ALFRED J. CHURCH, -M.A. With the Collaboration of Arthur Gilman, M.A. - - Ninth Impression. With 43 Illustrations and Maps. - - -5 =Alexander’s Empire.= By JOHN PENTLAND MAHAFFY, D.D. With the -Collaboration of Arthur Gilman, M.A. - - Eighth Impression. With 43 Illustrations and Maps. - - -6 =The Moors in Spain.= By STANLEY LANE-POOLE. With the Collaboration -of Arthur Gilman, M.A. - - Eighth Edition. With 29 Illustrations and Maps. - - -7 =Ancient Egypt.= By Professor GEORGE RAWLINSON, M.A. Tenth Edition. - - Eleventh Impression. With 50 Illustrations and Maps. - - -8 =Hungary.= In Ancient, Mediæval and Modern Times. By Professor -ARMINIUS VAMBÉRY. With Collaboration of Louis Heilpin. - - Seventh Edition. With 47 Illustrations and Maps. - - -9 =The Saracens:= From the Earliest Times to the Fall of Bagdad. By -ARTHUR GILMAN, M.A. - - Fourth Edition. With 57 Illustrations and Maps. - - -10 =Ireland.= By the Hon. EMILY LAWLESS. Revised and brought up to date -by J. O’Toole. With some additions by Mrs. Arthur Bronson. - - Eighth Impression. With 58 Illustrations and Maps. - - -11 =Chaldea=: From the Earliest Times to the Rise of Assyria. By -ZÉNAÏDE A. RAGOZIN. - - Seventh Impression. With 80 Illustrations and Maps. - - -12 =The Goths=: From the Earliest Times to the End of the Gothic -Dominion in Spain. By HENRY BRADLEY. - - Fifth Edition. With 35 Illustrations and Maps. - - -13 =Assyria=: From the Rise of the Empire to the Fall of Nineveh. -(Continued from “Chaldea.”) By ZÉNAÏDE A. RAGOZIN. - - Seventh Impression. With 81 Illustrations and Maps. - - -14 =Turkey.= By STANLEY LANE-POOLE, assisted by C. J. W. Gibb and -Arthur Gilman. - - New Edition. With a new Chapter on recent events (1908). - With 43 Illustrations and Maps. - - -15 =Holland.= By Professor J. E. THOROLD ROGERS. - - Fifth Edition. With 57 Illustrations and Maps. - - -16 =Mediæval France:= From the Reign of Huguar Capet to the beginning -of the 16th Century. By GUSTAVE MASSON, B.A. - - Sixth Edition. With 48 Illustrations and Maps. - - -17 =Persia.= By S. G. W. BENJAMIN. - - Fourth Edition. With 56 Illustrations and Maps. - - -18 =Phœnicia.= By Professor GEORGE RAWLINSON, M.A. - - Third Edition. With 47 Illustrations and Maps. - - -19 =Media, Babylon, and Persia=: From the Fall of Nineveh to the -Persian War. By ZÉNAÏDE A. RAGOZIN. - - Fourth Edition. With 17 Illustrations and Maps. - - -20 =The Hansa Towns.= By HELEN ZIMMERN. - - Third Edition. With 51 Illustrations and Maps. - - -21 =Early Britain.= By Professor ALFRED J. CHURCH, M.A. - - Sixth Impression. With 57 Illustrations and Maps. - - -22 =The Barbary Corsairs.= By STANLEY LANE-POOLE. With additions by J. -D. KELLY. - - Fourth Edition. With 39 Illustrations and Maps. - - -23 =Russia.= By W. R. MORFILL, M.A. - - Fourth Edition. With 60 Illustrations and Maps. - - -24 =The Jews under Roman Rule.= By W. D. MORRISON. - - Second Impression. With 61 Illustrations and Maps. - - -25 =Scotland:= From the Earliest Times to the Present Day. By JOHN -MACKINTOSH, LL.D. - - Fifth Impression. With 60 Illustrations and Maps. - - -26 =Switzerland.= By LINA HUG and R. STEAD. - - Third Impression. With over 54 Illustrations, Maps, etc. - - -27 =Mexico.= By SUSAN HALE. - - Third Impression. With 47 Illustrations and Maps. - - -28 =Portugal.= By H. MORSE STEPHENS, M.A. New Edition. With a new -Chapter by Major M. HUME and 5 new Illustrations. - - Third Impression. With 44 Illustrations and Maps. - - -29 =The Normans.= Told chiefly in Relation to their Conquest of -England. By SARAH ORNE JEWETT. - - Third Impression. With 35 Illustrations and Maps. - - -30 =The Byzantine Empire.= By C. W. C. OMAN, M.A. - - Third Edition. With 44 Illustrations and Maps. - - -31 =Sicily:= Phœnician, Greek, and Roman. By Professor E. A. FREEMAN. - - Third Edition. With 45 Illustrations. - - -32 =The Tuscan Republics= (Florence, Siena, Pisa, Lucca) =with Genoa.= -By BELLA DUFFY. - - With 40 Illustrations and Maps. - - -33 =Poland.= By W. R. MORFILL. - - Third Impression. With 50 Illustrations and Maps. - - -34 =Parthia.= By Professor GEORGE RAWLINSON. - - Third Impression. With 48 Illustrations and Maps. - - -35 =The Australian Commonwealth.= (New South Wales, Tasmania, Western -Australia, South Australia, Victoria, Queensland, New Zealand.) By -GREVILLE TREGARTHEN. - - Fifth Impression. With 36 Illustrations and Maps. - - -36 =Spain.= Being a Summary of Spanish History from the Moorish -Conquest to the Fall of Granada (A.D. 711-1492). By HENRY EDWARD WATTS. - - Third Edition. With 36 Illustrations and Maps. - - -37 =Japan.= By DAVID MURRAY, Ph.D., LL.D. With a new Chapter by JOSEPH -W. LONGFORD. - - 35 Illustrations and Maps. - - -38 =South Africa.= (The Cape Colony, Natal, Orange Free State, South -African Republic, Rhodesia, and all other Territories south of the -Zambesi.) By Dr. GEORGE MCCALL THEAL, D.Litt., LL.D. Revised and -brought up to date. - - Eleventh Impression. With 39 Illustrations and Maps. - - -39 =Venice.= By ALETHEA WIEL. - - Fifth Impression. With 61 Illustrations and a Map. - - -40 =The Crusades:= The Story of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. By T. -A. ARCHER and C. L. KINGSFORD. - - Third Impression. With 58 Illustrations and 3 Maps. - - -41 =Vedic India:= As embodied principally in the Rig-Veda. By ZÉNAÏDE -A. RAGOZIN. - - Third Edition. With 36 Illustrations and Maps. - - -42 =The West Indies and the Spanish Main.= By JAMES RODWAY, F.L.S. - - Third Impression. With 48 Illustrations and Maps. - - -43 =Bohemia:= From the Earliest Times to the Fall of National -Independence in 1620; with a Short Summary of later Events. By C. -EDMUND MAURICE. - - Second Impression. With 41 Illustrations and Maps. - - -44 =The Balkans= (Rumania, Bulgaria, Servia and Montenegro). By W. -MILLER, M.A. New Edition. With a new Chapter containing their History -from 1296 to 1908. - - With 39 Illustrations and Maps. - - -45 =Canada.= By Sir JOHN BOURINOT, C.M.G. With 63 Illustrations and -Maps. Second Edition. With a new Map and revisions, and a supplementary -Chapter by EDWARD PORRITT. - - Third Impression. - - -46 =British India.= By R. W. FRAZER, LL.D. - - Eighth Impression. With 30 Illustrations and Maps. - - -47 =Modern France, 1789-1895.= By ANDRÉ LEBON. With 26 Illustrations -and a Chronological Chart of the Literary, Artistic, and Scientific -Movement in Contemporary France. - - Fourth Impression. - - -48 =The Franks.= From their Origin as a Confederacy to the -Establishment of the Kingdom of France and the German Empire. By LEWIS -SERGEANT. - - Second Edition. With 40 Illustrations and Maps. - - -49 =Austria.= By SIDNEY WHITMAN. With the Collaboration of J. R. -MCILRAITH. - - Third Edition. With 35 Illustrations and a Map. - - -50 =Modern England before the Reform Bill.= By JUSTIN MCCARTHY. - - With 31 Illustrations. - - -51 =China.= By Professor R. K. DOUGLAS. Fourth Edition. With a new -Preface. 51 Illustrations and a Map. Revised and brought up to date by -IAN C. HANNAH. - - -52 =Modern England under Queen Victoria=: From the Reform Bill to the -Present Time. By JUSTIN MCCARTHY. - - Second Edition. With 46 Illustrations. - - -53 =Modern Spain, 1878-1898.= By MARTIN A. S. HUME. - - Second Impression. With 37 Illustrations and a Map. - - -54 =Modern Italy, 1748-1898.= By PROFESSOR PIETRO ORSI. - - With over 40 Illustrations and Maps. - - -55 =Norway=: From the Earliest Times. By Professor HJALMAR H. BOYESEN. -With a Chapter by C. F. KEARY. - - With 77 Illustrations and Maps. - - -56 =Wales.= By OWEN EDWARDS. - - With 47 Illustrations and 7 Maps. Fifth Impression. - - -57 =Mediæval Rome:= From Hildebrand to Clement VIII, 1073-1535. By -WILLIAM MILLER. - - - With 35 Illustrations. - - -58 =The Papal Monarchy:= From Gregory the Great to Boniface VIII. By -WILLIAM BARRY, D.D. Second Impression. - - With 61 Illustrations and Maps. - - -59 =Mediæval India under Mohammedan Rule.= By STANLEY LANE-POOLE. - - With 59 Illustrations. Twelfth Impression. - - -60 =Parliamentary England:= The Evolution of the Cabinet System, -1660-1832. By EDWARD JENKS. - - With 47 Illustrations. - - -61 =Buddhist India.= By T. W. RHYS DAVIDS. - - Fourth Impression. With 57 Illustrations and Maps. - - -62 =Mediæval England, 1066-1350.= By MARY BATESON. - - With 93 Illustrations. - - -63 =The Coming of Parliament.= (England, 1350-1660.) By L. CECIL JANE. - - With 51 Illustrations and a Map. - - -64 =The Story of Greece:= From the Earliest Times to A.D. 14. By E. S. -SHUCKBURGH. - - With 2 Maps and about 70 Illustrations. - - -65 =The Story of the Roman Empire.= (29 B.C. to A.D. 476.) By H. STUART -JONES. - - Third Impression. With a Map and 52 Illustrations. - - -66 =Sweden and Denmark.= With Chapters on Finland and Iceland. By JON -STEFANSSON. - - With Maps and 40 Illustrations. - - -67 =Belgium.= By EMILE CAMMAERTS. - - 12s. 6d. - - -_IMPORTANT.--ASK YOUR BOOKSELLER TO LET YOU EXAMINE A SPECIMEN VOLUME -OF “THE STORY OF THE NATIONS” SERIES_ - - - T. FISHER UNWIN Ltd., 1 Adelphi - Terrace, London, W.C.2 - And of all Booksellers throughout the World - - - - - * * * * * - -Transcriber’s Notes - -Inconsistencies in hyphenation have been retained. Original -capitalization and spelling has been retained except in the cases of -the following apparent typographical errors: - -Page 23, “ANTROPOLOGICAL” changed to “ANTHROPOLOGICAL.” -(ANTHROPOLOGICAL MAP OF FORMOSA) - -Page 95, “Filippinos” changed to “Filipinos.” (resemblance between -Filipinos and) - -Page 140, “prietesses” changed to “priestesses.” (elderly women are -priestesses) - -Page 253, under Russia heading, “Mapz” changed to “Maps.” (With 60 -Illustrations and Maps.) - -Page 46, “outcaste” changed to “outcast.” (the outcast class of China) - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Among the Head-Hunters of Formosa, by -Janet B. 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